Dalit Politician
A. Raja
Andimuthu Raja (born Andimuthu Sathyaseelan; October 26, 1963) is a prominent Indian politician from Tamil Nadu, serving as the Deputy General Secretary of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha) for the Nilgiris constituency. A key figure in Tamil Nadu's Dravidian politics, Raja has been elected to Parliament six times (1996–2009 from Perambalur, 2019–2024 from Nilgiris) and held several Union ministerial roles under both the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governments. Known for his advocacy of social justice, rationalism, and Dalit rights, Raja's career has been marked by rapid rises, high-profile controversies—most notably the 2G spectrum scam—and steadfast loyalty to DMK patriarch M. Karunanidhi. Despite legal battles and public scrutiny, he remains a polarizing yet influential leader in the DMK, often invoking Periyar E. V. Ramasamy, B. R. Ambedkar, and Karl Marx in his speeches.
As of October 2025, Raja continues to represent Nilgiris in the 18th Lok Sabha, focusing on regional autonomy, anti-caste rhetoric, and party organizational work under DMK President M. K. Stalin.
Personal Details
- Full Name: Andimuthu Raja (originally Andimuthu Sathyaseelan)
- Date of Birth: October 26, 1963 (age 62 as of October 26, 2025)
- Place of Birth: Andimadam, Perambalur District, Tamil Nadu, India
- Nationality: Indian
- Ethnicity/Community: Tamil Dalit (Scheduled Caste, specifically Paraiyar sub-caste)
- Family:
- Parents: Father – S. K. Aandimuthu (returned from Sri Lanka tea estates in 1961); Mother – Chinnapillai Ammal
- Spouse: M. A. Parameswari (married 1996; died May 29, 2021, from cancer at age 57)
- Children: One daughter, Mayuri Raja
- Education:
- B.Sc. in Mathematics from Government Arts College, Musiri
- LL.B. from Government Law College, Madurai
- Master's in Law from Government Law College, Tiruchirappalli
- Profession: Advocate (practiced law before entering politics full-time)
- Residence: 21, Lodhi Estate, New Delhi
- Languages Known: Tamil, English
- Religion/Ideology: Atheist and rationalist, influenced by Dravidian ideology (Periyar, Ambedkar, Marx); publicly critiques caste and religious orthodoxy
- Hobbies/Interests: Reading political philosophy, public speaking on social justice; known for articulate oratory in Tamil
Early Life and Entry into Politics
Raja was born into a modest Dalit family in rural Perambalur, Tamil Nadu. His grandparents, from the Scheduled Caste community, migrated to Sri Lanka in the 1940s to work on tea estates and returned to India in the 1950s amid post-colonial shifts. Exposed to poverty and discrimination, Raja was introduced to Periyar's Dravidar Kazhagam during high school, embracing its anti-caste, rationalist principles. This ideological foundation shaped his worldview, blending Dravidian populism with Marxist and Ambedkarite ideas.
After completing his education, Raja practiced law in Tamil Nadu. His political entry came in his final undergraduate year when he joined the DMK's student wing. Rising swiftly, he caught the eye of party leaders like S. Siva Subramaniam and K. N. Nehru. In 1996, amid internal DMK turmoil (expulsion of Vaiko), Raja was fielded as the candidate for Perambalur Lok Sabha seat. He won decisively, defeating Congress's P. V. Subramanian with 59.19% of votes, marking the start of his parliamentary career at age 33.
Political Career
Raja's trajectory reflects DMK's alliance politics, from NDA support in the late 1990s to UPA coalitions in the 2000s. His loyalty to Karunanidhi earned him plum portfolios, though controversies often overshadowed achievements. He has won six Lok Sabha elections, showcasing strong rural and Dalit voter bases.
- Key Positions:
- Minister of State for Rural Development (1999–2002): Under NDA's Atal Bihari Vajpayee; focused on poverty alleviation programs.
- Minister of State for Health and Family Welfare (2002–2004): Praised by Vajpayee for "good work"; handled family welfare schemes.
- Minister of Environment and Forests (2004–2007): Under UPA's Manmohan Singh; approved clearances for major projects, later scrutinized.
- Minister of Communications and Information Technology (2007–2010): Succeeded Dayanidhi Maran amid DMK family feuds; oversaw telecom expansions but faced 2G allegations.
- Deputy General Secretary, DMK (2020–present): Organizational role under M. K. Stalin, emphasizing social justice.
Community and Caste Background
Raja belongs to the Paraiyar caste, a Scheduled Caste (Dalit) community historically marginalized and associated with occupations like drumming and agricultural labor. His family's migration to Sri Lanka as tea estate workers underscores their socio-economic struggles. As a Dalit leader in the DMK—a party rooted in anti-Brahmin Dravidian ideology—Raja has championed caste equality, often alleging that scandals like 2G targeted him due to his background (a claim echoed by Karunanidhi). In speeches, he critiques the caste system, citing Manusmriti and declaring, "As long as you are a Hindu, you are a shudra." His prominence reflects DMK's strategy to consolidate Dalit votes in Tamil Nadu, where Paraiyars form a significant SC bloc.
Controversies
Raja's career is synonymous with high-stakes scandals, blending political intrigue, legal battles, and inflammatory rhetoric.
- 2G Spectrum Scam (2008–2017): As Telecom Minister, Raja was accused of underpricing 2G licenses, causing ₹1,766 billion (US$21 billion) in losses per CAG. Probes revealed favoritism to firms like Unitech and Swan Telecom. Arrested in 2011, he spent 15 months in Tihar Jail. Leaked Radia tapes implicated him in lobbying. Acquitted in 2017 due to insufficient evidence, but the case tarnished his image. Related: Associate Sadiq Batcha's 2011 death (ruled suicide) amid bribery probes; family-linked real estate firms scrutinized.
- Environment Clearances (2004–2007): As Environment Minister, Raja approved projects for 2G-linked firms; CBI noted his supporters dominated the Expert Appraisal Committee, raising conflict-of-interest charges.
- Separate Tamil Nadu Remarks (July 2022): Warned PM Modi and Amit Shah against "forcing" Tamil Nadu toward separatism via Hindi imposition and autonomy denial, invoking Periyar. DMK distanced itself, with Stalin clarifying it wasn't party policy. Drew BJP/AIADMK ire as anti-national.
- Other: 2007 Dinakaran Poll Violence (linked to DMK family feud); critiques of BJP as "fascist" and casteist.
Personal Life
Raja married Parameswari in 1996; their daughter Mayuri is low-profile. Parameswari's 2021 death from cancer was a personal blow, with Raja maintaining privacy around family. He resides in Delhi but remains rooted in Perambalur. Known for a simple lifestyle despite wealth allegations (net worth ~₹10–15 crore as of 2024, per election affidavits), Raja is an avid reader of Periyar and Ambedkar. His atheism and rationalism make him a vocal critic of religious orthodoxy.
Recent and Upcoming Activities (as of October 2025)
- 2024 Lok Sabha Win: Defeated BJP's L. Murugan in Nilgiris, securing DMK's hold in a tribal-heavy seat.
- Ongoing Role: As Deputy General Secretary, Raja focuses on party cadre training and social justice campaigns. In 2024–2025, he has rallied against NEET (citing caste biases) and Hindi promotion, aligning with DMK's federalism push.
- Public Engagements: Frequent speeches at Dravida Kazhagam events; no major new projects announced, but he supports Stalin's welfare schemes like free bus travel for women.
- Health/Status: Active and healthy; no recent controversies reported post-2022.
Socio-Cultural Context
Raja embodies Tamil Nadu's Dravidian ethos: anti-caste, federalist, and populist. As a Dalit in a party once criticized for upper-caste dominance, he symbolizes inclusion, though insiders note Stalin's "wary respect" due to his provocative style. His 2G acquittal fueled narratives of "Dalit witch-hunt," resonating with marginalized voters. In a polarized India, Raja's rhetoric bridges regional pride and national critique, but risks alienating moderates.
Anusuiya Uikey (born 10 April 1957) is a politician from Bharatiya Janata Party and currently serving as the governor of Chhattisgarh. She was appointed as Governor of Chhattisgarh on 16 July 2019.
Annai Meenambal Sivaraj
The First Scheduled-Caste Woman President of a Political Party in India
Annai Meenambal Sivaraj was a towering Dalit feminist, anti-caste crusader, and one of the most important women leaders in the Dravidian–Ambedkarite movement. She holds the historic distinction of becoming the first woman in India to preside over a political party when she was elected President of the South India Scheduled Castes Federation (SCF) in 1944 — a full 12 years before any woman headed a mainstream political party in the country.
Birth & Early Life – From Tamil Nadu to Rangoon
- Born: 26 December 1904, Kolar Gold Fields (Karnataka), into an Adi Dravida (Dalit) family.
- Parents: V. G. Vasudevapillai (a postal employee) & Meenakshi.
- Because of brutal caste oppression in Tamil Nadu, the family migrated to Rangoon (Yangon), Burma in the 1910s — a common escape route for many educated Dalits at the time.
- Rangoon gave the family relative social freedom and economic stability; Meenambal studied up to Bachelor of Fine Arts (BFA) — an extraordinary achievement for a Dalit woman in the 1920s.
Marriage & Political Entry
- Married N. Sivaraj (1892–1964), a leading Madras Dalit lawyer and close associate of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar.
- N. Sivaraj co-founded the Scheduled Castes Federation in South India and later became the first Dalit President of the Republican Party of India (RPI) after Ambedkar’s death.
- The couple returned to Madras (Chennai) in the late 1930s and plunged into the anti-caste movement.
Historic Political Milestones
| Year | Achievement |
|---|---|
| 1938 | Bestowed the title “Periyar” on E. V. Ramasamy at the Women’s Conference in Madras — the first person to publicly call him Periyar. |
| 1944 | Elected President of the South India Scheduled Castes Federation (Madras Province) — first woman president of any political party in India. |
| 1944–45 | Presided over two historic All-India SCF Women’s Conferences in Madras, personally attended and addressed by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. |
| 1952 | Elected to Madras Legislative Council as SCF candidate. |
| 1957 | Elected to Rajya Sabha (1957–1962) on RPI ticket — one of the first Dalit women MPs. |
| 1960s | Became National Vice-President of the Republican Party of India (RPI). Key Contributions & Ideology |
- Dalit Women’s Mobilisation
- Organised thousands of Depressed Class women under the SCF banner.
- Fought for temple entry, inter-caste marriages, widow remarriage, and education for Dalit girls.
- Anti-Hindi Agitation (1938–39)
- Actively participated in the anti-Hindi protests alongside Periyar and Ambedkar.
- Ambedkar’s Trusted Lieutenant
- Ambedkar stayed at the Sivaraj residence whenever he visited Madras.
- Meenambal arranged massive public receptions and women’s conferences for him in 1944 and 1946.
- Public Service
- Honorary Magistrate of Madras (first Dalit woman to hold judicial powers).
- Member of Madras Corporation.
- Director of the Scheduled Castes Cooperative Bank.
Famous Quotes
- “Until the last untouchable woman is free, India cannot be free.”
- “Give us schools, not sympathy; give us rights, not charity.”
Later Life & Death
- After N. Sivaraj’s death in 1964, she continued political and social work almost till her last breath.
- Remained active in RPI and Buddhist conversion activities.
- Died on 30 November 1992 at the age of 87 in Chennai.
Legacy & Commemoration
- Revered as “Annai” (Mother) by the Tamil Dalit community.
- 30 November is observed as Annai Meenambal Sivaraj Ninaivu Naal (Remembrance Day) by Ambedkarite organisations.
- Statues and community halls named after her in Chennai, Madurai, and Kolar.
- Her life is taught as a symbol of Dalit feminism and intersectional resistance against caste and patriarchy.
Annai Meenambal Sivaraj proved that a woman born into the most oppressed caste could rise to lead a national political movement, inspire Dr. Ambedkar himself, and carve her name in history as the mother of Scheduled Caste politics in South India.
Jai Bhim! Periyarai Vajaththiya Annai Meenambal Sivaraj Amar Rahe!
B. Parameswaran
Early Life and Background
- Born on January 20, 1913.
- He was the grandson of Rettamalai Srinivasan (1860–1945), a pioneering leader in the Scheduled Caste (Dalit) movement in Madras Presidency. Rettamalai Srinivasan was a close associate of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, a founder of the Adi Dravida Mahajana Sabha, and worked for social upliftment, anti-untouchability efforts, and political representation for depressed classes.
- Educated at St. Gabriels High School and Presidency College in Madras (now Chennai).
- He belonged to the Scheduled Caste (Dalit) community, continuing his grandfather's legacy in advocating for marginalized groups.
Political Career
- Elected as MLA from the Maduranthakam constituency (now in Chengalpattu district, Tamil Nadu) in the following elections:
- 1946 (Madras Presidency Legislative Assembly election) – Indian National Congress candidate.
- 1952 (First Tamil Nadu state assembly election) – INC candidate.
- 1962 (Third Tamil Nadu state assembly election) – INC candidate.
- He did not contest or win in 1957 (the constituency was won by another candidate that year).
- Served as a Minister in multiple Madras State (now Tamil Nadu) governments under Congress rule:
- In the P.S. Kumaraswamy Raja ministry (April 7, 1949 – April 9, 1952): Held portfolios including Firka Development, Khadi, Cottage Industries, Fisheries, Cinchona, and Harijan Uplift (Harijan was the term used then for Scheduled Caste welfare).
- In the K. Kamaraj ministry (April 13, 1954 – March 31, 1957): Served as Minister for Transport, Harijan Uplift, Hindu Religious Endowments, Registration, and Prohibition.
- Additionally:
- Served as Mayor of Madras (now Chennai) from 1952 to 1954.
- Was a member of the Rajya Sabha (upper house of the Indian Parliament) from 1958 to 1962.
Legacy and Contributions
- As a representative from a Scheduled Caste background, he focused on welfare schemes for Harijans (Dalits), rural development (Firka development referred to block-level rural initiatives), khadi and cottage industries promotion, and social reforms.
- He was part of the Congress-led governments during the early years after India's independence and the formation of Madras State (pre-reorganization into Tamil Nadu in 1956).
- His career bridged the pre- and post-independence eras, contributing to the consolidation of Congress rule in the state before the rise of Dravidian parties like DMK in 1967.
Death
- He passed away on September 15, 1966, at the age of 53.
Bhaurao (Baburao) Krishnarao Gaikwad
Bhaurao (Baburao) Krishnarao Gaikwad was a prominent Dalit leader and politician from Maharashtra, India, who came from a Dalit (specifically, the Matang community) and socio-economically disadvantaged background.
Key Details:
Community: He belonged to the Matang community, which is recognized as a Scheduled Caste (Dalit) in Maharashtra. The Matang community has historically been one of the most marginalized and disadvantaged groups in the region.
Background: Born into a poor family on January 1, 1913, in the village of Kharwandi in Ahmednagar district, his early life was marked by the severe social and economic hardships typical of Dalits in pre-independence India. He had to leave school early due to poverty.
Political & Social Work: He became a dedicated follower and close associate of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. He was a fiery orator and a key organizer for the Depressed Classes Movement. His work focused on:
Mobilizing Dalits across Maharashtra.
Fighting against social ostracism and untouchability.
Advocating for education and political rights for Dalits.
He was a founding member of the Republican Party of India (RPI).
Electoral Career: He served as a member of the Bombay Legislative Assembly and later the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly. His electoral victories were significant as they represented the political assertion of the Dalit community.
Legacy: He is remembered as "Krantiveer" (Revolutionary Hero) for his fearless advocacy and lifelong struggle for the rights and dignity of the Dalit community. His life story is a classic example of rising from a disadvantaged background to become a powerful voice for the oppressed.
Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Former nominated MP of the Rajya Sabha
In office
22 March 2010 to 21 March 2016
Preceded by
Dara Singh, BJP
Personal details
Born : 2 March 1946
Deogad, Sindhudurg district
Political party
Indian National Congress
Spouse(s)
Leena Bhalchandra Mungekar
Children 3
Bhalchandra Laxman Mungekar (born 2 March 1946) is an Indian economist, educationist, social worker and Rajya Sabha member. He specialises in agricultural economics and is an expert on B. R. Ambedkar.
Early life
Mungekar was born in Munge village, in the Konkan region of Maharashtra.
Career
He has been Vice-Chancellor of the Mumbai University and has served in the Planning Commission, the Agricultural Price Commission of India. Mungekar has also been the Chairman and President of Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Simla.
