Dalit Politician

 A. Raja

Andimuthu Raja (born Andimuthu Sathyaseelan; October 26, 1963) is a prominent Indian politician from Tamil Nadu, serving as the Deputy General Secretary of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha) for the Nilgiris constituency. A key figure in Tamil Nadu's Dravidian politics, Raja has been elected to Parliament six times (1996–2009 from Perambalur, 2019–2024 from Nilgiris) and held several Union ministerial roles under both the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and United Progressive Alliance (UPA) governments. Known for his advocacy of social justice, rationalism, and Dalit rights, Raja's career has been marked by rapid rises, high-profile controversies—most notably the 2G spectrum scam—and steadfast loyalty to DMK patriarch M. Karunanidhi. Despite legal battles and public scrutiny, he remains a polarizing yet influential leader in the DMK, often invoking Periyar E. V. Ramasamy, B. R. Ambedkar, and Karl Marx in his speeches.

As of October 2025, Raja continues to represent Nilgiris in the 18th Lok Sabha, focusing on regional autonomy, anti-caste rhetoric, and party organizational work under DMK President M. K. Stalin.

Personal Details

  • Full Name: Andimuthu Raja (originally Andimuthu Sathyaseelan)
  • Date of Birth: October 26, 1963 (age 62 as of October 26, 2025)
  • Place of Birth: Andimadam, Perambalur District, Tamil Nadu, India
  • Nationality: Indian
  • Ethnicity/Community: Tamil Dalit (Scheduled Caste, specifically Paraiyar sub-caste)
  • Family:
    • Parents: Father – S. K. Aandimuthu (returned from Sri Lanka tea estates in 1961); Mother – Chinnapillai Ammal
    • Spouse: M. A. Parameswari (married 1996; died May 29, 2021, from cancer at age 57)
    • Children: One daughter, Mayuri Raja
  • Education:
    • B.Sc. in Mathematics from Government Arts College, Musiri
    • LL.B. from Government Law College, Madurai
    • Master's in Law from Government Law College, Tiruchirappalli
  • Profession: Advocate (practiced law before entering politics full-time)
  • Residence: 21, Lodhi Estate, New Delhi
  • Languages Known: Tamil, English
  • Religion/Ideology: Atheist and rationalist, influenced by Dravidian ideology (Periyar, Ambedkar, Marx); publicly critiques caste and religious orthodoxy
  • Hobbies/Interests: Reading political philosophy, public speaking on social justice; known for articulate oratory in Tamil

Early Life and Entry into Politics

Raja was born into a modest Dalit family in rural Perambalur, Tamil Nadu. His grandparents, from the Scheduled Caste community, migrated to Sri Lanka in the 1940s to work on tea estates and returned to India in the 1950s amid post-colonial shifts. Exposed to poverty and discrimination, Raja was introduced to Periyar's Dravidar Kazhagam during high school, embracing its anti-caste, rationalist principles. This ideological foundation shaped his worldview, blending Dravidian populism with Marxist and Ambedkarite ideas.

After completing his education, Raja practiced law in Tamil Nadu. His political entry came in his final undergraduate year when he joined the DMK's student wing. Rising swiftly, he caught the eye of party leaders like S. Siva Subramaniam and K. N. Nehru. In 1996, amid internal DMK turmoil (expulsion of Vaiko), Raja was fielded as the candidate for Perambalur Lok Sabha seat. He won decisively, defeating Congress's P. V. Subramanian with 59.19% of votes, marking the start of his parliamentary career at age 33.

Political Career

Raja's trajectory reflects DMK's alliance politics, from NDA support in the late 1990s to UPA coalitions in the 2000s. His loyalty to Karunanidhi earned him plum portfolios, though controversies often overshadowed achievements. He has won six Lok Sabha elections, showcasing strong rural and Dalit voter bases.

  • Key Positions:
    • Minister of State for Rural Development (1999–2002): Under NDA's Atal Bihari Vajpayee; focused on poverty alleviation programs.
    • Minister of State for Health and Family Welfare (2002–2004): Praised by Vajpayee for "good work"; handled family welfare schemes.
    • Minister of Environment and Forests (2004–2007): Under UPA's Manmohan Singh; approved clearances for major projects, later scrutinized.
    • Minister of Communications and Information Technology (2007–2010): Succeeded Dayanidhi Maran amid DMK family feuds; oversaw telecom expansions but faced 2G allegations.
    • Deputy General Secretary, DMK (2020–present): Organizational role under M. K. Stalin, emphasizing social justice.

Community and Caste Background

Raja belongs to the Paraiyar caste, a Scheduled Caste (Dalit) community historically marginalized and associated with occupations like drumming and agricultural labor. His family's migration to Sri Lanka as tea estate workers underscores their socio-economic struggles. As a Dalit leader in the DMK—a party rooted in anti-Brahmin Dravidian ideology—Raja has championed caste equality, often alleging that scandals like 2G targeted him due to his background (a claim echoed by Karunanidhi). In speeches, he critiques the caste system, citing Manusmriti and declaring, "As long as you are a Hindu, you are a shudra." His prominence reflects DMK's strategy to consolidate Dalit votes in Tamil Nadu, where Paraiyars form a significant SC bloc.

Controversies

Raja's career is synonymous with high-stakes scandals, blending political intrigue, legal battles, and inflammatory rhetoric.

  • 2G Spectrum Scam (2008–2017): As Telecom Minister, Raja was accused of underpricing 2G licenses, causing ₹1,766 billion (US$21 billion) in losses per CAG. Probes revealed favoritism to firms like Unitech and Swan Telecom. Arrested in 2011, he spent 15 months in Tihar Jail. Leaked Radia tapes implicated him in lobbying. Acquitted in 2017 due to insufficient evidence, but the case tarnished his image. Related: Associate Sadiq Batcha's 2011 death (ruled suicide) amid bribery probes; family-linked real estate firms scrutinized.
  • Environment Clearances (2004–2007): As Environment Minister, Raja approved projects for 2G-linked firms; CBI noted his supporters dominated the Expert Appraisal Committee, raising conflict-of-interest charges.
  • Separate Tamil Nadu Remarks (July 2022): Warned PM Modi and Amit Shah against "forcing" Tamil Nadu toward separatism via Hindi imposition and autonomy denial, invoking Periyar. DMK distanced itself, with Stalin clarifying it wasn't party policy. Drew BJP/AIADMK ire as anti-national.
  • Other: 2007 Dinakaran Poll Violence (linked to DMK family feud); critiques of BJP as "fascist" and casteist.

Personal Life

Raja married Parameswari in 1996; their daughter Mayuri is low-profile. Parameswari's 2021 death from cancer was a personal blow, with Raja maintaining privacy around family. He resides in Delhi but remains rooted in Perambalur. Known for a simple lifestyle despite wealth allegations (net worth ~₹10–15 crore as of 2024, per election affidavits), Raja is an avid reader of Periyar and Ambedkar. His atheism and rationalism make him a vocal critic of religious orthodoxy.

Recent and Upcoming Activities (as of October 2025)

  • 2024 Lok Sabha Win: Defeated BJP's L. Murugan in Nilgiris, securing DMK's hold in a tribal-heavy seat.
  • Ongoing Role: As Deputy General Secretary, Raja focuses on party cadre training and social justice campaigns. In 2024–2025, he has rallied against NEET (citing caste biases) and Hindi promotion, aligning with DMK's federalism push.
  • Public Engagements: Frequent speeches at Dravida Kazhagam events; no major new projects announced, but he supports Stalin's welfare schemes like free bus travel for women.
  • Health/Status: Active and healthy; no recent controversies reported post-2022.

Socio-Cultural Context

Raja embodies Tamil Nadu's Dravidian ethos: anti-caste, federalist, and populist. As a Dalit in a party once criticized for upper-caste dominance, he symbolizes inclusion, though insiders note Stalin's "wary respect" due to his provocative style. His 2G acquittal fueled narratives of "Dalit witch-hunt," resonating with marginalized voters. In a polarized India, Raja's rhetoric bridges regional pride and national critique, but risks alienating moderates.

Ashok Tanwar

Ashok Tanwar (born February 12, 1976) is an Indian politician from Haryana, known for his long association with the Indian National Congress (INC), multiple party switches, and roles in national and state-level politics. He is a prominent leader from the Scheduled Caste (SC) community, specifically from the Chamar caste, and has represented the Sirsa Lok Sabha constituency (reserved for SC).

Early Life and Education

  • Born in Chimni village, Jhajjar district, Haryana, to Dilbagh Singh (a former Indian Army serviceman) and Krishna Rathi (a homemaker).
  • He holds advanced degrees: M.A. in History, M.Phil in History, and a Ph.D., earned from Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi.
  • He also completed his B.A. from Kakatiya University, Warangal.
  • His early political involvement began during his student days at JNU, where he engaged in student politics.

Political Career

Tanwar rose through the ranks of the Indian National Congress:

  • He was active in the National Students' Union of India (NSUI), the Congress student wing.
  • In 2009, he won the Lok Sabha election from Sirsa (Haryana) as a Congress candidate, serving as MP from 2009 to 2014.
  • During his tenure in the 15th Lok Sabha, he had an attendance record of around 79% and participated in various sessions.
  • He later served as Secretary of the All India Congress Committee (AICC) and as President of the Haryana Pradesh Congress Committee (HPCC).

In 2019, he resigned from the Congress amid reported differences (including being replaced as HPCC chief by Kumari Selja) and left the party shortly before the Haryana assembly elections.

His subsequent party affiliations have been marked by frequent changes, often described in media as characteristic of Haryana's "Aaya Ram, Gaya Ram" (frequent floor-crossing) political culture:

  • Supported Jannayak Janata Party (JJP) in 2019 assembly polls.
  • Launched his own outfit, Apna Bharat Morcha, in 2021 as a "third national alternative."
  • Joined Trinamool Congress (TMC).
  • Switched to Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) around 2022.
  • Joined Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in early 2024 (January), contested the 2024 Lok Sabha election from Sirsa on a BJP ticket but lost.
  • In a dramatic turn on October 3, 2024 (just before the Haryana assembly elections), he rejoined the Congress in the presence of Rahul Gandhi at a rally in Mahendragarh—described as his "ghar wapsi" (homecoming) and his fifth switch in five years.

As of early 2026, he is affiliated with the Indian National Congress (rejoined in 2024 and continuing).

Personal Life

  • Married to Avantika Maken Tanwar (granddaughter of former Congress leader and union minister Shankarrao Chavan; related to Ajay Maken, a senior Congress leader).
  • He has described himself as an agriculturist and social worker in official records.

Other Details

  • In the 2024 Lok Sabha election affidavit (as BJP candidate), he declared assets worth over ₹6.44 crore, liabilities around ₹76 lakh, and one pending criminal case.
  • Known for his focus on youth mobilization, Dalit issues, and regional development in Haryana.
  • He maintains an active presence on social media (e.g., Instagram @ashoktanwar_official) and has a personal website (ashoktanwar.com).
Tanwar's career reflects both early promise in Congress and later volatility due to party switches, making him a notable but polarizing figure in Haryana politics..
Anusuiya Uikey
Date of Birth: 10-Apr-1957
Place of Birth: Chhindwara, Madhya Pradesh, India
Profession: politician
Nationality: India
Zodiac Sign: Aries

Anusuiya Uikey (born 10 April 1957) is a politician from Bharatiya Janata Party and currently serving as the governor of Chhattisgarh. She was appointed as Governor of Chhattisgarh on 16 July 2019.

Annai Meenambal Sivaraj 

(26 Dec 1904 – 30 Nov 1992)

The First Scheduled-Caste Woman President of a Political Party in India

Annai Meenambal Sivaraj was a towering Dalit feminist, anti-caste crusader, and one of the most important women leaders in the Dravidian–Ambedkarite movement. She holds the historic distinction of becoming the first woman in India to preside over a political party when she was elected President of the South India Scheduled Castes Federation (SCF) in 1944 — a full 12 years before any woman headed a mainstream political party in the country.

Birth & Early Life – From Tamil Nadu to Rangoon

  • Born: 26 December 1904, Kolar Gold Fields (Karnataka), into an Adi Dravida (Dalit) family.
  • Parents: V. G. Vasudevapillai (a postal employee) & Meenakshi.
  • Because of brutal caste oppression in Tamil Nadu, the family migrated to Rangoon (Yangon), Burma in the 1910s — a common escape route for many educated Dalits at the time.
  • Rangoon gave the family relative social freedom and economic stability; Meenambal studied up to Bachelor of Fine Arts (BFA) — an extraordinary achievement for a Dalit woman in the 1920s.

Marriage & Political Entry

  • Married N. Sivaraj (1892–1964), a leading Madras Dalit lawyer and close associate of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar.
  • N. Sivaraj co-founded the Scheduled Castes Federation in South India and later became the first Dalit President of the Republican Party of India (RPI) after Ambedkar’s death.
  • The couple returned to Madras (Chennai) in the late 1930s and plunged into the anti-caste movement.

Historic Political Milestones

YearAchievement
1938Bestowed the title “Periyar” on E. V. Ramasamy at the Women’s Conference in Madras — the first person to publicly call him Periyar.
1944Elected President of the South India Scheduled Castes Federation (Madras Province) — first woman president of any political party in India.
1944–45Presided over two historic All-India SCF Women’s Conferences in Madras, personally attended and addressed by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar.
1952Elected to Madras Legislative Council as SCF candidate.
1957Elected to Rajya Sabha (1957–1962) on RPI ticket — one of the first Dalit women MPs.
1960sBecame National Vice-President of the Republican Party of India (RPI). Key Contributions & Ideology
  1. Dalit Women’s Mobilisation
    • Organised thousands of Depressed Class women under the SCF banner.
    • Fought for temple entry, inter-caste marriages, widow remarriage, and education for Dalit girls.
  2. Anti-Hindi Agitation (1938–39)
    • Actively participated in the anti-Hindi protests alongside Periyar and Ambedkar.
  3. Ambedkar’s Trusted Lieutenant
    • Ambedkar stayed at the Sivaraj residence whenever he visited Madras.
    • Meenambal arranged massive public receptions and women’s conferences for him in 1944 and 1946.
  4. Public Service
    • Honorary Magistrate of Madras (first Dalit woman to hold judicial powers).
    • Member of Madras Corporation.
    • Director of the Scheduled Castes Cooperative Bank.

Famous Quotes

  • “Until the last untouchable woman is free, India cannot be free.”
  • “Give us schools, not sympathy; give us rights, not charity.”

Later Life & Death

  • After N. Sivaraj’s death in 1964, she continued political and social work almost till her last breath.
  • Remained active in RPI and Buddhist conversion activities.
  • Died on 30 November 1992 at the age of 87 in Chennai.

Legacy & Commemoration

  • Revered as “Annai” (Mother) by the Tamil Dalit community.
  • 30 November is observed as Annai Meenambal Sivaraj Ninaivu Naal (Remembrance Day) by Ambedkarite organisations.
  • Statues and community halls named after her in Chennai, Madurai, and Kolar.
  • Her life is taught as a symbol of Dalit feminism and intersectional resistance against caste and patriarchy.

Annai Meenambal Sivaraj proved that a woman born into the most oppressed caste could rise to lead a national political movement, inspire Dr. Ambedkar himself, and carve her name in history as the mother of Scheduled Caste politics in South India.

Jai Bhim! Periyarai Vajaththiya Annai Meenambal Sivaraj Amar Rahe!

Buddha Priya Maurya
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Buddha Priya Maurya
In office
1971–1977
Preceded by Prakash Vir Shastri
Constituency Hapur
Personal details
Born 28 September 1928
Political party Indian National Congress
Other political
Spouse(s) Kanta Maurya
Parent(s)

Bipti Ram Maurya (father)
Residence(s) Misal Garhi, Ghaziabad

Buddha Priya Maurya (born September 12, 1928) is an Indian politician and a member of the 3rd Lok Sabha and 5th Lok Sabha. He was elected to the Lok Sabha, lower house of the Parliament of India from Hapur, Uttar Pradesh in the 1971 Indian general election as a member of the Indian National Congress, defeating senior Prakash Vir Shastri leader Bharatiya Kranti Dal.

B. Parameswaran

B. Parameswaran (full name: Balasubramanian Parameswaran, born January 20, 1913 – died September 15, 1966) was a prominent Indian politician from Tamil Nadu, affiliated with the Indian National Congress (INC). He was a key figure in post-independence Tamil Nadu politics, particularly known for his multiple terms as a Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) and his roles in state ministries.

Early Life and Background

  • Born on January 20, 1913.
  • He was the grandson of Rettamalai Srinivasan (1860–1945), a pioneering leader in the Scheduled Caste (Dalit) movement in Madras Presidency. Rettamalai Srinivasan was a close associate of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, a founder of the Adi Dravida Mahajana Sabha, and worked for social upliftment, anti-untouchability efforts, and political representation for depressed classes.
  • Educated at St. Gabriels High School and Presidency College in Madras (now Chennai).
  • He belonged to the Scheduled Caste (Dalit) community, continuing his grandfather's legacy in advocating for marginalized groups.

Political Career

  • Elected as MLA from the Maduranthakam constituency (now in Chengalpattu district, Tamil Nadu) in the following elections:
    • 1946 (Madras Presidency Legislative Assembly election) – Indian National Congress candidate.
    • 1952 (First Tamil Nadu state assembly election) – INC candidate.
    • 1962 (Third Tamil Nadu state assembly election) – INC candidate.
  • He did not contest or win in 1957 (the constituency was won by another candidate that year).
  • Served as a Minister in multiple Madras State (now Tamil Nadu) governments under Congress rule:
    • In the P.S. Kumaraswamy Raja ministry (April 7, 1949 – April 9, 1952): Held portfolios including Firka Development, Khadi, Cottage Industries, Fisheries, Cinchona, and Harijan Uplift (Harijan was the term used then for Scheduled Caste welfare).
    • In the K. Kamaraj ministry (April 13, 1954 – March 31, 1957): Served as Minister for Transport, Harijan Uplift, Hindu Religious Endowments, Registration, and Prohibition.
  • Additionally:
    • Served as Mayor of Madras (now Chennai) from 1952 to 1954.
    • Was a member of the Rajya Sabha (upper house of the Indian Parliament) from 1958 to 1962.

Legacy and Contributions

  • As a representative from a Scheduled Caste background, he focused on welfare schemes for Harijans (Dalits), rural development (Firka development referred to block-level rural initiatives), khadi and cottage industries promotion, and social reforms.
  • He was part of the Congress-led governments during the early years after India's independence and the formation of Madras State (pre-reorganization into Tamil Nadu in 1956).
  • His career bridged the pre- and post-independence eras, contributing to the consolidation of Congress rule in the state before the rise of Dravidian parties like DMK in 1967.

Death

  • He passed away on September 15, 1966, at the age of 53.

B. Parameswaran remains a notable figure in Tamil Nadu's Congress history and the Dalit political legacy in the state, linked through his grandfather to early 20th-century social justice movements. Information about him is primarily from historical records, election archives, and Wikipedia summaries based on official sources.
Buta Singh
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Buta Singh

In office
1986–1989
Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi
Preceded by P. V. Narasimha Rao
Succeeded by Mufti Mohammad Sayeed
In office
1984–1986
Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi
In office
2004–2006
Succeeded by Gopalkrishna Gandhi
In office
2007–2010
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
Preceded by Suraj Bhan
Succeeded by P. L. Punia
In office
1982–1984
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
In office
1981–1982
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
In office
1995–1996
Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao
Personal details
Born 21 March 1934 (age 85)
Mustafapur, Jalandhar district, Punjab
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Manjit Kaur
Residence 11-A Teen Murti Marg New Delhi

Buta Singh (born 21 March 1934) is an Indian politician and a senior leader of the Indian National Congress. He was the Union Home Minister of India, Governor of Bihar and was chairman of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes from 2007–2010.

Early life

Buta Singh was born on 21 March 1934 in the village of Mustafapur in Jalandhar district, Punjab, British India. He was educated at Lyallpur Khalsa College in Jalandhar, from where he was awarded a B.A. (Hons), and at Guru Nanak Khalsa College in Bombay, where he earned a M.A. Singh then gained a Ph.D. from Bundelkhand University. He married Manjit Kaur in 1964; the couple had three children.

He worked as journalist before joining politics. He fought his first elections as an Akali Dal member and joined the Indian National Congress in the late 1960s at the time when that party was split.

Political career

Buta Singh was first elected to the Indian Parliament from the Sadhna constituency. He has been involved with the Congress party since Jawaharlal Nehru was Prime Minister and he was close to former Indian Prime Ministers Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. He has been elected eight times as a member of the Lok Sabha in 3rd, 4th, 5th, 7th, 8th, 10th, 12th and 13th Lok Sabha. He became General Secretary of the All India Congress Committee (AICC) General Secretary (1978-1980), Home Minister of India and later Governor of Bihar (2004-2006). Other portfolios that he has held include those for railways, commerce, parliamentary affairs, sports, shipping, agriculture, communications and housing. He was chairman of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (ranked as Cabinet Minister) from 2007-2010.

He has written a book Punjabi Speaking State - A Critical Analysis and a collection of articles on Punjabi literature and Sikh history. Indira Ganhi chose him to select a new party symbol when Congress was split. He was very closely involved with her in Operation Blue Star and as a minister he oversaw reconstruction of the Golden Temple following that exercise. His name was also in the finalists for the post of President of India along with Giani Zail Singh in the Indira era. He was also the chairperson of Asian Games organizing committee when the competition was held in India in 1982.

He was involved in the Indian general election of 2014 from Jalore District.

Controversies

In 1998, as Communications Minister he was indicted in the JMM bribery case, and forced to resign.

