A. Raja
Andimuthu Raja (born Andimuthu Sathyaseelan; October 26, 1963) is a prominent Indian politician from Tamil Nadu, serving as the Deputy General Secretary of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha) for the Nilgiris constituency. A key figure in Tamil Nadu's Dravidian politics, Raja has been elected to Parliament six times (1996–2009 from Perambalur, 2019–2024 from Nilgiris) and held several Union ministerial roles under both the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governments. Known for his advocacy of social justice, rationalism, and Dalit rights, Raja's career has been marked by rapid rises, high-profile controversies—most notably the 2G spectrum scam—and steadfast loyalty to DMK patriarch M. Karunanidhi. Despite legal battles and public scrutiny, he remains a polarizing yet influential leader in the DMK, often invoking Periyar E. V. Ramasamy, B. R. Ambedkar, and Karl Marx in his speeches.
As of October 2025, Raja continues to represent Nilgiris in the 18th Lok Sabha, focusing on regional autonomy, anti-caste rhetoric, and party organizational work under DMK President M. K. Stalin.
Personal Details
- Full Name: Andimuthu Raja (originally Andimuthu Sathyaseelan)
- Date of Birth: October 26, 1963 (age 62 as of October 26, 2025)
- Place of Birth: Andimadam, Perambalur District, Tamil Nadu, India
- Nationality: Indian
- Ethnicity/Community: Tamil Dalit (Scheduled Caste, specifically Paraiyar sub-caste)
- Family:
- Parents: Father – S. K. Aandimuthu (returned from Sri Lanka tea estates in 1961); Mother – Chinnapillai Ammal
- Spouse: M. A. Parameswari (married 1996; died May 29, 2021, from cancer at age 57)
- Children: One daughter, Mayuri Raja
- Education:
- B.Sc. in Mathematics from Government Arts College, Musiri
- LL.B. from Government Law College, Madurai
- Master's in Law from Government Law College, Tiruchirappalli
- Profession: Advocate (practiced law before entering politics full-time)
- Residence: 21, Lodhi Estate, New Delhi
- Languages Known: Tamil, English
- Religion/Ideology: Atheist and rationalist, influenced by Dravidian ideology (Periyar, Ambedkar, Marx); publicly critiques caste and religious orthodoxy
- Hobbies/Interests: Reading political philosophy, public speaking on social justice; known for articulate oratory in Tamil
Early Life and Entry into Politics
Raja was born into a modest Dalit family in rural Perambalur, Tamil Nadu. His grandparents, from the Scheduled Caste community, migrated to Sri Lanka in the 1940s to work on tea estates and returned to India in the 1950s amid post-colonial shifts. Exposed to poverty and discrimination, Raja was introduced to Periyar's Dravidar Kazhagam during high school, embracing its anti-caste, rationalist principles. This ideological foundation shaped his worldview, blending Dravidian populism with Marxist and Ambedkarite ideas.
After completing his education, Raja practiced law in Tamil Nadu. His political entry came in his final undergraduate year when he joined the DMK's student wing. Rising swiftly, he caught the eye of party leaders like S. Siva Subramaniam and K. N. Nehru. In 1996, amid internal DMK turmoil (expulsion of Vaiko), Raja was fielded as the candidate for Perambalur Lok Sabha seat. He won decisively, defeating Congress's P. V. Subramanian with 59.19% of votes, marking the start of his parliamentary career at age 33.
Political Career
Raja's trajectory reflects DMK's alliance politics, from NDA support in the late 1990s to UPA coalitions in the 2000s. His loyalty to Karunanidhi earned him plum portfolios, though controversies often overshadowed achievements. He has won six Lok Sabha elections, showcasing strong rural and Dalit voter bases.
- Key Positions:
- Minister of State for Rural Development (1999–2002): Under NDA's Atal Bihari Vajpayee; focused on poverty alleviation programs.
- Minister of State for Health and Family Welfare (2002–2004): Praised by Vajpayee for "good work"; handled family welfare schemes.
- Minister of Environment and Forests (2004–2007): Under UPA's Manmohan Singh; approved clearances for major projects, later scrutinized.
- Minister of Communications and Information Technology (2007–2010): Succeeded Dayanidhi Maran amid DMK family feuds; oversaw telecom expansions but faced 2G allegations.
- Deputy General Secretary, DMK (2020–present): Organizational role under M. K. Stalin, emphasizing social justice.
Community and Caste Background
Raja belongs to the Paraiyar caste, a Scheduled Caste (Dalit) community historically marginalized and associated with occupations like drumming and agricultural labor. His family's migration to Sri Lanka as tea estate workers underscores their socio-economic struggles. As a Dalit leader in the DMK—a party rooted in anti-Brahmin Dravidian ideology—Raja has championed caste equality, often alleging that scandals like 2G targeted him due to his background (a claim echoed by Karunanidhi). In speeches, he critiques the caste system, citing Manusmriti and declaring, "As long as you are a Hindu, you are a shudra." His prominence reflects DMK's strategy to consolidate Dalit votes in Tamil Nadu, where Paraiyars form a significant SC bloc.
Controversies
Raja's career is synonymous with high-stakes scandals, blending political intrigue, legal battles, and inflammatory rhetoric.
- 2G Spectrum Scam (2008–2017): As Telecom Minister, Raja was accused of underpricing 2G licenses, causing ₹1,766 billion (US$21 billion) in losses per CAG. Probes revealed favoritism to firms like Unitech and Swan Telecom. Arrested in 2011, he spent 15 months in Tihar Jail. Leaked Radia tapes implicated him in lobbying. Acquitted in 2017 due to insufficient evidence, but the case tarnished his image. Related: Associate Sadiq Batcha's 2011 death (ruled suicide) amid bribery probes; family-linked real estate firms scrutinized.
- Environment Clearances (2004–2007): As Environment Minister, Raja approved projects for 2G-linked firms; CBI noted his supporters dominated the Expert Appraisal Committee, raising conflict-of-interest charges.
- Separate Tamil Nadu Remarks (July 2022): Warned PM Modi and Amit Shah against "forcing" Tamil Nadu toward separatism via Hindi imposition and autonomy denial, invoking Periyar. DMK distanced itself, with Stalin clarifying it wasn't party policy. Drew BJP/AIADMK ire as anti-national.
- Other: 2007 Dinakaran Poll Violence (linked to DMK family feud); critiques of BJP as "fascist" and casteist.
Personal Life
Raja married Parameswari in 1996; their daughter Mayuri is low-profile. Parameswari's 2021 death from cancer was a personal blow, with Raja maintaining privacy around family. He resides in Delhi but remains rooted in Perambalur. Known for a simple lifestyle despite wealth allegations (net worth ~₹10–15 crore as of 2024, per election affidavits), Raja is an avid reader of Periyar and Ambedkar. His atheism and rationalism make him a vocal critic of religious orthodoxy.
Recent and Upcoming Activities (as of October 2025)
- 2024 Lok Sabha Win: Defeated BJP's L. Murugan in Nilgiris, securing DMK's hold in a tribal-heavy seat.
- Ongoing Role: As Deputy General Secretary, Raja focuses on party cadre training and social justice campaigns. In 2024–2025, he has rallied against NEET (citing caste biases) and Hindi promotion, aligning with DMK's federalism push.
- Public Engagements: Frequent speeches at Dravida Kazhagam events; no major new projects announced, but he supports Stalin's welfare schemes like free bus travel for women.
- Health/Status: Active and healthy; no recent controversies reported post-2022.
Socio-Cultural Context
Raja embodies Tamil Nadu's Dravidian ethos: anti-caste, federalist, and populist. As a Dalit in a party once criticized for upper-caste dominance, he symbolizes inclusion, though insiders note Stalin's "wary respect" due to his provocative style. His 2G acquittal fueled narratives of "Dalit witch-hunt," resonating with marginalized voters. In a polarized India, Raja's rhetoric bridges regional pride and national critique, but risks alienating moderates.
Anusuiya Uikey (born 10 April 1957) is a politician from Bharatiya Janata Party and currently serving as the governor of Chhattisgarh. She was appointed as Governor of Chhattisgarh on 16 July 2019.


Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Former nominated MP of the Rajya Sabha
In office
22 March 2010 to 21 March 2016
Preceded by
Dara Singh, BJP
Personal details
Born : 2 March 1946
Deogad, Sindhudurg district
Political party
Indian National Congress
Spouse(s)
Leena Bhalchandra Mungekar
Children 3
Bhalchandra Laxman Mungekar (born 2 March 1946) is an Indian economist, educationist, social worker and Rajya Sabha member. He specialises in agricultural economics and is an expert on B. R. Ambedkar.
Early life
Mungekar was born in Munge village, in the Konkan region of Maharashtra.
Career
He has been Vice-Chancellor of the Mumbai University and has served in the Planning Commission, the Agricultural Price Commission of India. Mungekar has also been the Chairman and President of Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Simla.
Personal life
He is an Ambedkarite and Babasaheb Ambedkar is an influence in his life. Mungekar is a Buddhist
Chaudhary Bihari Lal
Chaudhary Bihari Lal (also spelled Bihari Lal) was a notable Harijan (Dalit) leader and social reformer in Uttar Pradesh, India, active during the 1920s and 1930s amid the freedom struggle and rising Dalit consciousness. As a key figure aligned with the Indian National Congress, he played a controversial role in countering independent Dalit movements that sought separate religious and political identities for untouchables. Backed by prominent leaders like Lala Lajpat Rai and Mahatma Gandhi's Harijan upliftment initiatives, Bihari Lal worked to integrate Dalits into mainstream Hinduism and the Congress fold, preventing fragmentation of the anti-colonial united front. However, his methods— including obstructing rival gatherings and spreading propaganda—drew criticism for undermining Dalit autonomy. Detailed personal records are scarce, reflecting his status as a secondary actor in historical narratives dominated by upper-caste Congress figures, but accounts portray him as a loyalist whose efforts highlighted tensions between assimilationist and separatist Dalit politics.
Early Life and Family
Biographical details on Bihari Lal's early years are limited and not well-documented in public sources. He was born in Uttar Pradesh (likely in the early 1900s, exact date unknown) into a Harijan (Scheduled Caste) community, traditionally marginalized as untouchables and subjected to social exclusion, economic exploitation, and ritual discrimination. His family background remains obscure, with no mentions of parents, siblings, or education in available records. Growing up in colonial UP—a hotbed of agrarian unrest and caste hierarchies—he likely experienced firsthand the indignities of untouchability, such as barred access to temples, wells, and schools, which fueled his later activism. By the 1920s, he had emerged as a local leader, possibly through community service or Congress-affiliated networks, earning the honorific "Chaudhary" (a title for rural leaders in North India).
Entry into Politics and Activism
Bihari Lal's prominence arose during the interwar period, when the 1931 Census classified untouchables (estimated at 6 crore) as a distinct group, sparking demands for separate electorates and rights. This era saw the rise of "Adi" movements—Adi-Hindu in UP, Adi-Dravida in Madras—led by Dalit intellectuals like Swami Achhootanand (Harihar), who rejected Brahminical Hinduism, claimed "Moolnivasi" (original inhabitant) status, and organized against Congress's paternalistic reforms. Gandhi's response, via the Harijan Sevak Sangh (1932), emphasized moral upliftment within Hinduism, opposing separate electorates at the Round Table Conferences.
As a Congress-backed Harijan, Bihari Lal embodied this assimilationist strategy. Lala Lajpat Rai, a Punjab Kesari and Arya Samajist who supported untouchable upliftment but prioritized Hindu unity, "fielded" him as a counterweight to Achhootanand's Adi-Hindu Mahasabha. Rai, then active in UP politics, viewed the Adi movement as a British divide-and-rule tactic that could splinter the nationalist cause.
Key Activities and Role in Dalit Politics
Bihari Lal's activism focused on bridging Dalits with Congress and Hinduism, but his notoriety stems from direct confrontations:
- Opposition to Adi-Hindu Movement: In the late 1920s–early 1930s, he actively disrupted Achhootanand's public meetings across UP, where the Swami rallied thousands for temple entry, Vedic rights, and rejection of "Harijan" as a condescending label. Bihari Lal spread false propaganda, labeling Achhootanand "uncivilized" and using derogatory nicknames like "Jutanand" (a play on "joothan," meaning leftovers, to mock his Dalit advocacy). This was part of a broader Congress-Hindu Mahasabha effort to discredit separatist Dalit voices, including Arya Samaj's promotion of "Valmiki Dharma" to retain communities like Chamars and Chuhras within Hinduism.
- Simon Commission Protests (1928–29): While Congress boycotted the all-white Simon Commission (leading to Lajpat Rai's fatal lathi charge in Lahore), Dalit groups like the Adi-Hindu Mahasabha welcomed it, demanding reserved seats. Bihari Lal's interventions aimed to align Harijans with the boycott, though unsuccessfully—thousands of untouchables joined Dalit welcomes, underscoring Congress's limited sway.
- Harijan Upliftment Work: Aligned with Gandhi's vision, he likely participated in anti-untouchability campaigns, such as temple entry drives and education initiatives under the Harijan Sevak Sangh. As a "Congress Harijan," he symbolized Dalit loyalty to the party, touring villages to promote Swaraj as intertwined with social reform. His efforts extended to countering conversions (e.g., 5,000 Chamars to Islam in Ujhani, 1925), arguing Dalits were integral to Hinduism.
These actions positioned him as a "protégé" of sorts to leaders like Govind Ballabh Pant (UP Congress chief), though records suggest he operated more as a local enforcer than a national figure.
Controversies and Criticisms
Bihari Lal's tactics alienated radical Dalits, who saw him as a Congress "stooge" perpetuating upper-caste control. Bhagat Singh, in a 1928 article critiquing untouchability, lamented such divisions, viewing Adi movements as genuine assertions but warning of British manipulation—implicitly critiquing figures like Bihari Lal for sowing discord. Achhootanand's biographers depict him as a saboteur, whose smears failed to halt the Adi-Hindu's growth, which influenced Ambedkar's later demands. In broader terms, his role exemplified Congress's "soft Hindutva" approach: uplifting Dalits without dismantling caste, contrasting with Arya Samaj's Shuddhi (purification) or Muslim League's overtures.
No major personal scandals are recorded, but his legacy is tainted by association with suppression of Dalit agency.