Personal life
He is an Ambedkarite and Babasaheb Ambedkar is an influence in his life. Mungekar is a Buddhist
Chaudhary Bihari Lal
Chaudhary Bihari Lal (also spelled Bihari Lal) was a notable Harijan (Dalit) leader and social reformer in Uttar Pradesh, India, active during the 1920s and 1930s amid the freedom struggle and rising Dalit consciousness. As a key figure aligned with the Indian National Congress, he played a controversial role in countering independent Dalit movements that sought separate religious and political identities for untouchables. Backed by prominent leaders like Lala Lajpat Rai and Mahatma Gandhi's Harijan upliftment initiatives, Bihari Lal worked to integrate Dalits into mainstream Hinduism and the Congress fold, preventing fragmentation of the anti-colonial united front. However, his methods— including obstructing rival gatherings and spreading propaganda—drew criticism for undermining Dalit autonomy. Detailed personal records are scarce, reflecting his status as a secondary actor in historical narratives dominated by upper-caste Congress figures, but accounts portray him as a loyalist whose efforts highlighted tensions between assimilationist and separatist Dalit politics.
Early Life and Family
Biographical details on Bihari Lal's early years are limited and not well-documented in public sources. He was born in Uttar Pradesh (likely in the early 1900s, exact date unknown) into a Harijan (Scheduled Caste) community, traditionally marginalized as untouchables and subjected to social exclusion, economic exploitation, and ritual discrimination. His family background remains obscure, with no mentions of parents, siblings, or education in available records. Growing up in colonial UP—a hotbed of agrarian unrest and caste hierarchies—he likely experienced firsthand the indignities of untouchability, such as barred access to temples, wells, and schools, which fueled his later activism. By the 1920s, he had emerged as a local leader, possibly through community service or Congress-affiliated networks, earning the honorific "Chaudhary" (a title for rural leaders in North India).
Entry into Politics and Activism
Bihari Lal's prominence arose during the interwar period, when the 1931 Census classified untouchables (estimated at 6 crore) as a distinct group, sparking demands for separate electorates and rights. This era saw the rise of "Adi" movements—Adi-Hindu in UP, Adi-Dravida in Madras—led by Dalit intellectuals like Swami Achhootanand (Harihar), who rejected Brahminical Hinduism, claimed "Moolnivasi" (original inhabitant) status, and organized against Congress's paternalistic reforms. Gandhi's response, via the Harijan Sevak Sangh (1932), emphasized moral upliftment within Hinduism, opposing separate electorates at the Round Table Conferences.
As a Congress-backed Harijan, Bihari Lal embodied this assimilationist strategy. Lala Lajpat Rai, a Punjab Kesari and Arya Samajist who supported untouchable upliftment but prioritized Hindu unity, "fielded" him as a counterweight to Achhootanand's Adi-Hindu Mahasabha. Rai, then active in UP politics, viewed the Adi movement as a British divide-and-rule tactic that could splinter the nationalist cause.
Key Activities and Role in Dalit Politics
Bihari Lal's activism focused on bridging Dalits with Congress and Hinduism, but his notoriety stems from direct confrontations:
- Opposition to Adi-Hindu Movement: In the late 1920s–early 1930s, he actively disrupted Achhootanand's public meetings across UP, where the Swami rallied thousands for temple entry, Vedic rights, and rejection of "Harijan" as a condescending label. Bihari Lal spread false propaganda, labeling Achhootanand "uncivilized" and using derogatory nicknames like "Jutanand" (a play on "joothan," meaning leftovers, to mock his Dalit advocacy). This was part of a broader Congress-Hindu Mahasabha effort to discredit separatist Dalit voices, including Arya Samaj's promotion of "Valmiki Dharma" to retain communities like Chamars and Chuhras within Hinduism.
- Simon Commission Protests (1928–29): While Congress boycotted the all-white Simon Commission (leading to Lajpat Rai's fatal lathi charge in Lahore), Dalit groups like the Adi-Hindu Mahasabha welcomed it, demanding reserved seats. Bihari Lal's interventions aimed to align Harijans with the boycott, though unsuccessfully—thousands of untouchables joined Dalit welcomes, underscoring Congress's limited sway.
- Harijan Upliftment Work: Aligned with Gandhi's vision, he likely participated in anti-untouchability campaigns, such as temple entry drives and education initiatives under the Harijan Sevak Sangh. As a "Congress Harijan," he symbolized Dalit loyalty to the party, touring villages to promote Swaraj as intertwined with social reform. His efforts extended to countering conversions (e.g., 5,000 Chamars to Islam in Ujhani, 1925), arguing Dalits were integral to Hinduism.
These actions positioned him as a "protégé" of sorts to leaders like Govind Ballabh Pant (UP Congress chief), though records suggest he operated more as a local enforcer than a national figure.
Controversies and Criticisms
Bihari Lal's tactics alienated radical Dalits, who saw him as a Congress "stooge" perpetuating upper-caste control. Bhagat Singh, in a 1928 article critiquing untouchability, lamented such divisions, viewing Adi movements as genuine assertions but warning of British manipulation—implicitly critiquing figures like Bihari Lal for sowing discord. Achhootanand's biographers depict him as a saboteur, whose smears failed to halt the Adi-Hindu's growth, which influenced Ambedkar's later demands. In broader terms, his role exemplified Congress's "soft Hindutva" approach: uplifting Dalits without dismantling caste, contrasting with Arya Samaj's Shuddhi (purification) or Muslim League's overtures.
No major personal scandals are recorded, but his legacy is tainted by association with suppression of Dalit agency.
Later Life and Death
Information on Bihari Lal's post-1930s life is absent from sources; he likely faded from prominence as Congress consolidated power post-Independence (1947), with Dalit politics shifting to figures like Jagjivan Ram. His death date and place are unknown, possibly in UP during the 1940s–50s. No memoirs or family tributes survive publicly.
Legacy
Chaudhary Bihari Lal remains a footnote in Dalit history, emblematic of the "loyal opposition" within marginalized communities—used by dominant forces to police dissent. His story illuminates the 1930s Dalit schism: assimilation vs. assertion, influencing modern caste politics in UP. While criticized by Ambedkarites, he is occasionally noted in Congress hagiographies as a bridge-builder. In today's context, with UP's Dalit vote fragmented between BSP and BJP, his era's tensions echo in debates over sub-quotas and alliances. Further archival research (e.g., Nehru Memorial Library) could uncover more, but current accounts portray a man caught between survival and solidarity.
Faguni Ram
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dr. Faguni Ram
Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha)
In office
3
Constituency Aurangabad, Bihar
Personal details
Born 2 January 1945
Gaya Bihar
Died 25 February 2018 (aged 73)
New Delhi
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Dr. Sushila Das
Dr. Faguni Ram (2 January 1945 - 25 February 2018) was an Indian politician. He was a minister of state, Bihar and member of the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Parliament of India representing Bihar as a member of the Indian National Congress for three terms.
Dr. Faguni Ram, whose father was Baijnath Ram (Freedom Fighter), was born on 2 January 1945. He obtained BA and MA degrees in Geography, as well as a Ph.D., and married Dr. Sushila Das.
He had four sons and three daughters.
Ram was a member of the Legislative Assembly of Bihar between 1972-77 and served as a minister of state in the Government of Bihar in 1973, he was a member of the Rajya Sabha from 1985-1988, 1988-1994 and from 2000.
He and his wife were among the first members of a Scheduled Caste in the state to hold a Ph.D. degree. They always stressed education as a means to self-development and the development of people they served. He served in Bihar State Administrative Services but left to become MLA from Aurangabad.
Ram breathed last on 25 February 2018 in Ram Manohar Lohia hospital. He was cremated in Nigambodh Ghat.
Outside politics, Ram wrote Development of Irrigation and its Impact on Agriculture and was co-author of the 25 volumes of Instant Encyclopaedia of Geography.
Awards and recognition
National Integration Award, 1987-88
Citizen of India, 1992
Several colleges and schools named after him in his home town and state.
G. M. C. Balayogi
G.M.C. Balayogi (Ganti Mohana Chandra Balayogi; October 1, 1951 – March 3, 2002) was a distinguished Indian lawyer and politician from Andhra Pradesh, renowned for his contributions to parliamentary democracy and his historic role as the first Dalit Speaker of the Lok Sabha. A member of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), he rose from humble rural beginnings to hold key legislative and administrative positions, advocating for education, rural development, and social justice. His untimely death in a helicopter crash cut short a promising career, but his legacy endures through institutions named in his honor and his inspiration for marginalized communities.Early Life and Background
- Birth and Family: G.M.C. Balayogi was born on October 1, 1951, in the small village of Yedurulanka in the East Godavari district of Andhra Pradesh, into an agricultural family. His parents were Shri Ganniyya and Smt. Satyamma, who belonged to a modest farming background in the Konaseema region. As a member of the Dalit (Scheduled Caste) community, Balayogi grew up facing the socio-economic challenges typical of rural Dalit families in post-independence India, which later fueled his commitment to uplifting underprivileged sections.
- Childhood: He completed his primary education in the nearby village of G. Vemavaram, reflecting the limited educational infrastructure in his area. His early experiences in a close-knit agrarian community instilled in him values of resilience and public service.
Education
Balayogi pursued higher education with determination, earning a postgraduate degree in Kakinada. He later obtained a Bachelor of Laws (LL.B.) from Andhra University in Visakhapatnam, equipping him with the legal acumen that would define his early professional life. His academic journey from a rural village to urban centers highlighted his ambition and intellect.
Professional Life Before Politics
- After graduating, Balayogi began practicing law in 1980 in Kakinada, mentored by senior advocate Gopalaswamy Shetty.
- In 1985, he was appointed as a First Class Magistrate, a prestigious administrative role, but he resigned in 1986 to return to legal practice and community service.
- He quickly emerged as a local leader, serving as Vice-Chairman of the Cooperative Town Bank of Kakinada in 1986 and Chairman of the East Godavari Zilla Praja Parishad in 1987, where he focused on rural development and cooperative initiatives.
Political Career
Balayogi's entry into formal politics was marked by his affiliation with the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), founded by N.T. Rama Rao. Handpicked by TDP leader N. Chandrababu Naidu for his integrity and grassroots appeal, he became a key figure in Andhra Pradesh and national politics.
- Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha):
- Elected to the 10th Lok Sabha in 1991 from the Amalapuram (SC reserved) constituency in East Godavari district, defeating Congress candidate K. S. P. Reddy.
- Served until 1996, focusing on issues like irrigation, agriculture, and Dalit welfare.
- Lost the 1996 general election but bounced back strongly.
- Member of Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly (MLA):
- Won a by-election in 1996 from the Mummidivaram Assembly constituency.
- Appointed as Minister of Higher Education in the Chandrababu Naidu-led TDP government (1995–1999), where he spearheaded reforms to improve access to education for backward classes and rural students.
- Re-election to Lok Sabha and Speakership:
- Re-elected to the 12th Lok Sabha in 1998 from Amalapuram with a massive margin, securing 55% of the vote.
- On March 24, 1998, at the age of 46, he was unanimously elected as the 12th Speaker of the Lok Sabha—the youngest and first Dalit to hold this constitutional post. He continued in the role during the 13th Lok Sabha (1999–2002).
- As Speaker, he chaired key committees including the Business Advisory Committee, Rules Committee, and General Purposes Committee. He also led the Standing Committee of the Conference of Presiding Officers of Legislative Bodies in India.
- International and Parliamentary Roles:
- Presided over the Indian Parliamentary Group, the National Group of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, and the India Branch of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association.
- Headed numerous Indian parliamentary delegations to countries like the UK, Canada, and several African nations, fostering diplomatic ties through legislative exchanges.
- Hosted foreign delegations, enhancing India's global parliamentary stature.
Contributions and Legacy
- Dalit Empowerment: As the first Dalit Speaker, Balayogi broke caste barriers in Indian politics, symbolizing upward mobility for Scheduled Castes. His elevation was seen as a milestone for social justice, inspiring Dalit youth to aspire to leadership roles.
- Parliamentary Reforms: During his tenure, he emphasized decorum, efficiency, and inclusivity in Lok Sabha proceedings. He navigated coalition politics adeptly, ensuring smooth functioning amid frequent disruptions.
- Rural and Educational Development: As MLA and Minister, he advocated for better irrigation in the Godavari delta, higher education access, and cooperative farming, directly benefiting agrarian communities.
- Social Justice Advocate: Balayogi consistently raised voices for marginalized groups, aligning with TDP's pro-poor policies while maintaining bipartisan respect.
- Legacy: The G.M.C. Balayogi Athletic Stadium in Andhra Pradesh (formerly the Andhra Pradesh Sports Complex) was renamed in his honor in 2002. His son, G.M. Harish Balayogi, continues his political legacy as a BJP MP from Anakapalli.
Personal Life and Demise
- Family: Balayogi was married to Vijaya Kumari Ganti, and the couple had four children, including G.M. Harish Balayogi, who followed in his footsteps as a politician.
- Known for his simplicity, humility, and dedication, he remained connected to his rural roots despite national prominence.
- Death: Tragically, on March 3, 2002, at age 50, Balayogi died in a helicopter crash near Kaikalur in Krishna district, Andhra Pradesh. The Bell 206 helicopter, en route from Bhimavaram to Vijayawada, collided with a coconut palm in Kovvadalanka village, Mandavalli mandal, killing him instantly along with his security officer D. Satya Raju and pilot Capt. G.V. Menon. The incident shocked the nation, with Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and other leaders mourning his loss. A state funeral was held in Amalapuram, attended by thousands.
Key Achievements
- First Dalit Speaker of the Lok Sabha (1998–2002), the youngest at 46.
- Elected to Lok Sabha twice (1991, 1998) from Amalapuram (SC) constituency.
- MLA from Mummidivaram (1996) and Minister of Higher Education, Andhra Pradesh.
- Chairman of East Godavari Zilla Praja Parishad (1987).
- Led international parliamentary delegations and hosted global visitors.
- Honored posthumously through the naming of the G.M.C. Balayogi Stadium.
G.M.C. Balayogi's life exemplified the transformative power of education and determination in overcoming caste-based obstacles. His brief but impactful tenure as Speaker remains a benchmark for impartiality and progressive leadership in Indian democracy. If you'd like details on specific aspects, such as his parliamentary speeches or family, let me know!
George Gilbert Swell
Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha
In office
1969–1977
Preceded by R.K.Khadilkar
Succeeded by Godey Murahari
Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha
In office
1962–1977
Succeeded by Biren Singh Engti
Constituency Autonomous District, Assam
In office
1984–1989
Preceded by Bajubon Kharlukhi
Succeeded by Peter G. Marbaniang
In office
1996–1998
Preceded by Peter G. Marbaniang
Succeeded by Paty Ripple Kyndiah
Constituency Shillong, Meghalaya
Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha
In office
1990–1996
Constituency Meghalaya
Personal details
Born 5 August 1923
Laitkynsew, Khasi Hills, Assam, British India
Died 25 January 1999 (aged 75)
Shillong, Meghalaya, India
Nationality Indian
Alma mater Scottish Church College
University of Calcutta
George Gilbert Swell (5 August 1923 – 25 January 1999) was a college professor, an Indian politician, an ambassador to several countries, a former Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha and its member from Shillong in Meghalaya. Over a span of more than 35 years, he represented India at high levels nationally and internationally. Though arising from a modest and rural background in far Northeast India, Swell quickly rose to prominence in every field he entered.
Early life
He was born at Laitkynsew Village near Cherrapunji in the present-day state of Meghalaya. He completed his earlier years of schooling at the Ramakrishna Mission School at Cherrapunji. After passing the Bachelor of arts examination from the Scottish Church College, Kolkata, he completed his Master of Arts degree in English from the University of Calcutta in 1946. Within months thereafter, he married a Shillong beauty, Lajopthiaw ("Victorious Conqueror") Lyngdoh, second daughter of Phrolibon Lyngdoh and Wellington Kearney. Soon after, their first child, Lakyntiew ("She Who Has Uplifted Us"), was born (1947), followed by a son, Sanbor, in 1950. In 1952, they moved to Ethiopia, part of a cadre of instructors recruited to teach in Ethiopia in the early nineteen fifties. Swell taught English at the high school level. They returned to Shillong in 1956, and G. G. Swell threw himself into his new positions as a professor of English at several Shillong area colleges. It wasn't long before he entered into the political world of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills. His contribution to the formation of the state of Meghalaya, breaking away from the parent state of Assam, is incontrovertible. He, with his wife's uncle, Brington B Lyngdoh, and Stanley Nichols Roy, as well as other community leaders, conducted a fierce campaign for the separate identity of their proposed state which would combine the peoples of the Khasi and Janintia Hills and other tribes from the Garo Hills and adjacent areas. To their credit, the campaign was bloodless, nonviolent and successful. It was not long before G. G. Swell moved into national politics, having earned recognition for his intellect and passion for leadership, and for his principled and ethical way of life.