As the Governor of Bihar, Singh's decision to recommend the dissolution of the Bihar Assembly in 2005 was sharply criticised by the Supreme Court of India. The court ruled that Singh had acted in haste and misled the federal cabinet because he did not want a particular party claiming to form the government, to come to power. Singh however claimed that the party was resorting to unfair means to secure support to form the government. On 26 January 20

Positions held

1962 : Elected to 3rd Lok Sabha.Moga
1966-68 : Member, Public Accounts Committee.
1967 : Re-elected to 4th Lok Sabha (2nd term)Ropar (Lok Sabha constituency)
1971 : Re-elected to 5th Lok Sabha (3rd term).Ropar (Lok Sabha constituency)
1971 : Chairman, Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
1973-74 : Convenor, All India Congress Committee (Indira) [AICC(I)], Harijan Cell.
1974-76 : Union Deputy Minister, Railways.
1976-77 : Union Deputy Minister, Commerce.
1978-80 : General-Secretary, AICC(I).
1980 : Re-elected to 7th Lok Sabha (4th term).Ropar (Lok Sabha constituency)
1980-82 : Union Minister of State, Shipping and Transport.
1982 : Union Minister of State, Supply and Rehabilitation (Independent Charge).
1982-83 : Union Minister of State, Supply and Sports (Independent Charge).
1983-84 : Union Cabinet Minister, Parliamentary Affairs, Sports and Works and Housing.
1984 : Re-elected to 8th Lok Sabha (5th term).Jalore (Lok Sabha constituency)
1984-85 : Union Cabinet Minister, Agriculture and Rural Development.
1985-86 : Union Cabinet Minister, Agriculture.
1986-89 : Union Cabinet Minister, Home Affairs.
1991 : Re-elected to 10th Lok Sabha (6th term).Jalore (Lok Sabha constituency)
1994-95 : Chairman, Parliamentary Committee on Defence.
1995-96 : Union Cabinet Minister, Civil Supplies, Consumer Affairs and Public Distribution.
1998 : Re-elected to 12th Lok Sabha (7th term).Jalore (Lok Sabha constituency)
Mar-Apr' 1998: Union Cabinet Minister, Communications.
1998-99 : Member, Committee on Subordinate Legislation and Member, Committee on Finance.
1999 : Re-elected to 13th Lok Sabha (8th term).Jalore (Lok Sabha constituency)
1999-2000 : Member, Committee of Privileges and Member, Committee on Communications.
1999-2001 : Member, Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
2002-2003 : Chairman, Public Accounts Committee, Room No.-51, Parliament House, New Delhi.
2004-2006 : Governor Of Bihar
2006-2007 : Permanent Invitee Congress Working Committee
2007-2010 : Chairman National Commission For Schedule Cast (rank of Cabinet Minister)

Bhaurao (Baburao) Krishnarao Gaikwad

Bhaurao (Baburao) Krishnarao Gaikwad was a prominent Dalit leader and politician from Maharashtra, India, who came from a Dalit (specifically, the Matang community) and socio-economically disadvantaged background.

Key Details:

  1. Community: He belonged to the Matang community, which is recognized as a Scheduled Caste (Dalit) in Maharashtra. The Matang community has historically been one of the most marginalized and disadvantaged groups in the region.

  2. Background: Born into a poor family on January 1, 1913, in the village of Kharwandi in Ahmednagar district, his early life was marked by the severe social and economic hardships typical of Dalits in pre-independence India. He had to leave school early due to poverty.

  3. Political & Social Work: He became a dedicated follower and close associate of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. He was a fiery orator and a key organizer for the Depressed Classes Movement. His work focused on:

    • Mobilizing Dalits across Maharashtra.

    • Fighting against social ostracism and untouchability.

    • Advocating for education and political rights for Dalits.

    • He was a founding member of the Republican Party of India (RPI).

  4. Electoral Career: He served as a member of the Bombay Legislative Assembly and later the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly. His electoral victories were significant as they represented the political assertion of the Dalit community.

  5. Legacy: He is remembered as "Krantiveer" (Revolutionary Hero) for his fearless advocacy and lifelong struggle for the rights and dignity of the Dalit community. His life story is a classic example of rising from a disadvantaged background to become a powerful voice for the oppressed.

In summary, Bhaurao Gaikwad was not only from a Dalit and disadvantaged community but also dedicated his entire political life to fighting for the upliftment of those very communities. His identity as a Dalit leader is central to his historical and political significance.

Bangaru Laxman

Bangaru Laxman (full name: Bangaru Laxman) was an Indian politician affiliated with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). He holds a historic place as the first Dalit (Scheduled Caste) leader to become the national president of the BJP, serving from August 2000 to March 2001. Born on 17 March 1939 in Hyderabad (then Andhra Pradesh, now Telangana), he passed away on 1 March 2014 in Secunderabad at age 74 due to cardiac arrest following prolonged health issues, including kidney ailments, respiratory problems, and earlier bypass surgery.

Early Life and Background

Bangaru Laxman was born into a Madiga family, a prominent Dalit (Scheduled Caste) community in Telangana/Andhra Pradesh. His parents were Bangaru Narasimha (father) and Bangaru Shivamma (mother). He completed his B.A. and LL.B. from Osmania University, Hyderabad. Attracted to nationalist ideals early, he joined the RSS in 1951 as a teenager. He was imprisoned for about 16–18 months under the Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA) during the 1975–1977 Emergency.

He was married to Susheela Laxman Bangaru (a former MP from Rajasthan), and they had a son and three daughters (including Bangaru Shruthi).

Political Career

Laxman plunged into politics young and rose through the ranks in right-wing organizations:

  • Bharatiya Jana Sangh (predecessor to BJP): Secretary of Andhra Pradesh unit (1973–1977).
  • Janata Party: Secretary in Andhra Pradesh (1978).
  • BJP:
    • Convenor of Andhra Pradesh unit (1980).
    • General Secretary, Andhra Pradesh BJP (1980–1985).
    • President, Andhra Pradesh BJP (1986–1988).
    • President, All India BJP Scheduled Castes Morcha (for over seven years).
    • National Vice President, BJP.
    • All India General Secretary, BJP (1987–1995).
  • Elected to Andhra Pradesh Legislative Council (1985–1986).
  • Elected to Rajya Sabha from Gujarat (April 1996; re-elected later).
  • Union Minister of State:
    • Planning and Programme Implementation (1999).
    • Railways (November 1999–2000) in the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government.
  • National President of BJP (August 2000–March 2001): Appointed to broaden the party's appeal beyond its traditional upper-caste base and project inclusivity toward Dalits and backward classes. His tenure aimed at social outreach, including a 10-point agenda on caste consensus and empowerment.

He also served on various committees (e.g., Labour & Welfare, Energy, Home Affairs, Finance Consultative Committees) and was part of international delegations.

The Tehelka Sting Operation and Controversy

Laxman's presidency ended abruptly due to Operation West End (2001), a sting operation by Tehelka.com. Undercover journalists posing as arms dealers filmed him accepting ₹1 lakh (as an "advance" or token) in his BJP office chamber to facilitate a fictitious defence deal (supply of non-existent equipment like thermal cameras to the Indian Army). He was shown discussing further payments (e.g., $30,000).

  • March 2001: Tehelka released the tapes; Laxman resigned as BJP president.
  • He denied wrongdoing, claiming he was entrapped and targeted partly due to his Dalit background.
  • CBI filed charges (2006); a special court convicted him in April 2012 under the Prevention of Corruption Act, sentencing him to 4 years imprisonment.
  • He served some time in jail before getting bail on medical grounds.
  • He resigned from the BJP national executive post-conviction.

The case damaged his reputation and symbolized corruption scandals in the NDA era (also implicating others like George Fernandes).

Legacy

Bangaru Laxman symbolized the BJP's early efforts to reach out to Dalit communities and shed its "upper-caste" image. As the lone Dalit to head the party nationally (until later figures), he was highlighted in outreach to Madiga and other SC groups. However, the Tehelka scandal overshadowed his career, leading to relative obscurity in later years. He remained involved in social, educational, and literary activities.

Bangaru Laxman's life reflects the complexities of caste politics in India—rising as a Dalit leader in a predominantly upper-caste party, only to face a dramatic fall. If you'd like details on specific events, his family, or comparisons with other Dalit politicians, let me know!

Dr. Bhalchandra Laxman Mungekar

Dr. Bhalchandra Laxman Mungekar (born March 2, 1946) is a prominent Indian economist, educationist, social worker, author, and former politician. He is widely recognized as an expert on Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's philosophy and a strong advocate for social justice, Dalit rights, and the annihilation of caste. As of 2026, he is 80 years old.

Early Life and Background

  • Born in Munge village (hence the surname), Deogad taluka, Sindhudurg district, in the Konkan region of Maharashtra, into a poor Dalit family (Scheduled Caste/SC category).
  • His father, Shri Laxman Gopal Mungekar, was determined to educate him despite poverty; his mother, Shrimati Shewanti Laxman Mungekar, passed away when he was just four years old.
  • He overcame significant challenges of poverty and caste discrimination to pursue education.
  • Schooling: Navbharat Vidyalaya (Parel) and Siddharth English High School (Wadala), Mumbai.
  • Higher education: B.A. (Hons) in Economics, M.A. in Economics, and Ph.D. in Economics from the University of Mumbai.

Professional Career

  • Started career in 1965 at the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) as a clerk, later promoted to assistant economist; resigned in 1974.
  • Joined academia: Lecturer in Economics at University of Mumbai (1984), Associate Professor in Agricultural Economics (1989), Professor in Industrial Economics (1998).
  • Served as Vice-Chancellor of the University of Mumbai (May 2000 – July 2004).
  • Member, Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP), Government of India (1999–2004, with some overlap).
  • Member, Planning Commission of India (July 2004 – June 2009), where he handled portfolios including education, labour & employment, social justice, tribal affairs; contributed to policies in the 11th Five-Year Plan, including tribal development and intersectoral issues.
  • President and Chairman, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla (from September 2005, for a period).
  • Involved in various international academic engagements, including visits to universities in France, Germany, UK, China, and participation in UNESCO events.
  • Founder President of organizations like Dr. Ambedkar Institute of Social and Economic Change (1995–2008), Yashodhara Cooperative Credit Society, and Vice-Chairman of Parivartan Cooperative Bank Ltd.

Political Career

  • Nominated to the Rajya Sabha (Upper House of Parliament) by the President of India in March 2010; served until March 2016 (one term).
  • Associated with the Indian National Congress party.
  • As a nominated MP, he was a member of committees like Urban Development, Consultative Committee for Tribal Affairs, and National Council for Teacher Education.
  • Known for raising issues related to SC/ST communities, education reforms, social justice, and economic policies from an Ambedkarite perspective.

Key Contributions and Advocacy

  • A leading voice on Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's ideas, economic reforms' impact on Dalits, caste annihilation, and empowerment of marginalized groups.
  • Authored/edited books, including The Essential Ambedkar (a compilation highlighting Ambedkar's writings).
  • Frequently writes columns and op-eds (e.g., in The Hindu, Frontline) on topics like caste, economic policies, education, and social issues.
  • Critic of policies perceived as undermining Dalit/SC/ST funding or constitutional values; has spoken on saving the Constitution and critiqued certain governments on these fronts.
  • Active on social media (e.g., X/Twitter @DrMungekar) and continues public commentary post-Rajya Sabha tenure.

Personal Life

  • Married to Shrimati Leena Bhalchandra Mungekar (since February 7, 1971).
  • Has three children (one son and two daughters).
  • He is a follower of Ambedkarite Buddhism (Navayana tradition) and part of the Marathi Buddhist community.

Dr. Mungekar's life story is one of remarkable rise from rural poverty and caste barriers to high-level national roles in economics, education, and policy-making, always centered on social equity and Ambedkar's vision. He remains influential in intellectual and activist circles focused on India's social and economic challenges.

Chaudhary Bihari Lal

 Chaudhary Bihari Lal (also spelled Bihari Lal) was a notable Harijan (Dalit) leader and social reformer in Uttar Pradesh, India, active during the 1920s and 1930s amid the freedom struggle and rising Dalit consciousness. As a key figure aligned with the Indian National Congress, he played a controversial role in countering independent Dalit movements that sought separate religious and political identities for untouchables. Backed by prominent leaders like Lala Lajpat Rai and Mahatma Gandhi's Harijan upliftment initiatives, Bihari Lal worked to integrate Dalits into mainstream Hinduism and the Congress fold, preventing fragmentation of the anti-colonial united front. However, his methods— including obstructing rival gatherings and spreading propaganda—drew criticism for undermining Dalit autonomy. Detailed personal records are scarce, reflecting his status as a secondary actor in historical narratives dominated by upper-caste Congress figures, but accounts portray him as a loyalist whose efforts highlighted tensions between assimilationist and separatist Dalit politics.

Early Life and Family

Biographical details on Bihari Lal's early years are limited and not well-documented in public sources. He was born in Uttar Pradesh (likely in the early 1900s, exact date unknown) into a Harijan (Scheduled Caste) community, traditionally marginalized as untouchables and subjected to social exclusion, economic exploitation, and ritual discrimination. His family background remains obscure, with no mentions of parents, siblings, or education in available records. Growing up in colonial UP—a hotbed of agrarian unrest and caste hierarchies—he likely experienced firsthand the indignities of untouchability, such as barred access to temples, wells, and schools, which fueled his later activism. By the 1920s, he had emerged as a local leader, possibly through community service or Congress-affiliated networks, earning the honorific "Chaudhary" (a title for rural leaders in North India).

Entry into Politics and Activism

Bihari Lal's prominence arose during the interwar period, when the 1931 Census classified untouchables (estimated at 6 crore) as a distinct group, sparking demands for separate electorates and rights. This era saw the rise of "Adi" movements—Adi-Hindu in UP, Adi-Dravida in Madras—led by Dalit intellectuals like Swami Achhootanand (Harihar), who rejected Brahminical Hinduism, claimed "Moolnivasi" (original inhabitant) status, and organized against Congress's paternalistic reforms. Gandhi's response, via the Harijan Sevak Sangh (1932), emphasized moral upliftment within Hinduism, opposing separate electorates at the Round Table Conferences.

As a Congress-backed Harijan, Bihari Lal embodied this assimilationist strategy. Lala Lajpat Rai, a Punjab Kesari and Arya Samajist who supported untouchable upliftment but prioritized Hindu unity, "fielded" him as a counterweight to Achhootanand's Adi-Hindu Mahasabha. Rai, then active in UP politics, viewed the Adi movement as a British divide-and-rule tactic that could splinter the nationalist cause.

Key Activities and Role in Dalit Politics

Bihari Lal's activism focused on bridging Dalits with Congress and Hinduism, but his notoriety stems from direct confrontations:

  • Opposition to Adi-Hindu Movement: In the late 1920s–early 1930s, he actively disrupted Achhootanand's public meetings across UP, where the Swami rallied thousands for temple entry, Vedic rights, and rejection of "Harijan" as a condescending label. Bihari Lal spread false propaganda, labeling Achhootanand "uncivilized" and using derogatory nicknames like "Jutanand" (a play on "joothan," meaning leftovers, to mock his Dalit advocacy). This was part of a broader Congress-Hindu Mahasabha effort to discredit separatist Dalit voices, including Arya Samaj's promotion of "Valmiki Dharma" to retain communities like Chamars and Chuhras within Hinduism.
  • Simon Commission Protests (1928–29): While Congress boycotted the all-white Simon Commission (leading to Lajpat Rai's fatal lathi charge in Lahore), Dalit groups like the Adi-Hindu Mahasabha welcomed it, demanding reserved seats. Bihari Lal's interventions aimed to align Harijans with the boycott, though unsuccessfully—thousands of untouchables joined Dalit welcomes, underscoring Congress's limited sway.
  • Harijan Upliftment Work: Aligned with Gandhi's vision, he likely participated in anti-untouchability campaigns, such as temple entry drives and education initiatives under the Harijan Sevak Sangh. As a "Congress Harijan," he symbolized Dalit loyalty to the party, touring villages to promote Swaraj as intertwined with social reform. His efforts extended to countering conversions (e.g., 5,000 Chamars to Islam in Ujhani, 1925), arguing Dalits were integral to Hinduism.

These actions positioned him as a "protégé" of sorts to leaders like Govind Ballabh Pant (UP Congress chief), though records suggest he operated more as a local enforcer than a national figure.

Controversies and Criticisms

Bihari Lal's tactics alienated radical Dalits, who saw him as a Congress "stooge" perpetuating upper-caste control. Bhagat Singh, in a 1928 article critiquing untouchability, lamented such divisions, viewing Adi movements as genuine assertions but warning of British manipulation—implicitly critiquing figures like Bihari Lal for sowing discord. Achhootanand's biographers depict him as a saboteur, whose smears failed to halt the Adi-Hindu's growth, which influenced Ambedkar's later demands. In broader terms, his role exemplified Congress's "soft Hindutva" approach: uplifting Dalits without dismantling caste, contrasting with Arya Samaj's Shuddhi (purification) or Muslim League's overtures.

No major personal scandals are recorded, but his legacy is tainted by association with suppression of Dalit agency.

Later Life and Death

Information on Bihari Lal's post-1930s life is absent from sources; he likely faded from prominence as Congress consolidated power post-Independence (1947), with Dalit politics shifting to figures like Jagjivan Ram. His death date and place are unknown, possibly in UP during the 1940s–50s. No memoirs or family tributes survive publicly.

Legacy

Chaudhary Bihari Lal remains a footnote in Dalit history, emblematic of the "loyal opposition" within marginalized communities—used by dominant forces to police dissent. His story illuminates the 1930s Dalit schism: assimilation vs. assertion, influencing modern caste politics in UP. While criticized by Ambedkarites, he is occasionally noted in Congress hagiographies as a bridge-builder. In today's context, with UP's Dalit vote fragmented between BSP and BJP, his era's tensions echo in debates over sub-quotas and alliances. Further archival research (e.g., Nehru Memorial Library) could uncover more, but current accounts portray a man caught between survival and solidarity.

Chaudhary Sadhu Ram
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Chaudhary Sadhu Ram, is an Indian politician and five-times Member of Parliament.

Chaudhary Sadhu Ram

In office
1957-1977
Succeeded by Bhagat Ram
Constituency Phillaur, Punjab
Personal details
Born January 1909
Died August 1975
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Rao Kaur
Children

Early life

Chaudhary Sadhu Ram was born in Chamar caste to Jawahar Mal at Domeli, Kapurthala, Punjab. He had studied at Khalsa High School, Domeli and invested in leather trade from Jalandhar. He became one of the first and richest Dalit from Doaba.

Movement

In late 1920s he joined Ad-Dharm movement founded by Mangu Ram Mugowalia. He became an active member of the movement but due to rifts among the leaders he led a separate faction, "All Indian Ad Dharm Mandal", headquartering at Lyallpur, Punjab.

He became a close aid of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and joined Scheduled Castes Federation and became its president of state unit in 1942.

Politics

In 1946, he joined Indian National Congress and in 1954 became convenor of Depressed Classes League for PEPSU state.

In 1952, he fought his first election from Phagwara constituency of PEPSU Legislative Assembly and became Deputy Minister for Home Affairs.

In 1957 India general elections he won Jullundar Lok Sabha constituency and in 3rd, 4th and 5th Lok Sabha elections from Phillaur constituency of Punjab

Chhedi Paswan

Chhedi Paswan is an Indian politician from Bihar, known for his long career in state and national politics, marked by multiple party switches and representations in both the Bihar Legislative Assembly and the Lok Sabha. He served as a Member of Parliament (MP) from the Sasaram constituency on several occasions, most recently from 2014 to 2024 as a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

Shri Chhedi Paswan raising 'Matters of Urgent Public Importance' in Lok Sabha

Early Life and Education

Born on February 4, 1956, in Sasaram, Rohtas district, Bihar, to Ramchandra Paswan and Laxmina Devi, Chhedi Paswan grew up in a modest family. He pursued higher education at Patna University, earning a Master of Arts (M.A.) degree in Labour and Social Welfare. His professional background is primarily as a social worker and politician.

Family

Chhedi Paswan is married to Premkali Devi, and they have five children: three sons and two daughters. He continues to reside in Sasaram, Bihar.

Political Career

Paswan's political journey spans over four decades, beginning in the 1980s with the Janata Party and its factions. He is often noted for his frequent party affiliations, which reflect the fluid alliances in Bihar politics. His key associations include:

  • Janata Party and its Charan Singh faction (early career).
  • Janata Dal (late 1980s to 1990s).
  • Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) (late 1990s).
  • Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) under Lalu Prasad Yadav (early 2000s).
  • Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)) under Nitish Kumar (mid-2000s to 2014).
  • Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) from 2014 to at least 2024.

He left JD(U) in 2014, citing Nitish Kumar's "autocratic style," and joined the BJP ahead of the 2014 Lok Sabha elections. Paswan has focused on issues related to Scheduled Castes (SC) communities, given that Sasaram is an SC-reserved constituency, and has advocated for social welfare, labor rights, and regional development in Bihar.

Key Positions Held

  • Secretary General, Yuva Lok Dal, Bihar (1987–1989).
  • Member, Bihar Legislative Assembly (MLA) from Chenari (1985–1989, Lok Dal; 2000–2005, RJD).
  • MLA from Mohania (October 2005–2010, JD(U)).
  • Member, Lok Sabha (MP) from Sasaram (1989–1991 and 1991–1996, Janata Dal; 2014–2019 and 2019–2024, BJP). He was part of the 16th and 17th Lok Sabha.