Later Life and Death
Information on Bihari Lal's post-1930s life is absent from sources; he likely faded from prominence as Congress consolidated power post-Independence (1947), with Dalit politics shifting to figures like Jagjivan Ram. His death date and place are unknown, possibly in UP during the 1940s–50s. No memoirs or family tributes survive publicly.
Legacy
Chaudhary Bihari Lal remains a footnote in Dalit history, emblematic of the "loyal opposition" within marginalized communities—used by dominant forces to police dissent. His story illuminates the 1930s Dalit schism: assimilation vs. assertion, influencing modern caste politics in UP. While criticized by Ambedkarites, he is occasionally noted in Congress hagiographies as a bridge-builder. In today's context, with UP's Dalit vote fragmented between BSP and BJP, his era's tensions echo in debates over sub-quotas and alliances. Further archival research (e.g., Nehru Memorial Library) could uncover more, but current accounts portray a man caught between survival and solidarity.


Faguni Ram
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dr. Faguni Ram
Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha)
In office
3
Constituency Aurangabad, Bihar
Personal details
Born 2 January 1945
Gaya Bihar
Died 25 February 2018 (aged 73)
New Delhi
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Dr. Sushila Das
Dr. Faguni Ram (2 January 1945 - 25 February 2018) was an Indian politician. He was a minister of state, Bihar and member of the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Parliament of India representing Bihar as a member of the Indian National Congress for three terms.
Dr. Faguni Ram, whose father was Baijnath Ram (Freedom Fighter), was born on 2 January 1945. He obtained BA and MA degrees in Geography, as well as a Ph.D., and married Dr. Sushila Das.
He had four sons and three daughters.
Ram was a member of the Legislative Assembly of Bihar between 1972-77 and served as a minister of state in the Government of Bihar in 1973, he was a member of the Rajya Sabha from 1985-1988, 1988-1994 and from 2000.
He and his wife were among the first members of a Scheduled Caste in the state to hold a Ph.D. degree. They always stressed education as a means to self-development and the development of people they served. He served in Bihar State Administrative Services but left to become MLA from Aurangabad.
Ram breathed last on 25 February 2018 in Ram Manohar Lohia hospital. He was cremated in Nigambodh Ghat.
Outside politics, Ram wrote Development of Irrigation and its Impact on Agriculture and was co-author of the 25 volumes of Instant Encyclopaedia of Geography.
Awards and recognition
National Integration Award, 1987-88
Citizen of India, 1992
Several colleges and schools named after him in his home town and state.
G. M. C. Balayogi
G.M.C. Balayogi (Ganti Mohana Chandra Balayogi; October 1, 1951 – March 3, 2002) was a distinguished Indian lawyer and politician from Andhra Pradesh, renowned for his contributions to parliamentary democracy and his historic role as the first Dalit Speaker of the Lok Sabha. A member of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), he rose from humble rural beginnings to hold key legislative and administrative positions, advocating for education, rural development, and social justice. His untimely death in a helicopter crash cut short a promising career, but his legacy endures through institutions named in his honor and his inspiration for marginalized communities.Early Life and Background
- Birth and Family: G.M.C. Balayogi was born on October 1, 1951, in the small village of Yedurulanka in the East Godavari district of Andhra Pradesh, into an agricultural family. His parents were Shri Ganniyya and Smt. Satyamma, who belonged to a modest farming background in the Konaseema region. As a member of the Dalit (Scheduled Caste) community, Balayogi grew up facing the socio-economic challenges typical of rural Dalit families in post-independence India, which later fueled his commitment to uplifting underprivileged sections.
- Childhood: He completed his primary education in the nearby village of G. Vemavaram, reflecting the limited educational infrastructure in his area. His early experiences in a close-knit agrarian community instilled in him values of resilience and public service.
Education
Balayogi pursued higher education with determination, earning a postgraduate degree in Kakinada. He later obtained a Bachelor of Laws (LL.B.) from Andhra University in Visakhapatnam, equipping him with the legal acumen that would define his early professional life. His academic journey from a rural village to urban centers highlighted his ambition and intellect.
Professional Life Before Politics
- After graduating, Balayogi began practicing law in 1980 in Kakinada, mentored by senior advocate Gopalaswamy Shetty.
- In 1985, he was appointed as a First Class Magistrate, a prestigious administrative role, but he resigned in 1986 to return to legal practice and community service.
- He quickly emerged as a local leader, serving as Vice-Chairman of the Cooperative Town Bank of Kakinada in 1986 and Chairman of the East Godavari Zilla Praja Parishad in 1987, where he focused on rural development and cooperative initiatives.
Political Career
Balayogi's entry into formal politics was marked by his affiliation with the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), founded by N.T. Rama Rao. Handpicked by TDP leader N. Chandrababu Naidu for his integrity and grassroots appeal, he became a key figure in Andhra Pradesh and national politics.
- Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha):
- Elected to the 10th Lok Sabha in 1991 from the Amalapuram (SC reserved) constituency in East Godavari district, defeating Congress candidate K. S. P. Reddy.
- Served until 1996, focusing on issues like irrigation, agriculture, and Dalit welfare.
- Lost the 1996 general election but bounced back strongly.
- Member of Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly (MLA):
- Won a by-election in 1996 from the Mummidivaram Assembly constituency.
- Appointed as Minister of Higher Education in the Chandrababu Naidu-led TDP government (1995–1999), where he spearheaded reforms to improve access to education for backward classes and rural students.
- Re-election to Lok Sabha and Speakership:
- Re-elected to the 12th Lok Sabha in 1998 from Amalapuram with a massive margin, securing 55% of the vote.
- On March 24, 1998, at the age of 46, he was unanimously elected as the 12th Speaker of the Lok Sabha—the youngest and first Dalit to hold this constitutional post. He continued in the role during the 13th Lok Sabha (1999–2002).
- As Speaker, he chaired key committees including the Business Advisory Committee, Rules Committee, and General Purposes Committee. He also led the Standing Committee of the Conference of Presiding Officers of Legislative Bodies in India.
- International and Parliamentary Roles:
- Presided over the Indian Parliamentary Group, the National Group of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, and the India Branch of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association.
- Headed numerous Indian parliamentary delegations to countries like the UK, Canada, and several African nations, fostering diplomatic ties through legislative exchanges.
- Hosted foreign delegations, enhancing India's global parliamentary stature.
Contributions and Legacy
- Dalit Empowerment: As the first Dalit Speaker, Balayogi broke caste barriers in Indian politics, symbolizing upward mobility for Scheduled Castes. His elevation was seen as a milestone for social justice, inspiring Dalit youth to aspire to leadership roles.
- Parliamentary Reforms: During his tenure, he emphasized decorum, efficiency, and inclusivity in Lok Sabha proceedings. He navigated coalition politics adeptly, ensuring smooth functioning amid frequent disruptions.
- Rural and Educational Development: As MLA and Minister, he advocated for better irrigation in the Godavari delta, higher education access, and cooperative farming, directly benefiting agrarian communities.
- Social Justice Advocate: Balayogi consistently raised voices for marginalized groups, aligning with TDP's pro-poor policies while maintaining bipartisan respect.
- Legacy: The G.M.C. Balayogi Athletic Stadium in Andhra Pradesh (formerly the Andhra Pradesh Sports Complex) was renamed in his honor in 2002. His son, G.M. Harish Balayogi, continues his political legacy as a BJP MP from Anakapalli.
Personal Life and Demise
- Family: Balayogi was married to Vijaya Kumari Ganti, and the couple had four children, including G.M. Harish Balayogi, who followed in his footsteps as a politician.
- Known for his simplicity, humility, and dedication, he remained connected to his rural roots despite national prominence.
- Death: Tragically, on March 3, 2002, at age 50, Balayogi died in a helicopter crash near Kaikalur in Krishna district, Andhra Pradesh. The Bell 206 helicopter, en route from Bhimavaram to Vijayawada, collided with a coconut palm in Kovvadalanka village, Mandavalli mandal, killing him instantly along with his security officer D. Satya Raju and pilot Capt. G.V. Menon. The incident shocked the nation, with Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and other leaders mourning his loss. A state funeral was held in Amalapuram, attended by thousands.
Key Achievements
- First Dalit Speaker of the Lok Sabha (1998–2002), the youngest at 46.
- Elected to Lok Sabha twice (1991, 1998) from Amalapuram (SC) constituency.
- MLA from Mummidivaram (1996) and Minister of Higher Education, Andhra Pradesh.
- Chairman of East Godavari Zilla Praja Parishad (1987).
- Led international parliamentary delegations and hosted global visitors.
- Honored posthumously through the naming of the G.M.C. Balayogi Stadium.

George Gilbert Swell
Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha
In office
1969–1977
Preceded by R.K.Khadilkar
Succeeded by Godey Murahari
Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha
In office
1962–1977
Succeeded by Biren Singh Engti
Constituency Autonomous District, Assam
In office
1984–1989
Preceded by Bajubon Kharlukhi
Succeeded by Peter G. Marbaniang
In office
1996–1998
Preceded by Peter G. Marbaniang
Succeeded by Paty Ripple Kyndiah
Constituency Shillong, Meghalaya
Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha
In office
1990–1996
Constituency Meghalaya
Personal details
Born 5 August 1923
Laitkynsew, Khasi Hills, Assam, British India
Died 25 January 1999 (aged 75)
Shillong, Meghalaya, India
Nationality Indian
Alma mater Scottish Church College
University of Calcutta
George Gilbert Swell (5 August 1923 – 25 January 1999) was a college professor, an Indian politician, an ambassador to several countries, a former Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha and its member from Shillong in Meghalaya. Over a span of more than 35 years, he represented India at high levels nationally and internationally. Though arising from a modest and rural background in far Northeast India, Swell quickly rose to prominence in every field he entered.
Early life
He was born at Laitkynsew Village near Cherrapunji in the present-day state of Meghalaya. He completed his earlier years of schooling at the Ramakrishna Mission School at Cherrapunji. After passing the Bachelor of arts examination from the Scottish Church College, Kolkata, he completed his Master of Arts degree in English from the University of Calcutta in 1946. Within months thereafter, he married a Shillong beauty, Lajopthiaw ("Victorious Conqueror") Lyngdoh, second daughter of Phrolibon Lyngdoh and Wellington Kearney. Soon after, their first child, Lakyntiew ("She Who Has Uplifted Us"), was born (1947), followed by a son, Sanbor, in 1950. In 1952, they moved to Ethiopia, part of a cadre of instructors recruited to teach in Ethiopia in the early nineteen fifties. Swell taught English at the high school level. They returned to Shillong in 1956, and G. G. Swell threw himself into his new positions as a professor of English at several Shillong area colleges. It wasn't long before he entered into the political world of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills. His contribution to the formation of the state of Meghalaya, breaking away from the parent state of Assam, is incontrovertible. He, with his wife's uncle, Brington B Lyngdoh, and Stanley Nichols Roy, as well as other community leaders, conducted a fierce campaign for the separate identity of their proposed state which would combine the peoples of the Khasi and Janintia Hills and other tribes from the Garo Hills and adjacent areas. To their credit, the campaign was bloodless, nonviolent and successful. It was not long before G. G. Swell moved into national politics, having earned recognition for his intellect and passion for leadership, and for his principled and ethical way of life.
Political career
He was elected to the Lok Sabha from the Autonomous Districts (Lok Sabha) constituency in 1962, 1967 and 1971 and from the Shillong (Lok Sabha) constituency in 1984 and 1996. He was the Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha from 9 December 1969 to 27 December 1970 in the 4th Lok Sabha and again 27 March 1971 to 18 January 1977.
Swell served as India's ambassador to Norway and Iceland from 1977 to 1980 (appointed by PM Moraji Desai), and Burma, 1980 to 1984 (appointed by PM Indira Gandhi). Subsequently, he was appointed as ambassador-designate to Canada, then Spain, but instead chose to return to national political life in India. In 1985, as a member of parliament, he served as the head of the Indian delegation to the United National General Assembly, New York. In 1992 he contested the Indian presidential election as a joint opposition candidate against Shankar Dayal Sharma but lost. He was member of the Rajya Sabha (upper house of Parliament) from Meghalaya during 1990-1996.
The worsening health of his wife, Lajopthiaw, who passed away in early 1998, was a factor in his withdrawal from political life.
Death
He died on 25 January 1999. To honor his many years of public service, his daughter, Lakyntiew Lyngdoh Watrous, and his granddaughter, Yarissa Lyngdoh Sommer, established a museum in the town of his birth, Laitkynsew, in 2016. Through photography, artifacts, and documentary films it depicts the chronology and achievements of his lengthy career.
JV Pawar interview: ‘The government is saying that anyone who supports Dalits will be jailed’
The BJP government wants to teach a lesson to Dalit activists and their supporters, says the co-founder of the Dalit Panther party.
Ajaz Ashraf
JV Pawar/FacebookOn May 29, 1972, a group of young men in Bombay established the Dalit Panther, a social and cultural organisation. Until it was disbanded five years later, the organisation blazed a trail, organising protests against the atrocities committed on Dalits, and fighting pitched street battles against the state. Its combative approach inspired Dalits to demand the rights guaranteed to them under the Constitution.
Among the Dalit Panther’s founders was JV Pawar, whose recent book, Dalit Panthers: An Authoritative History, narrates the story of the Dalit movement that he and others spearheaded. Pawar is now 75 years old and is advisor and spokesperson of the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh, an outfit headed by Prakash Ambedkar, the grandson of BR Ambedkar.
Pawar has dedicated his entire life to the Dalit movement. It provided him a perch to track the changing nature of both Dalit assertion and the Indian state’s tactics to tackle it. In an interview with Scroll.in, Pawar deciphered what the arrest of human rights activists in June and August implies for society in India at large and Dalits in particular. Do Dalits need a new movement to address the problems and aspirations that are different those they encountered in the 1970s?
Five human right activists were arrested in June and another five in August. Their arrests have been linked to the Elgaar Parishad, which was held on December 31, 2017. The police hold the Parishad responsible for the violence in Bhima Koregaon village on January 1, and claim it was part of a Maoist strategy to overthrow the Narendra Modi government. What implications does this accusation have for Dalits and their politics?
The 10 who have been arrested are not known to me personally. I am only acquainted with Anand Teltumbde, who was raided but not arrested. He is a Maharashtrian and writes for the Economic and Political Weekly. But if you were to identify [the ideological orientation of] the 10 through [their association with] Teltumbde, you cannot but conclude that their aim could not have been the destruction of the country.