Political career
He was elected to the Lok Sabha from the Autonomous Districts (Lok Sabha) constituency in 1962, 1967 and 1971 and from the Shillong (Lok Sabha) constituency in 1984 and 1996. He was the Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha from 9 December 1969 to 27 December 1970 in the 4th Lok Sabha and again 27 March 1971 to 18 January 1977.
Swell served as India's ambassador to Norway and Iceland from 1977 to 1980 (appointed by PM Moraji Desai), and Burma, 1980 to 1984 (appointed by PM Indira Gandhi). Subsequently, he was appointed as ambassador-designate to Canada, then Spain, but instead chose to return to national political life in India. In 1985, as a member of parliament, he served as the head of the Indian delegation to the United National General Assembly, New York. In 1992 he contested the Indian presidential election as a joint opposition candidate against Shankar Dayal Sharma but lost. He was member of the Rajya Sabha (upper house of Parliament) from Meghalaya during 1990-1996.
The worsening health of his wife, Lajopthiaw, who passed away in early 1998, was a factor in his withdrawal from political life.
Death
He died on 25 January 1999. To honor his many years of public service, his daughter, Lakyntiew Lyngdoh Watrous, and his granddaughter, Yarissa Lyngdoh Sommer, established a museum in the town of his birth, Laitkynsew, in 2016. Through photography, artifacts, and documentary films it depicts the chronology and achievements of his lengthy career.
JV Pawar interview: ‘The government is saying that anyone who supports Dalits will be jailed’
The BJP government wants to teach a lesson to Dalit activists and their supporters, says the co-founder of the Dalit Panther party.
Ajaz Ashraf
JV Pawar/FacebookOn May 29, 1972, a group of young men in Bombay established the Dalit Panther, a social and cultural organisation. Until it was disbanded five years later, the organisation blazed a trail, organising protests against the atrocities committed on Dalits, and fighting pitched street battles against the state. Its combative approach inspired Dalits to demand the rights guaranteed to them under the Constitution.
Among the Dalit Panther’s founders was JV Pawar, whose recent book, Dalit Panthers: An Authoritative History, narrates the story of the Dalit movement that he and others spearheaded. Pawar is now 75 years old and is advisor and spokesperson of the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh, an outfit headed by Prakash Ambedkar, the grandson of BR Ambedkar.
Pawar has dedicated his entire life to the Dalit movement. It provided him a perch to track the changing nature of both Dalit assertion and the Indian state’s tactics to tackle it. In an interview with Scroll.in, Pawar deciphered what the arrest of human rights activists in June and August implies for society in India at large and Dalits in particular. Do Dalits need a new movement to address the problems and aspirations that are different those they encountered in the 1970s?
Five human right activists were arrested in June and another five in August. Their arrests have been linked to the Elgaar Parishad, which was held on December 31, 2017. The police hold the Parishad responsible for the violence in Bhima Koregaon village on January 1, and claim it was part of a Maoist strategy to overthrow the Narendra Modi government. What implications does this accusation have for Dalits and their politics?
The 10 who have been arrested are not known to me personally. I am only acquainted with Anand Teltumbde, who was raided but not arrested. He is a Maharashtrian and writes for the Economic and Political Weekly. But if you were to identify [the ideological orientation of] the 10 through [their association with] Teltumbde, you cannot but conclude that their aim could not have been the destruction of the country.
Why do you say that?
Teltumbde is an Ambedkarite. The raid on him was part of the action the state took against the other 10. This can only mean that they too subscribe to Teltumbde’s line. Teltumbde works for the social reconstruction of India, not its destruction.
Why do you think the police have linked all of them to a Maoist conspiracy against the Indian state?
All of them, regardless of whether they were arrested or merely raided, believe in the Constitution. This means they believe in democracy and value equality. Those opposing them are not democratic. They do not subscribe to democracy’s essence – which is equality. No Hindu can be democratic and no democratic man considers himself a Hindu.
Why do you say that?
I say it because Hinduism is based on the inequality [of the caste system]. On the other hand, the Constitution is based on the principle of equality. The current government considers itself as a Hindu government. The people who run this government belong to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Since its establishment in 1925, its goal has been to establish a Hindu Raj. So the human rights activists are paying a price for being democratic.
Will the crackdown on them have an impact Dalit politics?
They have not come from or belong to Dalit politics as, for instance, I do.
Sure, but the crackdown on them is linked to the Bhima Koregaon violence. It consequently does become an attack on Dalit politics, doesn’t it?
Listen brother, I was there on the stage on December 31 when the Elgaar Parishad was held. I did not hear the [compere announce the] names of any of these 10 people. Even Teltumbde was not there. I know him. I would have identified him. What I am trying to say is that there is absolutely no link between the Elgaar Parishad and the violence on January 1.
The police are saying just the opposite.
On the night of December 31, I stayed at a friend’s place in Pune. Early morning on January 1, I started for Bhima Koregaon. I am now 75 years old. I was thirsty. Not a single hotel was open. I had run out of water. I could not get water to quench my thirst. It was all pre-planned – it was ensured that those going to Bhima Koregaon should not get food to eat or water to drink.
Are you suggesting that it was the state government that had planned the shutdown?
The government knew there would be a shutdown on January 1. The gram panchayats had passed resolutions to keep business establishments closed. This they did to create difficulties for visitors to Bhima Koregaon. No amenities were provided. In the melee caused by stone throwing, I saw someone with a bottle of water. I requested him to give me a gulp.
I say it was pre-planned for another reason – there were helicopters flying over the road to Bhima Koregaon. Why were the helicopters flying? Who were the people inside the choppers? Were they ministers? These questions have not been asked, nor any inquiry done.
So if it was all planned, what do you think was the motive behind arresting human rights activists five months later, in June, and then another five in August?
What is the history of Bhima Koregaon? Five-hundred Dalit soldiers defeated an army of 25,000 caste Hindus. Lakhs visit Bhima Koregaon. The caste Hindus want to avenge that defeat – the defeat of their ancestors.
There is also the angle of Sanatan Sanstha, whose members have been apprehended for storing arms and bombs. Its members are also alleged to have been involved in the murder of intellectuals. The Sanatan Sanstha members who have been arrested are all caste Hindus. Their possession of bombs and arms suggests the danger they pose to the nation. It is to divert the nation’s attention from them that the theory of Maoists hatching a conspiracy to recruit Dalits for overthrowing the Modi government was hatched.
What message does the arrest of human rights activists convey to society at large and Dalits in particular?
Since the arrested human rights activists believe in the Constitution, the message being conveyed is that they [the Bharatiya Janata Party government] do not recognise the Constitution and, yes, will take revenge for the defeat of Bhima Koregaon.
Isn’t it also like telling people that anyone who supports Dalits will meet the same fate as the 10 human rights activists?
I believe that anyone who has faith in the Constitution and democracy, regardless of which caste or religion he belongs to, is also a Dalit supporter. By arresting the 10 activists, the government is saying that anyone who supports Dalits will be jailed, that their Constitutional rights will be curtailed.
Is there a difference in the nature of atrocities committed against Dalits in the 1970s, when the Dalit Panther surfaced, and what we see today?
The atrocities against Dalits have been continuing for the last 3,000-3,500 years. But what began happening in the 1970s was that some newspapers, not all, began reporting these atrocities. No doubt, the atrocities that the newspapers reported constituted just the tip of the iceberg. But it had an impact – democratic people thought it was unacceptable that such atrocities should be committed against Dalits. For instance, in one particular case the eyes of Dalits were gouged out.
Are you referring to the Gavai brothers, whose eyes were gouged out in Dhakli village in Akola district in 1974?
Yes, you are right. I raised the issue of Gavai brothers. I took them to [then Prime Minister] Indira Gandhi. On seeing them, her eyes welled up with tears. I told her, “Look at the atrocities committed under your rule.”
Are the atrocities against Dalits any different now?
Atrocities against Dalits were committed before the 1970s, during the 1970s and continue even today. But the crucial difference was that in the 1970s, regardless of whether there were Congress or non-Congress governments in the states or at the Centre, those in power believed in democracy, accepted it and consequently gave importance to it. By the way, the BJP did not have a government of its own in any of the states then.
We would take out protest marches and present memoranda to the government, which would accept it. They did not give us bullets in return. The governments of the 1970s also filed cases against us. But they did not invoke laws to prevent us from getting bail. We did not languish in jail for six, eight months – yeh nahin ki, aap jail gayein to gayein. [Not that if you go to jail you would be gone for good.]
But the BJP government is non-democratic. It wants to teach a lesson to Dalit activists and those who support them. They want to teach a lesson to them not of the court and law – that lesson we were given earlier.
But in your book you write that you were beaten by police after the riots in Worli, Bombay, in 1974.
Yes, I was beaten. There were young boys around me. In the melee of protests the police would react instinctively, at times violently. But it was not the case that they would impose an IPC [Indian Penal Code] provision because of which I could not get out of jail for seven or eight months. They would arrest you and you would soon get bail.
Take the five activists who were arrested in June. It just seems they are doomed to stay in jail. This government is scary, this government is revengeful.
Is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s idea of power similar to that of Indira Gandhi?
Indira Gandhi was the daughter of Jawaharlal Nehru, who admired Buddhism, applied the principles of Panchsheel, and was a democrat. Indira Gandhi, too, believed in democracy in the initial years of her political career. But when she grew in strength and acquired greater power, she turned against democracy.
By contrast, Modi acquired great strength at the very beginning of his tenure and consequently became undemocratic at the very inception of his government.
But Gandhi imposed Emergency.
At least, she imposed the Emergency. There was a provision in the Constitution for imposing an Emergency. But these people do not talk of imposing an Emergency. Yet they work against people in a far worse way than what happened during Emergency.
Ideologically, Mrs Gandhi was against democracy. Yet she would sit in Parliament, which also used to function. But Parliament does not even function now. Modi goes to Parliament sirf safai dene ke liyen [to justify his actions]. For Modi, democracy means holding elections every five years.
Has the Dalit mindset changed from what it was in the 1970s?
When [the poet Namdeo] Dhasal and I formed the Dalit Panther in 1972, even people in cities would live in jhuggi-jhopris. They were poor and uneducated. Over the last 40-50 years, they educated their children, some of whom even became IAS officers. So those who were in jhuggi-jhopris moved to chawls, those in chawls shifted to flats and some to bungalows. These are the people who do not face the problems of the 1970s.
What kind of problems do they face now?
Yes, their problem is what I call the white-collar problem. He has a government job, but his service record is spoilt so that he does not get a promotion. Earlier, untouchability was visible. Today, untouchability has become invisible. It has not disappeared, mind you. It means the non-Dalit’s mindset has not changed – what he or she used to think of Dalits he or she still does.
Has not this changed the outlook of Dalits towards politics?
The Dalits I have described to you constitute about 5%-10% or so. They do not readily join street-protests or a movement. In the 1970s, when I was the secretary of the Dalit Panther, I would give a call that we have to go to so and so village. There were no mobiles then. Yet thousands would come. People had problems. They were [economically] insecure. Life has now become relatively secure. People do not wish to risk the security they have achieved. It is not that the percentage of Dalits whose lives have become secure is high. It is not. Yet you do not find the kind of street protestors and fighters the 1970s produced.
However, when a problem that is historical in nature surfaces, the Dalit community unites. Bhima Koregaon is an example. Prakash Ambedkar’s Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh gave a call to observe Maharashtra bandh on Jan 3. Whether a Dalit Brahmin…
...Dalit Brahmin?
People who no longer face the daily problems of life, who do not come out on the street to protest, who do not always support those engaged in the Dalit movement.
So when the call was given to observe the Maharashtra bandh on January 3, Brahmin Dalits and ordinary Dalits united to ensure its success. Maybe some of them did not come out on the street, but they supported us in other ways.
If the life of Dalits has changed from the 1970s, what shape should their politics take?
We want all people to come together to save the Constitution. If we do not save the Constitution we will even lose the right to raise our voice [against injustices], you will not able to write and I will not able to speak to you. We will not have democracy.
Saving the Constitution is not just the responsibility of Dalits, although the entire world knows its architect was Dr BR Ambedkar. It is the responsibility of everyone. Democracy in India is dying. Dalits and others must come together to save it.Support our journalism by subscribing to Scroll+. We welcome your comments at letters@scroll.in.
Khatu Mal Jeewan
Dr. Khatumal Jeewan (also known as Khatu Mal Jeewan or simply Khatu Mal Jeewan) is a distinguished Pakistani politician, physician, and advocate for minority rights, particularly for the Hindu Dalit community. Born into the marginalized Menghwar (Meghwar) caste—a Scheduled Caste equivalent among Hindus—he has risen to become Pakistan's most celebrated Dalit leader. As the only Hindu Dalit politician elected eight times to public office, Jeewan has dedicated his career to championing the socio-political empowerment of Dalits and other minorities in Sindh and beyond. His journey from a rural background in Umerkot to the corridors of national and provincial power exemplifies resilience against caste discrimination and political challenges.
Early Life and Background
- Birth and Family: Dr. Khatumal Jeewan was born on October 1, 1956, in Umerkot, Sindh Province, Pakistan. His father was Daya Ram (Dayaram), and he hails from the Menghwar community, a Dalit Hindu group traditionally facing socio-economic exclusion and caste-based oppression in rural Sindh. Growing up in the village of Janhero Sharif, Taluka Umerkot, Jeewan experienced firsthand the struggles of marginalized communities, including limited access to education and opportunities, which profoundly shaped his commitment to social justice.
- Education: Jeewan pursued a career in medicine, earning an MBBS degree from Dow University of Health Sciences (formerly Dow Medical College) in Karachi. As a qualified doctor, he practiced medicine before fully immersing himself in politics, blending his professional expertise with public service.
Political Career
Dr. Jeewan's political journey began in the 1980s when he joined the student wing of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), a progressive party known for its inclusive stance on minority rights. He has remained a loyal PPP member throughout his career, despite facing enforced disappearances and political pressures. His elections span provincial, national, and senatorial levels, primarily on reserved minority seats, highlighting his enduring popularity among Hindu voters in Lower Sindh.
Key milestones in his career include:
- Provincial Assembly of Sindh (MPA):
- Elected in the 1988 Pakistani general election on a PPP minority seat, marking his debut in elected office.
- Served as MPA from 2011 to 2013 and again from 2013 to 2018.
- Re-elected in February 2024, taking oath as a member of the 17th Provincial Assembly of Sindh on a reserved minority seat. He currently serves as the Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Minorities’ Affairs.
- National Assembly of Pakistan (MNA):
- Elected four times: First in the 1990 general election (NA-213 Umerkot), followed by re-elections in 1993 and 1997.
- His 1990–1993 tenure was interrupted by a mysterious disappearance in 1991, after which he was reportedly forced to temporarily quit the PPP amid political turbulence.
- Rejoined PPP and won again in a 2011 by-election on a reserved minority seat.
- In 1998, during his 1997–1999 term, he served as Federal Parliamentary Secretary for Population Welfare, focusing on health and family planning initiatives.
- Senate of Pakistan:
- Elected in 2009 as a PPP candidate from Sindh, serving until his resignation in 2011 to contest the National Assembly by-election.
- Advisory and Administrative Roles:
- Appointed Advisor to the Chief Minister of Sindh for the Mines and Minerals Development Department in 2008, contributing to resource management in mineral-rich Tharparkar.
- Served as Special Assistant to the Chief Minister of Sindh from 2018 to 2023, overseeing minority welfare and development projects.
Jeewan's consistent victories—eight in total—have made him a trailblazer, breaking caste barriers in Pakistani politics and inspiring the rise of Meghwar leaders in Lower Sindh.
Contributions and Legacy
- Advocacy for Dalit and Minority Rights: As a vocal proponent of Dalit assertion, Jeewan has highlighted caste discrimination within Hindu communities and pushed for affirmative action. His 2017 speech on the "Rise of Meghwars in Local Politics" underscored how his success has empowered other Dalit voices, fostering greater representation in Sindh's assemblies.