Elections Contested

Paswan has contested numerous elections, winning several but also facing defeats. Below is a summary:

Election YearConstituencyPartyResultKey Opponent/Notes
1980Chenari (Bihar Assembly)Charan Singh factionLost-
1985Chenari (Bihar Assembly)Lok DalWonServed as MLA until 1989.
1989Sasaram (Lok Sabha)Janata DalWonDefeated Meira Kumar (INC).
1991Sasaram (Lok Sabha)Janata DalWonDefeated Meira Kumar (INC).
1996Sasaram (Lok Sabha)Janata DalLostTo Muni Lall (BJP).
1998Sasaram (Lok Sabha)NCPLost-
1999Sasaram (Lok Sabha)BSPLost-
2000Chenari (Bihar Assembly)RJDWonServed as MLA until 2005.
Feb 2005Mohania (Bihar Assembly)JD(U)Lost-
Oct 2005Mohania (Bihar Assembly)JD(U)WonServed as MLA until 2010.
2010Mohania (Bihar Assembly)JD(U)Won-
2014Sasaram (Lok Sabha)BJPWonDefeated Meira Kumar (INC).
2019Sasaram (Lok Sabha)BJPWonDefeated Meira Kumar (INC).He did not contest the 2024 Lok Sabha election from Sasaram, where the BJP fielded Shivesh Kumar, who lost to Manoj Kumar of the Indian National Congress (INC) by a margin of 19,157 votes.

Controversies

In 2014, shortly after his Lok Sabha victory, the Patna High Court set aside his election due to omissions in his affidavit regarding pending criminal cases. The Supreme Court stayed the order, allowing him to retain his seat, but he was barred from voting in the 2017 presidential election. There are no major recent controversies reported as of 2026.

Recent Developments and Current Status

As of 2026, Chhedi Paswan is a former MP, with his last term ending on June 4, 2024. In early 2024, there were reports of him being in contact with the Congress party after the BJP denied him a ticket for the 2024 elections, but no switch materialized. His social media activity on X (formerly Twitter) under @chhedi_paswan has been inactive since April 2024, with posts primarily consisting of greetings for festivals and tributes to historical figures. There are no indications of active involvement in the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections or other political activities post-2024. He remains associated with the BJP in most recent profiles, though his current role appears limited.

Dakshayani Velayudhan

Dakshayani Velayudhan (4 July 1912 – 20 July 1978) was a pioneering Indian politician, social reformer, educator, and leader of the oppressed classes. She is best remembered as the first and only Dalit (Scheduled Caste) woman to serve as a member of the Constituent Assembly of India (1946–1950), where she contributed to drafting the Indian Constitution. At age 34, she was also one of the youngest members and one of only 15 women in the 389-member Assembly.

Early Life and Background

Born on 4 July 1912 (some sources cite 15 July) in Mulavukad (also known as Bolghatty), a small island village in present-day Ernakulam district, Kerala (then part of the princely state of Cochin under British influence). She belonged to the Pulayar (Pulaya) community, one of the most marginalized Dalit groups in Kerala, historically subjected to extreme caste oppression—including prohibitions on wearing upper cloth, accessing education, or even walking on public roads.

Her family defied these norms: She was the first woman in her community to wear an upper cloth (in defiance of the upper cloth controversy laws), and her brothers were among the first to cut their long-knotted hair and wear shirts. Her name "Dakshayani" (a synonym for Goddess Durga, traditionally upper-caste) was itself an act of resistance. Inspired by social reformers like Ayyankali, her family pursued education and civil disobedience against caste discrimination.

Education and Achievements

Dakshayani overcame immense barriers to become:

  • The first Dalit woman graduate in India (and the first Scheduled Caste woman to earn a degree).
  • The first woman from her community to pursue higher education in science.
  • Earned a B.Sc. in Chemistry from Maharaja's College, Ernakulam (now Maharaja's College, Kochi) in 1935—graduating with a high second class despite caste discrimination (e.g., an upper-caste teacher refused to demonstrate experiments to her; she learned by observing from afar).
  • Worked as an L2 teacher (Lower Secondary teacher) in high schools, including Peringothukara High School in Thrissur district.

Political Career

  • 1945–1948: Nominated to the Cochin Legislative Council (one of the earliest women in legislative politics in princely states), where she actively participated in debates on social issues.
  • 1946: Elected to the Constituent Assembly of India from the Madras constituency (as part of the Madras Presidency quota). She served until 1950 (Constituent Assembly phase) and briefly in the Provisional Parliament (1950–1952).
  • In the Assembly, she was a vocal advocate for social justice, abolition of untouchability, prohibition of forced labor (bonded labor/begar), education for Scheduled Castes, economic upliftment, communal harmony, and women's rights. She opposed terms like "Harijan" (preferred by Gandhi) for Scheduled Castes, favoring dignity and equality.
  • Aligned broadly with Indian National Congress but remained independent-minded, criticizing aspects of Congress politics and Ambedkar's demand for separate electorates (though she respected Ambedkar's vision).

Personal Life

  • Married R. Velayudhan (a fellow activist and politician) in 1940 in a simple ceremony officiated by Mahatma Gandhi and Kasturba Gandhi (with a leper as priest, symbolizing equality).
  • Had children, including a daughter who later became involved in social work.
  • Continued civil society work post-Constituent Assembly: Founded Mahila Jagriti Parishad (Women's Awakening Council) in Delhi in the 1970s, focusing on women's rights, slum dwellers (especially sweeper women), and Dalit empowerment. Organized the All India Dalit Women’s Conference and worked with Ambedkarite women.

Legacy and Recognition

  • Symbol of Dalit women's resilience, defiance against caste-gender oppression, and contributions to India's founding document.
  • Kerala Government instituted the Dakshayani Velayudhan Award (2019) for women empowering others in the state.
  • Featured in documentaries, articles (e.g., Indian Express, NewsClick, The News Minute), and social media tributes on her birth/death anniversaries.
  • Her speeches in the Constituent Assembly (e.g., on untouchability and forced labor) are archived and studied for their emphasis on liberty, equality, and fraternity.

Dakshayani Velayudhan passed away on 20 July 1978 at age 66. Her life—from defying caste norms to shaping the Constitution—remains an inspiration for marginalized voices in Indian democracy. She embodied the fight for dignity, education, and justice for the oppressed.

Dinanath Bhaskar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dinanath Bhaskar

Minister of Uttar Pradesh
In office
1993–1995
Minister Health Minister
Constituency Chandauli
In office
2004 – 2007[citation needed]
In office
2002–2007
Constituency Bhadohi
Minister of State
In office
2002–2004
Constituency Aurai

Assumed office
2017
Personal details
Born 10 March 1963
Chandauli, Uttar Pradesh, India
Nationality Indian
Political party Bharatiya Janta Party (2015–present)
Bahujan Samaj Party (2009–2015)
Samajwadi Party (1996–2009)
Profession Politician

Dinanath Bhaskar (born 10 March 1963)[citation needed] is an Indian politician active in the state of Uttar Pradesh. Once a close associate of Kanshi Ram, he was a founding member of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) and was Minister for Health during the state's coalition government of the Samajwadi Party (SP) and BSP in 1993. He quit the BSP to join the SP in 1996, rejoined the BSP around 2009 and in 2015 joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

In the 2017 state elections, Bhaskar was elected as Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) for Aurai constituency as a BJP candidate. This was his third successful election to the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly.

Career

In Jan Sabha

Once a close associate of Kanshi Ram, Dinanath Bhaskar was elected to the Legislative Assembly of Uttar Pradesh from the Chandauli constituency in 1993 on a BSP ticket. Around that time he was noted as a controversial character in the caste-ridden politics of Uttar Pradesh, much disliked by upper castes for his alignment with Dalits and other minorities and his exhortations to them to become militant.

Bhaskar left the BSP after Mayawati accused Mulayam Singh Yadav of trying to induce support from Bhaskar. Standing as an SP candidate in the 1996 assembly elections, he lost the contest in the Bhadohi constituency to Purnmasi Pankaj of the BJP. He then successfully contested the 2002 elections in the same constituency to become a Member of the Legislative Assembly for a second time. He lost the seat to the BSP candidate, Archana Saroj, in 2007 and left the party after being denied a Vidhan Sabha ticket in a 2009 by-election. He then re-joined the BSP and was made Coordinator of Allahabad zone, Mirzapur zone and Varanasi Zone respectively.

Bhaskar resigned from the BSP on 4 April 2015, accusing it of selling its election candidacies, and joined the BJP one month later. He won the Aurai constituency in the 2017 Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly elections as a BJP candidate.

Offices held

1993 to 1995: Member of Legislative Assembly Chandauli
2002 to 2007: Member of Legislative Assembly Bhadohi
1993: Health, Health Education, Family welfare and Village Development Minister (Uttar Pradesh)
2003 to 2004: Minister of State2004 to 2007: Chairman Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribe (SC/ST) Commission, Uttar Pradesh
2002 to 2007: Member, Joint Standing Committee Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribe and extinct Castes (Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly
March 2017 – present: BJP MLA for Aurai
20017 to Present: Member, Joint Standing Committee Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribe and extinct Castes (Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly
2018–Present: Member State working Committee BJP Uttar Pradesh
Ella Jones
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ella Jones

Assumed office
June 17, 2020
Preceded by James Knowles III
Personal details
Political party Democratic

Ella Jones is an American chromatographer, pastor, and politician who serves as the 12th Mayor of Ferguson, Missouri on June 2, 2020. A member of the Ferguson City Council, Jones is the first African-American and woman elected mayor of the city.

Education

Jones earned a Bachelor of Arts degree in Chemistry from the University of Missouri–St. Louis.

Career

Prior to entering politics, Jones was a high pressure liquid chromatographer. She worked at the Washington University School of Medicine and KV Pharmaceutical before becoming a Sales Director with Mary Kay. In April 2015, Jones was elected to the Ferguson City Council as the first African American elected to the Council, representing Ward 1. In February 2020, Jones was selected to serve on the United States Environmental Protection Agency Local Government Advisory Committee.

In the 2017 municipal election, Jones ran for Mayor, receiving 42.77% of the vote. It was the city's first election after the shooting of Michael Brown and subsequent Ferguson unrest.

In the June 2, 2020 mayoral election, Jones defeated fellow council member Heather Robinett. Jones succeeded incumbent James Knowles III, a Republican who was unable to seek re-election due to term limits. On June 17, 2020, Jones was sworn in as the first black and female Mayor of Ferguson.

She is also a pastor in the African Methodist Episcopal Church.

Electoral history

2020 Ferguson Mayoral Election[10]PartyCandidateVotes%
Democratic Ella Jones 1,504 53.9%
Democratic Heather Robinett 1,286 46.1%

Personal life

Jones moved to Ferguson, Missouri with her husband, Tim. In October 2013 her husband passed away. Jones has one daughter and has lived in Ferguson for over 40 years
Eshwari Bai
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Eshwari Bai
Personal details
Born Hyderabad State, India
Nationality Indian
Political party Republican Party of India
Children Geeta Reddy, daughter
Occupation Politician

Jetti Eshwari Bai (1 December 1918 – 25 February 1991) was an Indian politician, a Member of the Legislative Assembly and president of the Republican Party of India. She worked for the upliftment of the backward classes who were subjected to slavery and caste discrimination for generations by the upper castes.

Life

Eshwari Bai was born on 1 December 1918. She started her career as a teacher in Paropakarini School in Secunderabad and later started a school named Geetha Vidyalaya in Chilkalguda, Secunderabad. She held workshops for the poor women of the locality, who learned crafting, tailoring, painting etc., helping economically poor women to secure to support themselves and their families.

Bai was elected as a councillor of the Secunderabad Municipal Corporation in 1950.

She founded the Civic Rights Committee (CRC) in the 1960s to contest the Hyderabad municipal elections as an apolitical party. It won four seats in those elections.

Inspired by B. R. Ambedkar, Bai joined the Scheduled Castes Federation (SCF) and in 1958, when SCF was renamed as the Republican Party of India (RPI), she was elected as General Secretary. She went on to become the President of RPI later. In 1962 general elections she lost on RPI ticket from Yellareddy Assembly constituency, but won in the 1967 polls. She was the Vice Chairperson of the Telangana Praja Samithi (TPS) and won a ticket in 1972 elections again from Yellareddy on an RPI – TPS ticket.

As a chairperson of the Women and Child Welfare, Bai was instrumental in bringing legislation for free education of girl students up to higher education. She was the secretary of Indian Conference of Social Welfare and member of the Indian Red Cross Society. She also fought for separate statehood for Telangana in 1969 and was imprisoned at the Chanchalguda jail in Hyderabad.

Personal life

Bai had four brothers and a sister. She was married to Jetti Laxminarayana, a dentist from Pune, at the age of 13.[citation needed] Her daughter, J. Geeta Reddy, is a politician with the Indian National Congress party.

Bai died on 25 February 1991. The Eshwari Bai Memorial Award was instituted in her honour.

Faguni Ram
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dr. Faguni Ram



Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha)
In office
3
Constituency Aurangabad, Bihar
Personal details
Born 2 January 1945
Gaya Bihar
Died 25 February 2018 (aged 73)
New Delhi
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Dr. Sushila Das

Dr. Faguni Ram (2 January 1945 - 25 February 2018) was an Indian politician. He was a minister of state, Bihar and member of the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Parliament of India representing Bihar as a member of the Indian National Congress for three terms.

Dr. Faguni Ram, whose father was Baijnath Ram (Freedom Fighter), was born on 2 January 1945. He obtained BA and MA degrees in Geography, as well as a Ph.D., and married Dr. Sushila Das.

He had four sons and three daughters.

Ram was a member of the Legislative Assembly of Bihar between 1972-77 and served as a minister of state in the Government of Bihar in 1973, he was a member of the Rajya Sabha from 1985-1988, 1988-1994 and from 2000.

He and his wife were among the first members of a Scheduled Caste in the state to hold a Ph.D. degree. They always stressed education as a means to self-development and the development of people they served. He served in Bihar State Administrative Services but left to become MLA from Aurangabad.

Ram breathed last on 25 February 2018 in Ram Manohar Lohia hospital. He was cremated in Nigambodh Ghat.

Outside politics, Ram wrote Development of Irrigation and its Impact on Agriculture and was co-author of the 25 volumes of Instant Encyclopaedia of Geography.

Awards and recognition
National Integration Award, 1987-88
Citizen of India, 1992
Several colleges and schools named after him in his home town and state.

G. M. C. Balayogi


  • G.M.C. Balayogi (Ganti Mohana Chandra Balayogi; October 1, 1951 – March 3, 2002) was a distinguished Indian lawyer and politician from Andhra Pradesh, renowned for his contributions to parliamentary democracy and his historic role as the first Dalit Speaker of the Lok Sabha. A member of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), he rose from humble rural beginnings to hold key legislative and administrative positions, advocating for education, rural development, and social justice. His untimely death in a helicopter crash cut short a promising career, but his legacy endures through institutions named in his honor and his inspiration for marginalized communities.

  • Early Life and Background

    • Birth and Family: G.M.C. Balayogi was born on October 1, 1951, in the small village of Yedurulanka in the East Godavari district of Andhra Pradesh, into an agricultural family. His parents were Shri Ganniyya and Smt. Satyamma, who belonged to a modest farming background in the Konaseema region. As a member of the Dalit (Scheduled Caste) community, Balayogi grew up facing the socio-economic challenges typical of rural Dalit families in post-independence India, which later fueled his commitment to uplifting underprivileged sections.
    • Childhood: He completed his primary education in the nearby village of G. Vemavaram, reflecting the limited educational infrastructure in his area. His early experiences in a close-knit agrarian community instilled in him values of resilience and public service.

    Education

    Balayogi pursued higher education with determination, earning a postgraduate degree in Kakinada. He later obtained a Bachelor of Laws (LL.B.) from Andhra University in Visakhapatnam, equipping him with the legal acumen that would define his early professional life. His academic journey from a rural village to urban centers highlighted his ambition and intellect.

    Professional Life Before Politics

    • After graduating, Balayogi began practicing law in 1980 in Kakinada, mentored by senior advocate Gopalaswamy Shetty.
    • In 1985, he was appointed as a First Class Magistrate, a prestigious administrative role, but he resigned in 1986 to return to legal practice and community service.
    • He quickly emerged as a local leader, serving as Vice-Chairman of the Cooperative Town Bank of Kakinada in 1986 and Chairman of the East Godavari Zilla Praja Parishad in 1987, where he focused on rural development and cooperative initiatives.

    Political Career

    Balayogi's entry into formal politics was marked by his affiliation with the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), founded by N.T. Rama Rao. Handpicked by TDP leader N. Chandrababu Naidu for his integrity and grassroots appeal, he became a key figure in Andhra Pradesh and national politics.

    1. Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha):
      • Elected to the 10th Lok Sabha in 1991 from the Amalapuram (SC reserved) constituency in East Godavari district, defeating Congress candidate K. S. P. Reddy.
      • Served until 1996, focusing on issues like irrigation, agriculture, and Dalit welfare.
      • Lost the 1996 general election but bounced back strongly.
    2. Member of Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly (MLA):
      • Won a by-election in 1996 from the Mummidivaram Assembly constituency.
      • Appointed as Minister of Higher Education in the Chandrababu Naidu-led TDP government (1995–1999), where he spearheaded reforms to improve access to education for backward classes and rural students.
    3. Re-election to Lok Sabha and Speakership:
      • Re-elected to the 12th Lok Sabha in 1998 from Amalapuram with a massive margin, securing 55% of the vote.
      • On March 24, 1998, at the age of 46, he was unanimously elected as the 12th Speaker of the Lok Sabha—the youngest and first Dalit to hold this constitutional post. He continued in the role during the 13th Lok Sabha (1999–2002).
      • As Speaker, he chaired key committees including the Business Advisory Committee, Rules Committee, and General Purposes Committee. He also led the Standing Committee of the Conference of Presiding Officers of Legislative Bodies in India.
    4. International and Parliamentary Roles:
      • Presided over the Indian Parliamentary Group, the National Group of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, and the India Branch of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association.
      • Headed numerous Indian parliamentary delegations to countries like the UK, Canada, and several African nations, fostering diplomatic ties through legislative exchanges.
      • Hosted foreign delegations, enhancing India's global parliamentary stature.

    Contributions and Legacy

    • Dalit Empowerment: As the first Dalit Speaker, Balayogi broke caste barriers in Indian politics, symbolizing upward mobility for Scheduled Castes. His elevation was seen as a milestone for social justice, inspiring Dalit youth to aspire to leadership roles.
    • Parliamentary Reforms: During his tenure, he emphasized decorum, efficiency, and inclusivity in Lok Sabha proceedings. He navigated coalition politics adeptly, ensuring smooth functioning amid frequent disruptions.
    • Rural and Educational Development: As MLA and Minister, he advocated for better irrigation in the Godavari delta, higher education access, and cooperative farming, directly benefiting agrarian communities.
    • Social Justice Advocate: Balayogi consistently raised voices for marginalized groups, aligning with TDP's pro-poor policies while maintaining bipartisan respect.
    • Legacy: The G.M.C. Balayogi Athletic Stadium in Andhra Pradesh (formerly the Andhra Pradesh Sports Complex) was renamed in his honor in 2002. His son, G.M. Harish Balayogi, continues his political legacy as a BJP MP from Anakapalli.

    Personal Life and Demise

    • Family: Balayogi was married to Vijaya Kumari Ganti, and the couple had four children, including G.M. Harish Balayogi, who followed in his footsteps as a politician.
    • Known for his simplicity, humility, and dedication, he remained connected to his rural roots despite national prominence.
    • Death: Tragically, on March 3, 2002, at age 50, Balayogi died in a helicopter crash near Kaikalur in Krishna district, Andhra Pradesh. The Bell 206 helicopter, en route from Bhimavaram to Vijayawada, collided with a coconut palm in Kovvadalanka village, Mandavalli mandal, killing him instantly along with his security officer D. Satya Raju and pilot Capt. G.V. Menon. The incident shocked the nation, with Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and other leaders mourning his loss. A state funeral was held in Amalapuram, attended by thousands.

    Key Achievements

    • First Dalit Speaker of the Lok Sabha (1998–2002), the youngest at 46.
    • Elected to Lok Sabha twice (1991, 1998) from Amalapuram (SC) constituency.
    • MLA from Mummidivaram (1996) and Minister of Higher Education, Andhra Pradesh.
    • Chairman of East Godavari Zilla Praja Parishad (1987).
    • Led international parliamentary delegations and hosted global visitors.
    • Honored posthumously through the naming of the G.M.C. Balayogi Stadium.

    G.M.C. Balayogi's life exemplified the transformative power of education and determination in overcoming caste-based obstacles. His brief but impactful tenure as Speaker remains a benchmark for impartiality and progressive leadership in Indian democracy. If you'd like details on specific aspects, such as his parliamentary speeches or family, let me know!

Ganapati Ram
From Wikipedia
Ganpati Ram
In office
1952-1967
Succeeded by Nageshwar Dwivedi
Constituency Machhlishahr, Uttar Pradesh
Personal details
Born 26 July 1926
Died 03 April 1983
Jaunpur, Uttar Pradesh
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Manarawati Devi
Children Dr. Vijay Pratap Singh, Saroj Bala, Abhai Pratap Singh, Surendra Pratap Singh
Residence(s) Jaunpur, Uttar Pradesh

Ganapati Ram is an Indian politician. He was elected to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India from the Machhlishahr, Uttar Pradesh as a member of the Indian National Congress.

Sir George Gilbert Swell

 A Pillar from the Hills

He  (5 August 1923 – 25 January 1999) is remembered as one of the first indigenous ICS officers from Northeast India, a founding father in the Constituent Assembly, and a lifelong advocate for the rights and integration of the hill tribes into the Indian Union.

1. Early Life and Background

  • Birth:  in Shillong, then in Assam (now the capital of Meghalaya).

  • Community: Belonged to the Khasi community, a matrilineal tribe of the Khasi Hills, officially classified as a Scheduled Tribe (ST).

  • Education: He received his early education at the prestigious St. Edmund's School, Shillong. He then excelled at Presidency College, Calcutta, before moving to England to study at St. John's College, Cambridge.