Why do you say that?
Teltumbde is an Ambedkarite. The raid on him was part of the action the state took against the other 10. This can only mean that they too subscribe to Teltumbde’s line. Teltumbde works for the social reconstruction of India, not its destruction.
Why do you think the police have linked all of them to a Maoist conspiracy against the Indian state?
All of them, regardless of whether they were arrested or merely raided, believe in the Constitution. This means they believe in democracy and value equality. Those opposing them are not democratic. They do not subscribe to democracy’s essence – which is equality. No Hindu can be democratic and no democratic man considers himself a Hindu.
Why do you say that?
I say it because Hinduism is based on the inequality [of the caste system]. On the other hand, the Constitution is based on the principle of equality. The current government considers itself as a Hindu government. The people who run this government belong to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Since its establishment in 1925, its goal has been to establish a Hindu Raj. So the human rights activists are paying a price for being democratic.
Will the crackdown on them have an impact Dalit politics?
They have not come from or belong to Dalit politics as, for instance, I do.
Sure, but the crackdown on them is linked to the Bhima Koregaon violence. It consequently does become an attack on Dalit politics, doesn’t it?
Listen brother, I was there on the stage on December 31 when the Elgaar Parishad was held. I did not hear the [compere announce the] names of any of these 10 people. Even Teltumbde was not there. I know him. I would have identified him. What I am trying to say is that there is absolutely no link between the Elgaar Parishad and the violence on January 1.
The police are saying just the opposite.
On the night of December 31, I stayed at a friend’s place in Pune. Early morning on January 1, I started for Bhima Koregaon. I am now 75 years old. I was thirsty. Not a single hotel was open. I had run out of water. I could not get water to quench my thirst. It was all pre-planned – it was ensured that those going to Bhima Koregaon should not get food to eat or water to drink.
Are you suggesting that it was the state government that had planned the shutdown?
The government knew there would be a shutdown on January 1. The gram panchayats had passed resolutions to keep business establishments closed. This they did to create difficulties for visitors to Bhima Koregaon. No amenities were provided. In the melee caused by stone throwing, I saw someone with a bottle of water. I requested him to give me a gulp.
I say it was pre-planned for another reason – there were helicopters flying over the road to Bhima Koregaon. Why were the helicopters flying? Who were the people inside the choppers? Were they ministers? These questions have not been asked, nor any inquiry done.
So if it was all planned, what do you think was the motive behind arresting human rights activists five months later, in June, and then another five in August?
What is the history of Bhima Koregaon? Five-hundred Dalit soldiers defeated an army of 25,000 caste Hindus. Lakhs visit Bhima Koregaon. The caste Hindus want to avenge that defeat – the defeat of their ancestors.
There is also the angle of Sanatan Sanstha, whose members have been apprehended for storing arms and bombs. Its members are also alleged to have been involved in the murder of intellectuals. The Sanatan Sanstha members who have been arrested are all caste Hindus. Their possession of bombs and arms suggests the danger they pose to the nation. It is to divert the nation’s attention from them that the theory of Maoists hatching a conspiracy to recruit Dalits for overthrowing the Modi government was hatched.
What message does the arrest of human rights activists convey to society at large and Dalits in particular?
Since the arrested human rights activists believe in the Constitution, the message being conveyed is that they [the Bharatiya Janata Party government] do not recognise the Constitution and, yes, will take revenge for the defeat of Bhima Koregaon.
Isn’t it also like telling people that anyone who supports Dalits will meet the same fate as the 10 human rights activists?
I believe that anyone who has faith in the Constitution and democracy, regardless of which caste or religion he belongs to, is also a Dalit supporter. By arresting the 10 activists, the government is saying that anyone who supports Dalits will be jailed, that their Constitutional rights will be curtailed.
Is there a difference in the nature of atrocities committed against Dalits in the 1970s, when the Dalit Panther surfaced, and what we see today?
The atrocities against Dalits have been continuing for the last 3,000-3,500 years. But what began happening in the 1970s was that some newspapers, not all, began reporting these atrocities. No doubt, the atrocities that the newspapers reported constituted just the tip of the iceberg. But it had an impact – democratic people thought it was unacceptable that such atrocities should be committed against Dalits. For instance, in one particular case the eyes of Dalits were gouged out.
Are you referring to the Gavai brothers, whose eyes were gouged out in Dhakli village in Akola district in 1974?
Yes, you are right. I raised the issue of Gavai brothers. I took them to [then Prime Minister] Indira Gandhi. On seeing them, her eyes welled up with tears. I told her, “Look at the atrocities committed under your rule.”
Are the atrocities against Dalits any different now?
Atrocities against Dalits were committed before the 1970s, during the 1970s and continue even today. But the crucial difference was that in the 1970s, regardless of whether there were Congress or non-Congress governments in the states or at the Centre, those in power believed in democracy, accepted it and consequently gave importance to it. By the way, the BJP did not have a government of its own in any of the states then.
We would take out protest marches and present memoranda to the government, which would accept it. They did not give us bullets in return. The governments of the 1970s also filed cases against us. But they did not invoke laws to prevent us from getting bail. We did not languish in jail for six, eight months – yeh nahin ki, aap jail gayein to gayein. [Not that if you go to jail you would be gone for good.]
But the BJP government is non-democratic. It wants to teach a lesson to Dalit activists and those who support them. They want to teach a lesson to them not of the court and law – that lesson we were given earlier.
But in your book you write that you were beaten by police after the riots in Worli, Bombay, in 1974.
Yes, I was beaten. There were young boys around me. In the melee of protests the police would react instinctively, at times violently. But it was not the case that they would impose an IPC [Indian Penal Code] provision because of which I could not get out of jail for seven or eight months. They would arrest you and you would soon get bail.
Take the five activists who were arrested in June. It just seems they are doomed to stay in jail. This government is scary, this government is revengeful.
Is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s idea of power similar to that of Indira Gandhi?
Indira Gandhi was the daughter of Jawaharlal Nehru, who admired Buddhism, applied the principles of Panchsheel, and was a democrat. Indira Gandhi, too, believed in democracy in the initial years of her political career. But when she grew in strength and acquired greater power, she turned against democracy.
By contrast, Modi acquired great strength at the very beginning of his tenure and consequently became undemocratic at the very inception of his government.
But Gandhi imposed Emergency.
At least, she imposed the Emergency. There was a provision in the Constitution for imposing an Emergency. But these people do not talk of imposing an Emergency. Yet they work against people in a far worse way than what happened during Emergency.
Ideologically, Mrs Gandhi was against democracy. Yet she would sit in Parliament, which also used to function. But Parliament does not even function now. Modi goes to Parliament sirf safai dene ke liyen [to justify his actions]. For Modi, democracy means holding elections every five years.
Has the Dalit mindset changed from what it was in the 1970s?
When [the poet Namdeo] Dhasal and I formed the Dalit Panther in 1972, even people in cities would live in jhuggi-jhopris. They were poor and uneducated. Over the last 40-50 years, they educated their children, some of whom even became IAS officers. So those who were in jhuggi-jhopris moved to chawls, those in chawls shifted to flats and some to bungalows. These are the people who do not face the problems of the 1970s.
What kind of problems do they face now?
Yes, their problem is what I call the white-collar problem. He has a government job, but his service record is spoilt so that he does not get a promotion. Earlier, untouchability was visible. Today, untouchability has become invisible. It has not disappeared, mind you. It means the non-Dalit’s mindset has not changed – what he or she used to think of Dalits he or she still does.
Has not this changed the outlook of Dalits towards politics?
The Dalits I have described to you constitute about 5%-10% or so. They do not readily join street-protests or a movement. In the 1970s, when I was the secretary of the Dalit Panther, I would give a call that we have to go to so and so village. There were no mobiles then. Yet thousands would come. People had problems. They were [economically] insecure. Life has now become relatively secure. People do not wish to risk the security they have achieved. It is not that the percentage of Dalits whose lives have become secure is high. It is not. Yet you do not find the kind of street protestors and fighters the 1970s produced.
However, when a problem that is historical in nature surfaces, the Dalit community unites. Bhima Koregaon is an example. Prakash Ambedkar’s Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh gave a call to observe Maharashtra bandh on Jan 3. Whether a Dalit Brahmin…
...Dalit Brahmin?
People who no longer face the daily problems of life, who do not come out on the street to protest, who do not always support those engaged in the Dalit movement.
So when the call was given to observe the Maharashtra bandh on January 3, Brahmin Dalits and ordinary Dalits united to ensure its success. Maybe some of them did not come out on the street, but they supported us in other ways.
If the life of Dalits has changed from the 1970s, what shape should their politics take?
We want all people to come together to save the Constitution. If we do not save the Constitution we will even lose the right to raise our voice [against injustices], you will not able to write and I will not able to speak to you. We will not have democracy.
Saving the Constitution is not just the responsibility of Dalits, although the entire world knows its architect was Dr BR Ambedkar. It is the responsibility of everyone. Democracy in India is dying. Dalits and others must come together to save it.Support our journalism by subscribing to Scroll+. We welcome your comments at letters@scroll.in.
Khatu Mal Jeewan
Dr. Khatumal Jeewan (also known as Khatu Mal Jeewan or simply Khatu Mal Jeewan) is a distinguished Pakistani politician, physician, and advocate for minority rights, particularly for the Hindu Dalit community. Born into the marginalized Menghwar (Meghwar) caste—a Scheduled Caste equivalent among Hindus—he has risen to become Pakistan's most celebrated Dalit leader. As the only Hindu Dalit politician elected eight times to public office, Jeewan has dedicated his career to championing the socio-political empowerment of Dalits and other minorities in Sindh and beyond. His journey from a rural background in Umerkot to the corridors of national and provincial power exemplifies resilience against caste discrimination and political challenges.
Early Life and Background
- Birth and Family: Dr. Khatumal Jeewan was born on October 1, 1956, in Umerkot, Sindh Province, Pakistan. His father was Daya Ram (Dayaram), and he hails from the Menghwar community, a Dalit Hindu group traditionally facing socio-economic exclusion and caste-based oppression in rural Sindh. Growing up in the village of Janhero Sharif, Taluka Umerkot, Jeewan experienced firsthand the struggles of marginalized communities, including limited access to education and opportunities, which profoundly shaped his commitment to social justice.
- Education: Jeewan pursued a career in medicine, earning an MBBS degree from Dow University of Health Sciences (formerly Dow Medical College) in Karachi. As a qualified doctor, he practiced medicine before fully immersing himself in politics, blending his professional expertise with public service.
Political Career
Dr. Jeewan's political journey began in the 1980s when he joined the student wing of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), a progressive party known for its inclusive stance on minority rights. He has remained a loyal PPP member throughout his career, despite facing enforced disappearances and political pressures. His elections span provincial, national, and senatorial levels, primarily on reserved minority seats, highlighting his enduring popularity among Hindu voters in Lower Sindh.
Key milestones in his career include:
- Provincial Assembly of Sindh (MPA):
- Elected in the 1988 Pakistani general election on a PPP minority seat, marking his debut in elected office.
- Served as MPA from 2011 to 2013 and again from 2013 to 2018.
- Re-elected in February 2024, taking oath as a member of the 17th Provincial Assembly of Sindh on a reserved minority seat. He currently serves as the Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Minorities’ Affairs.
- National Assembly of Pakistan (MNA):
- Elected four times: First in the 1990 general election (NA-213 Umerkot), followed by re-elections in 1993 and 1997.
- His 1990–1993 tenure was interrupted by a mysterious disappearance in 1991, after which he was reportedly forced to temporarily quit the PPP amid political turbulence.
- Rejoined PPP and won again in a 2011 by-election on a reserved minority seat.
- In 1998, during his 1997–1999 term, he served as Federal Parliamentary Secretary for Population Welfare, focusing on health and family planning initiatives.
- Senate of Pakistan:
- Elected in 2009 as a PPP candidate from Sindh, serving until his resignation in 2011 to contest the National Assembly by-election.
- Advisory and Administrative Roles:
- Appointed Advisor to the Chief Minister of Sindh for the Mines and Minerals Development Department in 2008, contributing to resource management in mineral-rich Tharparkar.
- Served as Special Assistant to the Chief Minister of Sindh from 2018 to 2023, overseeing minority welfare and development projects.
Jeewan's consistent victories—eight in total—have made him a trailblazer, breaking caste barriers in Pakistani politics and inspiring the rise of Meghwar leaders in Lower Sindh.
Contributions and Legacy
- Advocacy for Dalit and Minority Rights: As a vocal proponent of Dalit assertion, Jeewan has highlighted caste discrimination within Hindu communities and pushed for affirmative action. His 2017 speech on the "Rise of Meghwars in Local Politics" underscored how his success has empowered other Dalit voices, fostering greater representation in Sindh's assemblies.
- Minority Empowerment: Through his roles in the National Assembly, Senate, and Sindh Assembly, he has advocated for policies on education, healthcare, and economic upliftment for Hindus and other minorities. As Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Minorities’ Affairs, he continues to address issues like forced conversions and land rights.
- Social Justice and PPP Loyalty: Jeewan's endurance through political upheavals, including the 1991 incident, exemplifies his dedication to PPP's egalitarian ideals. He has been instrumental in mobilizing minority votes for the party in Umerkot and Tharparkar districts.
- Inspirational Figure: Often called Pakistan's "most celebrated Dalit leader," his story motivates young Dalits to enter politics, challenging feudal and caste hierarchies in rural Sindh.
Personal Life and Current Status
- Dr. Jeewan maintains a low-profile personal life, residing between his permanent home in Janhero Sharif, Umerkot, and a local address in Karachi (Sea Rock, Block 1). He is known for his humility and accessibility, often engaging directly with constituents.
- As of October 2025, at age 69, he remains active in politics as a sitting MPA in the Sindh Assembly and a senior PPP leader. Recent health concerns were reported in 2022 when he was hospitalized, but he recovered and continued his duties. No major updates from 2025 indicate ongoing involvement in provincial affairs, including minority welfare amid regional elections.
Key Achievements
- Elected public representative eight times: 1x Senator, 4x MNA, 3x MPA (including 2024 term).
- First Hindu Dalit to achieve such repeated electoral success in Pakistan.
- Federal Parliamentary Secretary for Population Welfare (1998).
- Advisor/Special Assistant to Sindh CM (2008, 2018–2023).