- Minority Empowerment: Through his roles in the National Assembly, Senate, and Sindh Assembly, he has advocated for policies on education, healthcare, and economic upliftment for Hindus and other minorities. As Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Minorities’ Affairs, he continues to address issues like forced conversions and land rights.
- Social Justice and PPP Loyalty: Jeewan's endurance through political upheavals, including the 1991 incident, exemplifies his dedication to PPP's egalitarian ideals. He has been instrumental in mobilizing minority votes for the party in Umerkot and Tharparkar districts.
- Inspirational Figure: Often called Pakistan's "most celebrated Dalit leader," his story motivates young Dalits to enter politics, challenging feudal and caste hierarchies in rural Sindh.
Personal Life and Current Status
- Dr. Jeewan maintains a low-profile personal life, residing between his permanent home in Janhero Sharif, Umerkot, and a local address in Karachi (Sea Rock, Block 1). He is known for his humility and accessibility, often engaging directly with constituents.
- As of October 2025, at age 69, he remains active in politics as a sitting MPA in the Sindh Assembly and a senior PPP leader. Recent health concerns were reported in 2022 when he was hospitalized, but he recovered and continued his duties. No major updates from 2025 indicate ongoing involvement in provincial affairs, including minority welfare amid regional elections.
Key Achievements
- Elected public representative eight times: 1x Senator, 4x MNA, 3x MPA (including 2024 term).
- First Hindu Dalit to achieve such repeated electoral success in Pakistan.
- Federal Parliamentary Secretary for Population Welfare (1998).
- Advisor/Special Assistant to Sindh CM (2008, 2018–2023).
- Chairperson, Standing Committee on Minorities’ Affairs, Sindh Assembly (current).
- MBBS graduate and practicing doctor, symbolizing upward mobility for Dalits.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Kailash Chandra Meghwal
Speaker of Rajasthan Legislative Assembly
In office
22 January 2014 – 15 January 2019
Preceded by Deependra Singh Shekhawat
Succeeded by C. P. Joshi
Constituency Shahpura, (SC)
Union Minister of State, Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment
In office
2003-2004
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
Home Minister, Government of Rajasthan
In office
1993 - 1998
Member of Parliament
for Tonk
In office
2001-2009
Member of Parliament Lok sabha
In office
1989 to 1991
Constituency Jalore
Member of Legislative Assembly
In office
2008 to incumbent
Constituency Shahpura
Personal details
Born 22 March 1934 (age 86)
Udaipur, Udaipur State, British India
Political party Bharatiya Janata Party
Residence Udaipur, Rajasthan, India
Website http://rajassembly.nic.in/KailashMeghwal.htm
As of 14 September, 2006
Kailash Chandra Meghwal (born 22 March 1934) was former Speaker of Rajasthan Legislative Assembly, former union minister of state in Government of India and a national vice president of Bharatiya Janata Party. He represents MLA of Shahpura, Bhilwara constituency of Rajasthan in 14th Rajasthan Legislative Assembly & Ex-MP Tonk constituency of Rajasthan in 14th Lok Sabha. He was minister of state for social justice and empowerment from 2003 to 2004.
Born in 1934 in Udaipur District he did MA and LLB from University of Rajasthan. He was imprisoned in emergency in 1975 and released in 1977. He was president of Udaipur Bar Association and a member of senate of Udaipur University.
Membership
1977-1985 Member, Rajasthan Legislative Assembly (two term)
1989 Elected to 9th Lok Sabha from Jalore
1990 Member, Rajasthan Lagislative Assembly (3rd term)
1993-1998 Member, Rajasthan Legislative Assembly (4th term)
22 Sept. 2001 Re-elected to 13th Lok Sabha (in by-election, 2nd term)
2004 Re-elected to 14th Lok Sabha, (3rd term)
2013 Member, Rajasthan Legislative Assembly (5th term)
2018 Member, Rajasthan Legislative Assembly (6th term)
Positions held
1962 Joint Secretary, Praja Socialist Party. Rajasthan
1969-1975 Joint Secretary,Bharatiya Jansangh, Rajasthan
1977 Minister of State with Independent Charge of Ministry of Mines & Geology, Panchayati Raj & Sheep and Wool, Government of Rajasthan
1978 Cabinet Minister, Sahakarita and Mines and Geology, Government of Rajasthan
1980-1982 Secretary, Bharatiya Janata Party, Rajasthan
1981-1984 Member, Public Accounts Committee, Rajasthan Legislative Assembly
1982-1985 General Secretary, B.J.P., Rajasthan
1987 onwards Vice-President, B.J.P., Rajasthan
1991-1992 Cabinet Minister, Irrigation and Relief, Government of Rajasthan
1994-1998 Cabinet Minister, Ministry of Home, Mines and Printing, Government of Rajasthan
2003-2004 Union Minister of State, Social Justice and Empowerment
Cabinet Minister of Mines and Geology,Government of Rajasthan (20.12.2013-21.01.2014)
Speaker of Rajasthan Legislative Assembly
- Born: January 6, 1904, in Kamthi (near Nagpur), in the Central Provinces (now Maharashtra), British India.
- Died : 12 January 1939
- Family: From a Mahar family (a Dalit community), which was historically disadvantaged and considered "untouchable" under the caste system.
- Father: Laxmanrao Nagrale, a clerk in the Railway Department.
- Education: Completed matriculation (high school) from Patwardhan High School, Nagpur — a significant achievement for a Dalit in that era. He also studied Sanskrit under Swami Brahmanand of the Arya Samaj.
- Marriage: Married Sahubai in 1920 at age 16, following social customs of the time.
- At age 17 (1921), he founded the weekly newspaper Maharatha from Nagpur to spread social awareness and awaken Dalits.
- In 1922, he established the Mahar Samaj organization to unite the community.
- Formed Mahar Samaj Pathak, a voluntary corps to protect Dalits from atrocities and organize youth.
- Strongly advocated education for Dalits: Started night schools in Kamthi in 1927 (with 86 boys and 22 girls enrolled) and the Sant Chokhamela Library.
- Promoted women's empowerment: Opened a Mahila Ashram in Nagpur for training Dalit women in household and daily activities.
- Economic upliftment: Initiated cooperative beedi (hand-rolled cigarette) work to protect exploited Dalit workers (mostly women and children) from middlemen.
- Opposed superstition and sub-caste divisions: Organized community dinners crossing sub-caste lines on the death anniversary of saint Chokhamela; criticized irrational customs and idol worship (e.g., urged followers at a 1927 Ramtek meeting to stop idol worship and bathing in polluted tanks, while supporting anti-inequality actions like the 1930 Kalaram Temple Entry Satyagraha led by Ambedkar).
- Authored Mandal Mahatme (1924) — distributed free to fight social evils; it influenced Dalits to stop watching plays based on Hindu gods.
- Wrote and staged the play Veer Balak (Brave Child) for awareness.
- Published collections like Songs of the Market and Songs of the Hearth.
- Contributed articles to Weekly Janta, edited by Dr. Ambedkar.
- Met Dr. Ambedkar in 1928, which accelerated his political activities.
- Testified before the Simon Commission (1928) on Dalit issues.
- During the Second Round Table Conference (1930–31), he sent multiple telegrams (32 in total from various leaders) to British PM Ramsay MacDonald affirming Ambedkar as the true leader of untouchables (not Gandhi).
- Key organizer of the 1930 Nagpur Conference of Depressed Classes (presided by Ambedkar), which demanded separate electorates and formed the All India Depressed Classes Federation (Hardas served as joint secretary).
- Joined the Independent Labour Party (ILP) in 1936, founded by Ambedkar.
- Became General Secretary of ILP in Central Provinces and Berar.
- Elected as the first MLA from Nagpur-Kampti constituency in the 1937 provincial elections (despite facing opposition, including threats from a wealthy Congress rival).
- Nominated ILP branch president in 1938.
- His efforts helped organize and empower Dalits in Vidarbha (Nagpur region).
- A 2016 film, Bole India Jai Bhim, was made about his life.
- Training camps and memorials (like Babu Hardas L N Training Camp in Nagpur) honor his memory.
- Birth and Family: Born on November 11, 1917, in Madras (now Chennai), Tamil Nadu, to Vidwan Kalathur Muniswami Pillai, a scholar, and an unnamed mother (details scarce). Her father’s title "Vidwan" suggests a family that valued education despite their marginalized status. Maragatham belonged to the Dalit (Scheduled Caste) community, specifically from the Adi Dravida or similar subgroup, which faced severe discrimination under colonial and caste systems.
- Education: She pursued a BSc from an Indian university (likely in Madras) and later traveled to the United Kingdom for further studies, earning diplomas in domestic science, dietetics, and institution management. This advanced education was rare for women, especially Dalit women, in her era.
- Early Influences: Growing up in pre-independence India, she witnessed colonial oppression and caste-based inequities. Her exposure to the Indian National Congress’s freedom movement, led by figures like Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, inspired her early activism. Her Dalit identity fueled her commitment to social justice.
- Congress Involvement: Maragatham joined the Indian National Congress in her youth, participating in the non-violent resistance against British rule. While not a frontline revolutionary like some contemporaries, she contributed to grassroots mobilization in Tamil Nadu, aligning with the INC’s campaigns like the Quit India Movement (1942).
- Social Advocacy: Even during the freedom struggle, she focused on uplifting marginalized groups, particularly Dalits and women, through community organizing and promoting education. Her work bridged anti-colonial resistance with social reform, reflecting the INC’s broader vision.
- Parliamentary Roles:
- Lok Sabha: Elected as a Member of Parliament (MP) from Sriperumbudur, Tamil Nadu, in 1952, 1957, and 1962, serving three terms in the Lower House. Her constituency work focused on rural development and social equity.
- Rajya Sabha: Served as an MP in the Upper House from 1970 to 1976, contributing to national policy debates on health, welfare, and minority rights.
- Union Government Positions:
- Deputy Minister for Health (1950s): Worked on expanding healthcare access, particularly for underserved communities.
- Deputy Minister for Home Affairs and Social Welfare (1960s): Advocated for policies addressing poverty, education, and caste discrimination.
- Congress Leadership:
- General Secretary, All India Congress Committee (AICC): A key organizational role, where she influenced party strategy and policy during the 1960s and 1970s.
- President, Tamil Nadu Congress Committee (TNCC): Led the state unit, navigating internal factionalism and strengthening Congress’s base in Tamil Nadu during a period of Dravidian party dominance.
- National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes:
- Served as Chairperson (1983–1987), a high-profile role where she championed the rights of Dalits and Adivasis. She pushed for better implementation of reservation policies, anti-discrimination laws, and economic empowerment programs.
- Social Welfare: Maragatham was instrumental in shaping post-independence policies for healthcare, education, and social welfare. Her work as Deputy Minister helped establish rural health centers and nutrition programs, reflecting her training in dietetics.
- Dalit and Women’s Rights: As a Dalit woman, she was a powerful advocate for Scheduled Castes, challenging caste oppression in politics and society. She also promoted women’s participation in governance, serving as a role model in a patriarchal system.
- Congress Stalwart: Her leadership in the AICC and TNCC strengthened the Congress’s organizational structure in Tamil Nadu, despite competition from regional parties like the DMK and AIADMK. She remained loyal to the Nehru-Gandhi family, aligning with Indira Gandhi during the Congress split of 1969.
- Legacy of Inclusion: Her chairmanship of the National Commission for SC/ST highlighted systemic issues like untouchability and landlessness, pushing for accountability in government programs.
- Marriage and Family: Married R. Chandrasekar, about whom little is documented. They had two children:
- Lalit Chandrasekar: Son, with limited public information.
- Latha Priyakumar: Daughter, who followed in her mother’s footsteps as a Congress politician, serving as an MLA in Tamil Nadu.
- Personality: Known for her intellect, resilience, and compassion, Maragatham balanced her scholarly background with grassroots empathy. Her ability to navigate elite political circles while advocating for the marginalized earned her respect across party lines.
- Retirement: After stepping down from the National Commission in 1987, Maragatham reduced her public engagements due to age but remained a revered figure in Tamil Nadu Congress circles.
- Death: She passed away on October 26, 2001, in Chennai, just before her 84th birthday. Her death was mourned widely, with tributes highlighting her trailblazing role as a Dalit woman leader.
- Centenary Celebration: In 2017, her birth centenary was commemorated by the Tamil Nadu Congress, with leaders like Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi praising her contributions to social justice and women’s empowerment.
- Trailblazer for Dalit Women: As one of the first Dalit women in high political office, Maragatham shattered caste and gender barriers, inspiring leaders like Latha Priyakumar and others in Tamil Nadu.
- Congress Icon: Her loyalty to the INC and her work under Nehru and Indira Gandhi cemented her as a key figure in the party’s post-independence history.
- Cultural Impact: While not as globally celebrated as figures like Nelson Mandela, her legacy resonates in Tamil Nadu and among Dalit activists. Recent X posts (as of October 2025) from Tamil Nadu users occasionally reference her alongside other Congress stalwarts like K. Kamaraj, emphasizing her Dalit identity and welfare contributions. However, her national visibility remains lower than her contributions warrant.
- Honors:
- No major national awards are explicitly documented, but her chairmanship of the National Commission was a prestigious recognition.
- Memorials and tributes in Tamil Nadu, including centenary events, honor her legacy.
- Historical Context: Her work cost the Congress political capital in Tamil Nadu due to tensions with Dravidian parties but strengthened its appeal among Dalit voters. Her advocacy laid groundwork for later SC/ST empowerment policies.
- Limited National Recognition: Some critics argue her contributions are undercelebrated compared to male or upper-caste Congress leaders, reflecting caste and gender biases in historical narratives.
- Congress Factionalism: Her alignment with Indira Gandhi during the 1969 split drew criticism from rival Congress factions, though she remained a unifying figure in Tamil Nadu.
L. N. Hardas
Early Life and Background
His life was tragically short — he died of tuberculosis on January 12, 1939, at just 35 years old.
Social Reform and Activism
Hardas began his social work remarkably early:
Literary Contributions
A prolific writer, he used his pen for social change:
Political Career
Legacy
Babu Hardas's life is often described as a "comet" — brief but brilliantly illuminating for the Dalit movement. His biggest enduring contribution is coining "Jai Bhim" around 1935 (inspired by Islamic greetings like "Salaam Alaikum" and rejecting alternatives like "Jai Ramapati"). It started as a response to "Bal Bhim" and evolved into the mutual greeting used today.
In the context of your previous questions about disadvantaged communities — yes, L. N. Hardas belonged to the Mahar community, which falls under the Dalit (formerly "untouchable"/Scheduled Caste) category — one of the most historically oppressed and disadvantaged groups in India's caste system. He rose from this background to become a trailblazer in education, labor rights, politics, and Ambedkarite ideology.
Today (January 12, 2026), marks the 87th death anniversary of Babu Hardas — a fitting day to remember his contributions to social justice and equality!
Maragatham Chandrasekar
Maragatham Chandrasekar was a pioneering Indian politician from Tamil Nadu, a stalwart of the Indian National Congress (INC), and a significant figure in India's post-independence political landscape. As a Dalit woman who broke gender and caste barriers, she played a key role in advocating for social welfare, women's rights, and the upliftment of marginalized communities. She was also involved in India's freedom struggle, aligning with the INC’s non-violent resistance against British colonial rule. Below is a comprehensive overview of her life, contributions, and legacy.
Early Life
Role in the Freedom Struggle
Political Career
Maragatham Chandrasekar’s political career spanned over four decades, marked by significant roles in both legislative and executive capacities. Her rise as a Dalit woman in a male-dominated, caste-stratified political sphere was groundbreaking.
Contributions and Achievements
Personal Life
Later Life and Death
Legacy and Recognition
Controversies and Criticism
Masuriya Din Pasi
The Unsung Freedom Fighter and Pasi Icon
Masuriya Din Pasi (October 2, 1911 – 1978) was a prominent Indian freedom fighter, social reformer, and politician from the Pasi community—a Scheduled Caste group historically marginalized under colonial laws. Hailing from Uttar Pradesh, he played a pivotal role in India's independence movement, the abolition of the discriminatory Criminal Tribes Act, and post-independence politics as a close associate of Jawaharlal Nehru. Today, October 2, 2025, marks his 114th birth anniversary, though recent social media tributes (primarily from August 2025) focus on his legacy in community liberation rather than this date. Often called "Bapu" by his followers, Pasi's life exemplified Dalit empowerment through education, activism, and electoral success, though his contributions faded from mainstream memory until recent political revivals.