2. Historic Civil Service Career (The ICS Breakthrough)

  • The Barrier Breaker: In 1921, George Gilbert Swell, along with Sir Nripendra Nath Sircar (from Assam), became the first two individuals from Northeast India to enter the Indian Civil Service (ICS). The ICS was the pinnacle of administration in British India, dominated by Europeans and Indians from the plains.

  • Significance: His entry was a monumental achievement. It proved that talent from the tribal hinterlands could compete at the highest all-India level, challenging prevailing stereotypes.

  • Service: He served with distinction in various administrative posts in undivided Assam.

3. Role in the Constituent Assembly (1946-1950)

This is arguably his most significant national contribution. As a Member of the Constituent Assembly, he was a vital voice for the hill tribes and regions often overlooked in national discourse.

Key Interventions and Stances:

  • Advocate for Tribal Rights: He consistently spoke on issues affecting tribal areas, emphasizing the need for protection, development, and political representation.

  • Proponent of Provincial Autonomy: He strongly argued for the creation of Assam's own High Court and greater autonomy for the province, fearing domination by larger units.

  • On Language: He supported Hindi as the official language but was a fierce defender of the English language. He argued that for non-Hindi speaking regions, especially the Northeast, English was a crucial link language and a window to the world. He famously warned against the imposition of Hindi.

  • On Citizenship: He contributed to debates on citizenship, emphasizing inclusive principles for the diverse population of Assam.

  • Committee Member: Served on important committees like the Minorities Sub-Committee and the Assam Tribal Areas Committee.

4. Political Career in Post-Independence India

  • Minister in Assam: After his ICS tenure, he entered elected politics. He served as a Minister in the Assam government (in the cabinets of Gopinath Bordoloi and Bimala Prasad Chaliha), holding portfolios like Finance, Education, and Tribal Affairs.

  • Bridge Between Communities: As a Khasi leader in the Assam government, he acted as a crucial bridge between the plains of Assam and the tribal hill districts, working to address their grievances.

  • Knighthood: He was knighted in 1946 by the British government in recognition of his distinguished service.

5. Ideology and Legacy

  • Constitutionalist and Integrationist: Swell was a firm believer in the Indian Constitution and the democratic integration of tribal areas. He did not seek separation but fought for autonomy, respect, and equal opportunity within the Indian Union.

  • Pioneer and Symbol: His life is a symbol of the potential of the tribal communities of the Northeast. He paved the way for future generations of administrators and politicians from the region.

  • Defender of Regional Interests: He championed a model of Indian federalism where the distinct identity and needs of smaller states and tribal areas were protected from majoritarian dominance (linguistic or cultural).

6. Personal Life and Passing

  • He was married to Edwina Louise Swell.

  • Death: He passed away on December 18, 1970, in Shillong.

  • Honours: The Swell Building in Shillong (housing government offices) is named in his honour, as are other institutions, keeping his memory alive in Meghalaya.

In Summary:

Sir George Gilbert Swell was more than a politician; he was a statesman and a pathfinder. His journey from the Khasi Hills to the corridors of the ICS and the Constituent Assembly represents a remarkable saga of breaking barriers. As a tribal representative in the Constituent Assembly, his speeches and votes helped shape provisions for tribal welfare and state autonomy. He dedicated his life to ensuring that the voices of the hill tribes were heard at the national level, advocating for their development and dignified place within a united India. He is rightly revered as one of the most important founding figures of modern Meghalaya and the Northeast in the Indian republic.
Hukam Ram
From Wikipedia

Hukam Ram Meghwal (born 23 March 1926 – 2005) was a Member of Parliament from Jalore (Lok Sabha constituency) constituency. He was a member of Janata Party. He died due to heart attack on 12 May 2005.

Hukam Ram

In office
1977 - 1980
Succeeded by Virda Ram Phulwariya
Constituency Jalore
Personal details
Born 23 March 1926 
Bali, Pali
Nationality Indian
Political party Janata Party
Spouse(s) Kasturi Devi
Hardial Bains
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Hardial Bains
Bains in 1979

Leader of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist–Leninist)
In office
1970–1997
Preceded by Position established
Succeeded by Sandra Smith
Personal details
Born 15 August 1939
Died 24 August 1997 (aged 58)
Nationality Indo-Canadian
Other political
Spouse(s) Sandra Smith
Alma mater University of British Columbia
Occupation Politician
Profession Professoor, microbiologist, university lecturer

Hardial Bains (Punjabi: ਹਰਦਿਆਲ ਬੈਂਸ; 15 August 1939 – 24 August 1997) was an Indian-born Canadian microbiology lecturer, but was primarily known as the founder of a series of left-wing movements and parties foremost of which was the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist–Leninist) (CPC (ML)). Presenting himself as staunchly anti-revisionist and pro-Stalinist, until his death, Bains acted the spokesperson and ideological leader of the CPC (ML) — known in elections as the Marxist–Leninist Party of Canada. During his lifetime, Bains' outlook swung from supporting the Soviet Union under Joseph Stalin, to Mao Zedong's China, then later to Enver Hoxha's Albania. Shortly before he died, and abandoning his previous sharp criticisms of the country, Bains turned to Fidel Castro's Cuba for inspiration. Spending most of his life in Canada, Bains was also politically active in England, Ireland, United States and India.

Biography

Born in India into a communist Sikh family in the Punjab, Bains became a member of the youth wing of the Communist Party of India (CPI). He was dismayed by what he saw as the revisionism of Nikita Khrushchev following the death of Joseph Stalin. He broke with the party when the CPI, during an underground period, supported Khrushchev's criticisms of Stalin. Shortly after, Bains immigrated to Canada and enrolled as a graduate student in bacteriology at the University of British Columbia, where he was an elected student leader.

In 1963, he helped found the Internationalists, which evolved from a UBC political discussion group into an anti-revisionist organization that supported Mao Zedong's Communist Party of China in the Sino-Soviet split. This organisation (in Canada) became the CPC (ML) with Bains as its founding leader.

In 1965, Bains founded the Internationalists in Ireland, while he was working as a lecturer in microbiology at Trinity College, Dublin. In 1970, they renamed themselves the Communist Party of Ireland (Marxist–Leninist).

In 1967, Bains held a small conference of students in London with the express objective determining the future of the anti-revisionist movement, the "Necessity for Change" conference. While the Irish Communist Organisation disagreed with the other delegates and walked out of the meeting, Bains became known as a leader of the anti-revisionist movement internationally, and assisted in establishing Marxist–Leninist parties around the world.

In addition to founding the CPC (ML) and CPI(ML), Bains is regarded as a major influence on the Revolutionary Communist Party of Britain (Marxist–Leninist), the Communist Party of Trinidad and Tobago, and the Communist Ghadar Party of India. Bains was also responsible for the founding of the Hindustani Ghadar Party (Organisation of Indian Marxist–Leninists Abroad). He held a leading influence in the Marxist–Leninist Party, USA in the 1970s, although it later split from the CPC (ML) and dissolved in 1993. Left publications such as Modern Communism have written articles on this legacy.

Political affiliations

As a young man, Bains was a member of the Communist Party of India, but after the party accepted Nikita Khrushchev's speech, "On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences", he apparently quit, adopting a pro-Stalinist viewpoint.

Later, following the Sino-Soviet split, Bains' groups and parties held a strident pro-China position from the 1960s and into the 1970s. Bains himself openly identified as Maoist. The CPC (ML) was the first significant Maoist formation in Canada, although it was joined by two other Maoist groups in the mid-1970s and Bains engaged in polemics against these groups as well.

With Mao Zedong's death in 1976 and the subsequent Sino-Albanian split, Bains renounced Maoism. Following the leadership of Enver Hoxha and the Party of Labour of Albania (PLA), he became a prominent spokesperson of the PLA's line internationally, agreeing with the conclusion that numerous communist parties had devolved into "social imperialism" (such as Leonid Brezhnev's USSR, Josip Broz Tito's Yugoslavia, Kim Il-sung's North Korea and Fidel Castro's Cuba), while condemning Chinese revisionism, and Eurocommunism.

After the overturn of socialism in Albania, Bains again re-appraised his ideological outlook. He visited Cuba and announced he had changed his outlook towards the country and now viewed it as a successful example of socialism. The CPC (ML) also re-appraised its view of North Korea into a positive light. By the end of his life, Bains' writings made fewer and fewer references to anti-revisionism and socialist revolution, and developed the theme of democratic renewal and the self-empowerment of the people.

Death and legacy

After his death, a memorial was erected in the honour of Bains and other CPC (ML) "fallen comrades" in Ottawa's Beechwood Cemetery which is also the national cemetery of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. Poet George Elliot Clarke published a poem titled "Homage to Hardial Bains" in 2000 in the Oyster Boy Review. Bains' legacy is debated today, and he has been criticized posthumously by a number of writers such as Ben Seattle, a US leftist and former supporter.

Bains wrote several books, including Necessity for Change!, Modern Communism, Visiting Cuba, If You Love Your Class and Thinking About the Sixties, and many articles, pamphlets and speeches.

Sandra L. Smith, his widow, also served as leader of the CPC (ML).

NFC thought

Hardial Bains identified his main line of thinking as "Necessity for Change" or NFC thought. Formulated in the early 1960s, NFC thought brought together a variety of Marxist phraseology and addressed some existentialist ideas popular during that time. His primary concern was how to bring about social revolution and the relationship of this process with the individual. "A successful revolution can transform the world in some very definite direction, but whether it will happen, in the final analysis, is still dependent on the world," Bains wrote, arguing that "Unless it is profoundly appreciated that there is a Necessity for Change at each point [in history and the struggle], and theoretical and practical measures are taken to bring about the change, there is no possibility of creating the subjective conditions for revolution."

The recognition of the Necessity for Change, which created those subjective conditions for revolution, would create a new level of consciousness which broke with the anti-consciousness of bourgeois thought. "The [human] brain reflects the sharpening class contradictions in the society and other developments. Either the individual transforms this reflection into social consciousness and becomes part of the human factor/social consciousness or remains part of the anti-human factor/anti-consciousness," he said, writing that:The battle cry of The Internationalists was "Change the World," while the battle cry of the capitalist class was "change the individual." The NFC analysis of the "I", of the existence of this "relate or relationship" placed the task of changing the world on a profound social basis. A "relate" or "relationship," if it is to be true to itself, must be objective, independent of everyone and dependent on the world. This relate or relationship must be continuously discovered and rediscovered in the course of struggle. It constitutes the centre around which all other consciousness is placed.

But for Bains individual consciousness alone was not sufficient and needed to be joined with a political party. "The crucial ingredient for victory is the human factor/social consciousness, but this factor cannot exist in a vacuum. This factor finds its highest expression in an organisation, which is strengthened on an on-going basis with the sound foundation of a new, modern and revolutionary culture in ideological and social forms," he wrote, adding that "A Communist Party, if it is to realise its tasks in a mature, professional and on-going manner, must develop revolutionary culture in ideological form, on the one hand, and the revolutionisation of culture in social form, on the other."

Bains strongly decried what he termed revisionist parties. "Revisionists and opportunists of various kinds," he wrote, "present the bourgeois social forms as the ideal motivating humanity [...] Besides fighting for "a bigger slice of the pie" and for job security which this system can never provide, these people, as dogmatists and fanatics, oppose everyone fighting for social revolution." Instead, "The act of joining CPC(ML) will itself be a great leap forward for the creation of a new and affirmed humanity, in which every act of human beings becomes another act for that affirmation, the measure of what is truly human." During his time as leader, the CPC (ML) swung from actively supporting Maoist China, to denouncing Maoism and embracing Enver Hoxha's Albania and later, after the over-turn of socialism in that country, a more muted support of North Korea and Cuba.

Bains remained true, however, to his pro-Stalinist orientation, asserting in the late 1980s that "They say that Stalin had a plan to conquer the world. Stalin was alive until 1953. There is not one single country in the world which was occupied by the Soviet Union while Stalin was alive.
जगदेव प्रसाद
जगदेव बाबू एक महान राजनीतिक दूरदर्शी थे, वे हमेशा शोषित समाज की भलाई के बारे में सोचा और इसके लिए उन्होंने पार्टी तथा विचारधारा किसी को महत्त्व नहीं दिया। मार्च 1970 में जगदेव बाबू के दल के समर्थन से दरोगा प्रसाद राय मुख्यमंत्री बने।

बिहार में राजनीति का प्रजातंत्रीकरण को स्थाई रूप देने के लिए उन्होंने सामाजिक-सांस्कृतिक क्रान्ति की आवश्यकता महसूस किया। वे रामस्वरूप वर्मा द्वारा स्थापित 'अर्जक संघ' (स्थापना 1 जून, 1968) में शामिल हुए। 7 अगस्त 1972 को शोषित दल तथा रामस्वरूप वर्मा जी की पार्टी 'समाज दल' का एकीकरण हुआ और 'शोषित समाज दल' नमक नयी पार्टी का गठन किया गया। एक दार्शनिक तथा एक क्रांतिकारी के संगम से पार्टी में नयी उर्जा का संचार हुआ। जगदेव बाबू पार्टी के राष्ट्रीय महामंत्री के रूप में जगह-जगह तूफानी दौरा आरम्भ किया। वे नए-नए तथा जनवादी नारे गढ़ने में निपुण थे. सभाओं में जगदेव बाबू के भाषण बहुत ही प्रभावशाली होते थे, जहानाबाद की सभा में उन्होंने कहा था-

दस का शासन नब्बे पर, नहीं चलेगा, नहीं चलेगा.सौ में नब्बे शोषित है, नब्बे भाग हमारा है।धन-धरती और राजपाट में, नब्बे भाग हमारा है॥

-जगदेव प्रसाद

मानववाद की क्या पहचान- ब्रह्मण भंगी एक सामान, पुनर्जन्म और भाग्यवाद- इनसे जन्मा ब्राह्मणवाद।

-जगदेव प्रसाद

इसी समय बिहार में कांग्रेस की तानाशाही सरकार के खिलाफ जे.पी. के नेतृत्व में विशाल छात्र आन्दोलन शुरू हुआ और राजनीति की एक नयी दिशा-दशा का सूत्रपात हुआ। मई 1974 को 6 सूत्री मांगो को लेकर पूरे बिहार में जन सभाएं की तथा सरकार पर भी दबाव डाला गया लेकिन भ्रष्ट प्रशासन पर इसका कोई असर नहीं पड़ा, जिससे 5 सितम्बर 1974 से राज्य-व्यापी सत्याग्रह शुरू करने की योजना बनी।

मृत्यु

'5 सितम्बर 1974' को जगदेव बाबू हजारों की संख्या में 'शोषित समाज' का नेतृत्व करते हुए अपने दल का काला झंडा लेकर आगे बढ़ने लगे। कुर्था में तैनात डी.एस.पी. ने सत्याग्रहियों को रोका तो जगदेव बाबू ने इसका प्रतिवाद किया और विरोधियों के पूर्वनियोजित जाल में फंस गए। सत्याग्रहियों पर पुलिस ने अचानक हमला बोल दिया। जगदेव बाबू चट्टान की तरह जमें रहे और और अपना क्रांतिकारी भाषण जरी रखा, निर्दयी पुलिस ने उनके ऊपर गोली चला दी। गोली सीधे उनके गर्दन में जा लगी, वे गिर पड़े। पुलिस घायलावस्था में उन्हें पुलिस स्टेशन ले गयी। पानी-पानी चिल्लाते हुए जगदेव जी ने थाने में ही अंतिम सांसे ली।

लोकप्रिय संस्कृति में

बिहार में विभिन्न स्थानों का नाम बाबू जगदेव प्रसाद के नाम पर रखा गया है। उनकी याद में कई प्रतिमाओं का भी अनावरण किया गया है।

Jhuma Solanki
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jhuma Solanki

Member of the Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly
Incumbent
Assumed office
Constituency Bhikangaon
Personal details
Born 2 April 1967
Badia
Nationality India
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Dr. Dhyan singh Solanki
Education LLB
Profession Politician
As of 27 July, 2018
Source: ["Biography:Solanki, Jhuma" (PDF). Vidhan Sabha, Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly.]

Jhuma Solanki is an Indian politician and a member of the Indian National Congress party.
Personal life
She is married to Dr. Dhyan Singh Solanki and has two daughters.
Political career
She became an MLA for the first time in 2013.
Jual Oram
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jual Oram

In office
26 May 2014 – 24 May 2019
Prime Minister Narendra Modi
Preceded by Kishore Chandra Deo
Succeeded by Arjun Munda
In office
13 October 1999 – 22 May 2004
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
Preceded by Post created
Succeeded by Paty Ripple Kyndiah

Assumed office
26 May 2014
Preceded by Hemananda Biswal
Constituency Sundargarh
In office
10 March 1998 – 18 May 2009
Preceded by Frida Topno
Succeeded by Hemananda Biswal
Constituency Sundargarh
Personal details
Born 22 March 1961
Sundargarh, Odisha, India
Nationality Indian
Political party Bharatiya Janata Party
Spouse(s) Jhingia Oram
Children 2

Jual Oram (born 22 March 1961) is a member of the 17th Lok Sabha of India. He represents the Sundargarh constituency of Odisha and is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). He was also a member of the 12th, 13th, 14th Lok Sabha and 16th Lok Sabha. He was chosen as one of the Cabinet Ministers of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. He is a former Cabinet Minister in the Government of India. He is now the Vice-President of the Bharatiya Janata Party and is one of the party's senior most leaders from the State of Odisha, being one of two founding Legislative Assembly Members from the Bharatiya Janata Party in the state of Odisha. He has served as the president of the Bharatiya Janata Party in the state of Orissa for over four years. He served as leader of opposition party from BJP side in Odisha legislative assembly.

Early life

Oram was born on 22 March 1961 into a poor tribal family at the village of Kendudihi, Sundergarh district, Orissa (present-day Odisha) to Dilga and Bhutuki Oram. He received a diploma in Electrical Engineering from Utkalmani Gopabandhu Institute of Engineering. Before entering politics, he was employed as an assistant foreman in Bharat Heavy Electricals Limited. In an interview to The Telegraph (Calcutta), Oram said that he would have continued his job in the organization if he had not entered politics.

Political career

In 1989, Oram joined Bharatiya Janata Party. He was elected to the Odisha Legislative Assembly from Bonai constituency in the following year and served for two terms until 1998.[6] He served as the party's national vice-president for the BJP ST Morcha (Scheduled Tribes wing) between 1993 and 1995. After serving two years as national secretary of the party, he was appointed party president for the state unit in 1997 and remained in that position until 1999.

In 1998, Oram was elected to the Lok Sabha from Sundargarh constituency. He was re-elected to the parliament in the following year. After Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee created the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, he was sworn as its first ever minister on 13 October.

In 2004, Oram was re-elected as party president for the state unit and served for two years. On 17 May of the same year, he was re-elected to the Lok Sabha for the third time from his constituency. From 2006 to 2009, he served as the party's national vice-president.

Oram lost from his Sundargarh constituency in 2009. On 22 December 2009, he was made the party president of the state unit for the third time. In July 2012, he alleged that former Chief Minister of Odisha Hemananda Biswal had forged his caste certificate. On 1 April 2013, he was appointed vice president of the party.

On 18 May 2014, Oram was re-elected to the Lok Sabha from the Sundargarh constituency after defeating Dilip Tirkey of the Biju Janata Dal. He was also the only candidate of Bharatiya Janata Party to win from Odisha. On 26 May, he took oath as the Tribal Affairs minister in the Narendra Modi ministry. In the following month, he announced that the central government would create a tribal map of India which would help in introducing new projects and schemes for the tribals.

Personal life

On 8 March 1987, he married Jhingia Oram and they have two daughters.
Controversies

In 2015, Oram stoked a controversy by equating Sarnaism with Hinduism. Carrying black flags and banners, nearly 300 tribals gathered around the state guesthouse in Ranchi on 31 October and demanded an apology from him for allegedly hurting their sentiments
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jual_Oram
J. Geeta Reddy
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Early life

Geeta Reddy is the daughter of Eshwari Bai, a former Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) and President of the Republican Party of India. She studied medicine at Osmania Medical College, Hyderabad and became a Member of the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists, London in 1989.

Career

Reddy worked as a gynaecologist. She lived in Australia from 1971 to 1977, in London from 1977 to 1980 and in Saudi Arabia from 1980 to 1982. She then returned to India.

Political career

Reddy and her husband, Ramachandra Reddy, established a medical practice in Saudi Arabia. In 1985, upon the request of Rajiv Gandhi, the couple returned to India so that Geeta could work on behalf of the Indian National Congress party. She contested elections for the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly in 1989 and became MLA for Gajwel in Medak district. She won that constituency again in 1999 and 2004.

In the 2009 elections, Reddy was parachuted into the Zahirabad constituency, which had elected INC candidates in every election bar one since 1957. Converted to a seat reserved for candidates from the Scheduled Castes, the constituency had been held for a decade by the INC's Mohammed Fareeduddin, who commanded much local respect but was forced by this decision to contest the election elsewhere and lost. She won the seat and did so again in 2014, despite allegations that Fareeduddin had been encouraging his local supporters to vote for any party except the INC. On this occasion, the election was for a seat in the newly created Telangana Legislative Assembly that was created as part of the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh.
.
Reddy was a minister in the She was INC leader in the legislative assembly during the Rosaiah government.