- Chairperson, Standing Committee on Minorities’ Affairs, Sindh Assembly (current).
- MBBS graduate and practicing doctor, symbolizing upward mobility for Dalits.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Kailash Chandra Meghwal
Speaker of Rajasthan Legislative Assembly
In office
22 January 2014 – 15 January 2019
Preceded by Deependra Singh Shekhawat
Succeeded by C. P. Joshi
Constituency Shahpura, (SC)
Union Minister of State, Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment
In office
2003-2004
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
Home Minister, Government of Rajasthan
In office
1993 - 1998
Member of Parliament
for Tonk
In office
2001-2009
Member of Parliament Lok sabha
In office
1989 to 1991
Constituency Jalore
Member of Legislative Assembly
In office
2008 to incumbent
Constituency Shahpura
Personal details
Born 22 March 1934 (age 86)
Udaipur, Udaipur State, British India
Political party Bharatiya Janata Party
Residence Udaipur, Rajasthan, India
Website http://rajassembly.nic.in/KailashMeghwal.htm
As of 14 September, 2006
Kailash Chandra Meghwal (born 22 March 1934) was former Speaker of Rajasthan Legislative Assembly, former union minister of state in Government of India and a national vice president of Bharatiya Janata Party. He represents MLA of Shahpura, Bhilwara constituency of Rajasthan in 14th Rajasthan Legislative Assembly & Ex-MP Tonk constituency of Rajasthan in 14th Lok Sabha. He was minister of state for social justice and empowerment from 2003 to 2004.
Born in 1934 in Udaipur District he did MA and LLB from University of Rajasthan. He was imprisoned in emergency in 1975 and released in 1977. He was president of Udaipur Bar Association and a member of senate of Udaipur University.
Membership
1977-1985 Member, Rajasthan Legislative Assembly (two term)
1989 Elected to 9th Lok Sabha from Jalore
1990 Member, Rajasthan Lagislative Assembly (3rd term)
1993-1998 Member, Rajasthan Legislative Assembly (4th term)
22 Sept. 2001 Re-elected to 13th Lok Sabha (in by-election, 2nd term)
2004 Re-elected to 14th Lok Sabha, (3rd term)
2013 Member, Rajasthan Legislative Assembly (5th term)
2018 Member, Rajasthan Legislative Assembly (6th term)
Positions held
1962 Joint Secretary, Praja Socialist Party. Rajasthan
1969-1975 Joint Secretary,Bharatiya Jansangh, Rajasthan
1977 Minister of State with Independent Charge of Ministry of Mines & Geology, Panchayati Raj & Sheep and Wool, Government of Rajasthan
1978 Cabinet Minister, Sahakarita and Mines and Geology, Government of Rajasthan
1980-1982 Secretary, Bharatiya Janata Party, Rajasthan
1981-1984 Member, Public Accounts Committee, Rajasthan Legislative Assembly
1982-1985 General Secretary, B.J.P., Rajasthan
1987 onwards Vice-President, B.J.P., Rajasthan
1991-1992 Cabinet Minister, Irrigation and Relief, Government of Rajasthan
1994-1998 Cabinet Minister, Ministry of Home, Mines and Printing, Government of Rajasthan
2003-2004 Union Minister of State, Social Justice and Empowerment
Cabinet Minister of Mines and Geology,Government of Rajasthan (20.12.2013-21.01.2014)
Speaker of Rajasthan Legislative Assembly
- Birth and Family: Born on November 11, 1917, in Madras (now Chennai), Tamil Nadu, to Vidwan Kalathur Muniswami Pillai, a scholar, and an unnamed mother (details scarce). Her father’s title "Vidwan" suggests a family that valued education despite their marginalized status. Maragatham belonged to the Dalit (Scheduled Caste) community, specifically from the Adi Dravida or similar subgroup, which faced severe discrimination under colonial and caste systems.
- Education: She pursued a BSc from an Indian university (likely in Madras) and later traveled to the United Kingdom for further studies, earning diplomas in domestic science, dietetics, and institution management. This advanced education was rare for women, especially Dalit women, in her era.
- Early Influences: Growing up in pre-independence India, she witnessed colonial oppression and caste-based inequities. Her exposure to the Indian National Congress’s freedom movement, led by figures like Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, inspired her early activism. Her Dalit identity fueled her commitment to social justice.
- Congress Involvement: Maragatham joined the Indian National Congress in her youth, participating in the non-violent resistance against British rule. While not a frontline revolutionary like some contemporaries, she contributed to grassroots mobilization in Tamil Nadu, aligning with the INC’s campaigns like the Quit India Movement (1942).
- Social Advocacy: Even during the freedom struggle, she focused on uplifting marginalized groups, particularly Dalits and women, through community organizing and promoting education. Her work bridged anti-colonial resistance with social reform, reflecting the INC’s broader vision.
- Parliamentary Roles:
- Lok Sabha: Elected as a Member of Parliament (MP) from Sriperumbudur, Tamil Nadu, in 1952, 1957, and 1962, serving three terms in the Lower House. Her constituency work focused on rural development and social equity.
- Rajya Sabha: Served as an MP in the Upper House from 1970 to 1976, contributing to national policy debates on health, welfare, and minority rights.
- Union Government Positions:
- Deputy Minister for Health (1950s): Worked on expanding healthcare access, particularly for underserved communities.
- Deputy Minister for Home Affairs and Social Welfare (1960s): Advocated for policies addressing poverty, education, and caste discrimination.
- Congress Leadership:
- General Secretary, All India Congress Committee (AICC): A key organizational role, where she influenced party strategy and policy during the 1960s and 1970s.
- President, Tamil Nadu Congress Committee (TNCC): Led the state unit, navigating internal factionalism and strengthening Congress’s base in Tamil Nadu during a period of Dravidian party dominance.
- National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes:
- Served as Chairperson (1983–1987), a high-profile role where she championed the rights of Dalits and Adivasis. She pushed for better implementation of reservation policies, anti-discrimination laws, and economic empowerment programs.
- Social Welfare: Maragatham was instrumental in shaping post-independence policies for healthcare, education, and social welfare. Her work as Deputy Minister helped establish rural health centers and nutrition programs, reflecting her training in dietetics.
- Dalit and Women’s Rights: As a Dalit woman, she was a powerful advocate for Scheduled Castes, challenging caste oppression in politics and society. She also promoted women’s participation in governance, serving as a role model in a patriarchal system.
- Congress Stalwart: Her leadership in the AICC and TNCC strengthened the Congress’s organizational structure in Tamil Nadu, despite competition from regional parties like the DMK and AIADMK. She remained loyal to the Nehru-Gandhi family, aligning with Indira Gandhi during the Congress split of 1969.
- Legacy of Inclusion: Her chairmanship of the National Commission for SC/ST highlighted systemic issues like untouchability and landlessness, pushing for accountability in government programs.
- Marriage and Family: Married R. Chandrasekar, about whom little is documented. They had two children:
- Lalit Chandrasekar: Son, with limited public information.
- Latha Priyakumar: Daughter, who followed in her mother’s footsteps as a Congress politician, serving as an MLA in Tamil Nadu.
- Personality: Known for her intellect, resilience, and compassion, Maragatham balanced her scholarly background with grassroots empathy. Her ability to navigate elite political circles while advocating for the marginalized earned her respect across party lines.
- Retirement: After stepping down from the National Commission in 1987, Maragatham reduced her public engagements due to age but remained a revered figure in Tamil Nadu Congress circles.
- Death: She passed away on October 26, 2001, in Chennai, just before her 84th birthday. Her death was mourned widely, with tributes highlighting her trailblazing role as a Dalit woman leader.
- Centenary Celebration: In 2017, her birth centenary was commemorated by the Tamil Nadu Congress, with leaders like Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi praising her contributions to social justice and women’s empowerment.
- Trailblazer for Dalit Women: As one of the first Dalit women in high political office, Maragatham shattered caste and gender barriers, inspiring leaders like Latha Priyakumar and others in Tamil Nadu.
- Congress Icon: Her loyalty to the INC and her work under Nehru and Indira Gandhi cemented her as a key figure in the party’s post-independence history.
- Cultural Impact: While not as globally celebrated as figures like Nelson Mandela, her legacy resonates in Tamil Nadu and among Dalit activists. Recent X posts (as of October 2025) from Tamil Nadu users occasionally reference her alongside other Congress stalwarts like K. Kamaraj, emphasizing her Dalit identity and welfare contributions. However, her national visibility remains lower than her contributions warrant.
- Honors:
- No major national awards are explicitly documented, but her chairmanship of the National Commission was a prestigious recognition.
- Memorials and tributes in Tamil Nadu, including centenary events, honor her legacy.
- Historical Context: Her work cost the Congress political capital in Tamil Nadu due to tensions with Dravidian parties but strengthened its appeal among Dalit voters. Her advocacy laid groundwork for later SC/ST empowerment policies.
- Limited National Recognition: Some critics argue her contributions are undercelebrated compared to male or upper-caste Congress leaders, reflecting caste and gender biases in historical narratives.
- Congress Factionalism: Her alignment with Indira Gandhi during the 1969 split drew criticism from rival Congress factions, though she remained a unifying figure in Tamil Nadu.
Maragatham Chandrasekar
Maragatham Chandrasekar was a pioneering Indian politician from Tamil Nadu, a stalwart of the Indian National Congress (INC), and a significant figure in India's post-independence political landscape. As a Dalit woman who broke gender and caste barriers, she played a key role in advocating for social welfare, women's rights, and the upliftment of marginalized communities. She was also involved in India's freedom struggle, aligning with the INC’s non-violent resistance against British colonial rule. Below is a comprehensive overview of her life, contributions, and legacy.
Early Life
Role in the Freedom Struggle
Political Career
Maragatham Chandrasekar’s political career spanned over four decades, marked by significant roles in both legislative and executive capacities. Her rise as a Dalit woman in a male-dominated, caste-stratified political sphere was groundbreaking.
Contributions and Achievements
Personal Life
Later Life and Death
Legacy and Recognition
Controversies and Criticism
Masuriya Din Pasi
The Unsung Freedom Fighter and Pasi Icon
Masuriya Din Pasi (October 2, 1911 – 1978) was a prominent Indian freedom fighter, social reformer, and politician from the Pasi community—a Scheduled Caste group historically marginalized under colonial laws. Hailing from Uttar Pradesh, he played a pivotal role in India's independence movement, the abolition of the discriminatory Criminal Tribes Act, and post-independence politics as a close associate of Jawaharlal Nehru. Today, October 2, 2025, marks his 114th birth anniversary, though recent social media tributes (primarily from August 2025) focus on his legacy in community liberation rather than this date. Often called "Bapu" by his followers, Pasi's life exemplified Dalit empowerment through education, activism, and electoral success, though his contributions faded from mainstream memory until recent political revivals.
Early Life and Education
Born on October 2, 1911, in Prayagraj (then Allahabad), Masuriya Din grew up in a modest Pasi family amid the socio-economic challenges faced by Scheduled Castes under British rule. Details on his family are sparse in public records, but he was deeply influenced by the prevailing caste hierarchies and colonial oppression. While specific educational qualifications are not widely documented, Pasi was a self-taught advocate who later championed education for Dalits, establishing schools and promoting literacy within the Pasi community to counter systemic exclusion.
Role in the Independence Movement
Pasi emerged as a fierce anti-colonial activist in the 1930s and 1940s, aligning with the Indian National Congress and participating in non-violent protests. He was a key member of the Constituent Assembly (1946–1949), contributing to the drafting of India's Constitution as one of its Dalit representatives. His activism peaked with mass agitations against the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871, a draconian British law that branded entire communities like the Pasis as "hereditary criminals," restricting their movement and rights. Imprisoned multiple times for leading protests, Pasi mobilized thousands, turning the movement into a broader fight for social justice. His efforts helped pressure the post-independence government to repeal the Act in 1952, earning him the title "Mukti Data" (Liberator) among Pasis.
Political Career
Pasi's post-independence career was marked by electoral victories that amplified Dalit voices in Parliament and state assemblies:
- Lok Sabha Elections: He won from Phulpur (1952 and 1957), co-elected alongside Nehru (who represented the same seat in 1952), symbolizing a mentor-protégé bond. Nehru reportedly called him his "running mate."
- Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly: Elected from Chail constituency (now in Kaushambi district) in 1962 and 1967, serving as an MLA focused on land reforms and SC welfare. As a Congress loyalist, Pasi advocated for affirmative action and rural development, though he remained a grassroots leader rather than a national figurehead. He retired from active politics in the late 1960s, dedicating his later years to community organizing.
Social Reforms and Contributions
Beyond politics, Pasi was a reformer who targeted caste-based stigma:
- Criminal Tribes Act Abolition: His 1940s-1950s campaigns were instrumental in its denotification, freeing Pasis from surveillance and enabling social mobility.
- Education and Empowerment: He founded educational institutions and promoted inter-caste harmony, emphasizing self-reliance for Dalits.
- Writings: Pasi authored pamphlets and speeches on social justice, though no major books are attributed to him. His oratory inspired the Pasi Mahasabha, a socio-political body still active in UP and Bihar.
Personal Life and Death
Little is known about Pasi's family life; he was married with children, but details remain private. He passed away in 1978 at age 67, reportedly in Prayagraj. His funeral drew community leaders, but national recognition was limited.
Legacy
Pasi is revered as a Pasi icon for blending anti-colonial resistance with Dalit upliftment, influencing leaders like Kanshi Ram. However, as noted in Phulpur (his former constituency), his memory has faded, overshadowed by Nehru's shadow. Statues and memorials exist in UP villages, and August 31 is observed as "Criminal Tribes Act Mukti Divas" in his honor, with hashtags like #CTA_Liberation_Day trending on X among Pasi activists.
Recent Commemorations (2024-2025)
Ahead of the 2027 UP Assembly elections, political parties are invoking Pasi to court the 4-5% Pasi vote bank:
- Congress: Observed his death anniversary in July 2024 at Mallihabad (Lucknow), with a seminar on his empowerment work. They also marked his 2023 birth anniversary by displaying his photo alongside Gandhi and Shastri.
- BJP and SP: While focusing on icons like Uda Devi Pasi and Maharaja Bijli Pasi (e.g., BJP's 2018 push for Uda Devi's statue), both parties reference Pasi's legacy in Dalit outreach. On X, August 2025 saw tributes from users like @PrinceSaro75444 and @RamaSha08710473, sharing images and calls for "Amar Rahe" (Immortal Forever), tying his fight to modern caste issues. No major October 2025 posts yet, but community events in Prayagraj are likely.