Early Life and Education
Born on October 2, 1911, in Prayagraj (then Allahabad), Masuriya Din grew up in a modest Pasi family amid the socio-economic challenges faced by Scheduled Castes under British rule. Details on his family are sparse in public records, but he was deeply influenced by the prevailing caste hierarchies and colonial oppression. While specific educational qualifications are not widely documented, Pasi was a self-taught advocate who later championed education for Dalits, establishing schools and promoting literacy within the Pasi community to counter systemic exclusion.
Role in the Independence Movement
Pasi emerged as a fierce anti-colonial activist in the 1930s and 1940s, aligning with the Indian National Congress and participating in non-violent protests. He was a key member of the Constituent Assembly (1946–1949), contributing to the drafting of India's Constitution as one of its Dalit representatives. His activism peaked with mass agitations against the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871, a draconian British law that branded entire communities like the Pasis as "hereditary criminals," restricting their movement and rights. Imprisoned multiple times for leading protests, Pasi mobilized thousands, turning the movement into a broader fight for social justice. His efforts helped pressure the post-independence government to repeal the Act in 1952, earning him the title "Mukti Data" (Liberator) among Pasis.
Political Career
Pasi's post-independence career was marked by electoral victories that amplified Dalit voices in Parliament and state assemblies:
- Lok Sabha Elections: He won from Phulpur (1952 and 1957), co-elected alongside Nehru (who represented the same seat in 1952), symbolizing a mentor-protégé bond. Nehru reportedly called him his "running mate."
- Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly: Elected from Chail constituency (now in Kaushambi district) in 1962 and 1967, serving as an MLA focused on land reforms and SC welfare. As a Congress loyalist, Pasi advocated for affirmative action and rural development, though he remained a grassroots leader rather than a national figurehead. He retired from active politics in the late 1960s, dedicating his later years to community organizing.
Social Reforms and Contributions
Beyond politics, Pasi was a reformer who targeted caste-based stigma:
- Criminal Tribes Act Abolition: His 1940s-1950s campaigns were instrumental in its denotification, freeing Pasis from surveillance and enabling social mobility.
- Education and Empowerment: He founded educational institutions and promoted inter-caste harmony, emphasizing self-reliance for Dalits.
- Writings: Pasi authored pamphlets and speeches on social justice, though no major books are attributed to him. His oratory inspired the Pasi Mahasabha, a socio-political body still active in UP and Bihar.
Personal Life and Death
Little is known about Pasi's family life; he was married with children, but details remain private. He passed away in 1978 at age 67, reportedly in Prayagraj. His funeral drew community leaders, but national recognition was limited.
Legacy
Pasi is revered as a Pasi icon for blending anti-colonial resistance with Dalit upliftment, influencing leaders like Kanshi Ram. However, as noted in Phulpur (his former constituency), his memory has faded, overshadowed by Nehru's shadow. Statues and memorials exist in UP villages, and August 31 is observed as "Criminal Tribes Act Mukti Divas" in his honor, with hashtags like #CTA_Liberation_Day trending on X among Pasi activists.
Recent Commemorations (2024-2025)
Ahead of the 2027 UP Assembly elections, political parties are invoking Pasi to court the 4-5% Pasi vote bank:
- Congress: Observed his death anniversary in July 2024 at Mallihabad (Lucknow), with a seminar on his empowerment work. They also marked his 2023 birth anniversary by displaying his photo alongside Gandhi and Shastri.
- BJP and SP: While focusing on icons like Uda Devi Pasi and Maharaja Bijli Pasi (e.g., BJP's 2018 push for Uda Devi's statue), both parties reference Pasi's legacy in Dalit outreach. On X, August 2025 saw tributes from users like @PrinceSaro75444 and @RamaSha08710473, sharing images and calls for "Amar Rahe" (Immortal Forever), tying his fight to modern caste issues. No major October 2025 posts yet, but community events in Prayagraj are likely.
Madhusudan Das
Utkala Gouraba Madhusudan Das
Born 28 April 1848
Satyabhamapur, Cuttack district, Bengal Presidency, Company rule in India
Died 4 February 1934 (aged 85)
Cuttack, Bihar and Orissa Province, British India
Occupation Lawyer, social reformer, minister, industrialist
Education M.A, B.L.
Alma mater Calcutta University
Period 1848–1934
Spouse Soudamini Devi
Children Sailabala Das, Sudhanshubala Hazra
Relatives Choudhury Raghunath Das
Parbati Debi (parents)
Madhusudan Das (28 April 1848 – 4 February 1934) was an Indian lawyer and social reformer, who founded Utkal Sammilani in 1903 to campaign for the unification of Orissa along with its social and industrial development. He was one of the main persons, helping in the creation of Orissa Province (present-day Odisha, India), which was established on 1 April 1936. He was also the first graduate and advocate of Orissa. He is also known as Kulabruddha (Grand Old Man), Madhu Babu, and Utkala Gouraba (Pride of Utkal). In Odisha, his birthday is celebrated as the Lawyers' Day on 28 April.
Family
Madhusudan Das was born to a Zamindari (Karan Kayastha ) family in 28 April 1848 at Satyabhamapur, 20 kilometres (12 mi) from Cuttack during the Company rule in India. His father was Choudhury Raghunath Das and his mother, Parbati Debi. They had initially named him Gobindaballabh. He had two elder sisters and a younger brother named Gopalballabh. Gopalballabh was a Magistrate at Bihar Province and the father of Ramadevi Choudhury. He was converted to Christianity that caused him boycotted in the village which he had to quit to erect a small house at the end of the village. The house was known as ‘Madhukothi’ or ‘Balipokharikothi’, later on used as the state office of the Kasturba National Memorial Trust, in a part of which was running the Anganabadi, Balbadi. Madhusudan had adopted two Bengali girls; Sailabala Das and Sudhanshubala Hazra. Sailabala was an educationist who had been trained in England, and in whose name the famous Sailabala Women's College of Cuttack was founded. Sailabala was Bengali, and her parents had left her in the care of Madhusudan Das and his wife Soudamini Devi at Calcutta. In 1864, he passed Matriculation from Cuttack and thereafter he was inclined to become a teacher and began his career as a teacher at Balasore for three years. The year 1866 was the year of a acute famine in Odisha, called the "Naanka Durviksha" When more than one lakh people died of hunger. This year he converted himself to Christian and changed his name as Madhusudan Das from his earlier name of Gobinda Ballav Choudhury. Sudhansubala Hazra was also Bengali and she was the first female lawyer of British India. Madhu babu was the resident tutor of Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee, the former Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University in Calcutta and Janakinath Bose, father of Subhash Chandra Bose at Ravenshaw College.
Early life and education
After his early education, he moved to Cuttack High School (later known as Ravenshaw Collegiate School) which offered English education. In 1864, he passed the entrance examination and went to Calcutta University. In spite of extremely challenging conditions he lived in Calcutta for almost fifteen years, from 1866 to 1881. In 1870, he became the first Odia to complete his B.A. He continued his studies at Calcutta and earned his M.A. in 1873, and an LL.B degree in 1878, thus becoming the first scholar from Orissa to be thus educated.
Professional life
Statue of Madhu babu
After returning to Orissa from Calcutta in 1881, he started his legal practice. His insight knowledge on this field helped him to earn sufficiently and spend for the common man. He handled some important cases of his times such as Puri temple administration case, Keonjhar Riots Case etc. He was a source of inspiration for the lawyers in Orissa and in India. His birth anniversary is observed as Lawyers' Day in Odisha.
Political career
Known as 'Madhu Babu' by the common people, he worked for the political, social and economical upliftment of the people of Orissa and worked as a lawyer, journalist, legislator, politician and social reformer. He founded Utkal Sammilani which brought a revolution in the social and industrial development of Orissa. He was elected as a member of the legislative council of Bihar and Orissa Province and under the Diarchy scheme of Government of India Act, 1919, he was appointed as Minister for Local Self-Government, Medical Public Health, Public Works in 1921.
He was the first Odia to become a member of both the legislative council and the Central Legislative Assembly of India. He founded Utkal Sammilani (Utkal Union Conference) which laid the foundation of Odia nationalism. Utkal Sammilani spearheaded the demand for unification of Odia speaking areas under a single administration.This led to the formations of state of Odisha on 1 April 1936. He was also the first Odia to travel to England. He founded the Utkal Tannery in 1905, a factory producing shoes and other leather products. In 1897 he founded the Orissa Art Ware Works. With his support, the Tarakasi(filigree) work of silver ornaments achieved commendable feet.
Contribution to literature
As a writer and poet, patriotism was always at the forefront of his mind, and that was reflected in all of his literary works. He penned a number of articles and poems in both English and Odia. Some of his important poems are "Utkal Santan", "Jati Itihash" and "Jananira Ukti". He was also an influential speaker in Odia, Bengali and English.
Last years
He died on 4 February 1934 at the age of 85.
Mangu Ram Mugowalia
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Mangu Ram Mugowalia
Member of Punjab Legislative Assembly
In office
21 March 1946 – 4 July 1947
Personal details
Born 14 January 1886
Muggowal, Hoshiarpur, Punjab Province, British India (now India)
Died 22 April 1980 (aged 94)
Political party Unionist Party (Punjab) (1946–1947)
Other political
affiliations Ghadar Party (Before 1946)
Mangu Ram (14 January 1886 – 22 April 1980), known popularly as Babu Mangu Ram Chaudhry, was an Indian freedom fighter, a politician from Punjab and one of the founder members of the Ghadar Party.
In 1909, he immigrated to the United States and there became associated with the Ghadar Party. Upon his return to India in 1925, he became a leader of the low-caste people, organising them in opposition to the system of untouchability that oppressed them. He was instrumental in the foundation of the Ad-Dharmi Movement, an organisation dedicated to attaining equality for Untouchables. He was elected to the Punjab Legislative Assembly in 1946 and in 1972 received recognition in the form of a pension and an award from Indira Gandhi for his work towards Indian independence.
Personal life
Mugowalia was born to Harman Dass and Atri in a Chamar family of Muggowal village, Hoshiarpur district, Punjab Province, British India. His father Harman Dass left the traditional Chamar Caste occupation of Leathercraft. His mother Atri died when he was three. Harman Dass faced discrimination at every step of his life thus did not want his son to face the same problems and enrolled him in school for early education.
Education
Initially Mangu Ram was taught by a village saint (Sadhu) till the age of seven. He attended schools in Mugowal area and Dehradun. In most of the schools Mangu ram was the only Dalit Student. He was forced to sit in back of the classroom, or even in separate room, and had to listen through the open door. When he attended high school in Bajwara, he was forced to stay outside the building and had to listen to the classes through the windows. Once when he came inside during a heavy hailstorm, the Brahman teacher beat him and put all the classroom furniture, which he had "polluted" by his presence, outside in the rain to be literally and ritually washed clean. Nonetheless, Mangu Ram was a good student, he came third in his class in primary school. While the other students were encouraged to become patwaris (village record-keeper) or to seek higher education, Mangu Ram was encouraged to leave school and help his father at a more proper "Chamar task".
Ad-Dharmi movement
In 1925, after returning from US, Babu Mangoo Ram started teaching in a primary school in his home village of Mugowal, A school which he named Ad Dharm School. It was the same school where Babu Mangu Ram first convened the meeting that formally launched the Ad Dharam Movement. The establishment of movement was the voice against the brahminical society which put Dalits at bottom of the social structure. It was the glorious step by Dalits to attain the equality in caste laden society. Through the Ad dharm Movement, babu Mangu Ram pioneered Dalit movement in North India.
He succeeded remarkably well in creating awareness and awakening among the people. His path was beset with difficulties, and he had to work against the odds and trying circumstances. The message brought by Babu Mangu Ram was new and inspiring. It was aimed at awakening the untouchables. The message called upon them to know and realize themselves as they had forgotten their true selves due to hostile influences in which they had been living for thousands of years. It caught imagination and hearts of downtrodden people, soon Babu Mangu Ram became household name.
Death
Mangu Ram died on 22 April 1980
Wikipedia
Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari
Postage stamp issued in honor of Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari
President of Indian National Congress
Birth 25 December 1880
Yusufpur, Mohammadabad, Ghazipur British India
The death 1936 ( Age : 56 years) in train between
Mussoorie - Delhi , British India
the nationality Indian
Political party Indian National Congress and Muslim League
Learning earnings Madras Medical College
London Lock Hospital
The business Doctor, freedom fighter
religion Islam
DR. Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari ( Hindi : Mokhtar Ahmad Ansari , Urdu : مختار احمد انصاری )during the Indian Independence movement with an Indian nationalist and political leader of the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League of former president. He was one of the founders of Jamia Millia IslamiaUniversity, he was also its Chancellor from 1928 to 1936.
Early life and medical career
Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari was born on 25 December 1880 in the city of Yusufpur-Mohammadabad in North-Western Provinces (now a part of Uttar Pradesh ).
He attended Victoria High School and later he and his family moved to Hyderabad . Ansari received a medical degree from Madras Medical College and went to England to study on a scholarship . He did M.D. And MS Acquired the titles of He was an upper-class student and worked at the Lock Hospital and Charing Cross Hospital in London . He was India's pioneer in surgery and today an Ansari ward is present in Charing Cross Hospital to honor his work .
Nationalist activities
Dr. Ansari joined the Indian independence movement during his stay in England. He returned to Delhi and joined both the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League . He played an important role in negotiating the 1916 Lucknow Treaty and served as the league's president from 1918 to 1920. He was an outspoken supporter of the Khilafat Movement and brought together the government's Khilafat body, the League and the Congress Party at issue against Mustafa Kamal's decision to oust the Khalifa of Islam , the Sultan of Turkey , and the recognition of Turkish independence by the British Empire Worked to protest.
Dr. Ansari served as AICC Secretary General several times, as well as President of the Indian National Congress during the 1927 session. Dr. Ansari became closer to Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress Party as a result of internal fighting and political divisions within the League in the 1920s and later the rise of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Muslim separatism.
Dr. Ansari ( Foundation Committee of Jamia Millia Islamia ) was one of the founders and shortly after the death of its primary founder, Dr. Hakim Ajmal Khan in 1927, he also worked as the Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia University in Delhi . Did it
Personal life and perceptions
Dr. Ansari's wife was a very religious woman who worked with him to uplift the Muslim women of Delhi. [ Citation needed ] Ansari family lived in a palatial home that Urdu in the Darus Salaam or Adobe of Peace was called. Whenever Mahatma Gandhi came to Delhi, the Ansari family often welcomed him and this house was a regular basis for the political activities of the Congress. However, he never stopped practicing medicine and often came to the aid of Indian politicians and the Indian royal system.
Dr. Ansari was one of a new generation of Indian Muslim nationalists, including Maulana Azad, Muhammad Ali Jinnah and others. He was very passionate about the issues of common Indian Muslims but, unlike Jinnah, was strongly against separate voters and opposed Jinnah's view that only the Muslim League could be representative of India's Muslim communities.
Dr. Ansari was very close to Mahatma Gandhi and favored Gandhism with his major teachings of non- violence and non-violent civil resistance . He had an intimate friendship with the Mahatma.
Dr. Ansari died of a heart attack in a train en route from Mussoorie to Delhi in 1936 , he is buried in the premises of Jamia Millia Islamia in Delhi.
Namdeo Dhasal
1. Introduction: The Revolutionary Poet-Politician
Namdeo Dhasal (15 February 1949 – 15 January 2014) was a firebrand Marathi poet, writer, and radical political activist. He is best known as a co-founder of the Dalit Panthers (1972) and one of the most influential and controversial voices in post-independence Dalit literature. His work is characterized by its raw, violent, and unflinching portrayal of caste oppression, urban poverty, and human degradation, using a language that shocked the literary establishment and galvanized a movement.
2. Early Life & Formative Influences
Birth: Born on February 15, 1949, in Poona (now Pune), Maharashtra.
Caste Background: Belonged to the Mahar community (a Scheduled Caste that produced Dr. B.R. Ambedkar). His family lived in the Golpitha area of Mumbai, a neighborhood of sex workers, gangsters, and the destitute. This landscape became the central metaphor of his early poetry.
Education: Had minimal formal education. Worked as a taxi driver and in various odd jobs, experiencing firsthand the brutality of life on Mumbai's streets.
Influences: Deeply influenced by Ambedkarite thought, the Black Panther movement in the USA, and Marxist-Leninist revolutionary ideology. He also admired Marathi poets like the saint-poets and the modernist B.S. Mardhekar.