Member of Legislative Assembly

YearConstituencyPolitical Party 1989 Gajwel INC
2004 Gajwel INC
2009 Zahirabad INC
2014 Zahirabad INC

Portfolios held

1989-1994: Minister for Tourism, Culture, Social Welfare, Sports, Secondary Education and Protocol.
1995-1998: General Secretary, Pradesh Congress Committee (PCC)
1998-2000: Executive Member of PCC
2000-2004: President, Andhra Pradesh Mahila Congress Committee.
2004-2009: Minister for Tourism, Sugar and Major Industries commerce and Export promotion.
2009–2010: Minister for Information and Public relations, Tourism, Culture, FDC, Archaeology, Museums & Archives, Cinematography.
2010–2014: Minister for Major Industries, Sugar, Commerce and Export promotion
Reddy was also for some time around 2013 in charge of the Home department in the Andhra Pradesh government whilst also holding the Major Industries portfolio. In the same year, the Telugu Desam Party had demanded that she be dismissed as a minister due to her being one of the co-accused named by the Central Bureau of Investigation in its work on a case relating to alleged illegal assets held by Y. S. Jaganmohan Reddy. The matter was dropped, with one of her co-accused, Mopidevi Venkataramana Rao, claiming that the Chief Minister, Kiran Kumar Reddy, had intervened.
In April 2016, Reddy was appointed as chairman of the Telangana Legislative Assembly's Public Accounts Committee.

Personal life

J. Geeta Reddy is married to Dr. Ramachandra Reddy. Her husband owns Geetha Multi Speciality Hospital Secunderabad, Eashwari Bai Memorial Center Hospital, Eashwari Bai School Of Nursing and Eashwari Bai College Of Nursing. She has a daughter.

Around 1980, after Reddy's husband had suffered a stroke and was not responding well to conventional medicine, the couple visited Sathya Sai Baba. She has expressed admiration for him, noting that her husband's health began to improve soon after the meeting, and has been described as a devotee.

Sports

President of Andhra Pradesh Women's Cricket Association
Social service

Vice President Indian Red Cross Society, Andhra Pradesh
Branch, Life Trustee, Indian Council of Child Welfare
Chairperson, Eashwari Bai Memorial Trust.
Former member of Central Social Welfare Board.
Former Senate member of Osmania University.

Awards

Mahila Shiromani
Unity award for National Integration Forum
2008: Indira Gandhi Sadbhavana Award
2008: Millennium Star Award
2014: ALL Ladies League, Hyderabad Women of the Decade Achievers Award for Excellence in Public Administration
JV Pawar

JV Pawar interview: ‘The government is saying that anyone who supports Dalits will be jailed’
The BJP government wants to teach a lesson to Dalit activists and their supporters, says the co-founder of the Dalit Panther party.

Ajaz Ashraf

JV Pawar/Facebook

On May 29, 1972, a group of young men in Bombay established the Dalit Panther, a social and cultural organisation. Until it was disbanded five years later, the organisation blazed a trail, organising protests against the atrocities committed on Dalits, and fighting pitched street battles against the state. Its combative approach inspired Dalits to demand the rights guaranteed to them under the Constitution.

Among the Dalit Panther’s founders was JV Pawar, whose recent book, Dalit Panthers: An Authoritative History, narrates the story of the Dalit movement that he and others spearheaded. Pawar is now 75 years old and is advisor and spokesperson of the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh, an outfit headed by Prakash Ambedkar, the grandson of BR Ambedkar.

Pawar has dedicated his entire life to the Dalit movement. It provided him a perch to track the changing nature of both Dalit assertion and the Indian state’s tactics to tackle it. In an interview with Scroll.in, Pawar deciphered what the arrest of human rights activists in June and August implies for society in India at large and Dalits in particular. Do Dalits need a new movement to address the problems and aspirations that are different those they encountered in the 1970s?

 Excerpts:

Five human right activists were arrested in June and another five in August. Their arrests have been linked to the Elgaar Parishad, which was held on December 31, 2017. The police hold the Parishad responsible for the violence in Bhima Koregaon village on January 1, and claim it was part of a Maoist strategy to overthrow the Narendra Modi government. What implications does this accusation have for Dalits and their politics?

The 10 who have been arrested are not known to me personally. I am only acquainted with Anand Teltumbde, who was raided but not arrested. He is a Maharashtrian and writes for the Economic and Political Weekly. But if you were to identify [the ideological orientation of] the 10 through [their association with] Teltumbde, you cannot but conclude that their aim could not have been the destruction of the country.

Why do you say that?

Teltumbde is an Ambedkarite. The raid on him was part of the action the state took against the other 10. This can only mean that they too subscribe to Teltumbde’s line. Teltumbde works for the social reconstruction of India, not its destruction.

Why do you think the police have linked all of them to a Maoist conspiracy against the Indian state?

All of them, regardless of whether they were arrested or merely raided, believe in the Constitution. This means they believe in democracy and value equality. Those opposing them are not democratic. They do not subscribe to democracy’s essence – which is equality. No Hindu can be democratic and no democratic man considers himself a Hindu.

Why do you say that?

I say it because Hinduism is based on the inequality [of the caste system]. On the other hand, the Constitution is based on the principle of equality. The current government considers itself as a Hindu government. The people who run this government belong to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Since its establishment in 1925, its goal has been to establish a Hindu Raj. So the human rights activists are paying a price for being democratic.

Will the crackdown on them have an impact Dalit politics?

They have not come from or belong to Dalit politics as, for instance, I do.

Sure, but the crackdown on them is linked to the Bhima Koregaon violence. It consequently does become an attack on Dalit politics, doesn’t it?

Listen brother, I was there on the stage on December 31 when the Elgaar Parishad was held. I did not hear the [compere announce the] names of any of these 10 people. Even Teltumbde was not there. I know him. I would have identified him. What I am trying to say is that there is absolutely no link between the Elgaar Parishad and the violence on January 1.

The police are saying just the opposite.
On the night of December 31, I stayed at a friend’s place in Pune. Early morning on January 1, I started for Bhima Koregaon. I am now 75 years old. I was thirsty. Not a single hotel was open. I had run out of water. I could not get water to quench my thirst. It was all pre-planned – it was ensured that those going to Bhima Koregaon should not get food to eat or water to drink.

Are you suggesting that it was the state government that had planned the shutdown?

The government knew there would be a shutdown on January 1. The gram panchayats had passed resolutions to keep business establishments closed. This they did to create difficulties for visitors to Bhima Koregaon. No amenities were provided. In the melee caused by stone throwing, I saw someone with a bottle of water. I requested him to give me a gulp.

I say it was pre-planned for another reason – there were helicopters flying over the road to Bhima Koregaon. Why were the helicopters flying? Who were the people inside the choppers? Were they ministers? These questions have not been asked, nor any inquiry done.

So if it was all planned, what do you think was the motive behind arresting human rights activists five months later, in June, and then another five in August?

What is the history of Bhima Koregaon? Five-hundred Dalit soldiers defeated an army of 25,000 caste Hindus. Lakhs visit Bhima Koregaon. The caste Hindus want to avenge that defeat – the defeat of their ancestors.

There is also the angle of Sanatan Sanstha, whose members have been apprehended for storing arms and bombs. Its members are also alleged to have been involved in the murder of intellectuals. The Sanatan Sanstha members who have been arrested are all caste Hindus. Their possession of bombs and arms suggests the danger they pose to the nation. It is to divert the nation’s attention from them that the theory of Maoists hatching a conspiracy to recruit Dalits for overthrowing the Modi government was hatched.

What message does the arrest of human rights activists convey to society at large and Dalits in particular?

Since the arrested human rights activists believe in the Constitution, the message being conveyed is that they [the Bharatiya Janata Party government] do not recognise the Constitution and, yes, will take revenge for the defeat of Bhima Koregaon.

Isn’t it also like telling people that anyone who supports Dalits will meet the same fate as the 10 human rights activists?

I believe that anyone who has faith in the Constitution and democracy, regardless of which caste or religion he belongs to, is also a Dalit supporter. By arresting the 10 activists, the government is saying that anyone who supports Dalits will be jailed, that their Constitutional rights will be curtailed.

Is there a difference in the nature of atrocities committed against Dalits in the 1970s, when the Dalit Panther surfaced, and what we see today?

The atrocities against Dalits have been continuing for the last 3,000-3,500 years. But what began happening in the 1970s was that some newspapers, not all, began reporting these atrocities. No doubt, the atrocities that the newspapers reported constituted just the tip of the iceberg. But it had an impact – democratic people thought it was unacceptable that such atrocities should be committed against Dalits. For instance, in one particular case the eyes of Dalits were gouged out.

Are you referring to the Gavai brothers, whose eyes were gouged out in Dhakli village in Akola district in 1974?

Yes, you are right. I raised the issue of Gavai brothers. I took them to [then Prime Minister] Indira Gandhi. On seeing them, her eyes welled up with tears. I told her, “Look at the atrocities committed under your rule.”

Are the atrocities against Dalits any different now?

Atrocities against Dalits were committed before the 1970s, during the 1970s and continue even today. But the crucial difference was that in the 1970s, regardless of whether there were Congress or non-Congress governments in the states or at the Centre, those in power believed in democracy, accepted it and consequently gave importance to it. By the way, the BJP did not have a government of its own in any of the states then.

We would take out protest marches and present memoranda to the government, which would accept it. They did not give us bullets in return. The governments of the 1970s also filed cases against us. But they did not invoke laws to prevent us from getting bail. We did not languish in jail for six, eight months – yeh nahin ki, aap jail gayein to gayein. [Not that if you go to jail you would be gone for good.]

But the BJP government is non-democratic. It wants to teach a lesson to Dalit activists and those who support them. They want to teach a lesson to them not of the court and law – that lesson we were given earlier.

But in your book you write that you were beaten by police after the riots in Worli, Bombay, in 1974.

Yes, I was beaten. There were young boys around me. In the melee of protests the police would react instinctively, at times violently. But it was not the case that they would impose an IPC [Indian Penal Code] provision because of which I could not get out of jail for seven or eight months. They would arrest you and you would soon get bail.

Take the five activists who were arrested in June. It just seems they are doomed to stay in jail. This government is scary, this government is revengeful.

Is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s idea of power similar to that of Indira Gandhi?

Indira Gandhi was the daughter of Jawaharlal Nehru, who admired Buddhism, applied the principles of Panchsheel, and was a democrat. Indira Gandhi, too, believed in democracy in the initial years of her political career. But when she grew in strength and acquired greater power, she turned against democracy.

By contrast, Modi acquired great strength at the very beginning of his tenure and consequently became undemocratic at the very inception of his government.

But Gandhi imposed Emergency.

At least, she imposed the Emergency. There was a provision in the Constitution for imposing an Emergency. But these people do not talk of imposing an Emergency. Yet they work against people in a far worse way than what happened during Emergency.

Ideologically, Mrs Gandhi was against democracy. Yet she would sit in Parliament, which also used to function. But Parliament does not even function now. Modi goes to Parliament sirf safai dene ke liyen [to justify his actions]. For Modi, democracy means holding elections every five years.

Has the Dalit mindset changed from what it was in the 1970s?

When [the poet Namdeo] Dhasal and I formed the Dalit Panther in 1972, even people in cities would live in jhuggi-jhopris. They were poor and uneducated. Over the last 40-50 years, they educated their children, some of whom even became IAS officers. So those who were in jhuggi-jhopris moved to chawls, those in chawls shifted to flats and some to bungalows. These are the people who do not face the problems of the 1970s.

What kind of problems do they face now?

Yes, their problem is what I call the white-collar problem. He has a government job, but his service record is spoilt so that he does not get a promotion. Earlier, untouchability was visible. Today, untouchability has become invisible. It has not disappeared, mind you. It means the non-Dalit’s mindset has not changed – what he or she used to think of Dalits he or she still does.

Has not this changed the outlook of Dalits towards politics?

The Dalits I have described to you constitute about 5%-10% or so. They do not readily join street-protests or a movement. In the 1970s, when I was the secretary of the Dalit Panther, I would give a call that we have to go to so and so village. There were no mobiles then. Yet thousands would come. People had problems. They were [economically] insecure. Life has now become relatively secure. People do not wish to risk the security they have achieved. It is not that the percentage of Dalits whose lives have become secure is high. It is not. Yet you do not find the kind of street protestors and fighters the 1970s produced.

However, when a problem that is historical in nature surfaces, the Dalit community unites. Bhima Koregaon is an example. Prakash Ambedkar’s Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh gave a call to observe Maharashtra bandh on Jan 3. Whether a Dalit Brahmin…

...Dalit Brahmin?
People who no longer face the daily problems of life, who do not come out on the street to protest, who do not always support those engaged in the Dalit movement.

So when the call was given to observe the Maharashtra bandh on January 3, Brahmin Dalits and ordinary Dalits united to ensure its success. Maybe some of them did not come out on the street, but they supported us in other ways.

If the life of Dalits has changed from the 1970s, what shape should their politics take?

We want all people to come together to save the Constitution. If we do not save the Constitution we will even lose the right to raise our voice [against injustices], you will not able to write and I will not able to speak to you. We will not have democracy.

Saving the Constitution is not just the responsibility of Dalits, although the entire world knows its architect was Dr BR Ambedkar. It is the responsibility of everyone. Democracy in India is dying. Dalits and others must come together to save it.Support our journalism by subscribing to Scroll+. We welcome your comments at letters@scroll.in.
Jaglal Choudhary
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Choudhary on a 2000 stamp of India

Jaglal Choudhary (5 Feb 1895 – 1 Jan 1975) was an Indian independence activist, dalit leader and politician from Bihar, India. He was also a reformer who championed the causes of women's rights, emancipation of dalits, education and land reforms in Bihar.

Early life and education

Jaglal was born in the Garkha village of Saran district in Bihar to Mushan Choudhary, a Toddy seller of the Pasi caste. He was educated at the Chapra Zilla School, Patna College and the Medical College Calcutta.

Freedom fighter

Choudhary discontinued his medical education and joined the Non Cooperation Movement in 1921 heeding Gandhi's call. He became a member of the District Congress Committee and was arrested for his participation in the Salt Satyagraha. In 1941 he was arrested and jailed for taking part in the Individual Satyagraha and in 1942 at the height of the Quit India Movement he led a satyagraha and captured the police station and post office at Garkha. For this he was arrested and sentenced to five years imprisonment. One of Choudhary's sons was shot dead by the police during the movement. From 23 August 1942 until his release on 30 March 1946 Choudhary remained in prison.

Parliamentarian

Jaglal was first elected to the Bihar Legislative Assembly in 1937 as a Congress candidate and he went on to become the fourth Minister, incharge of Public Health and Excise in the Congress Ministry headed by Premier S K Singh.During his tenure as minister for excise Choudhary introduced prohibition in several districts of Bihar. He was reelected to the Assembly again in 1946 and became Minister for Public Health and Harijan Welfare in the second Congress ministry. Following independence, he successfully contested the General elections of 1952 and was subsequently reelected to the Assembly in the elections of 1957, 1962, 1967 and 1969 from the Garkha reserved constituency.

Reformer

Choudhary was an advocate of social reform in Bihar. During his term as excise minister, he introduced prohibition in Bihar. He was opposed to the caste system and advocated land reforms in Bihar calling for a land ceiling of three acres per family. In 1953 he wrote A Plan to Reconstruct Bharat.

Death and commemoration

Jaglal Choudhary died in 1975. The Jaglal Choudhary College in Chapra is named after him. A commemorative postage stamp on Jaglal Choudhary was released the Department of Posts in 2000.

Dr. Janardan Madhavrao Waghmare



Dr. Janardan Madhavrao Waghmare (born November 11, 1934, in Kautha village, Ausa taluka, Latur district, Maharashtra), often hailed as the "Father of the Latur Pattern," is a distinguished Indian politician, educationist, author, and social reformer. A multilingual scholar with a Ph.D. in English literature, he seamlessly blended academia with public service, serving as a Rajya Sabha Member of Parliament (MP) from Maharashtra (2006–2012) and holding pivotal roles in higher education. Hailing from a modest Marathi-speaking family in the drought-prone Marathwada region, Waghmare's life exemplifies resilience, innovation, and commitment to social equity. At 91 years old as of November 11, 2025—his birth anniversary—his legacy continues to inspire rural Maharashtra, particularly in empowering underprivileged students through transformative educational models. His journey from a small village schoolteacher to a national lawmaker underscores the power of knowledge in bridging caste, class, and regional divides.

Early Life and Education

Born into a farmer's family in the arid landscapes of Marathwada during British India, Waghmare grew up amid economic hardships and limited access to quality education—a common plight in pre-independence rural Maharashtra. His early schooling in Kautha instilled a lifelong passion for learning, despite the challenges of water scarcity and agrarian distress.

Academic Milestones:

1957: B.A. in English, Economics, and Political Science from Nizam College, Osmania University, Aurangabad (then Hyderabad State).
M.A. in English Literature from Nagpur University.
Ph.D. in English (1970s) from Nagpur University, with a thesis titled The Problem of Identity in the Postwar American Negro Novel—a pioneering work exploring racial identity in African-American literature, reflecting his early interest in social justice themes akin to Dalit and marginalized narratives.

Waghmare's education was self-funded through scholarships and part-time teaching, embodying the grit of Marathwada's youth. He began his career as a lecturer in English at various colleges in Aurangabad and Omerga (1959–1962), amassing 35 years of experience in teaching English language and literature.

Professional Career: Revolutionizing Education in Marathwada

Waghmare's true impact lies in education, where he pioneered the "Latur Pattern"—a coaching-centric model that democratized access to competitive exams like IIT-JEE, NEET, and UPSC for rural, economically weaker students. This system, emphasizing rigorous test preparation, group study, and affordable coaching, turned Latur into India's "Coaching Capital," producing thousands of top rankers from humble backgrounds.

Key Positions in EducationDurationNotable ContributionsLecturer/Professor, Various Colleges (Aurangabad, Omerga) 1959–1970 Mentored early batches in English and social sciences; focused on critical thinking for marginalized students.
Principal, Rajarshi Shahu College, Latur 1970–1995 Founded the Latur Pattern in 1970; integrated coaching with curriculum, leading to 100+ toppers in state/national exams. Established libraries and scholarships for SC/ST students.
Founder Vice-Chancellor, Swami Ramanand Teerth Marathwada University, Nanded 1994–2000 Oversaw university's inception; promoted interdisciplinary research and rural outreach programs. Emphasized Marathi-medium education alongside English proficiency.
President, Latur Municipal Council 1990s Advocated urban infrastructure for education hubs; improved water supply and transport for coaching commuters.

Under his principalship at Rajarshi Shahu College (established 1970 by Shiv Chhatrapati Shikshan Sanstha), enrollment surged from hundreds to thousands, with a focus on equity—reserving seats and resources for Dalit and OBC communities. The Latur Pattern's success (e.g., 1990s IIT toppers from farming families) earned him the moniker "Education Architect of Marathwada." He also served on committees like the Maharashtra State Planning Board, District Planning Committees (Beed, Parbhani, Latur), and Pune University's Professor Selection Panel.

Political Career: From Local Governance to National Parliament

Entering politics in the 1980s as a grassroots activist with the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP)—aligned with its founder Sharad Pawar, a fellow Marathwada native—Waghmare leveraged his educational stature for social reform. His politics emphasized rural development, anti-casteism, and Ambedkarite ideals, resonating with Marathwada's diverse electorate.

Key Milestones:

1980s–1990s: Elected President of Latur Municipal Council; championed water conservation and slum rehabilitation, addressing Marathwada's chronic droughts.
2006–2012: Elected to Rajya Sabha (Upper House of Parliament) from Maharashtra on an NCP ticket. As MP, he contributed to debates on education policy (e.g., Right to Education Bill, 2009), rural electrification, and Marathwada's irrigation needs. Filed affidavits declaring modest assets (per MyNeta.info), underscoring his clean image.
Affiliations: Special invitee to Maharashtra Legislative Council; represented Governor on various boards like Maharashtra Sahitya-Sanskruti Mandal and Samaj Prabodhan Sanstha, Pune.

Waghmare's parliamentary tenure (2009 affidavit details available) focused on federalism and regional equity, critiquing urban bias in national budgets. Post-retirement, he advised NCP on Marathwada strategies, mentoring young leaders.

Literary and Social Contributions

A prolific bilingual author (Marathi and English), Waghmare's writings fuse literature, history, and activism, often critiquing colonialism, caste, and identity. With over a dozen books, he bridges academia and public discourse.

Selected WorksYearThemeGulami: Ek Drushtikshep (Marathi) 2008 Slavery and colonial oppression in India.
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and the Struggle for Annihilation of Caste 1990 Ambedkar's anti-caste philosophy; Dalit empowerment.
Swatantrya: Ek Chintan (Marathi) 2016 Reflections on Indian independence and its unfulfilled promises.
Yashwantrao Chavan: Shilpkar of United Maharashtra 2010s Biography praising Chavan's developmental vision.
Ph.D. Thesis: The Problem of Identity in the Postwar American Negro Novel 1970s Racial identity in post-WWII African-American literature.

His essays, like "Mahapurushancha Parajay" (Defeats of Great Men), published in Maharashtra Times, explore how blind followers undermine icons—drawing parallels to modern politics. Waghmare's advocacy for Dalit causes earned him ties with Ambedkarite groups; he unveiled Ambedkar statues and promoted Buddhist studies in curricula.
Awards and Honors

Waghmare's multifaceted contributions have been recognized nationally:

AwardYear

ForShahu Award 2022 Educational reforms in Marathwada.
Dr. Ambedkar Dalit Mitra Award (Govt. of India) 1994 Dalit welfare and anti-caste activism.
Marathwada Gaurav Puraskar 2001 Regional development.
Maharashtra Foundation Award 1996 Literary and social service.
Shastri Seva Puraskar (New Delhi) 2003 Excellence in teaching.
Maharashtra Bhushan Puraskar 2005 Lifetime achievement in education-politics.

These accolades highlight his role as a bridge between Marathi intellectualism and national policy.