Madhusudan Das
Utkala Gouraba Madhusudan Das
Born 28 April 1848
Satyabhamapur, Cuttack district, Bengal Presidency, Company rule in India
Died 4 February 1934 (aged 85)
Cuttack, Bihar and Orissa Province, British India
Occupation Lawyer, social reformer, minister, industrialist
Education M.A, B.L.
Alma mater Calcutta University
Period 1848–1934
Spouse Soudamini Devi
Children Sailabala Das, Sudhanshubala Hazra
Relatives Choudhury Raghunath Das
Parbati Debi (parents)
Madhusudan Das (28 April 1848 – 4 February 1934) was an Indian lawyer and social reformer, who founded Utkal Sammilani in 1903 to campaign for the unification of Orissa along with its social and industrial development. He was one of the main persons, helping in the creation of Orissa Province (present-day Odisha, India), which was established on 1 April 1936. He was also the first graduate and advocate of Orissa. He is also known as Kulabruddha (Grand Old Man), Madhu Babu, and Utkala Gouraba (Pride of Utkal). In Odisha, his birthday is celebrated as the Lawyers' Day on 28 April.
Family
Madhusudan Das was born to a Zamindari (Karan Kayastha ) family in 28 April 1848 at Satyabhamapur, 20 kilometres (12 mi) from Cuttack during the Company rule in India. His father was Choudhury Raghunath Das and his mother, Parbati Debi. They had initially named him Gobindaballabh. He had two elder sisters and a younger brother named Gopalballabh. Gopalballabh was a Magistrate at Bihar Province and the father of Ramadevi Choudhury. He was converted to Christianity that caused him boycotted in the village which he had to quit to erect a small house at the end of the village. The house was known as ‘Madhukothi’ or ‘Balipokharikothi’, later on used as the state office of the Kasturba National Memorial Trust, in a part of which was running the Anganabadi, Balbadi. Madhusudan had adopted two Bengali girls; Sailabala Das and Sudhanshubala Hazra. Sailabala was an educationist who had been trained in England, and in whose name the famous Sailabala Women's College of Cuttack was founded. Sailabala was Bengali, and her parents had left her in the care of Madhusudan Das and his wife Soudamini Devi at Calcutta. In 1864, he passed Matriculation from Cuttack and thereafter he was inclined to become a teacher and began his career as a teacher at Balasore for three years. The year 1866 was the year of a acute famine in Odisha, called the "Naanka Durviksha" When more than one lakh people died of hunger. This year he converted himself to Christian and changed his name as Madhusudan Das from his earlier name of Gobinda Ballav Choudhury. Sudhansubala Hazra was also Bengali and she was the first female lawyer of British India. Madhu babu was the resident tutor of Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee, the former Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University in Calcutta and Janakinath Bose, father of Subhash Chandra Bose at Ravenshaw College.
Early life and education
After his early education, he moved to Cuttack High School (later known as Ravenshaw Collegiate School) which offered English education. In 1864, he passed the entrance examination and went to Calcutta University. In spite of extremely challenging conditions he lived in Calcutta for almost fifteen years, from 1866 to 1881. In 1870, he became the first Odia to complete his B.A. He continued his studies at Calcutta and earned his M.A. in 1873, and an LL.B degree in 1878, thus becoming the first scholar from Orissa to be thus educated.
Professional life
Statue of Madhu babu
After returning to Orissa from Calcutta in 1881, he started his legal practice. His insight knowledge on this field helped him to earn sufficiently and spend for the common man. He handled some important cases of his times such as Puri temple administration case, Keonjhar Riots Case etc. He was a source of inspiration for the lawyers in Orissa and in India. His birth anniversary is observed as Lawyers' Day in Odisha.
Political career
Known as 'Madhu Babu' by the common people, he worked for the political, social and economical upliftment of the people of Orissa and worked as a lawyer, journalist, legislator, politician and social reformer. He founded Utkal Sammilani which brought a revolution in the social and industrial development of Orissa. He was elected as a member of the legislative council of Bihar and Orissa Province and under the Diarchy scheme of Government of India Act, 1919, he was appointed as Minister for Local Self-Government, Medical Public Health, Public Works in 1921.
He was the first Odia to become a member of both the legislative council and the Central Legislative Assembly of India. He founded Utkal Sammilani (Utkal Union Conference) which laid the foundation of Odia nationalism. Utkal Sammilani spearheaded the demand for unification of Odia speaking areas under a single administration.This led to the formations of state of Odisha on 1 April 1936. He was also the first Odia to travel to England. He founded the Utkal Tannery in 1905, a factory producing shoes and other leather products. In 1897 he founded the Orissa Art Ware Works. With his support, the Tarakasi(filigree) work of silver ornaments achieved commendable feet.
Contribution to literature
As a writer and poet, patriotism was always at the forefront of his mind, and that was reflected in all of his literary works. He penned a number of articles and poems in both English and Odia. Some of his important poems are "Utkal Santan", "Jati Itihash" and "Jananira Ukti". He was also an influential speaker in Odia, Bengali and English.
Last years
He died on 4 February 1934 at the age of 85.
Mangu Ram Mugowalia
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Mangu Ram Mugowalia
Member of Punjab Legislative Assembly
In office
21 March 1946 – 4 July 1947
Personal details
Born 14 January 1886
Muggowal, Hoshiarpur, Punjab Province, British India (now India)
Died 22 April 1980 (aged 94)
Political party Unionist Party (Punjab) (1946–1947)
Other political
affiliations Ghadar Party (Before 1946)
Mangu Ram (14 January 1886 – 22 April 1980), known popularly as Babu Mangu Ram Chaudhry, was an Indian freedom fighter, a politician from Punjab and one of the founder members of the Ghadar Party.
In 1909, he immigrated to the United States and there became associated with the Ghadar Party. Upon his return to India in 1925, he became a leader of the low-caste people, organising them in opposition to the system of untouchability that oppressed them. He was instrumental in the foundation of the Ad-Dharmi Movement, an organisation dedicated to attaining equality for Untouchables. He was elected to the Punjab Legislative Assembly in 1946 and in 1972 received recognition in the form of a pension and an award from Indira Gandhi for his work towards Indian independence.
Personal life
Mugowalia was born to Harman Dass and Atri in a Chamar family of Muggowal village, Hoshiarpur district, Punjab Province, British India. His father Harman Dass left the traditional Chamar Caste occupation of Leathercraft. His mother Atri died when he was three. Harman Dass faced discrimination at every step of his life thus did not want his son to face the same problems and enrolled him in school for early education.
Education
Initially Mangu Ram was taught by a village saint (Sadhu) till the age of seven. He attended schools in Mugowal area and Dehradun. In most of the schools Mangu ram was the only Dalit Student. He was forced to sit in back of the classroom, or even in separate room, and had to listen through the open door. When he attended high school in Bajwara, he was forced to stay outside the building and had to listen to the classes through the windows. Once when he came inside during a heavy hailstorm, the Brahman teacher beat him and put all the classroom furniture, which he had "polluted" by his presence, outside in the rain to be literally and ritually washed clean. Nonetheless, Mangu Ram was a good student, he came third in his class in primary school. While the other students were encouraged to become patwaris (village record-keeper) or to seek higher education, Mangu Ram was encouraged to leave school and help his father at a more proper "Chamar task".
Ad-Dharmi movement
In 1925, after returning from US, Babu Mangoo Ram started teaching in a primary school in his home village of Mugowal, A school which he named Ad Dharm School. It was the same school where Babu Mangu Ram first convened the meeting that formally launched the Ad Dharam Movement. The establishment of movement was the voice against the brahminical society which put Dalits at bottom of the social structure. It was the glorious step by Dalits to attain the equality in caste laden society. Through the Ad dharm Movement, babu Mangu Ram pioneered Dalit movement in North India.
He succeeded remarkably well in creating awareness and awakening among the people. His path was beset with difficulties, and he had to work against the odds and trying circumstances. The message brought by Babu Mangu Ram was new and inspiring. It was aimed at awakening the untouchables. The message called upon them to know and realize themselves as they had forgotten their true selves due to hostile influences in which they had been living for thousands of years. It caught imagination and hearts of downtrodden people, soon Babu Mangu Ram became household name.
Death
Mangu Ram died on 22 April 1980

Wikipedia
Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari
Postage stamp issued in honor of Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari
President of Indian National Congress
Birth 25 December 1880
Yusufpur, Mohammadabad, Ghazipur British India
The death 1936 ( Age : 56 years) in train between
Mussoorie - Delhi , British India
the nationality Indian
Political party Indian National Congress and Muslim League
Learning earnings Madras Medical College
London Lock Hospital
The business Doctor, freedom fighter
religion Islam
DR. Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari ( Hindi : Mokhtar Ahmad Ansari , Urdu : مختار احمد انصاری )during the Indian Independence movement with an Indian nationalist and political leader of the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League of former president. He was one of the founders of Jamia Millia IslamiaUniversity, he was also its Chancellor from 1928 to 1936.
Early life and medical career
Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari was born on 25 December 1880 in the city of Yusufpur-Mohammadabad in North-Western Provinces (now a part of Uttar Pradesh ).
He attended Victoria High School and later he and his family moved to Hyderabad . Ansari received a medical degree from Madras Medical College and went to England to study on a scholarship . He did M.D. And MS Acquired the titles of He was an upper-class student and worked at the Lock Hospital and Charing Cross Hospital in London . He was India's pioneer in surgery and today an Ansari ward is present in Charing Cross Hospital to honor his work .
Nationalist activities
Dr. Ansari joined the Indian independence movement during his stay in England. He returned to Delhi and joined both the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League . He played an important role in negotiating the 1916 Lucknow Treaty and served as the league's president from 1918 to 1920. He was an outspoken supporter of the Khilafat Movement and brought together the government's Khilafat body, the League and the Congress Party at issue against Mustafa Kamal's decision to oust the Khalifa of Islam , the Sultan of Turkey , and the recognition of Turkish independence by the British Empire Worked to protest.
Dr. Ansari served as AICC Secretary General several times, as well as President of the Indian National Congress during the 1927 session. Dr. Ansari became closer to Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress Party as a result of internal fighting and political divisions within the League in the 1920s and later the rise of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Muslim separatism.
Dr. Ansari ( Foundation Committee of Jamia Millia Islamia ) was one of the founders and shortly after the death of its primary founder, Dr. Hakim Ajmal Khan in 1927, he also worked as the Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia University in Delhi . Did it
Personal life and perceptions
Dr. Ansari's wife was a very religious woman who worked with him to uplift the Muslim women of Delhi. [ Citation needed ] Ansari family lived in a palatial home that Urdu in the Darus Salaam or Adobe of Peace was called. Whenever Mahatma Gandhi came to Delhi, the Ansari family often welcomed him and this house was a regular basis for the political activities of the Congress. However, he never stopped practicing medicine and often came to the aid of Indian politicians and the Indian royal system.
Dr. Ansari was one of a new generation of Indian Muslim nationalists, including Maulana Azad, Muhammad Ali Jinnah and others. He was very passionate about the issues of common Indian Muslims but, unlike Jinnah, was strongly against separate voters and opposed Jinnah's view that only the Muslim League could be representative of India's Muslim communities.
Dr. Ansari was very close to Mahatma Gandhi and favored Gandhism with his major teachings of non- violence and non-violent civil resistance . He had an intimate friendship with the Mahatma.
Dr. Ansari died of a heart attack in a train en route from Mussoorie to Delhi in 1936 , he is buried in the premises of Jamia Millia Islamia in Delhi.
P. Theagaraya Chetty
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Pitti Theagaraya Chetty
Born 27 April 1852
Died 28 April 1925 (aged 73)
Madras, British India
Occupation lawyer, businessman, politician
Sir Pitti Theagaraya Chetty KCSI (27 April 1852 – 28 April 1925) was an Indian lawyer, industrialist and a prominent political leader from the erstwhile Madras province. He was one of the founders of the Justice Party in 1916 along with C. Natesa Mudaliar, Dr. T. M. Nair. T.Nagar is a locality in Chennai which is named after him. On 1919 January 1, the title Dewan Bahadur was awarded to him
Theagaraya Chetty was born in Madras Presidency. After graduating from Presidency College, Madras he served as a corporator and legislator. He had an avid interest in politics and served as a member of the Indian National Congress before founding the South Indian Liberal Federation in 1917. He served as the President of the federation from 1917 till his death in 1925.
Early life
Chetty was born to a Devanga family in Egathur, Madras Presidency on 27 April 1852 He did his schooling in Chennai and graduated in law from Presidency College, Madras. On graduation, he entered public life and served as a member of the Corporation of Madras from 1882 to 1922. He also served terms as the President of the Corporation of Madras, and then as a Councillor till 1922. He was the first non-official President of the Madras Corporation.
He was one of the founder-members of the South Indian Chamber of Commerce and served as its President. from 1910 to 1921. When the Industrial Conference came to Madras, Theagaraya Chetty was the Chairman of the Reception Committee. Theagaraya Chetty fought on behalf of the Indian Patriot newspaper and its editor Karunakara Menon against Dr T. M. Nair who later became his close associate.
The Dravidian Movement
The Madras Non-Brahmin Association was formed in 1909 by two lawyers from Madras city, P. Subramanyam and M. Purushotham Naidu. Sir Theagaroya Chetty did not involve himself in the movement until 1912, when the Madras United League (Later renamed as Madras Dravidian Association) was formed.
At a meeting held in Madras in November 1916 by a group of about thirty people, including Theagaraya Chetti and Dr. T. M. Nair, it was resolved to start a company for publishing newspapers advocating the cause of the non-Brahmin community. The newspaper was named Justice and started publishing from 26 February 1917 onwards. Dr. T. M. Nair was its first Editor.
A political party was organised by the South Indian People's Association under the leadership of Sir P.Theagaroya Chetty and Dr. T. M. Nair and was named the South Indian Liberal Federation. It later came to be popularly known as the Justice Party after the English daily Justice which the party published. The Federation was organised in October 1917 and its objectives were defined as :
to create and promote the education, social, economic, political, material and moral progress of all communities in Southern India other than Brahmins, to discuss public questions and make a true and timely representation to Government of the views and interests of the people of Southern India with the object of safeguarding and promoting the interests of all communities including Dalits and to disseminate by public lectures, by distribution of literature and by other means sound and liberal views in regard to public opinion "
Early Years of the Justice Party
Theagaraya Chetty was elected the first President of the Justice Party and served as President until his death in 1925. A constitution was drawn on 17 October 1917. District and city boards were established all over the Presidency.