3. Literary Career & "Golpitha"
Debut Collection – Golpitha (1972): This collection revolutionized Marathi poetry. Named after Mumbai's red-light district, it used a brutal, visceral vocabulary drawn from the gutter, the streets, and the brothel to protest against caste Hindu society. It was a literary bomb, shattering the sanitized, aesthetic norms of Marathi poetry.
Style & Themes: Dhasal's poetry was deliberately obscene, violent, and provocative. He used the language of the oppressed to attack the "civilized" caste order. His themes included:
The physical and psychological violence of caste.
The squalor and resilience of Mumbai's underbelly.
Revolutionary anger and the call for armed rebellion.
Later, existential despair and personal struggles.
Major Works: Golpitha, Moorkh Mhataryane, Tuhi Iyatta Kanchi?, Khel, and Mee Marale Sooryachya Rathache Sat Ghode.
Awards: Despite his anti-establishment stance, he received the Sahitya Akademi Award (1974) for Golpitha and the Padma Shri (1999), both of which sparked controversy. He later returned awards in protest (e.g., the Sahitya Akademi Award in 2004 over the treatment of a fellow writer).
4. Political Career & The Dalit Panthers
Co-founding the Dalit Panthers (1972): Along with J.V. Pawar, Raja Dhale, and Arun Kamble, Dhasal founded this militant organization inspired by the Black Panthers. It aimed to combat caste atrocities through direct action and radical rhetoric.
Ideology: The Panthers' manifesto, largely drafted by Dhasal, combined Ambedkarism, Marxism, and revolutionary socialism. It called for the annihilation of caste and class, and solidarity with all oppressed groups (Adivasis, workers, religious minorities).
Split and Later Politics: The Panthers soon split (1974) into two factions: a more Ambedkarite-Marxist wing led by Dhasal and a more Ambedkarite-Buddhist wing led by Raja Dhale. Dhasal's faction eventually aligned with Sharad Pawar's Congress faction and later the Republican Party of India. This move from militant radicalism to mainstream electoral politics was criticized by many former comrades as a compromise.
Controversial Alliances: His association with Shiv Sena leader Bal Thackeray in the 1990s, based on a shared "sons of the soil" ideology and personal rapport, drew severe condemnation from the Dalit intellectual community.
5. Personal Life & Controversies
Marriage: Married Mallika Amar Sheikh, a well-known Marxist poet from a Muslim family, in a union that defied caste and religious boundaries. Their relationship, chronicled in her memoir I Want to Destroy Myself, was intensely passionate and turbulent.
Health: Suffered from myasthenia gravis for over two decades, which gradually immobilized him.
Enduring Controversy: His life was a series of contradictions: a poet of the gutter who won national awards, a radical revolutionary who joined mainstream politics, and an Ambedkarite who allied with Hindutva figures. This made him a perpetually debated and enigmatic figure.
6. Legacy
Literary Legacy: He is the father of Dalit "little magazine" poetry and expanded the linguistic and thematic boundaries of Indian literature. His work influenced generations of writers across languages.
Political Legacy: While the Dalit Panthers was short-lived, it rejuvenated the Dalit movement with a militant, youth-centric energy and its impact is seen in the assertiveness of later movements. His journey reflects the complex dilemmas of translating radicalism into sustained political power.
Icon of Rebellion: Namdeo Dhasal remains an indelible icon of rebellion—a poet who gave a fierce, unforgiving voice to the anger of the oppressed and challenged every establishment, including his own.
Summary Table
| Aspect | Details |
|---|---|
| Born | 15 February 1949, Pune, Maharashtra |
| Died | 15 January 2014, Mumbai |
| Primary Identity | Revolutionary Poet & Co-founder of the Dalit Panthers |
| Caste | Mahar (Scheduled Caste) |
| Seminal Work | Golpitha (1972) – A landmark in Marathi & Dalit literature |
| Key Political Act | Co-founding the Dalit Panthers (1972) |
| Awards (Contested) | Sahitya Akademi Award (1974), Padma Shri (1999) |
| Famous Association | Marriage to Mallika Amar Sheikh; controversial alliance with Bal Thackeray |
| Legacy | The poet who weaponized Marathi poetry; the militant who radicalized Dalit politics. |
In essence, Namdeo Dhasal was a volcano of creativity and conflict. His life and work embody the furious protest against caste apartheid and the painful, often contradictory, search for political and personal liberation.
P. Theagaraya Chetty
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Pitti Theagaraya Chetty
Born 27 April 1852
Died 28 April 1925 (aged 73)
Madras, British India
Occupation lawyer, businessman, politician
Sir Pitti Theagaraya Chetty KCSI (27 April 1852 – 28 April 1925) was an Indian lawyer, industrialist and a prominent political leader from the erstwhile Madras province. He was one of the founders of the Justice Party in 1916 along with C. Natesa Mudaliar, Dr. T. M. Nair. T.Nagar is a locality in Chennai which is named after him. On 1919 January 1, the title Dewan Bahadur was awarded to him
Theagaraya Chetty was born in Madras Presidency. After graduating from Presidency College, Madras he served as a corporator and legislator. He had an avid interest in politics and served as a member of the Indian National Congress before founding the South Indian Liberal Federation in 1917. He served as the President of the federation from 1917 till his death in 1925.
Early life
Chetty was born to a Devanga family in Egathur, Madras Presidency on 27 April 1852 He did his schooling in Chennai and graduated in law from Presidency College, Madras. On graduation, he entered public life and served as a member of the Corporation of Madras from 1882 to 1922. He also served terms as the President of the Corporation of Madras, and then as a Councillor till 1922. He was the first non-official President of the Madras Corporation.
He was one of the founder-members of the South Indian Chamber of Commerce and served as its President. from 1910 to 1921. When the Industrial Conference came to Madras, Theagaraya Chetty was the Chairman of the Reception Committee. Theagaraya Chetty fought on behalf of the Indian Patriot newspaper and its editor Karunakara Menon against Dr T. M. Nair who later became his close associate.
The Dravidian Movement
The Madras Non-Brahmin Association was formed in 1909 by two lawyers from Madras city, P. Subramanyam and M. Purushotham Naidu. Sir Theagaroya Chetty did not involve himself in the movement until 1912, when the Madras United League (Later renamed as Madras Dravidian Association) was formed.
At a meeting held in Madras in November 1916 by a group of about thirty people, including Theagaraya Chetti and Dr. T. M. Nair, it was resolved to start a company for publishing newspapers advocating the cause of the non-Brahmin community. The newspaper was named Justice and started publishing from 26 February 1917 onwards. Dr. T. M. Nair was its first Editor.
A political party was organised by the South Indian People's Association under the leadership of Sir P.Theagaroya Chetty and Dr. T. M. Nair and was named the South Indian Liberal Federation. It later came to be popularly known as the Justice Party after the English daily Justice which the party published. The Federation was organised in October 1917 and its objectives were defined as :
to create and promote the education, social, economic, political, material and moral progress of all communities in Southern India other than Brahmins, to discuss public questions and make a true and timely representation to Government of the views and interests of the people of Southern India with the object of safeguarding and promoting the interests of all communities including Dalits and to disseminate by public lectures, by distribution of literature and by other means sound and liberal views in regard to public opinion "
Early Years of the Justice Party
Theagaraya Chetty was elected the first President of the Justice Party and served as President until his death in 1925. A constitution was drawn on 17 October 1917. District and city boards were established all over the Presidency.
In the initial stages, the Justice Party concentrated its energies on work of a social character than political. During this period, the Justice Party held all-India conferences to unite SCs and Its all over the country. The Justice Party argued for separate electorates and reservations in government jobs and civil service for Dalits, at the British Parliament in London. In 1919, Dr. T. M. Nair, the President of the Justice Party and leader of the delegation died in London at the age of fifty-one and was succeeded as President by Theagaraya Chetty.
1920 elections
When elections were held in December 1920 in the Madras Presidency as per the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms, the Justice Party obtained a comfortable majority by winning 63 seats out of 98. The Governor of Madras invited Theagaraya Chetty to form the Government. However, Theagaraya Chetty refused on account of the ethical rule that head of a political party can't hold a post in the cabinet too. As a result, A. Subbarayalu Reddiar was appointed Chief Minister. He served for a few months before being succeeded by the Raja of Panagal.
Attitude towards Brahmins
In his speech as the President of the Reception Committee of the First Non-Brahmin Confederation, Theagaraya Chetty spoke:
Towards the Brahmins, we cherish no feelings of bitterness. If we have to fight them we do so in the interests of truth and justice, and we shall be prepared to extend to them too the right hand of fellowship, when they shall see the wrongs inflicted upon us and repent. Ours is essentially a movement of love and not of hate, or love based upon a sense of what is due to the various classes which constitute the population of this vast and ancient land
Death and legacy
History holds the fact that the credit of demolishing the influence of brahminism against the other communities belongs to the Justice Party and its successor party Dravidar Kazhagam. Theagaraya Chetty died on 28 April 1925 and was succeeded by the Raja of Panagal as the President of the Justice Party. He is usually credited for the victories of the Justice Party in the 1920 and 1923 elections and for turning the Justice Party into a formidable force in the Presidency that continued to be so for a couple of decades.
The locality T Nagar in Chennai is named after him. It is an important commercial centre today.
Purno Agitok Sangma (often misspelled as "Purna Aijitk Sangma") was a prominent Indian politician from Meghalaya who played a significant role in both state and national politics.
Key Roles and Achievements
Speaker of Lok Sabha: Sangma served as the 11th Speaker of the Lok Sabha (India's lower house of Parliament) from 1996 to 1998, earning broad respect for his impartiality and efficiency.
Chief Minister of Meghalaya: He was the 4th Chief Minister of Meghalaya, holding office from 1988 to 1990.
Union Minister: Sangma held multiple important Union ministries, including Labor, Information & Broadcasting, Coal, Commerce, and Industry, playing crucial roles in policy reforms and development.
Lok Sabha Member: He represented the Tura constituency in Meghalaya for nine terms, serving from 1977 to 1988, 1991 to 2008, and again from 2014 until his death in 2016—making him one of the most influential parliamentarians from Northeast India.
Political Journey
Early Political Career: Sangma entered politics in the early 1970s, starting with the Indian National Congress (INC), progressing quickly to Vice-President and then General Secretary of the Meghalaya Pradesh Youth Congress.
Congress and NCP: In 1999, Sangma—along with Sharad Pawar and Tariq Anwar—was expelled from INC after questioning Sonia Gandhi's foreign origin, leading to the formation of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP).
National People's Party: In 2013, he founded the National People's Party (NPP), focusing on the aspirations and issues of the Northeast.
Personal Life and Background
Humble Origins: Born on 1 September 1947 in Chapahati (Garo Hills, now in Meghalaya), Sangma lost his father young and was helped by missionaries to continue his education. He graduated from St. Anthony's College in Shillong and later studied political science in Assam.
Family: His son Conrad Sangma is the current Chief Minister of Meghalaya, and his daughter Agatha Sangma is also a Member of Parliament from Tura.
Other Notable Events
Presidential Candidate: Sangma contested the 2012 Indian presidential election, supported by the BJP and others, but lost to Pranab Mukherjee.
Awards: He was posthumously awarded the Padma Vibhushan, India's second-highest civilian honor, in 2017.
Advocacy for Northeast: Sangma was a relentless advocate for the Northeast, working for its development, representation, and inclusion at the national level.
Purno Agitok Sangma is remembered as a skilled parliamentarian, an advocate for social justice, a political maverick, and a trailblazer from Northeast India.
Prakash Yashwant Ambedkar
From Wikipedia
Prakash Ambedkar
Member of the Indian parliament, Lok Sabha
In office
10 October 1999 – 6 February 2004
Succeeded by Sanjay Shamrao Dhotre
Constituency Akola
In office
10 March 1998 – 26 April 1999
Preceded by Pandurang Pundalik Fundkar
Constituency Akola
Member of the Indian parliament of Rajya Sabha
In office
18 September 1990 – 17 September 1996
Constituency Maharashtra
Personal details
Born 10 May 1954 (age 66)
Bombay, Bombay State (now Mumbai, Maharashtra), India
Nationality Indian
Political party
Republican Party of India
(before 1994, 1998 – 1999)
Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh
(1994 – 2019)
Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi
(since 2019)
Spouse(s)
Anjali Ambedkar
(m. 1993)
Relations
B. R. Ambedkar
(grandfather)
Anandraj Ambedkar
(brother)
Anand Teltumbde
(brother-in-law)
See also Ambedkar family
Children Sujat Ambedkar (son)
Parents
Yashwant Ambedkar
Meera Ambedkar
Residence • 129, Rajgruha, Hindu colony, Dadar, Mumbai, Maharashtra
• B-17, Patil Heritage Bhosale Nagar, Pune, Maharashtra
• Akola, Maharashtra
Education Bachelor of Arts
Bachelor of Laws
Alma mater St. Stanislaus High School
Siddharth College of Law, Mumbai
Profession Advocate, Politician, Social worker
Website PrakashAmbedkar on Facebook
Nickname(s) Balasaheb Ambedkar
Prakash Yashwant Ambedkar (IAST: Prakāśa Yaśavanta Āmbēḍakar) (born 10 May 1954), popularly known as Balasaheb Ambedkar, is an Indian politician, social activist, writer and lawyer. He is the president of political party called the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi. He is a three-time Member of Parliament (MP). He is the grandson of B. R. Ambedkar. He was a member of the 12th and 13th Lok Sabha Akola constituency of India. He has served in both houses of the Indian Parliament.
Personal life
Prakash Ambedkar is the eldest grandson of B. R. Ambedkar and Ramabai Ambedkar. His father's name is Yashwant Ambedkar (Bhaiyasaheb) and mother's name is Meera. The Ambedkar family are followers of Navayana Buddhism. He has two younger brothers Bhimrao and Anandraj, and a sister Ramabai who is married to Anand Teltumbde. Prakash Ambedkar is married to Anjali Maydeo, with whom he has a son.
Early life and education
Prakash Ambedkar was born on 10 May 1954 in Bombay (now Mumbai). In 1972 he completed his higher secondary education from St. Stanislaus High School, Mumbai. In 1978, he received Bachelor of Arts (BA) from Siddhartha College of Arts, and in 1981 he got Bachelor of Laws (LLB) in Siddharth College of Law, Mumbai.
Political career
On 4 July 1994, Prakash Ambedkar established the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh. This party was a splintered group amongst other factions of the Republican Party of India which was constituted on directions of his grandfather after his death. The Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha contested established political parties like Indian National Congress, Shiv Sena and Bharatiya Janata Party in the Akola municipal elections, emerging victorious. The success was gained through the new social engineering brought by Prakash Ambedkar which later known as "Akola Pattern". The expansion of the party continued after 1995, that some of the non-Dalit parties and organisations have joined the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh.
Ambedkar was a member of the Rajya Sabha during 1990 - 1996. He was elected in the 12th Lok Sabha elections from Akola Lok Sabha constituency in 1998 as a candidate of the Republican Party of India. Second time from the same constituency in 1999, he was elected as the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh's candidate for the 13th Lok Sabha elections and he was a member of the Lok Sabha till 2004.
Ambedkar followed a policy, on the one hand, of regrouping the Dalits, and on the other of following a moderate line seeking alliance with those opposition parties which sympathised with the Dalit cause. It was with their support that he twice contested elections to the parliament from non-reserved constituencies. Though not successful in getting elected, he polled a sizeable number of votes on both the occasions.
The RPI organised a march from Nashik to Mumbai to press its demands, prominent among which was the transfer of vatan lands to their Dalit cultivators. (Both before and after the British Raj, certain lands were given to people for services rendered by them to the government or to the community or to both. These lands are also called "watan lands" in local legislation and in Maharashtra many of the watans were abolished between 1950 and 1960.)[citation needed] In response, the government appointed a committee with Prakash Ambedkar as a member.
The RPI's greatest success was in 1988 when Ambedkar, in alliance with other Dalit organisations, took out a massive demonstration in Mumbai. The occasion was the controversy regarding a move to delete from the official publication of B. R. Ambedkar's writings a portion called Riddles of Hinduism. The deletion move was supported by Shiv Sena which by this time was emerging as a Hindu political organisation. To bring all Dalit organisations together for this purpose, Prakash Ambedkar formed Ambedkar Vichar Samvardhak Samiti (AVSS). Under the leadership of Prakash Ambedkar, R. S. Gavai and others on 5 February 1988, Dalits put on a massive show of strength which brought more than four to five lakh followers of B. R. Ambedkar into the heart of Mumbai city from different parts of Maharashtra and also from Gujarat and other states. Within days of the Dalit demonstration in Mumbai, the 'Riddles' issue was resolved at a meeting on February 10 of representatives of the Shiv Sena, the Maratha Mahasangh and the various groups of the Republican Party of India and the Dalit Panthers called by the state chief minister. It was agreed at the meeting that the relevant appendix would be retained intact in the fourth volume of Ambedkar's works; only a line would be added to clarify that the Maharashtra government did not agree or disagree with B. R. Ambedkar's comments on the Hindu gods.