Legacy and Personal Life

Dr. Waghmare's enduring legacy is the Latur Pattern, now emulated nationwide (e.g., Kota model influences), uplifting over 50,000 students annually from rural Maharashtra. He married early, raising a family that values education; details remain private, reflecting his low-key persona. Health challenges in his 80s led to semi-retirement, but he remains active in Latur-based NGOs.

On his 91st birthday (November 11, 2025), tributes from NCP leaders and alumni underscore his relevance amid Maharashtra's ongoing education debates. As Marathwada grapples with suicides in coaching hubs, Waghmare's holistic model—balancing academics with mental health—offers timeless lessons. Critics note the Pattern's commercialization, but his vision of "education as emancipation" endures.

 Jogendranath Mandal

Jogendranath Mandal (also spelled Jogendra Nath Mandal) was born on January 29, 1904, in Maistarkandi village, Barisal district, Bengal Presidency, British India (now in Bangladesh). He belonged to the Namasudra community, a Dalit caste historically known as Chandals, which was one of the largest marginalized groups in Bengal and faced severe social and economic oppression under the caste system. As the youngest of six children of Ramdayal Mandal and Sandhyadebi, he grew up in a poor family with limited resources, witnessing firsthand the exploitation of Untouchables and backward classes. Despite these challenges, Mandal pursued education diligently, which became a foundation for his later activism.

Education

Mandal completed his Bachelor of Arts degree in 1932 from Brajamohan (BM) College in Barisal. He then earned a law degree from Calcutta Law College in 1934. Although qualified to practice law, he chose not to pursue a legal career, instead dedicating himself to advocating for the rights of Depressed Classes (a term used for Scheduled Castes at the time). This decision marked the beginning of his shift toward full-time political and social activism.

Entry into Politics and Early Career

Mandal's political journey began in 1937 when he contested and won a seat in the Bengal Legislative Assembly as an independent candidate from the Bakharganj North-East General Rural Constituency, under the Government of India Act of 1935. As a Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA), he focused on issues like rural indebtedness and cooperative credit, eventually serving as the Minister for Co-operative Credit and Rural Indebtedness in Bengal. He emerged as a key leader of the Bengal Scheduled Caste Federation, aligning with B.R. Ambedkar's broader movement for Dalit rights. Mandal played a pivotal role in ensuring Ambedkar's election to the Constituent Assembly from Bengal in 1946, highlighting his influence in Dalit politics.

In the 1940s, Mandal served in various Bengal governments, including those led by A.K. Fazlul Haq and Khawaja Nazimuddin (1943–1945), where he supported Muslim interests while advancing Dalit causes. His alliance with the Muslim League grew from a belief that Muslims and Dalits shared common ground as oppressed groups under upper-caste Hindu dominance. This strategic partnership culminated in 1946 when Muhammad Ali Jinnah nominated him as one of five Muslim League ministers in the interim government of India.

Role in the Partition of India and Formation of Pakistan

Mandal was a staunch supporter of the creation of Pakistan, viewing it as a potential haven for Dalits free from caste-based Hindu oppression. He argued that Scheduled Castes preferred to align with Muslims rather than face continued subjugation under a Hindu-majority India. In August 1947, he presided over the historic session of Pakistan's Constituent Assembly where Jinnah was sworn in as the first Governor-General. Mandal became Pakistan's first Minister of Law and Labour, a position that made him a symbol of minority inclusion in the new nation. He also briefly held the portfolio for Commonwealth and Kashmir Affairs.

However, his time in Pakistan was marked by growing disillusionment. After Jinnah's death in 1948, the government under Liaquat Ali Khan pushed for the Objectives Resolution in 1949, which declared Pakistan an Islamic republic. Mandal opposed this, arguing it marginalized non-Muslims, including Hindus and Dalits. Widespread anti-Hindu riots in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) in 1950, including violence against Dalits in Dhaka, further eroded his position. He resigned on October 8, 1950, citing systemic discrimination against Hindus and the failure to protect minorities. In his resignation letter, he detailed atrocities and bureaucratic biases that made his role untenable.

Return to India and Later Life

Fleeing Pakistan, Mandal returned to India in 1950, settling in West Bengal and acquiring Indian citizenship. He attempted to revive his political career, contesting elections and advocating for Dalit rights amid the challenges of post-Partition refugee crises and caste politics. However, he faced marginalization from mainstream Indian parties and lived in relative obscurity and poverty in his later years. Mandal was elected to the West Bengal Legislative Assembly in 1962 from a reserved seat but struggled to regain his earlier prominence. His efforts focused on social equality, democracy, and combating both casteism and communalism.

Death and Legacy

Jogendranath Mandal passed away on October 5, 1968, at the age of 64 in Bangaon, West Bengal, India. His life spanned three nationalities: British India (1904–1947), Pakistan (1947–1950), and India (1950–1968).

Mandal's legacy is complex and often debated. He is remembered as a pioneering Dalit leader who challenged caste hierarchies and sought alliances beyond traditional boundaries. His decision to join Pakistan has been critiqued, but it stemmed from a genuine fear of upper-caste dominance in India. Scholars highlight his contributions to Dalit recognition and his alliance with Ambedkar, as seen in works like Dwaipayan Sen's The Decline of the Caste Question: Jogendranath Mandal and the Defeat of Dalit Politics in Bengal (2018), which analyzes the decline of autonomous Dalit politics in post-Partition Bengal. In recent years, his story has been invoked in discussions on minority rights, Partition history, and Dalit movements, with figures like the BJP and BSP attempting to claim his legacy during elections. Despite his tragic end, Mandal remains a symbol of resistance against oppression for marginalized communities.

    Krishna Tirath

    Krishna Tirath (born March 3, 1955) is an Indian politician affiliated with the Indian National Congress (INC). She has had a long career in Delhi politics, spanning roles in the Delhi Legislative Assembly and national parliament, with a focus on social welfare, women and child development, and issues affecting marginalized communities.

    Early Life and Education

    • Born in the Karol Bagh area of New Delhi.
    • She holds a Master of Arts (M.A.) and a Bachelor of Education (B.Ed.) from the University of Delhi.

    Political Career

    • Delhi Legislative Assembly:
      • Elected as an MLA multiple times.
      • Served as Deputy Speaker of the Delhi Legislative Assembly.
      • Held cabinet minister positions in the Government of Delhi (under Congress-led governments), with portfolios including Social Welfare, Women and Child Development, and related areas.
    • Lok Sabha (Parliament):
      • Elected to the 15th Lok Sabha (2009–2014) from the North West Delhi constituency, which is a reserved seat for Scheduled Castes (SC).
      • Served as Minister of State (Independent Charge) for Women and Child Development in the Manmohan Singh-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government from May 28, 2009, to May 26, 2014.
      • In this role, she handled key initiatives related to women's empowerment, child welfare, issues of Scheduled Caste women and children, amendments to laws like the Dowry Prohibition Act, and programs for vulnerable groups.
    • Other Contests:
      • Contested from constituencies like Patel Nagar (SC) reserved assembly seat in Delhi elections (e.g., noted as a Congress candidate in 2020 and referenced in later polls).
      • Her political base has often been in reserved (SC) constituencies in Delhi, reflecting her community ties and focus on Dalit and marginalized issues.

    Community Background

    Krishna Tirath belongs to the Scheduled Caste (SC) category. She has contested and won from SC-reserved seats (e.g., North West Delhi Lok Sabha and Patel Nagar assembly), and media reports describe her as a prominent Dalit/community leader from Delhi. She has been involved in advocating for SC women and children, including inaugurating conferences on related development challenges.

    Significance and Later Years

    As one of the few women to hold the independent charge of the Women and Child Development Ministry, she contributed to policy discussions on gender justice, child rights, and social inclusion during the UPA era. Post-2014, she has remained active in Congress politics in Delhi, contesting assembly elections and participating in party activities.

    No major criminal cases are reported against her in public affidavits (e.g., from MyNeta.info during elections). She maintains a low-profile presence in recent years but is recognized as a veteran Congress figure from Delhi's political landscape.

    Khatu Mal Jeewan


    Dr. Khatumal Jeewan     (also known as Khatu Mal Jeewan or simply Khatu Mal Jeewan) is a distinguished Pakistani politician, physician, and advocate for minority rights, particularly for the Hindu Dalit community. Born into the marginalized Menghwar (Meghwar) caste—a Scheduled Caste equivalent among Hindus—he has risen to become Pakistan's most celebrated Dalit leader. As the only Hindu Dalit politician elected eight times to public office, Jeewan has dedicated his career to championing the socio-political empowerment of Dalits and other minorities in Sindh and beyond. His journey from a rural background in Umerkot to the corridors of national and provincial power exemplifies resilience against caste discrimination and political challenges.

    Early Life and Background

    • Birth and Family: Dr. Khatumal Jeewan was born on October 1, 1956, in Umerkot, Sindh Province, Pakistan. His father was Daya Ram (Dayaram), and he hails from the Menghwar community, a Dalit Hindu group traditionally facing socio-economic exclusion and caste-based oppression in rural Sindh. Growing up in the village of Janhero Sharif, Taluka Umerkot, Jeewan experienced firsthand the struggles of marginalized communities, including limited access to education and opportunities, which profoundly shaped his commitment to social justice.
    • Education: Jeewan pursued a career in medicine, earning an MBBS degree from Dow University of Health Sciences (formerly Dow Medical College) in Karachi. As a qualified doctor, he practiced medicine before fully immersing himself in politics, blending his professional expertise with public service.

    Political Career

    Dr. Jeewan's political journey began in the 1980s when he joined the student wing of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), a progressive party known for its inclusive stance on minority rights. He has remained a loyal PPP member throughout his career, despite facing enforced disappearances and political pressures. His elections span provincial, national, and senatorial levels, primarily on reserved minority seats, highlighting his enduring popularity among Hindu voters in Lower Sindh.

    Key milestones in his career include:

    1. Provincial Assembly of Sindh (MPA):
      • Elected in the 1988 Pakistani general election on a PPP minority seat, marking his debut in elected office.
      • Served as MPA from 2011 to 2013 and again from 2013 to 2018.
      • Re-elected in February 2024, taking oath as a member of the 17th Provincial Assembly of Sindh on a reserved minority seat. He currently serves as the Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Minorities’ Affairs.
    2. National Assembly of Pakistan (MNA):
      • Elected four times: First in the 1990 general election (NA-213 Umerkot), followed by re-elections in 1993 and 1997.
      • His 1990–1993 tenure was interrupted by a mysterious disappearance in 1991, after which he was reportedly forced to temporarily quit the PPP amid political turbulence.
      • Rejoined PPP and won again in a 2011 by-election on a reserved minority seat.
      • In 1998, during his 1997–1999 term, he served as Federal Parliamentary Secretary for Population Welfare, focusing on health and family planning initiatives.
    3. Senate of Pakistan:
      • Elected in 2009 as a PPP candidate from Sindh, serving until his resignation in 2011 to contest the National Assembly by-election.
    4. Advisory and Administrative Roles:
      • Appointed Advisor to the Chief Minister of Sindh for the Mines and Minerals Development Department in 2008, contributing to resource management in mineral-rich Tharparkar.
      • Served as Special Assistant to the Chief Minister of Sindh from 2018 to 2023, overseeing minority welfare and development projects.

    Jeewan's consistent victories—eight in total—have made him a trailblazer, breaking caste barriers in Pakistani politics and inspiring the rise of Meghwar leaders in Lower Sindh.

    Contributions and Legacy

    • Advocacy for Dalit and Minority Rights: As a vocal proponent of Dalit assertion, Jeewan has highlighted caste discrimination within Hindu communities and pushed for affirmative action. His 2017 speech on the "Rise of Meghwars in Local Politics" underscored how his success has empowered other Dalit voices, fostering greater representation in Sindh's assemblies.
    • Minority Empowerment: Through his roles in the National Assembly, Senate, and Sindh Assembly, he has advocated for policies on education, healthcare, and economic upliftment for Hindus and other minorities. As Chairperson of the Standing Committee on Minorities’ Affairs, he continues to address issues like forced conversions and land rights.
    • Social Justice and PPP Loyalty: Jeewan's endurance through political upheavals, including the 1991 incident, exemplifies his dedication to PPP's egalitarian ideals. He has been instrumental in mobilizing minority votes for the party in Umerkot and Tharparkar districts.
    • Inspirational Figure: Often called Pakistan's "most celebrated Dalit leader," his story motivates young Dalits to enter politics, challenging feudal and caste hierarchies in rural Sindh.

    Personal Life and Current Status

    • Dr. Jeewan maintains a low-profile personal life, residing between his permanent home in Janhero Sharif, Umerkot, and a local address in Karachi (Sea Rock, Block 1). He is known for his humility and accessibility, often engaging directly with constituents.
    • As of October 2025, at age 69, he remains active in politics as a sitting MPA in the Sindh Assembly and a senior PPP leader. Recent health concerns were reported in 2022 when he was hospitalized, but he recovered and continued his duties. No major updates from 2025 indicate ongoing involvement in provincial affairs, including minority welfare amid regional elections.

    Key Achievements

    • Elected public representative eight times: 1x Senator, 4x MNA, 3x MPA (including 2024 term).
    • First Hindu Dalit to achieve such repeated electoral success in Pakistan.
    • Federal Parliamentary Secretary for Population Welfare (1998).
    • Advisor/Special Assistant to Sindh CM (2008, 2018–2023).
    • Chairperson, Standing Committee on Minorities’ Affairs, Sindh Assembly (current).
    • MBBS graduate and practicing doctor, symbolizing upward mobility for Dalits.

    Dr. Khatumal Jeewan's legacy lies in his unyielding fight against caste inequities, making him a beacon for inclusive democracy in Pakistan. If you'd like more on specific events, such as his 2017 speech or recent legislative work, let me know!

    K. H. Muniyappa
    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
    K.H. Muniyappa
    K.H. Muniappa takes over the charge of Minister of State for Road Transport and Highways in New Delhi on May 24, 2004

    Union Minister of State(Independent charge), Minister of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises
    In office
    28 October 2012 – 26 May 2014
    Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh
    Preceded by Vayalar Ravi
    Succeeded by Kalraj Mishra
    In office
    1991–2019
    Constituency Kolar
    Personal details
    Born 7 March 1948
    Kammadhalli shidlaghatta, Karnataka
    Political party INC
    Spouse(s) M. Nagarathnamma
    Children 1 son and 4 daughters
    Residence Bangalore
    Awards Doctorate
    As of 25 September, 2006
    Source:

    K.H. Muniyappa (born 7 March 1948) was a member of the 10th,11th,12th,13th, 14th, 15th,16th Lok Sabha of India. He has consecutively represented the Kolar constituency of Karnataka in the Lok Sabha since 1991 and is a member of the Indian National Congress (INC) political party. He was the Union Minister of State (Independent charge) of Minister of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises.

    Political career

    He belongs to Madiga (Sakkiliar) community.

    Muniyappa has represented Kolar seven times consecutively: (10th Lok Sabha, 11th Lok Sabha, 12th Lok Sabha, 13th Lok Sabha, 14th Lok Sabha, 15th Lok Sabha and 16th Lok Sabha). He lost the 2019 elections to a largely unknown face S. Muniswamy by more than one lakh votes. Muniyappa blamed his own partymen for his defeat. He said his party's legislators worked against him, resulting in his defeat.

    Muniyappa was the Union Minister of state for Minister of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises. He was administered the oath of office along with 59 other ministers on 28 May 2009 by President of India Pratibha Patil.

    Degrees and posts held

    1969 onwards Vice-Convenor, Congress (I) Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) Cell, District. Kolar, Karnataka.

    1978-83 Vice-President, Taluk Development Board, Sidlaghatta, District. Kolar, Karnataka.

    1991 Elected to 10th Lok Sabha

    Member, Pradesh Congress Committee (P.C.C.) (I), Legal Cell, Karnataka

    Member, Executive Committee, P.C.C. (I) SC and ST Cell, Karnataka

    Vice-President, Taluk Congress (I) Committee, Sidlaghatta, District. Kolar, Karnataka

    Member, District Congress Committee (D.C.C.) (I), Dist. Kolar, Karnataka

    Member, Food and Civil Supplies (Eradication of Adulteration Committee), District. Kolar, Karnataka

    1994 Joint Secretary, All India Congress Committee (A.I.C.C.)

    1996 Re-elected to 11th Lok Sabha (2nd term)

    1996-97 Member, Committee on Industry

    Member, Committee on Subordinate Legislation

    Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Welfare

    1998 Re-elected to 12th Lok Sabha (3rd term)

    1998-99 Member, Committee on Industry

    Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment

    Special Invitee, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Steel and Mines

    1999 Re-elected to 13th Lok Sabha (4th term)

    1999-2000 Member, Committee on Industry

    2004 Re-elected to 14th Lok Sabha(5th term)

    23 May 2004 onwards Union Minister of State, Ministry of Shipping, Road Transport & Highways

    2009 Re-elected to 15th Lok Sabha (6th term)

    2009 - 28 Oct. 2012 Union Minister of State, Railways

    28 Oct. 2012 Union Minister of State (Independent Charge), Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises

    2014 Re-elected to 16th Lok Sabha (7th term)
    Awards
    Honorary Doctorate - 32nd Annual Convocation of Gulbarga University (2014)
    K.L. Balmiki
    From Wikipedia
    Kanhaiya Lal Balmiki

    In office
    1952—1967
    Succeeded by Ram Charan
    Constituency Khurja, Uttar Pradesh
    Personal details
    Born 14 March 1919
    Village Khanai, Baluchistan, British India
    Died 2 September 1985 (aged 66)
    Political party Indian National Congress
    Spouse(s) Ramavati Devi
    Children 3

    Kanhaiya Lal Balmiki (14 March 1919 — 2 September 1985) was an Indian politician. He was elected to the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India from the Khurja constituency of Uttar Pradesh as a member of the Indian National Congress.

    Balmiki was born 14 March 1919 in the village of Khanai (Baluchistan). He was educated in Government Intermediate College, Allahabad and Meerut College. Married to Ramavati Devi on June 15, 1941, they have two sons and two daughters.

    Balmiki actively participated in the Quit India Movement. As a student, he participated several times in Hartal and Satyagraha. He was imprisoned as a political detainee during 1943—1945.

    Kailash Chandra Meghwal

    Kailash Meghwal: 'Unscrupulous persons have become Rajasthan BJP functionaries… Raje knows everything' | Political Pulse News - The Indian ExpressKailash Chandra Meghwal is a veteran Indian politician from Rajasthan, known for his long career spanning over six decades, primarily with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). He is recognized as a prominent Dalit leader from the Meghwal community, which is classified as a Scheduled Caste. As of 2026, he is 91 years old and has held numerous high-profile positions at both state and national levels, including serving as a Union Minister, Speaker of the Rajasthan Legislative Assembly, and multiple terms as an MLA and MP.

    Kailash Meghwal: 'Unscrupulous persons have become Rajasthan BJP functionaries… Raje knows everything' | Political Pulse News - The Indian Express

    Early Life and Education

    Born on March 22, 1934, in Majwada village, Udaipur district, Rajasthan (then part of Udaipur State in British India), Meghwal hails from a family traditionally involved in weaving, agricultural labor, and handicrafts. He completed his Master of Arts (MA) and Bachelor of Laws (LLB) from the University of Rajasthan, Jaipur, in the 1950s. Before entering politics, he worked as a lawyer and served as president of the Udaipur Bar Association. He was also a member of the senate of Udaipur University. Meghwal is unmarried and resides in Udaipur, Rajasthan.

    Political Career

    Meghwal's political journey began in the early 1960s with the Praja Socialist Party. He later joined the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (the ideological precursor to the BJP) in the late 1960s, and briefly aligned with the Janata Party. He was imprisoned during the Emergency period from 1975 to 1977 for his opposition activities.

    His electoral success started in 1977 when he was first elected to the Rajasthan Legislative Assembly as an MLA from the Shahpura (SC) constituency in Bhilwara district, representing the Janata Party. He went on to win multiple terms as an MLA under the BJP banner. Meghwal also served as a Member of Parliament (MP) in the Lok Sabha on three occasions.

    Here is a summary of his key electoral victories:

    YearPositionConstituencyPartyNotes
    1977MLA (Rajasthan Assembly)Shahpura (SC), BhilwaraJanata PartyFirst term; Served in Janata Party government as a minister (1977-1978).
    1980MLAShahpura (SC)BJPSecond term (1977-1985 covered two elections).
    1989MP (9th Lok Sabha)JaloreBJP
    1990MLAShahpura (SC)BJPThird term.
    1993MLAShahpura (SC)BJPFourth term; Served as Home Minister of Rajasthan (1993-1998).
    2001MP (13th Lok Sabha)TonkBJPBy-election.
    2004MP (14th Lok Sabha)TonkBJP
    2008MLAShahpura (SC)BJPFifth term (2008-2013).
    2013MLAShahpura (SC)BJPSixth term.
    2018MLAShahpura (SC)BJPSeventh term; Won by a margin of 74,542 votes at age 84, making him the oldest elected legislator in Rajasthan at the time.

    In the 2023 Rajasthan Assembly elections, after his expulsion from the BJP, Meghwal contested as an Independent from Shahpura (SC) but finished third with 34,783 votes (18.85%), behind BJP's Lalaram Bairwa (100,135 votes) and Congress's Narendra Kumar Regar (40,837 votes).

    Key Positions Held

    • Union Minister of State for Social Justice and Empowerment: Served from May 24, 2003, to May 22, 2004, in the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government.
    • Home Minister of Rajasthan: 1993-1998 under Chief Minister Bhairon Singh Shekhawat.
    • Speaker of Rajasthan Legislative Assembly: January 22, 2014, to January 15, 2019.
    • National Vice President of BJP: Held this position until his suspension in 2023.
    • Other roles: Cabinet Minister in Bhairon Singh Shekhawat's government (1994-1998) and various party organizational positions.