In the initial stages, the Justice Party concentrated its energies on work of a social character than political. During this period, the Justice Party held all-India conferences to unite SCs and Its all over the country. The Justice Party argued for separate electorates and reservations in government jobs and civil service for Dalits, at the British Parliament in London. In 1919, Dr. T. M. Nair, the President of the Justice Party and leader of the delegation died in London at the age of fifty-one and was succeeded as President by Theagaraya Chetty.
1920 elections
When elections were held in December 1920 in the Madras Presidency as per the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms, the Justice Party obtained a comfortable majority by winning 63 seats out of 98. The Governor of Madras invited Theagaraya Chetty to form the Government. However, Theagaraya Chetty refused on account of the ethical rule that head of a political party can't hold a post in the cabinet too. As a result, A. Subbarayalu Reddiar was appointed Chief Minister. He served for a few months before being succeeded by the Raja of Panagal.
Attitude towards Brahmins
In his speech as the President of the Reception Committee of the First Non-Brahmin Confederation, Theagaraya Chetty spoke:
Towards the Brahmins, we cherish no feelings of bitterness. If we have to fight them we do so in the interests of truth and justice, and we shall be prepared to extend to them too the right hand of fellowship, when they shall see the wrongs inflicted upon us and repent. Ours is essentially a movement of love and not of hate, or love based upon a sense of what is due to the various classes which constitute the population of this vast and ancient land
Death and legacy
History holds the fact that the credit of demolishing the influence of brahminism against the other communities belongs to the Justice Party and its successor party Dravidar Kazhagam. Theagaraya Chetty died on 28 April 1925 and was succeeded by the Raja of Panagal as the President of the Justice Party. He is usually credited for the victories of the Justice Party in the 1920 and 1923 elections and for turning the Justice Party into a formidable force in the Presidency that continued to be so for a couple of decades.
The locality T Nagar in Chennai is named after him. It is an important commercial centre today.
Purno Agitok Sangma (often misspelled as "Purna Aijitk Sangma") was a prominent Indian politician from Meghalaya who played a significant role in both state and national politics.
Key Roles and Achievements
Speaker of Lok Sabha: Sangma served as the 11th Speaker of the Lok Sabha (India's lower house of Parliament) from 1996 to 1998, earning broad respect for his impartiality and efficiency.
Chief Minister of Meghalaya: He was the 4th Chief Minister of Meghalaya, holding office from 1988 to 1990.
Union Minister: Sangma held multiple important Union ministries, including Labor, Information & Broadcasting, Coal, Commerce, and Industry, playing crucial roles in policy reforms and development.
Lok Sabha Member: He represented the Tura constituency in Meghalaya for nine terms, serving from 1977 to 1988, 1991 to 2008, and again from 2014 until his death in 2016—making him one of the most influential parliamentarians from Northeast India.
Political Journey
Early Political Career: Sangma entered politics in the early 1970s, starting with the Indian National Congress (INC), progressing quickly to Vice-President and then General Secretary of the Meghalaya Pradesh Youth Congress.
Congress and NCP: In 1999, Sangma—along with Sharad Pawar and Tariq Anwar—was expelled from INC after questioning Sonia Gandhi's foreign origin, leading to the formation of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP).
National People's Party: In 2013, he founded the National People's Party (NPP), focusing on the aspirations and issues of the Northeast.
Personal Life and Background
Humble Origins: Born on 1 September 1947 in Chapahati (Garo Hills, now in Meghalaya), Sangma lost his father young and was helped by missionaries to continue his education. He graduated from St. Anthony's College in Shillong and later studied political science in Assam.
Family: His son Conrad Sangma is the current Chief Minister of Meghalaya, and his daughter Agatha Sangma is also a Member of Parliament from Tura.
Other Notable Events
Presidential Candidate: Sangma contested the 2012 Indian presidential election, supported by the BJP and others, but lost to Pranab Mukherjee.
Awards: He was posthumously awarded the Padma Vibhushan, India's second-highest civilian honor, in 2017.
Advocacy for Northeast: Sangma was a relentless advocate for the Northeast, working for its development, representation, and inclusion at the national level.
Purno Agitok Sangma is remembered as a skilled parliamentarian, an advocate for social justice, a political maverick, and a trailblazer from Northeast India.
Prakash Yashwant Ambedkar
From Wikipedia
Prakash Ambedkar
Member of the Indian parliament, Lok Sabha
In office
10 October 1999 – 6 February 2004
Succeeded by Sanjay Shamrao Dhotre
Constituency Akola
In office
10 March 1998 – 26 April 1999
Preceded by Pandurang Pundalik Fundkar
Constituency Akola
Member of the Indian parliament of Rajya Sabha
In office
18 September 1990 – 17 September 1996
Constituency Maharashtra
Personal details
Born 10 May 1954 (age 66)
Bombay, Bombay State (now Mumbai, Maharashtra), India
Nationality Indian
Political party
Republican Party of India
(before 1994, 1998 – 1999)
Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh
(1994 – 2019)
Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi
(since 2019)
Spouse(s)
Anjali Ambedkar
(m. 1993)
Relations
B. R. Ambedkar
(grandfather)
Anandraj Ambedkar
(brother)
Anand Teltumbde
(brother-in-law)
See also Ambedkar family
Children Sujat Ambedkar (son)
Parents
Yashwant Ambedkar
Meera Ambedkar
Residence • 129, Rajgruha, Hindu colony, Dadar, Mumbai, Maharashtra
• B-17, Patil Heritage Bhosale Nagar, Pune, Maharashtra
• Akola, Maharashtra
Education Bachelor of Arts
Bachelor of Laws
Alma mater St. Stanislaus High School
Siddharth College of Law, Mumbai
Profession Advocate, Politician, Social worker
Website PrakashAmbedkar on Facebook
Nickname(s) Balasaheb Ambedkar
Prakash Yashwant Ambedkar (IAST: Prakāśa Yaśavanta Āmbēḍakar) (born 10 May 1954), popularly known as Balasaheb Ambedkar, is an Indian politician, social activist, writer and lawyer. He is the president of political party called the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi. He is a three-time Member of Parliament (MP). He is the grandson of B. R. Ambedkar. He was a member of the 12th and 13th Lok Sabha Akola constituency of India. He has served in both houses of the Indian Parliament.
Personal life
Prakash Ambedkar is the eldest grandson of B. R. Ambedkar and Ramabai Ambedkar. His father's name is Yashwant Ambedkar (Bhaiyasaheb) and mother's name is Meera. The Ambedkar family are followers of Navayana Buddhism. He has two younger brothers Bhimrao and Anandraj, and a sister Ramabai who is married to Anand Teltumbde. Prakash Ambedkar is married to Anjali Maydeo, with whom he has a son.
Early life and education
Prakash Ambedkar was born on 10 May 1954 in Bombay (now Mumbai). In 1972 he completed his higher secondary education from St. Stanislaus High School, Mumbai. In 1978, he received Bachelor of Arts (BA) from Siddhartha College of Arts, and in 1981 he got Bachelor of Laws (LLB) in Siddharth College of Law, Mumbai.
Political career
On 4 July 1994, Prakash Ambedkar established the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh. This party was a splintered group amongst other factions of the Republican Party of India which was constituted on directions of his grandfather after his death. The Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha contested established political parties like Indian National Congress, Shiv Sena and Bharatiya Janata Party in the Akola municipal elections, emerging victorious. The success was gained through the new social engineering brought by Prakash Ambedkar which later known as "Akola Pattern". The expansion of the party continued after 1995, that some of the non-Dalit parties and organisations have joined the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh.
Ambedkar was a member of the Rajya Sabha during 1990 - 1996. He was elected in the 12th Lok Sabha elections from Akola Lok Sabha constituency in 1998 as a candidate of the Republican Party of India. Second time from the same constituency in 1999, he was elected as the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh's candidate for the 13th Lok Sabha elections and he was a member of the Lok Sabha till 2004.
Ambedkar followed a policy, on the one hand, of regrouping the Dalits, and on the other of following a moderate line seeking alliance with those opposition parties which sympathised with the Dalit cause. It was with their support that he twice contested elections to the parliament from non-reserved constituencies. Though not successful in getting elected, he polled a sizeable number of votes on both the occasions.
The RPI organised a march from Nashik to Mumbai to press its demands, prominent among which was the transfer of vatan lands to their Dalit cultivators. (Both before and after the British Raj, certain lands were given to people for services rendered by them to the government or to the community or to both. These lands are also called "watan lands" in local legislation and in Maharashtra many of the watans were abolished between 1950 and 1960.)[citation needed] In response, the government appointed a committee with Prakash Ambedkar as a member.
The RPI's greatest success was in 1988 when Ambedkar, in alliance with other Dalit organisations, took out a massive demonstration in Mumbai. The occasion was the controversy regarding a move to delete from the official publication of B. R. Ambedkar's writings a portion called Riddles of Hinduism. The deletion move was supported by Shiv Sena which by this time was emerging as a Hindu political organisation. To bring all Dalit organisations together for this purpose, Prakash Ambedkar formed Ambedkar Vichar Samvardhak Samiti (AVSS). Under the leadership of Prakash Ambedkar, R. S. Gavai and others on 5 February 1988, Dalits put on a massive show of strength which brought more than four to five lakh followers of B. R. Ambedkar into the heart of Mumbai city from different parts of Maharashtra and also from Gujarat and other states. Within days of the Dalit demonstration in Mumbai, the 'Riddles' issue was resolved at a meeting on February 10 of representatives of the Shiv Sena, the Maratha Mahasangh and the various groups of the Republican Party of India and the Dalit Panthers called by the state chief minister. It was agreed at the meeting that the relevant appendix would be retained intact in the fourth volume of Ambedkar's works; only a line would be added to clarify that the Maharashtra government did not agree or disagree with B. R. Ambedkar's comments on the Hindu gods.
Bahujan Mahasangh, a political formation working in close association with the Bharatiya Republican Party led by Prakash Ambedkar, was formed in February 1993. In the summer of that year, its candidate won Kinwat legislative assembly seat in Nanded district, defeating Congress and BJP contestants. The alliance between Bharatiya Republican Party and Bahujan Mahasangh visualised a joint front of Dalits and OBCs whose cultural identity was essentially non-Brahmin. Bahujan Mahasangh argued that in the Brahminical social order, both Dalits and OBCs find themselves equally oppressed culturally. Bahujan Mahasangh had defined the Bahujan category to include Buddhists, Sikhs, Jains and Muslims, as well as caste groups such as Shudra (OBCs) and ati-Shudra (Dalits), tribes, women, poor Marathas, and poor Brahmins, thus including all those who are subjugated through caste, class and gender exploitation
In memory of Mahar soldiers who fought in the Battle of Koregaon, their descendants (Buddhists) visit Koregaon Bhima on 1 January every year to honor them. On 1 January 2018, Buddhists, as well as some Hindu dalit, OBC and Sikh people visited the 'Jay sthambh' (victory pillar) at Koregaon Bhima in Pune district, Maharashtra.Prakash Ambedkar accused Sambhaji Bhide and Milind Ekbote of seducing the invading Hindutva people and demanded the police investigation and strict action against the two. But the Maharashtra government and the state police did not take any action against the culprits. So on 3 January 2018, he called on the people of Maharashtra to call "Maharashtra Bandh". This call to shut down Maharashtra received a huge response from the people and the bandh was a success. The bandh was seen across Maharashtra including Mumbai. According to Ambedkar, more than 50% Maharashtrian people participated in the bandh. Earlier only Bal Thackeray of Shiv Sena had the power to shut down Mumbai. Subsequently, Prakash Ambedkar's political power increased. He came to the center of Ambedkarite and Bahujan community. The youth group in particular became his supporters.
Prakash Ambedkar founded new political party the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi on 20 March 2018 with its ideology primarily emphasizing Constitutionalism, Ambedkarism, Secularism, Socialism and Progressivism. The Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi registered as a political party a year later on 15 March 2019, prior to the 2019 elections for Lok Sabha. It is supported by nearly 100 small political parties and social organizations. Prakash Ambedkar is the supremo of the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi.
On 14 March 2019, Ambedkar has announced the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh will merge with the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi. He said that, despite the 'Akola pattern' of social engineering through the success of the Bharipa-Bahujan Mahasangh, the word 'Bharipa' (RPI) had limited the expansion of the party. He said that after the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the Bharip-Bahujan Mahasangh will merge with the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi, because the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi is acceptable in a broad sense.
Ambedkar contested and lost from both Akola and Solapur in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections.
Controversy
Prakash Ambedkar courted controversy by asking his supporters to resort to violence against trolls and those who criticised his statement asking for proof on surgical strikes conducted by Indian Air Force. Many critics called it militant Dalit politics.
Writings
Ambedkari Chalval Sampli Ahe (The Ambedkarite Movement Has Ended)
Andheri Nagari Chaupat Raja
Maharashtracha Uddyacha Mukhyamantri Varkari ani Varkarich
Can It Be Stopped!
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Cha Vaicharik Bhrashtachar (Ideological Corruption of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh)
Aetehasik Ambedkar Bhawanacha Varasa Aapan Japanar Ki Nahi ? (The Historic Heritage Of Ambedkar Bhavan Will We Preserve It?)
Positions held
Ambedkar has held following positions,
1990-96: Nominated Member, Rajya Sabha from 18 September 1990 to 17 September 1996.