Bahujan Mahasangh, a political formation working in close association with the Bharatiya Republican Party led by Prakash Ambedkar, was formed in February 1993. In the summer of that year, its candidate won Kinwat legislative assembly seat in Nanded district, defeating Congress and BJP contestants. The alliance between Bharatiya Republican Party and Bahujan Mahasangh visualised a joint front of Dalits and OBCs whose cultural identity was essentially non-Brahmin. Bahujan Mahasangh argued that in the Brahminical social order, both Dalits and OBCs find themselves equally oppressed culturally. Bahujan Mahasangh had defined the Bahujan category to include Buddhists, Sikhs, Jains and Muslims, as well as caste groups such as Shudra (OBCs) and ati-Shudra (Dalits), tribes, women, poor Marathas, and poor Brahmins, thus including all those who are subjugated through caste, class and gender exploitation
In memory of Mahar soldiers who fought in the Battle of Koregaon, their descendants (Buddhists) visit Koregaon Bhima on 1 January every year to honor them. On 1 January 2018, Buddhists, as well as some Hindu dalit, OBC and Sikh people visited the 'Jay sthambh' (victory pillar) at Koregaon Bhima in Pune district, Maharashtra.Prakash Ambedkar accused Sambhaji Bhide and Milind Ekbote of seducing the invading Hindutva people and demanded the police investigation and strict action against the two. But the Maharashtra government and the state police did not take any action against the culprits. So on 3 January 2018, he called on the people of Maharashtra to call "Maharashtra Bandh". This call to shut down Maharashtra received a huge response from the people and the bandh was a success. The bandh was seen across Maharashtra including Mumbai. According to Ambedkar, more than 50% Maharashtrian people participated in the bandh. Earlier only Bal Thackeray of Shiv Sena had the power to shut down Mumbai. Subsequently, Prakash Ambedkar's political power increased. He came to the center of Ambedkarite and Bahujan community. The youth group in particular became his supporters.
Prakash Ambedkar founded new political party the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi on 20 March 2018 with its ideology primarily emphasizing Constitutionalism, Ambedkarism, Secularism, Socialism and Progressivism. The Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi registered as a political party a year later on 15 March 2019, prior to the 2019 elections for Lok Sabha. It is supported by nearly 100 small political parties and social organizations. Prakash Ambedkar is the supremo of the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi.
On 14 March 2019, Ambedkar has announced the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh will merge with the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi. He said that, despite the 'Akola pattern' of social engineering through the success of the Bharipa-Bahujan Mahasangh, the word 'Bharipa' (RPI) had limited the expansion of the party. He said that after the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the Bharip-Bahujan Mahasangh will merge with the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi, because the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi is acceptable in a broad sense.
Ambedkar contested and lost from both Akola and Solapur in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections.
Controversy
Prakash Ambedkar courted controversy by asking his supporters to resort to violence against trolls and those who criticised his statement asking for proof on surgical strikes conducted by Indian Air Force. Many critics called it militant Dalit politics.
Writings
Ambedkari Chalval Sampli Ahe (The Ambedkarite Movement Has Ended)
Andheri Nagari Chaupat Raja
Maharashtracha Uddyacha Mukhyamantri Varkari ani Varkarich
Can It Be Stopped!
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Cha Vaicharik Bhrashtachar (Ideological Corruption of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh)
Aetehasik Ambedkar Bhawanacha Varasa Aapan Japanar Ki Nahi ? (The Historic Heritage Of Ambedkar Bhavan Will We Preserve It?)
Positions held
Ambedkar has held following positions,
1990-96: Nominated Member, Rajya Sabha from 18 September 1990 to 17 September 1996.
1992-96: Member, Committee on Rules
1993-96: Member, Committee on Communications
1998-99: Elected to 12th Lok Sabha, (1st term) Leader, Republican Party of India Parliamentary Party
1998-99: Member, Committee on Food, Civil Supplies and Public Distribution; Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Human Resource Development
1999–2004: Re-elected to 13th Lok Sabha (2nd term); Leader, Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh Parliamentary Party, Lok Sabha
1999-2000: Member, Committee on Energy
2000–2004: Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Railways
Ram Kinkar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaRam KinkarIn office1977-1984Preceded by Rudra Pratap SinghSucceeded by Kamla PrasadConstituency BarabankiMinister of State in the Ministry of Works and Housing and Supply and RehabilitationIn officeAugust 1977 to June 1978Constituency BarabankiMinister for Works and Housing and Supply and Rehabilitation
Assumed officeJuly 28, 1979, to January 13, 1980Constituency BarabankiPersonal detailsBorn 2 February 1922Sarai Rajai Village, Atarsan, P. O., Pratapgarh DistrictDied 12 September 2003 (aged 81)Political party Janata Party (Secular)Other politicalaffiliations Bharatiya Lok DalSpouse(s) Vimla DeviChildren 2 sons and 1 daughterResidence(s) Sarai Rajai Village, Atarsan, P. O., Pratapgarh District, Uttar PradeshEducation B.A., LL.B.Lucknow University
Ram Kinkar (1922-2003) was an Indian politician. He was elected to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India from the Barabanki, Uttar Pradesh constituency of Uttar Pradesh as a member of the Janata Party. He was Deputy Minister for Education, Social Welfare, Food & Civil Supplies, Revenue etc. from February 17, to July 15, 1970 and the Cabinet Minister for Sales Tax in Uttar Pradesh Government from July to October, 1970 and for Forest, November, 1970 to March 1971.
He was Minister of State in the Ministry of Works and Housing and Supply and Rehabilitation in Morarji Desai Cabinet from August 1977 to June 1978. He resigned from the Government on June 30, 1978, and rejoined the Ministry on January 26, 1979, with the same portfolio but as Cabinet Minister for Works and Housing and Supply and Rehabilitation in Charan Singh Cabinet from July 28, 1979, to January 13, 1980.Kinkar died on September 12, 2003, in New Delhi at the age of 82.
Ramdas Athawale
Background & Early Life
Born: December 25, 1959. His birthplace is Agalgaon, in the Sangli district of Maharashtra, India.
Caste/Community: He is a Dalit leader, belonging to the Matang community (recognized as a Scheduled Caste in Maharashtra).
Political Roots: His activism began as a student leader in Mumbai. He was deeply influenced by the Dalit Panther movement in the 1970s, a radical social organization fighting caste oppression, and was a close associate of its founder, Namdeo Dhasal.
Mentorship: He considers himself a staunch follower of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and the late Kanshi Ram, founder of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP).
Born: December 25, 1959. His birthplace is Agalgaon, in the Sangli district of Maharashtra, India.
Caste/Community: He is a Dalit leader, belonging to the Matang community (recognized as a Scheduled Caste in Maharashtra).
Political Roots: His activism began as a student leader in Mumbai. He was deeply influenced by the Dalit Panther movement in the 1970s, a radical social organization fighting caste oppression, and was a close associate of its founder, Namdeo Dhasal.
Mentorship: He considers himself a staunch follower of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and the late Kanshi Ram, founder of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP).
Political Career Timeline
Early Activism & Dalit Panthers: Gained prominence as a fiery Dalit rights activist and orator.
Entry into Electoral Politics: Initially associated with the Indian National Congress.
Switch to Shiv Sena Alliance: In the 1990s, he made a major shift by aligning his faction of the RPI with the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra, a move considered controversial given the Shiv Sena's political stance at the time. He became a Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha) with Shiv Sena support.
Formation of RPI(A): He formally split and named his faction the Republican Party of India (Athawale).
Alliance with BJP-NDA: Post-2014, he strategically aligned his party firmly with the BJP-led NDA at the center. This alliance secured him a ministerial berth in the Modi government.
Minister of State (2016-Present): As MoS for Social Justice, his portfolio covers welfare schemes for Scheduled Castes (SCs), Other Backward Classes (OBCs), Divyangjan (persons with disabilities), and other marginalized sections.
Early Activism & Dalit Panthers: Gained prominence as a fiery Dalit rights activist and orator.
Entry into Electoral Politics: Initially associated with the Indian National Congress.
Switch to Shiv Sena Alliance: In the 1990s, he made a major shift by aligning his faction of the RPI with the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra, a move considered controversial given the Shiv Sena's political stance at the time. He became a Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha) with Shiv Sena support.
Formation of RPI(A): He formally split and named his faction the Republican Party of India (Athawale).
Alliance with BJP-NDA: Post-2014, he strategically aligned his party firmly with the BJP-led NDA at the center. This alliance secured him a ministerial berth in the Modi government.
Minister of State (2016-Present): As MoS for Social Justice, his portfolio covers welfare schemes for Scheduled Castes (SCs), Other Backward Classes (OBCs), Divyangjan (persons with disabilities), and other marginalized sections.
Key Political Traits & Public Persona
Unorthodox Communication Style: Athawale is famous for his "social messages" delivered through catchy, simple songs/raps (e.g., on cleanliness, voter awareness, against drug abuse). This has made him a viral figure and a subject of both memes and genuine public engagement.
Master of Political Realignment: He is seen as a pragmatic politician who has built his career by forming strategic alliances with larger parties (Congress, Shiv Sena, BJP) to maintain relevance and secure a share of power for his Dalit constituency.
Provocative Statements: He frequently makes headlines for his bold, sometimes controversial, statements on social and political issues.
Survivor: He survived a major assassination attempt in 1997 in Pune, where he was shot multiple times but recovered.
Unorthodox Communication Style: Athawale is famous for his "social messages" delivered through catchy, simple songs/raps (e.g., on cleanliness, voter awareness, against drug abuse). This has made him a viral figure and a subject of both memes and genuine public engagement.
Master of Political Realignment: He is seen as a pragmatic politician who has built his career by forming strategic alliances with larger parties (Congress, Shiv Sena, BJP) to maintain relevance and secure a share of power for his Dalit constituency.
Provocative Statements: He frequently makes headlines for his bold, sometimes controversial, statements on social and political issues.
Survivor: He survived a major assassination attempt in 1997 in Pune, where he was shot multiple times but recovered.
Positions & Controversies
Pro-Modi Stance: He is one of the most vocal Dalit supporters of PM Narendra Modi, often crediting him for Dalit welfare and advocating for a larger Dalit vote share for the BJP.
Criticism from Within Dalit Politics: His alliance with the BJP has drawn significant criticism from more radical and independent Ambedkarite groups, who accuse him of compromising core Dalit interests for personal political gain. They often label him an "opportunist."
Statements: He has suggested creating a "Mini-Prime Minister" post for allies, proposed a "Hindu Nation" that respects all religions, and made various remarks on issues like caste-based reservations in the private sector and Pakistan that spark debate.
Pro-Modi Stance: He is one of the most vocal Dalit supporters of PM Narendra Modi, often crediting him for Dalit welfare and advocating for a larger Dalit vote share for the BJP.
Criticism from Within Dalit Politics: His alliance with the BJP has drawn significant criticism from more radical and independent Ambedkarite groups, who accuse him of compromising core Dalit interests for personal political gain. They often label him an "opportunist."
Statements: He has suggested creating a "Mini-Prime Minister" post for allies, proposed a "Hindu Nation" that respects all religions, and made various remarks on issues like caste-based reservations in the private sector and Pakistan that spark debate.
Significance & Legacy
Bridge Figure: Athawale positions himself as a bridge between the BJP and Dalit voters, a community not traditionally aligned with the party.
Access to Power: His supporters argue that his alliance politics have given a small Dalit party direct access to central government power, allowing him to influence and implement welfare policies.
Pop Culture Politician: He has carved out a unique space in Indian politics by blending traditional Dalit politics with mass media and pop culture tools, ensuring constant public visibility.
Symbol of a Political Shift: His career reflects the complex evolution of Dalit politics in India—from radical protest to pragmatic power-sharing within the prevailing political system.
In essence, Ramdas Athawale is a unique blend of a traditional Ambedkarite leader and a modern, media-savvy, pragmatic politician. He is a contentious but undeniable force in India's socio-political landscape, embodying the tensions and negotiations of identity politics in the 21st century.R. B. More
Bridge Figure: Athawale positions himself as a bridge between the BJP and Dalit voters, a community not traditionally aligned with the party.
Access to Power: His supporters argue that his alliance politics have given a small Dalit party direct access to central government power, allowing him to influence and implement welfare policies.
Pop Culture Politician: He has carved out a unique space in Indian politics by blending traditional Dalit politics with mass media and pop culture tools, ensuring constant public visibility.
Symbol of a Political Shift: His career reflects the complex evolution of Dalit politics in India—from radical protest to pragmatic power-sharing within the prevailing political system.
[Other MPs] come back only during elections. Not Mr Veerappa. He even came to the annual day of our village school
Radhika Ranjan Pramanik
Radhika Ranjan Pramanik (18 December1932–2020), the late Indian politician who served as a five-time Lok Sabha MP from the Mathurapur (SC) reserved constituency in West Bengal (primarily on CPI(M) ticket, later joining Trinamool Congress), belonged to a Scheduled Caste (SC) community.
The Mathurapur Lok Sabha seat is constitutionally reserved for Scheduled Caste candidates, meaning only individuals from notified SC communities can contest it. Pramanik represented this seat in multiple elections (1989 onward), confirming his SC status under India's reservation system. His surname "Pramanik" is associated with certain SC communities in parts of West Bengal and Bengal region, though surnames alone do not definitively determine caste (as it varies by specific sub-community and region).
He began his electoral career in the West Bengal Legislative Assembly, representing the Magrahat Purba (East) constituency multiple times (including 1967, 1969, 1971, 1977, 1982, 1986, and 1989), primarily on a Communist Party of India (Marxist) - CPI(M) ticket.
He was elected to the Lok Sabha (lower house of Indian Parliament) five times from the Mathurapur (SC) reserved constituency in South 24 Parganas district, West Bengal:
- 1989 (9th Lok Sabha)
- 1991
- 1996
- 1998
- 1999
- 2004
All these wins were on CPI(M) tickets, making him a prominent left-front figure dedicated to marginalized communities.
In his later career, he left CPI(M) and joined the All India Trinamool Congress (TMC).
Pramanik, a former professor by profession, served on parliamentary committees, including those related to the welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The Mathurapur seat being reserved for Scheduled Caste (SC) candidates confirms he belonged to an SC community, and he was noted for serving disadvantaged sections throughout his career.
He passed away on 13 December 2020 in Kolkata due to age-related ailments at the age of 88. West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee condoled his death, describing him as a respected senior colleague with vast experience and a big loss to the TMC family.
Rajen Gohain
Rajen Gohain is a veteran Indian politician from Assam, known for his long-standing association with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) until his dramatic exit in 2025. Born into the Ahom community, he rose from grassroots activism during the Assam Movement to become a four-term Member of Parliament (MP) and Union Minister of State for Railways. At 75 years old as of November 2025, Gohain has been a vocal advocate for indigenous Assamese interests, particularly those of the Ahom community. His recent switch to the regional Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP) ahead of the 2026 Assam Assembly elections underscores his shift toward regionalism, criticizing national parties for sidelining local voices. Gohain's career reflects Assam's turbulent political landscape, blending nationalist ideology with ethnic regionalism.
Personal Life
- Full Name: Rajen Gohain (Assamese: ৰাজেন গোহাঁই).
- Date of Birth: November 26, 1950.
- Place of Birth: Nagaon, Assam, India.
- Age: 75 (as of November 26, 2025).
- Nationality: Indian.
- Community/Caste: Ahom (Tai-Ahom), an indigenous ethnic group historically ruling Assam for nearly 600 years; classified as a Scheduled Tribe (ST) in the state. Gohain has frequently highlighted the community's marginalization post-delimitation.
- Family: Married to Rita Gohain in 1981; they have five children. His father was the late Sambhu Nath Gohain. Gohain maintains a low public profile on personal matters but has emphasized family values in interviews.
- Residence: Primarily based in Nagaon and Guwahati, Assam.