    Controversies and Recent Activities

    In September 2023, Meghwal was suspended from the BJP after publicly accusing Union Law Minister Arjun Ram Meghwal (no relation) of corruption. He claimed the minister was involved in unethical practices and criticized the party's leadership for allowing "unscrupulous persons" into key positions. This led to his expulsion, after which he contested the 2023 elections independently, alleging that the BJP's anti-corruption drive under Prime Minister Narendra Modi was "weak." There were speculations he might join the Congress, but he ran as an Independent.

    Post-2023, there have been limited public activities reported. In March 2025, he received public birthday wishes, indicating he remains a respected figure in political circles. As of 2026, no major new developments or returns to active politics are noted in available sources.

    Personal Life and Legacy

    Meghwal is known for his dedication to public service and advocacy for Scheduled Caste communities. His affidavits from elections show modest assets, with no criminal cases in recent filings (though a minor IPC Section 120B charge was noted in older records). He has been celebrated as the oldest active politician in Rajasthan, winning elections well into his 80s. His career highlights the rise of Dalit leadership within the BJP, though his later fallout underscores internal party tensions. Meghwal's contributions to Rajasthan politics, particularly in social justice and law, continue to be acknowledged.

      L. N. Hardas

      L. N. Hardas (full name: Hardas Laxmanrao Nagrale), popularly known as Babu Hardas, was a pioneering Indian Dalit leader, politician, social reformer, and ardent follower of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. He is best remembered as the originator of the iconic greeting "Jai Bhim" (meaning "Victory to Bhim" — referring to Ambedkar's first name, Bhimrao), which has become a widespread symbol of solidarity, empowerment, and greeting among Ambedkarites and Dalits across India.

      Early Life and Background

      • Born: January 6, 1904, in Kamthi (near Nagpur), in the Central Provinces (now Maharashtra), British India.
      • Died : 12 January 1939
      • Family: From a Mahar family (a Dalit community), which was historically disadvantaged and considered "untouchable" under the caste system.
      • Father: Laxmanrao Nagrale, a clerk in the Railway Department.
      • Education: Completed matriculation (high school) from Patwardhan High School, Nagpur — a significant achievement for a Dalit in that era. He also studied Sanskrit under Swami Brahmanand of the Arya Samaj.
      • Marriage: Married Sahubai in 1920 at age 16, following social customs of the time.

      His life was tragically short — he died of tuberculosis on January 12, 1939, at just 35 years old.

      Social Reform and Activism

      Hardas began his social work remarkably early:

      • At age 17 (1921), he founded the weekly newspaper Maharatha from Nagpur to spread social awareness and awaken Dalits.
      • In 1922, he established the Mahar Samaj organization to unite the community.
      • Formed Mahar Samaj Pathak, a voluntary corps to protect Dalits from atrocities and organize youth.
      • Strongly advocated education for Dalits: Started night schools in Kamthi in 1927 (with 86 boys and 22 girls enrolled) and the Sant Chokhamela Library.
      • Promoted women's empowerment: Opened a Mahila Ashram in Nagpur for training Dalit women in household and daily activities.
      • Economic upliftment: Initiated cooperative beedi (hand-rolled cigarette) work to protect exploited Dalit workers (mostly women and children) from middlemen.
      • Opposed superstition and sub-caste divisions: Organized community dinners crossing sub-caste lines on the death anniversary of saint Chokhamela; criticized irrational customs and idol worship (e.g., urged followers at a 1927 Ramtek meeting to stop idol worship and bathing in polluted tanks, while supporting anti-inequality actions like the 1930 Kalaram Temple Entry Satyagraha led by Ambedkar).

      Literary Contributions

      A prolific writer, he used his pen for social change:

      • Authored Mandal Mahatme (1924) — distributed free to fight social evils; it influenced Dalits to stop watching plays based on Hindu gods.
      • Wrote and staged the play Veer Balak (Brave Child) for awareness.
      • Published collections like Songs of the Market and Songs of the Hearth.
      • Contributed articles to Weekly Janta, edited by Dr. Ambedkar.

      Political Career

      • Met Dr. Ambedkar in 1928, which accelerated his political activities.
      • Testified before the Simon Commission (1928) on Dalit issues.
      • During the Second Round Table Conference (1930–31), he sent multiple telegrams (32 in total from various leaders) to British PM Ramsay MacDonald affirming Ambedkar as the true leader of untouchables (not Gandhi).
      • Key organizer of the 1930 Nagpur Conference of Depressed Classes (presided by Ambedkar), which demanded separate electorates and formed the All India Depressed Classes Federation (Hardas served as joint secretary).
      • Joined the Independent Labour Party (ILP) in 1936, founded by Ambedkar.
      • Became General Secretary of ILP in Central Provinces and Berar.
      • Elected as the first MLA from Nagpur-Kampti constituency in the 1937 provincial elections (despite facing opposition, including threats from a wealthy Congress rival).
      • Nominated ILP branch president in 1938.

      Legacy

      Babu Hardas's life is often described as a "comet" — brief but brilliantly illuminating for the Dalit movement. His biggest enduring contribution is coining "Jai Bhim" around 1935 (inspired by Islamic greetings like "Salaam Alaikum" and rejecting alternatives like "Jai Ramapati"). It started as a response to "Bal Bhim" and evolved into the mutual greeting used today.

      • His efforts helped organize and empower Dalits in Vidarbha (Nagpur region).
      • A 2016 film, Bole India Jai Bhim, was made about his life.
      • Training camps and memorials (like Babu Hardas L N Training Camp in Nagpur) honor his memory.

      In the context of your previous questions about disadvantaged communities — yes, L. N. Hardas belonged to the Mahar community, which falls under the Dalit (formerly "untouchable"/Scheduled Caste) category — one of the most historically oppressed and disadvantaged groups in India's caste system. He rose from this background to become a trailblazer in education, labor rights, politics, and Ambedkarite ideology.

      Today (January 12, 2026), marks the 87th death anniversary of Babu Hardas — a fitting day to remember his contributions to social justice and equality!

      Maragatham Chandrasekar

      Maragatham Chandrasekar was a pioneering Indian politician from Tamil Nadu, a stalwart of the Indian National Congress (INC), and a significant figure in India's post-independence political landscape. As a Dalit woman who broke gender and caste barriers, she played a key role in advocating for social welfare, women's rights, and the upliftment of marginalized communities. She was also involved in India's freedom struggle, aligning with the INC’s non-violent resistance against British colonial rule. Below is a comprehensive overview of her life, contributions, and legacy.

      Early Life

      • Birth and Family: Born on November 11, 1917, in Madras (now Chennai), Tamil Nadu, to Vidwan Kalathur Muniswami Pillai, a scholar, and an unnamed mother (details scarce). Her father’s title "Vidwan" suggests a family that valued education despite their marginalized status. Maragatham belonged to the Dalit (Scheduled Caste) community, specifically from the Adi Dravida or similar subgroup, which faced severe discrimination under colonial and caste systems.
      • Education: She pursued a BSc from an Indian university (likely in Madras) and later traveled to the United Kingdom for further studies, earning diplomas in domestic science, dietetics, and institution management. This advanced education was rare for women, especially Dalit women, in her era.
      • Early Influences: Growing up in pre-independence India, she witnessed colonial oppression and caste-based inequities. Her exposure to the Indian National Congress’s freedom movement, led by figures like Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, inspired her early activism. Her Dalit identity fueled her commitment to social justice.

      Role in the Freedom Struggle

      • Congress Involvement: Maragatham joined the Indian National Congress in her youth, participating in the non-violent resistance against British rule. While not a frontline revolutionary like some contemporaries, she contributed to grassroots mobilization in Tamil Nadu, aligning with the INC’s campaigns like the Quit India Movement (1942).
      • Social Advocacy: Even during the freedom struggle, she focused on uplifting marginalized groups, particularly Dalits and women, through community organizing and promoting education. Her work bridged anti-colonial resistance with social reform, reflecting the INC’s broader vision.

      Political Career

      Maragatham Chandrasekar’s political career spanned over four decades, marked by significant roles in both legislative and executive capacities. Her rise as a Dalit woman in a male-dominated, caste-stratified political sphere was groundbreaking.

      • Parliamentary Roles:
        • Lok Sabha: Elected as a Member of Parliament (MP) from Sriperumbudur, Tamil Nadu, in 1952, 1957, and 1962, serving three terms in the Lower House. Her constituency work focused on rural development and social equity.
        • Rajya Sabha: Served as an MP in the Upper House from 1970 to 1976, contributing to national policy debates on health, welfare, and minority rights.
      • Union Government Positions:
        • Deputy Minister for Health (1950s): Worked on expanding healthcare access, particularly for underserved communities.
        • Deputy Minister for Home Affairs and Social Welfare (1960s): Advocated for policies addressing poverty, education, and caste discrimination.
      • Congress Leadership:
        • General Secretary, All India Congress Committee (AICC): A key organizational role, where she influenced party strategy and policy during the 1960s and 1970s.
        • President, Tamil Nadu Congress Committee (TNCC): Led the state unit, navigating internal factionalism and strengthening Congress’s base in Tamil Nadu during a period of Dravidian party dominance.
      • National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes:
        • Served as Chairperson (1983–1987), a high-profile role where she championed the rights of Dalits and Adivasis. She pushed for better implementation of reservation policies, anti-discrimination laws, and economic empowerment programs.

      Contributions and Achievements

      • Social Welfare: Maragatham was instrumental in shaping post-independence policies for healthcare, education, and social welfare. Her work as Deputy Minister helped establish rural health centers and nutrition programs, reflecting her training in dietetics.
      • Dalit and Women’s Rights: As a Dalit woman, she was a powerful advocate for Scheduled Castes, challenging caste oppression in politics and society. She also promoted women’s participation in governance, serving as a role model in a patriarchal system.
      • Congress Stalwart: Her leadership in the AICC and TNCC strengthened the Congress’s organizational structure in Tamil Nadu, despite competition from regional parties like the DMK and AIADMK. She remained loyal to the Nehru-Gandhi family, aligning with Indira Gandhi during the Congress split of 1969.
      • Legacy of Inclusion: Her chairmanship of the National Commission for SC/ST highlighted systemic issues like untouchability and landlessness, pushing for accountability in government programs.

      Personal Life

      • Marriage and Family: Married R. Chandrasekar, about whom little is documented. They had two children:
        • Lalit Chandrasekar: Son, with limited public information.
        • Latha Priyakumar: Daughter, who followed in her mother’s footsteps as a Congress politician, serving as an MLA in Tamil Nadu.
      • Personality: Known for her intellect, resilience, and compassion, Maragatham balanced her scholarly background with grassroots empathy. Her ability to navigate elite political circles while advocating for the marginalized earned her respect across party lines.

      Later Life and Death

      • Retirement: After stepping down from the National Commission in 1987, Maragatham reduced her public engagements due to age but remained a revered figure in Tamil Nadu Congress circles.
      • Death: She passed away on October 26, 2001, in Chennai, just before her 84th birthday. Her death was mourned widely, with tributes highlighting her trailblazing role as a Dalit woman leader.
      • Centenary Celebration: In 2017, her birth centenary was commemorated by the Tamil Nadu Congress, with leaders like Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi praising her contributions to social justice and women’s empowerment.

      Legacy and Recognition

      • Trailblazer for Dalit Women: As one of the first Dalit women in high political office, Maragatham shattered caste and gender barriers, inspiring leaders like Latha Priyakumar and others in Tamil Nadu.
      • Congress Icon: Her loyalty to the INC and her work under Nehru and Indira Gandhi cemented her as a key figure in the party’s post-independence history.
      • Cultural Impact: While not as globally celebrated as figures like Nelson Mandela, her legacy resonates in Tamil Nadu and among Dalit activists. Recent X posts (as of October 2025) from Tamil Nadu users occasionally reference her alongside other Congress stalwarts like K. Kamaraj, emphasizing her Dalit identity and welfare contributions. However, her national visibility remains lower than her contributions warrant.
      • Honors:
        • No major national awards are explicitly documented, but her chairmanship of the National Commission was a prestigious recognition.
        • Memorials and tributes in Tamil Nadu, including centenary events, honor her legacy.
      • Historical Context: Her work cost the Congress political capital in Tamil Nadu due to tensions with Dravidian parties but strengthened its appeal among Dalit voters. Her advocacy laid groundwork for later SC/ST empowerment policies.

      Controversies and Criticism

      • Limited National Recognition: Some critics argue her contributions are undercelebrated compared to male or upper-caste Congress leaders, reflecting caste and gender biases in historical narratives.
      • Congress Factionalism: Her alignment with Indira Gandhi during the 1969 split drew criticism from rival Congress factions, though she remained a unifying figure in Tamil Nadu.

    Masuriya Din Pasi

    The Unsung Freedom Fighter and Pasi Icon

    Masuriya Din Pasi (October 2, 1911 – 1978) was a prominent Indian freedom fighter, social reformer, and politician from the Pasi community—a Scheduled Caste group historically marginalized under colonial laws. Hailing from Uttar Pradesh, he played a pivotal role in India's independence movement, the abolition of the discriminatory Criminal Tribes Act, and post-independence politics as a close associate of Jawaharlal Nehru. Today, October 2, 2025, marks his 114th birth anniversary, though recent social media tributes (primarily from August 2025) focus on his legacy in community liberation rather than this date. Often called "Bapu" by his followers, Pasi's life exemplified Dalit empowerment through education, activism, and electoral success, though his contributions faded from mainstream memory until recent political revivals.

    Early Life and Education

    Born on October 2, 1911, in Prayagraj (then Allahabad), Masuriya Din grew up in a modest Pasi family amid the socio-economic challenges faced by Scheduled Castes under British rule. Details on his family are sparse in public records, but he was deeply influenced by the prevailing caste hierarchies and colonial oppression. While specific educational qualifications are not widely documented, Pasi was a self-taught advocate who later championed education for Dalits, establishing schools and promoting literacy within the Pasi community to counter systemic exclusion.

    Role in the Independence Movement

    Pasi emerged as a fierce anti-colonial activist in the 1930s and 1940s, aligning with the Indian National Congress and participating in non-violent protests. He was a key member of the Constituent Assembly (1946–1949), contributing to the drafting of India's Constitution as one of its Dalit representatives. His activism peaked with mass agitations against the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871, a draconian British law that branded entire communities like the Pasis as "hereditary criminals," restricting their movement and rights. Imprisoned multiple times for leading protests, Pasi mobilized thousands, turning the movement into a broader fight for social justice. His efforts helped pressure the post-independence government to repeal the Act in 1952, earning him the title "Mukti Data" (Liberator) among Pasis.

    Political Career

    Pasi's post-independence career was marked by electoral victories that amplified Dalit voices in Parliament and state assemblies:

    • Lok Sabha Elections: He won from Phulpur (1952 and 1957), co-elected alongside Nehru (who represented the same seat in 1952), symbolizing a mentor-protégé bond. Nehru reportedly called him his "running mate."
    • Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly: Elected from Chail constituency (now in Kaushambi district) in 1962 and 1967, serving as an MLA focused on land reforms and SC welfare. As a Congress loyalist, Pasi advocated for affirmative action and rural development, though he remained a grassroots leader rather than a national figurehead. He retired from active politics in the late 1960s, dedicating his later years to community organizing.

    Social Reforms and Contributions

    Beyond politics, Pasi was a reformer who targeted caste-based stigma:

    • Criminal Tribes Act Abolition: His 1940s-1950s campaigns were instrumental in its denotification, freeing Pasis from surveillance and enabling social mobility.
    • Education and Empowerment: He founded educational institutions and promoted inter-caste harmony, emphasizing self-reliance for Dalits.
    • Writings: Pasi authored pamphlets and speeches on social justice, though no major books are attributed to him. His oratory inspired the Pasi Mahasabha, a socio-political body still active in UP and Bihar.

    Personal Life and Death

    Little is known about Pasi's family life; he was married with children, but details remain private. He passed away in 1978 at age 67, reportedly in Prayagraj. His funeral drew community leaders, but national recognition was limited.

    Legacy

    Pasi is revered as a Pasi icon for blending anti-colonial resistance with Dalit upliftment, influencing leaders like Kanshi Ram. However, as noted in Phulpur (his former constituency), his memory has faded, overshadowed by Nehru's shadow. Statues and memorials exist in UP villages, and August 31 is observed as "Criminal Tribes Act Mukti Divas" in his honor, with hashtags like #CTA_Liberation_Day trending on X among Pasi activists.

    Recent Commemorations (2024-2025)

    Ahead of the 2027 UP Assembly elections, political parties are invoking Pasi to court the 4-5% Pasi vote bank:

    • Congress: Observed his death anniversary in July 2024 at Mallihabad (Lucknow), with a seminar on his empowerment work. They also marked his 2023 birth anniversary by displaying his photo alongside Gandhi and Shastri.
    • BJP and SP: While focusing on icons like Uda Devi Pasi and Maharaja Bijli Pasi (e.g., BJP's 2018 push for Uda Devi's statue), both parties reference Pasi's legacy in Dalit outreach. On X, August 2025 saw tributes from users like @PrinceSaro75444 and @RamaSha08710473, sharing images and calls for "Amar Rahe" (Immortal Forever), tying his fight to modern caste issues. No major October 2025 posts yet, but community events in Prayagraj are likely.
    Masuriya Din Pasi's story underscores the intersection of freedom and social reform— a quiet revolutionary whose battles continue to resonate in India's caste politics. For specific speeches or family details, more archival digs could help!
    Minimata Agam Dass Gur
    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

    Minimata Agam Dass Guru (15 March 1916 - 1973) was an Indian politician from the Indian National Congress Party, and a member of parliament in the First, Second, Third, Fourth, and Fifth Lok Sabha (lower house of the Parliament of India).

    Early life
    Minimata was born in Nawagaon district in Assam in 1916. She was educated at Girls School, Nawagon and Raipur.

    Political career

    Minimata was elected to the first Lok Sabha in a bye-election in 1955 after the death of the sitting MP, her husband, Guru Agamdas] She contested the same constituency on a Congress party nomination and won. In 1962, she contested for the Indian National Congress party in Madhya Pradesh state, in Baloda Bazar, a Scheduled Caste reserved constituency. She won with more than 52% of the vote, defeating the Prajya Socialist Party candidate. In 1967, she contested for the Indian National Congress Party in the Schedule Caste reserved constituency of Janjgir, then in Madhya Pradesh state, winning with more than 62% of the vote. Minimata contested the same constituency of Janjgir in 1971, again for the Indian National Congress Party, and again winning the election. She died in 1973 before the end of her parliamentary term, prompting a by-election.

    Besides her parliamentary work, she served as General Secretary, State Congress Committee; President of Guru Ghasidas Seva Sangh; President of Harijan Education Society; Vice-President, State Depressed Classes League; Secretary, Mahila Mandal, Raipur. She was also a member of the Social Welfare Board, Raipur and a member of District Congress Committee, Raipur.

    Minimata was associated with Satnami politics, a form of Ambedkarite Dalit self-assertion.After the death of her husband, she took on the leadership of the community. She stood against casteism and untouchability, as well as child marriage and dowry
    .
    Personal life

    She married Shri Agam Dass Guru on July 2, 1930. Her parliamentary profile listed her hobbies as reading, knitting, embroidery, cooking and gardening, and debating and discussion on social and political affairs.

    Minimata died in an airplane crash on a flight from Raipur to Delhi; the plane crashed as it tried to land at Palam airport
    Meira Kumar
    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
    Meira Kumar


    In office
    4 June 2009 – 18 May 2014
    Deputy Kariya Munda
    Preceded by Somnath Chatterjee
    Succeeded by Sumitra Mahajan
    In office
    22 May 2009 – 25 May 2009
    Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
    Preceded by Saifuddin Soz
    Succeeded by Pawan Kumar Bansal
    In office
    22 May 2004 – 22 May 2009
    Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
    Preceded by Satyanarayan Jatiya
    Succeeded by Selja Kumari
    for Sasaram
    In office
    2004–2014
    Preceded by Muni Lall
    Succeeded by Chhedi Paswan
    In office
    1996–1999
    Preceded by Kalka Dass
    Succeeded by Anita Arya
    for Bijnor
    In office
    1985–1989
    Preceded by Chowdhary Girdhari Lal
    Succeeded by Mayawati
    Personal details
    Born 31 March 1945
    Patna, Bihar, British India (present day Patna, Bihar, India)
    Political party Indian National Congress
    Other political
    Spouse(s) Manjul Kumar
    Children Anshul Kumar
    Devangana Kumar
    Swati Kumar

    Meira Kumar (born 31 March 1945) is an Indian politician and former diplomat. A member of the Indian National Congress, she was the Minister of Social Justice and Empowerment from 2004 to 2009, the Minister of Water Resources for a brief period in 2009, and the 15th Speaker of Lok Sabha from 2009 to 2014. Kumar became just the second woman to be nominated for president of India by a major political bloc when she secured the United Progressive Alliance's nomination in 2017.

    Prior to being a member of the 15th Lok Sabha, Kumar had been elected earlier to the 8th, 11th, 12th and 14th Lok Sabha. Kumar was the joint presidential candidate by the leading opposition parties for 2017 presidential election and lost the election to the NDA nominee Ram Nath Kovind, but made a record for obtaining the most votes ever by a losing candidate (3,67,314 Electoral votes).

    Early life

    Meira Kumar was born on 31 March 1945 in a Chamar family, in Patna district, Bihar of the British India (present day Bihar, India) to Jagjivan Ram, a dalit leader and former Deputy Prime Minister and Indrani Devi, a prominent leader of the Indian freedom struggle. Growing up, Kumar shared a close relationship with her mother, who she spent most of her time with. She discussed the impact that her mother had on her in an interview with Manoj Tibrewal of the Doordarshan News, calling her the biggest influence from her childhood.