1992-96: Member, Committee on Rules
1993-96: Member, Committee on Communications
1998-99: Elected to 12th Lok Sabha, (1st term) Leader, Republican Party of India Parliamentary Party
1998-99: Member, Committee on Food, Civil Supplies and Public Distribution; Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Human Resource Development
1999–2004: Re-elected to 13th Lok Sabha (2nd term); Leader, Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh Parliamentary Party, Lok Sabha
1999-2000: Member, Committee on Energy
2000–2004: Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Railways
Ram Kinkar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaRam KinkarIn office1977-1984Preceded by Rudra Pratap SinghSucceeded by Kamla PrasadConstituency BarabankiMinister of State in the Ministry of Works and Housing and Supply and RehabilitationIn officeAugust 1977 to June 1978Constituency BarabankiMinister for Works and Housing and Supply and Rehabilitation
Assumed officeJuly 28, 1979, to January 13, 1980Constituency BarabankiPersonal detailsBorn 2 February 1922Sarai Rajai Village, Atarsan, P. O., Pratapgarh DistrictDied 12 September 2003 (aged 81)Political party Janata Party (Secular)Other politicalaffiliations Bharatiya Lok DalSpouse(s) Vimla DeviChildren 2 sons and 1 daughterResidence(s) Sarai Rajai Village, Atarsan, P. O., Pratapgarh District, Uttar PradeshEducation B.A., LL.B.Lucknow University
Ram Kinkar (1922-2003) was an Indian politician. He was elected to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India from the Barabanki, Uttar Pradesh constituency of Uttar Pradesh as a member of the Janata Party. He was Deputy Minister for Education, Social Welfare, Food & Civil Supplies, Revenue etc. from February 17, to July 15, 1970 and the Cabinet Minister for Sales Tax in Uttar Pradesh Government from July to October, 1970 and for Forest, November, 1970 to March 1971.
He was Minister of State in the Ministry of Works and Housing and Supply and Rehabilitation in Morarji Desai Cabinet from August 1977 to June 1978. He resigned from the Government on June 30, 1978, and rejoined the Ministry on January 26, 1979, with the same portfolio but as Cabinet Minister for Works and Housing and Supply and Rehabilitation in Charan Singh Cabinet from July 28, 1979, to January 13, 1980.
Kinkar died on September 12, 2003, in New Delhi at the age of 82.Ramdas Athawale
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ramdas Athawale

Athawale addressing a press conference, in New Delhi on 24 November 2017.
Minister of State for Social Justice and Empowerment
Incumbent
Assumed office
5 July 2016
Prime Minister Narendra Modi
Minister Thawar Chand Gehlot (26 May 2014 – 7 July 2021)
Virendra Kumar Khatik (Incumbent)
Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha
Incumbent
Assumed office
3 April 2014
Preceded by Prakash Javadekar
Constituency Maharashtra
Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha
In office
10 October 1999 – 16 May 2009
Preceded by Sandipan Thorat
Succeeded by Constituency Abolished
Constituency Pandharpur
In office
1998–1999
Preceded by Narayan Athawale
Succeeded by Manohar Joshi
Constituency Mumbai North Central
Cabinet Minister for Social Welfare,Transport,Sports and Youth Welfare,Employment Guarantee Government of Maharashtra
In office
1990–1995
Member, Maharashtra Legislative Council
In office
1990–1996
Personal details
Born
Ramdas Bandu Athawale
25 December 1959
Agalgaon, Sangli district, India
Political party Republican Party of India (A) (1990 - present)
Other political
affiliations Republican Party of India (before 1990)
Occupation Trade unionist, social worker
Ramdas Bandu Athawale (Marathi pronunciation: [äʈʰʋəle]) (born 25 December 1959) is an Indian politician and social activist from Maharashtra. He is the president of the Republican Party of India (A), a splinter group of the Republican Party of India and has its roots in the Scheduled Castes Federation led by B. R. Ambedkar. Currently, he is the Minister of State in the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment in Second Modi ministry and represents Maharashtra in Rajya Sabha, the upper house of India's Parliament. Previously he was Lok Sabha MP from Pandharpur.
Early life
Athawale was born on 25 December 1959 in Agalgaon, Sangli district, Bombay State, which is now Maharashtra. His parents were Bandu Bapu and Honsabai Bandu Athawale. He attended Siddharth College of Law, Mumbai and married to Seema Athawale, on 16 May 1992. He has a son. Ramdas Athawale is a practitioner of Buddhism.
Athawale has been editor of a weekly magazine called Bhumika and is a founder member of Parivartan Sahitya Mahamandal. He has served as president of Parivartan Kala Mahasangha, the Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Foundation and the Bauddha Kalawant Academy (Buddhist Artists Academy) and was founder president of Bauddha Dhamma Parishad (Buddhism conference). He played the title role in a Marathi film, Anyayacha Pratikar, and also had a small role in another Marathi film, Joshi ki Kamble, as well as roles in Marathi dramas such as Ekach Pyala.
Political career
Athwale was inspired by B. R. Ambedkar, the Indian polymath. Following a split in the Dalit Panther movement in 1974, Athawale joined Arun Kamble and Gangadhar Gade in leading a rump in Maharashtra. His involvement with a faction of the Republican Party of India, despite the Panther's general disdain for its leadership, eventually led to an association with the Indian National Congress (INC).
Athawale was member of Maharashtra Legislative Council from 1990 to 1996 and was Cabinet Minister for Social Welfare and Transport, Employment Guarantee Scheme and Prohibition Propaganda in the Government of Maharashtra between 1990–95.
He represented the Pandharpur constituency of Maharashtra and is the president of the Republican Party of India (Athawale) (RPIA).
Athawale represented Mumbai North Central in the 12th Lok Sabha during 1998-99 and was elected to serve a second term in the 13th Lok Sabha of 1999–2004. A third term, in the 14th Lok Sabha, followed from 2004–2009. Considered something of a lightweight in state politics, he has been courted at various times by various parties because of a perception that he might assist in mobilising the scattered Maharashtrian Dalit vote in their favour. He left the Nationalist Congress Party-INC alliance in 2011[citation needed] after having lost in the 2009 Lok Sabha election, when he contested the reserved Shirdi constituency. This defeat was despite a subsequent report by Social Watch which ranked him as the second-best performing member of the 14th Lok Sabha, based on an analysis of various data points. Athawale led the RPI party, joined the alliance of Shivsena and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2011 and contested Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation elections together.
In 2014, Athawale was elected to the Rajya Sabha, which is the upper house of parliament. He became Minister of State in the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment on 6 July 2016, working under Thawar Chand Gehlot.
His RPI(A) organisation is a part of the National Democratic Alliance led by the BJP.
Devyani Khobragade was proposed for the role of Personal Secretary to Athawale in July 2016 but the appointment was refused by Gehlot, who saw a conflict of interest because her father, Uttam Khobragade, was the national executive president of the RPI(A).[
When Athawale established a children's wing of the RPI(A) in September 2017, he appointed his son, then aged 12, to be its leader.
In May 2019, Athawale continued his position as Minister of State for Social Justice and Empowerment.
In March 2020, a video of Athawale chanting ‘Go Corona!’ at a rally went viral and became a popular meme.
Social activism

Ramdas Athawale with Narendra Modi, Nitin Gadkari and Devendra Fadnavis paying tribute to B. R. Ambedkar.
In 2015, following attacks on Dalits in the state of Haryana, Athawale said that if the police were to continue turning a blind eye to their plight then special protection squads led by senior police officers should be formed from among members of the community and they should be granted firearms licenses so that they could protect themselves. In December 2017, he suggested that Dalits should renounce Hinduism in favour of Buddhism in order to stop being subject to "atrocities". He also criticised the record of the Hindu-centric BJP and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in dealing with issues relating to discrimination of not only Dalits but also other disadvantaged communities in India. In March 2018, echoing remarks he had made soon after becoming Minister of State in 2016 and reacting in particular to recent atrocities against Dalits in Saharanpur, Unnao and Allahabad, Athawale advocated inter-caste marriage as the best way to minimise such events and noted that he had married a Brahmin "to set an example". As he had done in December 2017, he attacked Mayawati, a Dalit former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, on this occasion for what he perceived as a lack of action to help Dalits during her four terms in office. He said that this had caused the community to shift their support to the BJP and RPI, while refuting charges that he was a puppet under BJP control.
Although described as a Dalit leader, Athawale has caused controversy among Dalits. In January 2018, around 130 people were arrested when some Dalit activists protested against him during a speech.
Aside from his involvement in Dalit affairs, Athawale has also advocated reservation for economically disadvantaged upper caste communities. He has said that the government of India should release the caste-based information collected during the 2011 Census of India, which is considered to be a politically sensitive dataset, in order to address inequities in the reservation system across the board. He rejects claims that doing so would lead to an increase in casteism.
Athawale has said that reservation quota of 25 percent for Dalits should be introduced to sports, including cricket, following India's defeat in the 2017 ICC Champions Trophy Final against Pakistan, and that the armed forces should also be subject to a quota regime. He has also said that, just as the Lok Sabha has constituencies reserved for members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, so too should the Rajya Sabha and the Union cabinet. In addition, he favours increasing the prevailing 50 per cent quota that exists for government jobs and places at educational institutions to 75 per cent, stressing that this would apply to all castes that are recognised as economically disadvantaged, which includes those categorised at Other Backwards Classes.
Positions held
1990–96: Member, Maharashtra Legislative Council
1990–95: Cabinet Minister, Social Welfare and Transport, Employment Guarantee Scheme and Prohibition Propaganda, Government of Maharashtra
1998–99: Member, Twelfth Lok Sabha
1998–99: Member, Committee on Transport and Tourism Member, Consultative Committee for the Ministry of Industry
1999–2000: Member, Committee on Industry
1999–2004: Member, Thirteenth Lok Sabha (second term)
2002–2004: Member, Consultative Committee for the Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports
2004–2009: Member, Fourteenth Lok Sabha (third term)
2004: Member, Committee on Transport, Tourism and Culture April
2014: Elected to Rajya Sabha
Aug. 2014-past: Member, Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Sept.
2014-past: Member, Committee on Industry Nov.
2014-past: Member, Library Committee Freedom Fighter
2016–past: Minister of State for Social Justice and Empowerment, Government of India
2020: Reelected to Rajya Sabha unopposed.
R. B. More
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ramdas Athawale
Athawale addressing a press conference, in New Delhi on 24 November 2017.
Minister of State for Social Justice and Empowerment
Incumbent
Assumed office
5 July 2016
Prime Minister Narendra Modi
Minister Thawar Chand Gehlot (26 May 2014 – 7 July 2021)
Virendra Kumar Khatik (Incumbent)
Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha
Incumbent
Assumed office
3 April 2014
Preceded by Prakash Javadekar
Constituency Maharashtra
Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha
In office
10 October 1999 – 16 May 2009
Preceded by Sandipan Thorat
Succeeded by Constituency Abolished
Constituency Pandharpur
In office
1998–1999
Preceded by Narayan Athawale
Succeeded by Manohar Joshi
Constituency Mumbai North Central
Cabinet Minister for Social Welfare,Transport,Sports and Youth Welfare,Employment Guarantee Government of Maharashtra
In office
1990–1995
Member, Maharashtra Legislative Council
In office
1990–1996
Personal details
Born
Ramdas Bandu Athawale
25 December 1959
Agalgaon, Sangli district, India
Political party Republican Party of India (A) (1990 - present)
Other political
affiliations Republican Party of India (before 1990)
Occupation Trade unionist, social worker
Ramdas Bandu Athawale (Marathi pronunciation: [äʈʰʋəle]) (born 25 December 1959) is an Indian politician and social activist from Maharashtra. He is the president of the Republican Party of India (A), a splinter group of the Republican Party of India and has its roots in the Scheduled Castes Federation led by B. R. Ambedkar. Currently, he is the Minister of State in the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment in Second Modi ministry and represents Maharashtra in Rajya Sabha, the upper house of India's Parliament. Previously he was Lok Sabha MP from Pandharpur.
Early life
Athawale was born on 25 December 1959 in Agalgaon, Sangli district, Bombay State, which is now Maharashtra. His parents were Bandu Bapu and Honsabai Bandu Athawale. He attended Siddharth College of Law, Mumbai and married to Seema Athawale, on 16 May 1992. He has a son. Ramdas Athawale is a practitioner of Buddhism.
Athawale has been editor of a weekly magazine called Bhumika and is a founder member of Parivartan Sahitya Mahamandal. He has served as president of Parivartan Kala Mahasangha, the Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Foundation and the Bauddha Kalawant Academy (Buddhist Artists Academy) and was founder president of Bauddha Dhamma Parishad (Buddhism conference). He played the title role in a Marathi film, Anyayacha Pratikar, and also had a small role in another Marathi film, Joshi ki Kamble, as well as roles in Marathi dramas such as Ekach Pyala.
Political career
Athwale was inspired by B. R. Ambedkar, the Indian polymath. Following a split in the Dalit Panther movement in 1974, Athawale joined Arun Kamble and Gangadhar Gade in leading a rump in Maharashtra. His involvement with a faction of the Republican Party of India, despite the Panther's general disdain for its leadership, eventually led to an association with the Indian National Congress (INC).
Athawale was member of Maharashtra Legislative Council from 1990 to 1996 and was Cabinet Minister for Social Welfare and Transport, Employment Guarantee Scheme and Prohibition Propaganda in the Government of Maharashtra between 1990–95.
He represented the Pandharpur constituency of Maharashtra and is the president of the Republican Party of India (Athawale) (RPIA).
Athawale represented Mumbai North Central in the 12th Lok Sabha during 1998-99 and was elected to serve a second term in the 13th Lok Sabha of 1999–2004. A third term, in the 14th Lok Sabha, followed from 2004–2009. Considered something of a lightweight in state politics, he has been courted at various times by various parties because of a perception that he might assist in mobilising the scattered Maharashtrian Dalit vote in their favour. He left the Nationalist Congress Party-INC alliance in 2011[citation needed] after having lost in the 2009 Lok Sabha election, when he contested the reserved Shirdi constituency. This defeat was despite a subsequent report by Social Watch which ranked him as the second-best performing member of the 14th Lok Sabha, based on an analysis of various data points. Athawale led the RPI party, joined the alliance of Shivsena and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2011 and contested Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation elections together.
In 2014, Athawale was elected to the Rajya Sabha, which is the upper house of parliament. He became Minister of State in the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment on 6 July 2016, working under Thawar Chand Gehlot.
His RPI(A) organisation is a part of the National Democratic Alliance led by the BJP.
Devyani Khobragade was proposed for the role of Personal Secretary to Athawale in July 2016 but the appointment was refused by Gehlot, who saw a conflict of interest because her father, Uttam Khobragade, was the national executive president of the RPI(A).[
When Athawale established a children's wing of the RPI(A) in September 2017, he appointed his son, then aged 12, to be its leader.
In May 2019, Athawale continued his position as Minister of State for Social Justice and Empowerment.