- Interests: Sports enthusiast; represented Assam in school-level hockey and was a long-distance runner. He founded the Elite Club in Nagaon and serves as ex-president of the Assam Gymnastic Association and ex-vice president of the Gymnastic Federation of India. Also involved in education through the Miles Bronson Residential School in Guwahati.
Education
Gohain completed his early education at Anandaram Dhekial Phukan College in Nagaon. He graduated with a Bachelor of Arts (BA) and Bachelor of Laws (LLB) from Gauhati University in Guwahati, laying the foundation for his legal and political acumen.
Early Career and Entry into Politics
Gohain's political journey began amid Assam's socio-political upheavals. In the early 1980s, he actively participated in the Assam Movement (1979–1985), a mass agitation against illegal immigration that shaped modern Assamese identity politics. Post-movement, he entered formal politics in the early 1990s:
- Elected to the Nagaon Municipal Board in 1999, marking his local debut.
- In 1991, he co-founded the BJP's Nagaon district unit and later served as its District President, helping establish the party's foothold in Assam.
His early activism blended anti-immigration sentiments with development advocacy, focusing on issues like Brahmaputra river erosion and infrastructure in central Assam.
Professional Career
By profession, Gohain is a tea-estate owner and agriculturist, managing family estates in Nagaon. This background ties him to Assam's economy, where tea plantations are central. He has described himself as a "businessperson, social worker, and agriculturist," using his resources for community initiatives like sports and education.
Political Career
Gohain's parliamentary tenure solidified his stature as a BJP stalwart in Assam. He represented the Nowgong (Nagaon) Lok Sabha constituency for four consecutive terms, embodying the party's rise in the Northeast.
| Term | Year Elected | Key Roles/Committees | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| 13th Lok Sabha | 1999 | Member, Standing Committee on Home Affairs; Committee on Papers Laid on the Table; Consultative Committee, Ministry of Agriculture | Defeated Congress by a margin of over 100,000 votes; focused on flood control and anti-immigration laws. |
| 14th Lok Sabha | 2004 | Re-elected; continued committee roles | Narrow win amid UPA wave; raised Brahmaputra bridge demands. |
| 15th Lok Sabha | 2009 | Re-elected; expanded welfare focus | Advocated for OBC rights; chaired early welfare panels. |
| 16th Lok Sabha | 2014 | Re-elected; Chairman, Parliamentary Committee on Welfare of Other Backward Classes (OBCs) | Peak influence; secured Union cabinet post.
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- BJP Leadership: Served as Assam BJP State President (pre-2016). Instrumental in the party's 2016 Assam Assembly win, aligning with national Hindutva while prioritizing regional issues.
- Union Minister: On July 5, 2016, inducted as Minister of State for Railways in Narendra Modi's first cabinet. Oversaw projects like electrification and new lines in Northeast India, including Assam's connectivity push. Resigned in 2019 after losing the Lok Sabha seat to Congress's Pradyut Bordoloi.
- Post-MP Roles: In August 2023, appointed Chairman of Assam Food and Civil Supplies Corporation Limited but resigned protesting Nagaon constituency's delimitation, which he claimed diluted Ahom influence.
Resignation from BJP and Switch to AJP
Gohain's 34-year BJP tenure ended on October 9, 2025, when he resigned primary membership alongside 17 supporters at the party headquarters in Guwahati. Citing "personality-driven politics" under Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, he accused the BJP of:
- Betraying indigenous communities by allowing "outsiders" (implying migrants).
- Marginalizing the Ahom community via 2023 delimitation, scattering their voter base across 30–40 seats.
- Promoting "communal politics" and "artificial Hindutva" that divides Assamese society, contrasting it with the ideals of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L.K. Advani.
On November 5, 2025, Gohain joined the AJP—a regional party formed post-2019 anti-CAA protests—with his supporters. Welcomed by AJP President Lurinjyoti Gogoi, he was appointed Working President. Gohain called the BJP's rule "Hitler-like" and emphasized regional parties as Assam's true protectors. This move is seen as a blow to BJP ahead of 2026 polls, potentially splitting votes in Nagaon and central Assam. Speculation swirls around his candidacy from Samaguri or Barhampur seats.
Achievements and Legacy
Gohain's contributions span infrastructure, welfare, and regional advocacy:
- Railway Reforms: As MoS, accelerated Northeast rail projects, including the Bogibeel Bridge extension and electrification drives, improving connectivity for 10+ districts.
- Legislative Advocacy: Raised Brahmaputra erosion (affecting millions) and demanded a rail-cum-road bridge; pushed OBC welfare bills benefiting Assam's backward classes.
- Party Building: Credited with BJP's Nagaon dominance; his 1999 win helped the party penetrate Congress strongholds.
- Social Impact: Founded schools and clubs; promoted gymnastics nationally.
Critics note his limited post-2019 visibility, but supporters hail him as a "guardian of Ahom pride." His legacy is that of a bridge between national BJP and Assamese nativism, now pivoting to pure regionalism.
Controversies
- Delimitation Protests (2023): Resigned from state post, alleging it turned Nagaon into a "minority-dominated" seat, drawing ire from BJP for "divisive" rhetoric.
- Internal BJP Rift: Emerged as old guard leader against Sarma's "new crop," accusing favoritism toward defectors from Congress.
- CAA Stance: Supported BJP's Citizenship Amendment Act initially but later criticized its implementation for ignoring indigenous fears.
No major corruption charges; his 2014 affidavit showed assets worth ~₹2.47 crore (movable) and ₹1.32 crore (immovable), with no criminal cases.
Recent Updates (as of November 26, 2025)
Sathyavani Muthu (also spelled Sathiyavani Muthu or Annai Sathyavani Muthu), born on February 15, 1923, in George Town, Chennai, Tamil Nadu, was a pioneering Indian politician, social reformer, and one of the most influential Dalit women leaders in the Dravidian movement. Hailing from a Scheduled Caste (SC) background, she rose from the margins of society to become a three-time Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA), a Rajya Sabha MP, and India's first Dalit woman Union Minister from a regional party. Her life was a testament to resilience against caste discrimination, patriarchal barriers, and political betrayals, blending Ambedkarite ideals of Dalit emancipation with Periyar's Self-Respect Movement. Today, November 11, 2025, marks her 26th death anniversary, a poignant reminder of her enduring legacy amid calls for greater recognition in Tamil Nadu's political discourse.
Early Life and Influences
Sathyavani was born into a modest family as the daughter of Nagainathan and Janaki Ammal, a homeopathic doctor and Congress worker respectively. Her father, a member of the Justice Party (a precursor to the Dravidian movement) and the South Indian Buddhist Association, exposed her early to anti-caste activism, including Periyar E.V. Ramasamy's Self-Respect Movement. Growing up in Chennai's bustling George Town amid Brahminical dominance, she witnessed caste-based cruelties firsthand, which ignited her passion for social justice.
Educated in Chennai, Sathyavani married young to Muthu, a supportive Congress activist, in a ceremony presided over by Tamil scholar Thiru Vi. Ka (Thiru V. Kalyanasundaram). Her wedding speech—delivered to an audience of political leaders—marked her debut as an orator, earning praise and propelling her into activism. By her early 20s, she had joined the All India Scheduled Caste Federation (founded by B.R. Ambedkar in 1943), becoming its Chennai district women's wing president—a role that introduced Dravidian leaders like C.N. Annadurai to Ambedkar's ideas on annihilation of caste.
Entry into Politics and Rise in the DMK
Sathyavani's political journey began in earnest with the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), founded in 1949 as a breakaway from Periyar's Dravidar Kazhagam (DK). At the rain-soaked launch rally in Royapuram on September 18, 1949, the 26-year-old was the only woman speaker among leaders like Annadurai, showcasing her fiery oratory. She quickly became one of the DMK's 50 core architects, organizing conferences, mobilizing Dalit voters, and bridging Dravidian rationalism with Ambedkarite thought.
Her electoral breakthrough came in the 1962 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, where she won from Perambur constituency as the DMK's sole woman candidate among 15 winners, becoming the party's first female MLA. Re-elected in 1967 and 1971, she earned Annadurai's moniker as one of the "three female lions" of the DMK—alongside Dr. Dharmambal and Movalur Ramamirtham Ammaiyar—for her eloquence and unyielding principles.
Ministerial Roles and Key Contributions
Sathyavani's tenure as a minister was marked by bold advocacy for Dalit rights, women's empowerment, and anti-caste reforms, often at personal cost:
| Period | Role | Key Achievements and Actions |
|---|---|---|
| 1967–1969 | Minister for Harijan Welfare and Information (under C.N. Annadurai) | - Advocated for Dalit education and land rights. - Opposed Hindi imposition as a tool of cultural hegemony. - Organized welfare schemes for Scheduled Castes, including scholarships and hostels. |
| 1969–1974 | Minister for Harijan Welfare (under M. Karunanidhi) | - Responded to the 1968 Kilvenmani massacre (where 44 Dalit laborers were burned alive) by adopting the village for rehabilitation—building homes, schools, and cooperatives. - Founded Dr. Ambedkar Government Arts College in Vyasarpadi, Chennai (1972), a landmark for SC higher education. - Protested casteist policies like C. Rajagopalachari's Kula Kalvi Thittam (1953 hereditary education scheme), once while heavily pregnant, enduring solitary arrests while male leaders were jailed. |
| 1979–1980 | Union Minister for Social Welfare (Janata Party government) | - First non-Congress Dravidian (and Dalit woman) in the Union Cabinet; traveled globally, meeting Pope Paul VI and Queen Elizabeth II to highlight caste oppression and patriarchy. - Pushed for national policies on women's rights and SC/ST welfare. - Along with A. Bala Pajanor, broke barriers as the first regional party ministers in Delhi.Her activism extended to unveiling Ambedkar portraits at Dravidian events (e.g., in Pondicherry) and critiquing religious conversions as escapes from inequality rather than Gulf-funded opportunism. Imprisoned nine times—twice while pregnant—for protests against casteism and authoritarianism, she embodied sacrifice. |
Challenges, Resignation, and Political Shifts
Despite her stature, Sathyavani faced intra-party marginalization in the DMK, dominated by backward castes post-Annadurai's 1969 death. Under Karunanidhi, Dalit voices were sidelined; she accused him of prejudice and "betraying" Harijans by prioritizing Vanniyar and Thevar interests. In 1974, she resigned dramatically as Harijan Welfare Minister, declaring, "Caste is too powerful," and formed the Thazhthapattor Munnetra Kazhagam (Depressed Classes Progressive Federation)—likely India's first Dalit woman-led party—to fight for oppressed castes independently.
Lacking Dalit consolidation (as later lamented by VCK leader Thol. Thirumavalavan), she joined M.G. Ramachandran's AIADMK in 1979, leveraging his Dalit-friendly films (e.g., Rickshawkaran) for electoral gains. She won Rajya Sabha in 1988 and briefly returned to DMK in 1989 post-MGR's death but retreated from active politics. Her 1982 memoir, My Agitations (published by The Justice Press), chronicled these betrayals, including Karunanidhi's "dhroham" (treachery) toward Dalits.
Legacy and Commemoration
Sathyavani Muthu's life shattered ceilings: first DMK woman MLA and minister, first Dravidian Union Minister, and a "Determined Self-Respect Warrior" per Periyar. Yet, her erasure from Dravidian narratives—overshadowed by upper-caste icons—highlights ongoing caste dynamics in Tamil politics. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin hailed her as a "role model for women politicians" during her 2023 birth centenary, urging DMK women to emulate her "unshakable principles." VCK's 2023 events emphasized her ideological commitment over caste, calling for Dalit unity behind such leaders.
Tributes include:
- Annai Sathyavani Muthu Nagar: Chennai's largest slum redevelopment area, named in her honor.
- Sathyavani Muthu Ammaiyar Free Sewing Machine Scheme: A Tamil Nadu government initiative for Dalit women entrepreneurs.
- Cultural Revival: Books like Bhavani Ilavenil's 2018 biography (Thaltapatta Makkaluku Kalingnar M. Karunanidhi Seydha Dhroham) expose her erased history; Dalit History Month (February) spotlights her annually.
Photo May be wrong
Tilak Chand Kureel was a prominent Dalit leader and activist from Uttar Pradesh, India, belonging to the Kureel caste, which is part of the broader Dalit community and historically associated with the Chamar subgroup. Specific details about his birth date, place of birth, education, family, or early personal life remain scarce in available historical records, but his activism suggests he emerged in the early 20th century amid the rising Dalit consciousness movements. The Kureel community participated actively in the Adi-Hindu movement during the 1930s, which sought to redefine Dalit identity outside Brahmanical Hinduism, claiming Dalits as descendants of a pre-Aryan indigenous race and adherents to Bhakti traditions.
Political Career and Roles
Kureel's political journey was deeply intertwined with the Dalit emancipation efforts led by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. He rose to prominence in the 1920s through the Adi-Hindu movement, where he organized intra-regional conferences to unite Dalit groups and spread ideologies emphasizing Dalit unity and socio-political rights. In 1926, he convened a significant inter-regional conference in Delhi, collaborating with leaders from Punjab's Ad-Dharm movement to foster broader Dalit solidarity across regions.
By the 1940s, Kureel became a key figure in the United Provinces Scheduled Castes Federation (UPSCF), the regional branch of Ambedkar's All India Scheduled Castes Federation established in 1942. He served as its president and was instrumental in mobilizing Dalits across Uttar Pradesh (then United Provinces). In July 1946, he led a massive demonstration in Lucknow, marching thousands of protesters to the Legislative Assembly as part of widespread satyagrahas in 23 districts, including Eta, Etawa, Raizabad, and Gorakhpur. Alongside leaders like Manik Chand, Faqir Chand, and Swami Chamanand, he traveled extensively to demand separate electorates for Dalits and criticize the Poona Pact of 1932 as a "political fraud" that undermined Dalit representation.
In the post-independence era, Kureel was the founding president of the Uttar Pradesh branch of the Republican Party of India (RPI) from 1958 to 1960, succeeding leaders like Chedi Lal Sathi (who took over from 1961-1964). Under his leadership, the RPI aimed to broaden its appeal beyond Dalits to include other oppressed groups, advocating for land redistribution, implementation of the Minimum Wages Act of 1948, and reservations for Scheduled Castes and Tribes. However, the party faced challenges, including internal divisions, financial constraints, and a limited social base primarily among urban Chamars in areas like Agra, Meerut, and Rohilkhand. Electorally, it underperformed, securing only 8 out of 122 contested seats with 3.7% of the vote in the 1969 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections.
Later in his career, during the 1970s phase influenced by the Dalit Panthers and leading up to the formation of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in 1984, Kureel was associated with Dalit leaders under Congress Party influence, such as Kanhaiyalal Sonkar, Ram Kinkar, Gaya Prasad Prashant, Chaudhry Buddha Dev, Bhagauti Prasad Kureel, and Mewalal Sonkar. He was eventually co-opted by the Congress Party, a common trend among Dalit leaders for political survival, though details of this transition are limited.
Kureel was also involved in a Supreme Court case, Tilak Chand Kureel v. Bhim Raj, concerning property acquired by the Kureel community for charitable purposes benefiting the group.
Contributions to Dalit Politics
Kureel's work significantly advanced Dalit political consciousness and mobilization in Uttar Pradesh during a period of rigid social hierarchies. Through the Adi-Hindu movement, he promoted Dalits as "Bhagats" (devotees) linked to sects like Kabirpanthi, Shivnaryani, or Ravidasis, reconstituting caste panchayats in urban areas to handle internal disputes and foster a new identity. This included supporting the construction of temples dedicated to Bhakti gurus in cities like Lucknow, Kanpur, Allahabad, and Varanasi, funded by community donations.
His leadership in the UPSCF's satyagrahas directly influenced policy outcomes, securing 17% reservations for Dalits in government jobs and legislative bodies, as well as the establishment of the Harijan Sahayak Shakha (Harijan Welfare Department). In the RPI, he expanded Dalit politics to address broader socio-economic issues, positioning it as a "federation of oppressed populations" to tackle systemic inequalities. Despite the RPI's limitations, his efforts laid groundwork for later Dalit parties like the BSP, contributing to the politicization of Dalits in a state where such movements were slower to develop compared to regions like Maharashtra.
Legacy and Challenges
Kureel's activism occurred during transitional phases of Dalit politics—from religious-social reforms in the 1920s-1930s to political demands in the 1940s-1960s and eventual party formations in the 1970s. However, challenges like the Congress Party's co-option of Dalit leaders, internal RPI divisions, and urban-rural divides limited the movement's reach.
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