In March 2020, a video of Athawale chanting ‘Go Corona!’ at a rally went viral and became a popular meme.
Social activism
Ramdas Athawale with Narendra Modi, Nitin Gadkari and Devendra Fadnavis paying tribute to B. R. Ambedkar.
In 2015, following attacks on Dalits in the state of Haryana, Athawale said that if the police were to continue turning a blind eye to their plight then special protection squads led by senior police officers should be formed from among members of the community and they should be granted firearms licenses so that they could protect themselves. In December 2017, he suggested that Dalits should renounce Hinduism in favour of Buddhism in order to stop being subject to "atrocities". He also criticised the record of the Hindu-centric BJP and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in dealing with issues relating to discrimination of not only Dalits but also other disadvantaged communities in India. In March 2018, echoing remarks he had made soon after becoming Minister of State in 2016 and reacting in particular to recent atrocities against Dalits in Saharanpur, Unnao and Allahabad, Athawale advocated inter-caste marriage as the best way to minimise such events and noted that he had married a Brahmin "to set an example". As he had done in December 2017, he attacked Mayawati, a Dalit former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, on this occasion for what he perceived as a lack of action to help Dalits during her four terms in office. He said that this had caused the community to shift their support to the BJP and RPI, while refuting charges that he was a puppet under BJP control.
Although described as a Dalit leader, Athawale has caused controversy among Dalits. In January 2018, around 130 people were arrested when some Dalit activists protested against him during a speech.
Aside from his involvement in Dalit affairs, Athawale has also advocated reservation for economically disadvantaged upper caste communities. He has said that the government of India should release the caste-based information collected during the 2011 Census of India, which is considered to be a politically sensitive dataset, in order to address inequities in the reservation system across the board. He rejects claims that doing so would lead to an increase in casteism.
Athawale has said that reservation quota of 25 percent for Dalits should be introduced to sports, including cricket, following India's defeat in the 2017 ICC Champions Trophy Final against Pakistan, and that the armed forces should also be subject to a quota regime. He has also said that, just as the Lok Sabha has constituencies reserved for members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, so too should the Rajya Sabha and the Union cabinet. In addition, he favours increasing the prevailing 50 per cent quota that exists for government jobs and places at educational institutions to 75 per cent, stressing that this would apply to all castes that are recognised as economically disadvantaged, which includes those categorised at Other Backwards Classes.
Positions held
1990–96: Member, Maharashtra Legislative Council
1990–95: Cabinet Minister, Social Welfare and Transport, Employment Guarantee Scheme and Prohibition Propaganda, Government of Maharashtra
1998–99: Member, Twelfth Lok Sabha
1998–99: Member, Committee on Transport and Tourism Member, Consultative Committee for the Ministry of Industry
1999–2000: Member, Committee on Industry
1999–2004: Member, Thirteenth Lok Sabha (second term)
2002–2004: Member, Consultative Committee for the Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports
2004–2009: Member, Fourteenth Lok Sabha (third term)
2004: Member, Committee on Transport, Tourism and Culture April
2014: Elected to Rajya Sabha
Aug. 2014-past: Member, Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Sept.
2014-past: Member, Committee on Industry Nov.
2014-past: Member, Library Committee Freedom Fighter
2016–past: Minister of State for Social Justice and Empowerment, Government of India
2020: Reelected to Rajya Sabha unopposed.
R. B. More

Sathyavani Muthu (also spelled Sathiyavani Muthu or Annai Sathyavani Muthu), born on February 15, 1923, in George Town, Chennai, Tamil Nadu, was a pioneering Indian politician, social reformer, and one of the most influential Dalit women leaders in the Dravidian movement. Hailing from a Scheduled Caste (SC) background, she rose from the margins of society to become a three-time Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA), a Rajya Sabha MP, and India's first Dalit woman Union Minister from a regional party. Her life was a testament to resilience against caste discrimination, patriarchal barriers, and political betrayals, blending Ambedkarite ideals of Dalit emancipation with Periyar's Self-Respect Movement. Today, November 11, 2025, marks her 26th death anniversary, a poignant reminder of her enduring legacy amid calls for greater recognition in Tamil Nadu's political discourse.
Early Life and Influences
Sathyavani was born into a modest family as the daughter of Nagainathan and Janaki Ammal, a homeopathic doctor and Congress worker respectively. Her father, a member of the Justice Party (a precursor to the Dravidian movement) and the South Indian Buddhist Association, exposed her early to anti-caste activism, including Periyar E.V. Ramasamy's Self-Respect Movement. Growing up in Chennai's bustling George Town amid Brahminical dominance, she witnessed caste-based cruelties firsthand, which ignited her passion for social justice.
Educated in Chennai, Sathyavani married young to Muthu, a supportive Congress activist, in a ceremony presided over by Tamil scholar Thiru Vi. Ka (Thiru V. Kalyanasundaram). Her wedding speech—delivered to an audience of political leaders—marked her debut as an orator, earning praise and propelling her into activism. By her early 20s, she had joined the All India Scheduled Caste Federation (founded by B.R. Ambedkar in 1943), becoming its Chennai district women's wing president—a role that introduced Dravidian leaders like C.N. Annadurai to Ambedkar's ideas on annihilation of caste.
Entry into Politics and Rise in the DMK
Sathyavani's political journey began in earnest with the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), founded in 1949 as a breakaway from Periyar's Dravidar Kazhagam (DK). At the rain-soaked launch rally in Royapuram on September 18, 1949, the 26-year-old was the only woman speaker among leaders like Annadurai, showcasing her fiery oratory. She quickly became one of the DMK's 50 core architects, organizing conferences, mobilizing Dalit voters, and bridging Dravidian rationalism with Ambedkarite thought.
Her electoral breakthrough came in the 1962 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, where she won from Perambur constituency as the DMK's sole woman candidate among 15 winners, becoming the party's first female MLA. Re-elected in 1967 and 1971, she earned Annadurai's moniker as one of the "three female lions" of the DMK—alongside Dr. Dharmambal and Movalur Ramamirtham Ammaiyar—for her eloquence and unyielding principles.
Ministerial Roles and Key Contributions
Sathyavani's tenure as a minister was marked by bold advocacy for Dalit rights, women's empowerment, and anti-caste reforms, often at personal cost:
| Period | Role | Key Achievements and Actions |
|---|---|---|
| 1967–1969 | Minister for Harijan Welfare and Information (under C.N. Annadurai) | - Advocated for Dalit education and land rights. - Opposed Hindi imposition as a tool of cultural hegemony. - Organized welfare schemes for Scheduled Castes, including scholarships and hostels. |
| 1969–1974 | Minister for Harijan Welfare (under M. Karunanidhi) | - Responded to the 1968 Kilvenmani massacre (where 44 Dalit laborers were burned alive) by adopting the village for rehabilitation—building homes, schools, and cooperatives. - Founded Dr. Ambedkar Government Arts College in Vyasarpadi, Chennai (1972), a landmark for SC higher education. - Protested casteist policies like C. Rajagopalachari's Kula Kalvi Thittam (1953 hereditary education scheme), once while heavily pregnant, enduring solitary arrests while male leaders were jailed. |
| 1979–1980 | Union Minister for Social Welfare (Janata Party government) | - First non-Congress Dravidian (and Dalit woman) in the Union Cabinet; traveled globally, meeting Pope Paul VI and Queen Elizabeth II to highlight caste oppression and patriarchy. - Pushed for national policies on women's rights and SC/ST welfare. - Along with A. Bala Pajanor, broke barriers as the first regional party ministers in Delhi.Her activism extended to unveiling Ambedkar portraits at Dravidian events (e.g., in Pondicherry) and critiquing religious conversions as escapes from inequality rather than Gulf-funded opportunism. Imprisoned nine times—twice while pregnant—for protests against casteism and authoritarianism, she embodied sacrifice. |
Challenges, Resignation, and Political Shifts
Despite her stature, Sathyavani faced intra-party marginalization in the DMK, dominated by backward castes post-Annadurai's 1969 death. Under Karunanidhi, Dalit voices were sidelined; she accused him of prejudice and "betraying" Harijans by prioritizing Vanniyar and Thevar interests. In 1974, she resigned dramatically as Harijan Welfare Minister, declaring, "Caste is too powerful," and formed the Thazhthapattor Munnetra Kazhagam (Depressed Classes Progressive Federation)—likely India's first Dalit woman-led party—to fight for oppressed castes independently.
Lacking Dalit consolidation (as later lamented by VCK leader Thol. Thirumavalavan), she joined M.G. Ramachandran's AIADMK in 1979, leveraging his Dalit-friendly films (e.g., Rickshawkaran) for electoral gains. She won Rajya Sabha in 1988 and briefly returned to DMK in 1989 post-MGR's death but retreated from active politics. Her 1982 memoir, My Agitations (published by The Justice Press), chronicled these betrayals, including Karunanidhi's "dhroham" (treachery) toward Dalits.
Legacy and Commemoration
Sathyavani Muthu's life shattered ceilings: first DMK woman MLA and minister, first Dravidian Union Minister, and a "Determined Self-Respect Warrior" per Periyar. Yet, her erasure from Dravidian narratives—overshadowed by upper-caste icons—highlights ongoing caste dynamics in Tamil politics. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin hailed her as a "role model for women politicians" during her 2023 birth centenary, urging DMK women to emulate her "unshakable principles." VCK's 2023 events emphasized her ideological commitment over caste, calling for Dalit unity behind such leaders.
Tributes include:
- Annai Sathyavani Muthu Nagar: Chennai's largest slum redevelopment area, named in her honor.
- Sathyavani Muthu Ammaiyar Free Sewing Machine Scheme: A Tamil Nadu government initiative for Dalit women entrepreneurs.
- Cultural Revival: Books like Bhavani Ilavenil's 2018 biography (Thaltapatta Makkaluku Kalingnar M. Karunanidhi Seydha Dhroham) expose her erased history; Dalit History Month (February) spotlights her annually.
Photo May be wrong
Tilak Chand Kureel was a prominent Dalit leader and activist from Uttar Pradesh, India, belonging to the Kureel caste, which is part of the broader Dalit community and historically associated with the Chamar subgroup. Specific details about his birth date, place of birth, education, family, or early personal life remain scarce in available historical records, but his activism suggests he emerged in the early 20th century amid the rising Dalit consciousness movements. The Kureel community participated actively in the Adi-Hindu movement during the 1930s, which sought to redefine Dalit identity outside Brahmanical Hinduism, claiming Dalits as descendants of a pre-Aryan indigenous race and adherents to Bhakti traditions.
Political Career and Roles
Kureel's political journey was deeply intertwined with the Dalit emancipation efforts led by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. He rose to prominence in the 1920s through the Adi-Hindu movement, where he organized intra-regional conferences to unite Dalit groups and spread ideologies emphasizing Dalit unity and socio-political rights. In 1926, he convened a significant inter-regional conference in Delhi, collaborating with leaders from Punjab's Ad-Dharm movement to foster broader Dalit solidarity across regions.
By the 1940s, Kureel became a key figure in the United Provinces Scheduled Castes Federation (UPSCF), the regional branch of Ambedkar's All India Scheduled Castes Federation established in 1942. He served as its president and was instrumental in mobilizing Dalits across Uttar Pradesh (then United Provinces). In July 1946, he led a massive demonstration in Lucknow, marching thousands of protesters to the Legislative Assembly as part of widespread satyagrahas in 23 districts, including Eta, Etawa, Raizabad, and Gorakhpur. Alongside leaders like Manik Chand, Faqir Chand, and Swami Chamanand, he traveled extensively to demand separate electorates for Dalits and criticize the Poona Pact of 1932 as a "political fraud" that undermined Dalit representation.
In the post-independence era, Kureel was the founding president of the Uttar Pradesh branch of the Republican Party of India (RPI) from 1958 to 1960, succeeding leaders like Chedi Lal Sathi (who took over from 1961-1964). Under his leadership, the RPI aimed to broaden its appeal beyond Dalits to include other oppressed groups, advocating for land redistribution, implementation of the Minimum Wages Act of 1948, and reservations for Scheduled Castes and Tribes. However, the party faced challenges, including internal divisions, financial constraints, and a limited social base primarily among urban Chamars in areas like Agra, Meerut, and Rohilkhand. Electorally, it underperformed, securing only 8 out of 122 contested seats with 3.7% of the vote in the 1969 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections.
Later in his career, during the 1970s phase influenced by the Dalit Panthers and leading up to the formation of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in 1984, Kureel was associated with Dalit leaders under Congress Party influence, such as Kanhaiyalal Sonkar, Ram Kinkar, Gaya Prasad Prashant, Chaudhry Buddha Dev, Bhagauti Prasad Kureel, and Mewalal Sonkar. He was eventually co-opted by the Congress Party, a common trend among Dalit leaders for political survival, though details of this transition are limited.
Kureel was also involved in a Supreme Court case, Tilak Chand Kureel v. Bhim Raj, concerning property acquired by the Kureel community for charitable purposes benefiting the group.
Contributions to Dalit Politics
Kureel's work significantly advanced Dalit political consciousness and mobilization in Uttar Pradesh during a period of rigid social hierarchies. Through the Adi-Hindu movement, he promoted Dalits as "Bhagats" (devotees) linked to sects like Kabirpanthi, Shivnaryani, or Ravidasis, reconstituting caste panchayats in urban areas to handle internal disputes and foster a new identity. This included supporting the construction of temples dedicated to Bhakti gurus in cities like Lucknow, Kanpur, Allahabad, and Varanasi, funded by community donations.
His leadership in the UPSCF's satyagrahas directly influenced policy outcomes, securing 17% reservations for Dalits in government jobs and legislative bodies, as well as the establishment of the Harijan Sahayak Shakha (Harijan Welfare Department). In the RPI, he expanded Dalit politics to address broader socio-economic issues, positioning it as a "federation of oppressed populations" to tackle systemic inequalities. Despite the RPI's limitations, his efforts laid groundwork for later Dalit parties like the BSP, contributing to the politicization of Dalits in a state where such movements were slower to develop compared to regions like Maharashtra.
Legacy and Challenges
Kureel's activism occurred during transitional phases of Dalit politics—from religious-social reforms in the 1920s-1930s to political demands in the 1940s-1960s and eventual party formations in the 1970s. However, challenges like the Congress Party's co-option of Dalit leaders, internal RPI divisions, and urban-rural divides limited the movement's reach.



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