    Kumar attended the Welham Girls School, Dehradun and Maharani Gayatri Devi Girls' Public School in Jaipur. She studied at Banasthali Vidyapith for a short duration. She completed her Master's degree and Bachelors of Law from Indraprastha College and the Faculty of Law, University of Delhi respectively. She also received an honorary doctorate from Banasthali Vidyapith in 2010.

    Kumar worked as a social worker during her youth, actively participating in movements supporting social reforms, human rights, and democratic ideas. She was appointed as the Chairperson of National Drought Relief Committee constituted by the Congress during 1967 famine in region of Bihar. As the head of the commission, Kumar launched a Family Adoption Scheme under which drought-affected families were provided support from volunteering households.

    Career
    Foreign Service

    Kumar joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1973 and was the ambassador to Embassy of India in Madrid, Spain, a position that she held from 1976 to 1977. During her time in Madrid, Kumar graduated with an advanced diploma in Spanish. Following that, Kumar was appointed as the High Commission of India to the United Kingdom in 1977. She was stationed in the India House, London for two years until the end of her term in 1979. After working as an ambassador for a little over a decade, Kumar quit the Indian Foreign Services in 1985 and decided to enter politics after being encouraged by her father and the then Prime Minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi.

    Political career

    Kumar entered electoral politics in 1985, when she received an Indian National Congress' nomination for the Lok Sabha from the Bijnor constituency bye-poll in Uttar Pradesh. She defeated, as a newcomer, two veteran dalit leaders including Ram Vilas Paswan of the Janata Dal and Mayawati of the Bahujan Samajwadi Party. Following her election to the Lok Sabha, Kumar was appointed as member of the Ministry of External Affairs' Consultative Committee in 1986.

    Meera Kumar lost elections for 9th Lok Sabha (1989) and 10th Lok Sabha from Sasaram, but went on to win elections for the 11th (in 1996) and the 12th Lok Sabhas from Karol Bagh in Delhi. She lost her seat to the candidate from the Bhartiya Janata Party in 1999 election, but was able re-elected with a significant majority from her father's former constituency of Sasaram in Bihar in 2004 and 2009. In the 2014 general election and in 2019, Kumar contested from Sasaram and lost both times to her nemesis Chhedi Paswan who has defeated her in Sasaram four times.

    Kumar meeting Burmese leader Aung Suu Kyi in 2013.

    Following the Congress party's win in the 2004 Indian general elections, Kumar served in the United Progressive Alliance's Government as the Minister of Social Justice and Empowerment from 2004 to 2009, under the premiership of Manmohan Singh.

    In 2009, the United Progressive Alliance returned to power after an improved performance in the general election and Kumar was, on May 22, 2009, briefly inducted as member of the centre's cabinet as the Minister for Water Resources.

    However, she was later nominated for the position of the Speaker of Lok Sabha and she submitted her resignation three days after assuming ministerial office. Kumar was then elected as the first ever woman speaker of Lok Sabha and remained in office from 2009 to 2014.

    2017 presidential election

    Kumar secured the United Progressive Alliance's nomination for the 2017 Indian presidential election, becoming just the third woman to be nominated for president of India by a major political bloc,[a] after Pratibha Patil. Although she received support from most of the major opposition parties for her election to the office, she went on to lose to the National Democratic Alliance nominee Ram Nath Kovind.

    Kovind received a total of 2,930 votes (which included both Members of Parliament and Members of the Legislative Assemblies) amounting to electoral college votes of 702,044. He defeated Kumar, who received a total of 1,844 votes amounting to 367,314 votes in terms of electoral college. Kumar's total of 367,314 votes remain the highest number polled by any losing candidate in the history of presidential elections in India.
    Mallikarjun Kharge
    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

    Mallikarjun Kharge


    Assumed office
    16 February 2021
    Chairman Venkaiah Naidu
    Prime Minister Narendra Modi
    Preceded by Ghulam Nabi Azad

    Assumed office
    12 June 2020
    Preceded by Rajeev Gowda
    Constituency Karnataka
    In office
    4 June 2014 – 16 June 2019
    In office
    2016–2019
    Preceded by K V Thomas
    General Secretary of
    AICC and Incharge for Maharashtra
    In office
    22 June 2018 – 11 September 2020
    Preceded by Position Created
    Succeeded by H. K. Patil
    In office
    17 June 2013 – 26 May 2014
    Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
    Preceded by C. P. Joshi
    Succeeded by D. V. Sadananda Gowda
    In office
    29 May 2009 – 16 June 2013
    Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
    Preceded by Oscar Fernandes
    Succeeded by Sis Ram Ola
    In office
    31 May 2009 – 23 May 2019
    Preceded by Iqbal Ahmed Saradgi
    Succeeded by Umesh. G. Jadhav
    Constituency Gulbarga
    In office
    2005–2008
    Preceded by Janardhana Poojary
    Succeeded by R. V. Deshpande
    In office
    1972–2008
    Preceded by N. Yenkappa
    Succeeded by Baburao Chinchansur
    Constituency Gurmitkal
    In office
    2008–2009
    Succeeded by Valmiki Naik
    Constituency Chittapur
    In office
    19 December 1996 – 7 July 1999
    Preceded by B. S. Yediyurappa
    Succeeded by Jagadish Shettar
    In office
    5 June 2008 – 28 May 2009
    Preceded by N. Dharam Singh
    Succeeded by Siddaramaiah
    In office
    1999–2004
    In office
    1978–1980
    In office
    1990–1992

    Personal details

    Born 21 July 1942 
    Varwatti, Bidar district, Hyderabad State, British India (present-day Karnataka, India))
    Political party Indian National Congress
    Spouse(s)
    Radhabai Kharge
    ​(m. 1968)​
    Children 5
    Alma mater Government College, Gulbarga

    Mapanna Mallikarjun Kharge (born 21 July 1942) is an Indian politician who is the current Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha from Karnataka and Leader of the Opposition of Rajya Sabha from 16 February 2021. He is the former Minister of Railways and Minister of Labour and Employment in the Government of India. Kharge is a member of the Indian National Congress (INC) political party and was a Member of Parliament for Gulbarga, Karnataka during 2009–2019.

    He is a senior Karnataka politician and was the Leader of opposition in the Karnataka Legislative Assembly. He was the President of Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee during the 2008 Karnataka State Assembly Elections.

    He has won elections for a record 10 consecutive times having won the Assembly elections for an unprecedented 9 consecutive times (1972, 1978, 1983, 1985, 1989, 1994, 1999, 2004, 2008, 2009) and lost in the 2019 General Elections against Umesh Jadhav from Gulbarga. Mallikarjun Kharge was the leader of the congress party in Lok Sabha during 2014–2019.

    Early life and background

    Mallikarjun Kharge was born in the Varawatti, Bhalki Taluk, Bidar district, Karnataka to Mapanna Kharge and Sabavva. He finished his schooling from Nutan Vidyalaya in Gulbarga and went on to obtain a Bachelor of Arts degree from the Government College, Gulbarga and his law degree from the Seth Shankarlal Lahoti Law College in Gulbarga. He started his legal practise as a junior in Justice Shivaraj Patil's office and fought cases for labour unions early in his legal career.

    Political career
    Early career

    Kharge started his political career as a student union leader while in the Government College, Gulbarga when he was elected as the General Secretary of the students' body. In 1969, he became the legal advisor to the MSK Mills Employees' Union. He was also an influential labour union leader of Samyukta Majdoor Sangha and led many agitations fighting for the rights of labourers. In 1969, he joined the Indian National Congress and became President of the Gulbarga City Congress Committee

    Rise in Karnataka's political scene

    He first contested for the Karnataka State Assembly elections in 1972 and won from Gurmitkal constituency. In 1973, he was appointed as the Chairman of the Octroi Abolition Committee which went into the question of revitalising the economy of the municipal and civic bodies in the state of Karnataka. Based on its report, the then Devaraj Urs government abolished the levy of octroi at multiple points. In 1974, he was appointed as the Chairman of state-owned Leather Development Corporation and worked to improve the living conditions of thousands of cobblers who were indulging in the leather tanning industry. Work sheds cum residences were built across the state for their benefit during this time. In 1976, he was appointed as the Minister of State for Primary Education, during which time, over 16,000 backlog vacancies of SC/STs teachers were filled up by recruiting them directly into the service. Grants under grant-in-aid code were given to schools run by SC/ST managements for the first time.

    In 1978, he was elected for the second time as MLA from Gurmitkal constituency and was appointed as Minister of State for Rural Development and Panchayat Raj in the Devaraj Urs ministry. In 1980, he became the Minister for Revenue in the Gundu Rao Cabinet. During this time, the focus was on effective land reforms, resulting in giving occupancy rights to millions of land-less tillers and labourers. More than 400 land tribunals were constituted to expedite the transfer of land rights to the tillers. In 1983, he was elected for the third time to the Karnataka Assembly from Gurmitkal. In 1985, he was elected for the fourth time to the Karnataka Assembly from Gurmitkal and was appointed as the Deputy Leader of the Opposition in the Karnataka Assembly.

    In 1989, he was elected for the fifth time to the Karnataka Assembly from Gurmitkal. In 1990, he joined Bangarappa’s Cabinet as the Minister for Revenue, Rural Development and Panchayat Raj, portfolios he had held earlier and brought about significant change. Restarting the Land Reforms process that had stopped in the interim, resulted in hundreds of thousands of acres of land being registered in the name of the landless tillers.

    Between 1992 and 1994, he was the Minister for Co-operation, Medium and Large Industries in the Veerappa Moily Cabinet. In 1994, he was elected for the sixth time to the Karnataka Assembly from Gurmitkal and became the Leader of the Opposition in the Assembly. In 1999, he was elected for the seventh time to the Karnataka Assembly and was a front-runner to the post of Chief Minister of Karnataka. He became Minister for Home in the S. M. Krishna Cabinet during a particularly trying time for Karnataka especially the Rajkumar kidnap by the notorious poacher Veerappan and the Cauvery Riots. In 2004, he was elected for the eighth consecutive time to the Karnataka Assembly and was once again considered a front-runner to the post of the Chief Minister of Karnataka. He became the Minister for Transport and Water Resources in the Dharam Singh-led coalition government.

    In 2005, he was appointed as the President of the Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee. In the Panchayat elections held soon after, Congress won the largest number of seats compared to BJP and JD(S) indicating a revival of the Congress fortunes in the rural areas of Karnataka. In 2008, he was elected for the record ninth consecutive time to the Assembly from Chitapur. Though the Congress party put up a better show when compared to the 2004 elections, the Congress lost the elections with a majority of the senior leaders losing. He was appointed as the Leader of the Opposition for the second time in 2008. In 2009, Kharge contested the general elections from Gulbarga Parliamentary Constituency and won his tenth consecutive election.

    In the 2014 general elections, Kharge contested and won from the Gulbarga parliamentary seat, beating his closest rival from the BJP by over 73,000 votes. In June, he was appointed as the Leader of the Congress party in the Lok Sabha.

    Kharge contested the 2019 general elections against Umesh. G. Jadhav, a BJP candidate, in Gulbarga Lok Sabha constituency of Karnataka. Jadhav defeated Mallikarjun Kharge by a margin of 95,452 votes. Jadhav polled 6,20,192 votes while Kharge got only 5,24,740 votes.

    On 12 June 2020 Kharge was elected (unopposed) to Rajya Sabha from Karnataka, at the age of 78 years.

    Philanthropic and social activities

    He is the Founder-Chairman of Siddharth Vihar Trust that has built the Buddha Vihar in Gulbarga, India.

    He is the Patron of Chowdiah Memorial Hall which is one of the premier concert and theatre venues in Bangalore and helped the centre get over its debts and aided the centre's plans for renovation.

    Personal life

    Kharge married Radhabai on 13 May 1968 and has two daughters and three sons. In 2006, Kharge said he follows Buddhism.
    Meera Velayudhan
    Meera Velayudhan is a Policy Analyst. Meera is actively involved in the debates supporting women's entry into Sabarimala, highlighting the constitutional value of the SC verdict. She is also part of 'Samam' Progressive Forum for women.
    Meera Velayudhan

    "Some of her own awareness was drawn from her household and family which played a role in founding the Pulaya Mahajana Sabha (1913), which was formed to offer resistance to the day to day life of a Dalit, and which later became a platform of bringing Dalit life to the public. My mother wrote: "My two elder brothers and my father Kunjan’s younger brother, Krishnethi (Krishnadiyasan- 1877-1937) , Pt. Karruppan( Prof. Mahrajas College), TK Krishna Menon (from the Thottekal family which produced several Dewans) formed the Pulaya Mahajana Sabha, with Krishnethi as President," Meera adds.

    "There were many firsts in Dakshayani's life - the first Dalit girl to attend school wearing an upper cloth, the first Dalit woman graduate in India, a science graduate, member of the Cochin Legislative Council and the Constituent Assembly of India. There were many assertions too - of not walking with shoulders bent or not making way for upper castes while walking on the road," Meera recalls.

    In one of her debates, Dakshayani memorably said, “I submit that a Constituent Assembly not only frames a Constitution but also gives the people a new framework for life. To frame such a Constitution is an easy task because there are many models for us to imitate...but to renew a people on a new foundation requires the synthetic vision of a planner...what we want is not all kinds of safeguards. It is the moral safeguards that give us real protection..what we want is the immediate removal of our social disabilities. Our freedom can be obtained only from Indians and not only from the British Government." ( Dakshayani Velayudhan,19 Dec,1946, CA debates)

    Born in 1912, the time that she lived in itself is testimony to her struggle as a woman and as a Dalit, since the oppression of both was considered 'natural' at that time. She created history by covering the upper part of her body at a time when women from oppressed castes were not allowed to cover their breasts. Later (from 1813 to 1859) the state witnessed the Maru Marakkal Samaram or Channar revolt for women's right to wear clothes to cover their upper body.

    Dakshayani had other unique achievements to her credit, too. She was the first woman to pass ESLC (Education equivalent to that of present time’s tenth standard) and the first Indian Dalit woman to become a graduate.

    She was born in Mulavuukad, an isolated Island in Ernakulam. Her school education was at St Mary's school Mulavukad and MLC School, Chathyathu. She graduated from Maharaja's College, Ernakulam. When Dakshayani joined Maharaja's for a Chemistry course, she was the lone woman student to have enrolled. She trained in teaching from Madras to become a teacher. She became member of the Legislative Assembly, Kochi in 1945 and a member of the Constituent Assembly in 1946.

    Even the very name Dakshayani challenged the existing caste hegemony as it was a name believed to be reserved for the upper castes (Dakshayani is another name for goddess Parvathy).

    Dakshayani's marriage was also nothing short of a revolution. She married Raman Velayudhan in 1940 at Gandhi's Wardha Ashram. Velayudhan was a member of the first Parliament. He was also the uncle of former President KR Narayanan. The wedding was in the presence of Gandhi, his wife Kasturba, and a leprosy patient.
    Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari

    Wikipedia

    Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari

    Postage stamp issued in honor of Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari

    President of Indian National Congress

    Birth 25 December 1880
    Yusufpur, Mohammadabad, Ghazipur British India
    The death 1936 ( Age : 56 years) in train between
    Mussoorie - Delhi , British India
    the nationality Indian
    Political party Indian National Congress and Muslim League
    Learning earnings Madras Medical College
    London Lock Hospital
    The business Doctor, freedom fighter
    religion Islam

    DR. Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari ( Hindi : Mokhtar Ahmad Ansari , Urdu : مختار احمد انصاری )during the Indian Independence movement with an Indian nationalist and political leader of the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League of former president. He was one of the founders of Jamia Millia IslamiaUniversity, he was also its Chancellor from 1928 to 1936.

    Early life and medical career

    Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari was born on 25 December 1880 in the city of Yusufpur-Mohammadabad in North-Western Provinces (now a part of Uttar Pradesh ).

    He attended Victoria High School and later he and his family moved to Hyderabad . Ansari received a medical degree from Madras Medical College and went to England to study on a scholarship . He did M.D. And MS Acquired the titles of He was an upper-class student and worked at the Lock Hospital and Charing Cross Hospital in London . He was India's pioneer in surgery and today an Ansari ward is present in Charing Cross Hospital to honor his work .

    Nationalist activities

    Dr. Ansari joined the Indian independence movement during his stay in England. He returned to Delhi and joined both the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League . He played an important role in negotiating the 1916 Lucknow Treaty and served as the league's president from 1918 to 1920. He was an outspoken supporter of the Khilafat Movement and brought together the government's Khilafat body, the League and the Congress Party at issue against Mustafa Kamal's decision to oust the Khalifa of Islam , the Sultan of Turkey , and the recognition of Turkish independence by the British Empire Worked to protest.

    Dr. Ansari served as AICC Secretary General several times, as well as President of the Indian National Congress during the 1927 session. Dr. Ansari became closer to Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress Party as a result of internal fighting and political divisions within the League in the 1920s and later the rise of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Muslim separatism.

    Dr. Ansari ( Foundation Committee of Jamia Millia Islamia ) was one of the founders and shortly after the death of its primary founder, Dr. Hakim Ajmal Khan in 1927, he also worked as the Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia University in Delhi . Did it

    Personal life and perceptions

    Dr. Ansari's wife was a very religious woman who worked with him to uplift the Muslim women of Delhi. [ Citation needed ] Ansari family lived in a palatial home that Urdu in the Darus Salaam or Adobe of Peace was called. Whenever Mahatma Gandhi came to Delhi, the Ansari family often welcomed him and this house was a regular basis for the political activities of the Congress. However, he never stopped practicing medicine and often came to the aid of Indian politicians and the Indian royal system.

    Dr. Ansari was one of a new generation of Indian Muslim nationalists, including Maulana Azad, Muhammad Ali Jinnah and others. He was very passionate about the issues of common Indian Muslims but, unlike Jinnah, was strongly against separate voters and opposed Jinnah's view that only the Muslim League could be representative of India's Muslim communities.

    Dr. Ansari was very close to Mahatma Gandhi and favored Gandhism with his major teachings of non- violence and non-violent civil resistance . He had an intimate friendship with the Mahatma.

    Dr. Ansari died of a heart attack in a train en route from Mussoorie to Delhi in 1936 , he is buried in the premises of Jamia Millia Islamia in Delhi.

     Namdeo Dhasal

    1. Introduction: The Revolutionary Poet-Politician

    Namdeo Dhasal (15 February 1949 – 15 January 2014) was a firebrand Marathi poet, writer, and radical political activist. He is best known as a co-founder of the Dalit Panthers (1972) and one of the most influential and controversial voices in post-independence Dalit literature. His work is characterized by its raw, violent, and unflinching portrayal of caste oppression, urban poverty, and human degradation, using a language that shocked the literary establishment and galvanized a movement.

    2. Early Life & Formative Influences

    • Birth: Born on February 15, 1949, in Poona (now Pune), Maharashtra.

    • Caste Background: Belonged to the Mahar community (a Scheduled Caste that produced Dr. B.R. Ambedkar). His family lived in the Golpitha area of Mumbai, a neighborhood of sex workers, gangsters, and the destitute. This landscape became the central metaphor of his early poetry.

    • Education: Had minimal formal education. Worked as a taxi driver and in various odd jobs, experiencing firsthand the brutality of life on Mumbai's streets.

    • Influences: Deeply influenced by Ambedkarite thought, the Black Panther movement in the USA, and Marxist-Leninist revolutionary ideology. He also admired Marathi poets like the saint-poets and the modernist B.S. Mardhekar.

    3. Literary Career & "Golpitha"

    • Debut Collection – Golpitha (1972): This collection revolutionized Marathi poetry. Named after Mumbai's red-light district, it used a brutal, visceral vocabulary drawn from the gutter, the streets, and the brothel to protest against caste Hindu society. It was a literary bomb, shattering the sanitized, aesthetic norms of Marathi poetry.

    • Style & Themes: Dhasal's poetry was deliberately obscene, violent, and provocative. He used the language of the oppressed to attack the "civilized" caste order. His themes included:

      • The physical and psychological violence of caste.

      • The squalor and resilience of Mumbai's underbelly.

      • Revolutionary anger and the call for armed rebellion.

      • Later, existential despair and personal struggles.

    • Major Works: Golpitha, Moorkh Mhataryane, Tuhi Iyatta Kanchi?, Khel, and Mee Marale Sooryachya Rathache Sat Ghode.

    • Awards: Despite his anti-establishment stance, he received the Sahitya Akademi Award (1974) for Golpitha and the Padma Shri (1999), both of which sparked controversy. He later returned awards in protest (e.g., the Sahitya Akademi Award in 2004 over the treatment of a fellow writer).

    4. Political Career & The Dalit Panthers

    • Co-founding the Dalit Panthers (1972): Along with J.V. Pawar, Raja Dhale, and Arun Kamble, Dhasal founded this militant organization inspired by the Black Panthers. It aimed to combat caste atrocities through direct action and radical rhetoric.

    • Ideology: The Panthers' manifesto, largely drafted by Dhasal, combined Ambedkarism, Marxism, and revolutionary socialism. It called for the annihilation of caste and class, and solidarity with all oppressed groups (Adivasis, workers, religious minorities).

    • Split and Later Politics: The Panthers soon split (1974) into two factions: a more Ambedkarite-Marxist wing led by Dhasal and a more Ambedkarite-Buddhist wing led by Raja Dhale. Dhasal's faction eventually aligned with Sharad Pawar's Congress faction and later the Republican Party of India. This move from militant radicalism to mainstream electoral politics was criticized by many former comrades as a compromise.

    • Controversial Alliances: His association with Shiv Sena leader Bal Thackeray in the 1990s, based on a shared "sons of the soil" ideology and personal rapport, drew severe condemnation from the Dalit intellectual community.

    5. Personal Life & Controversies

    • Marriage: Married Mallika Amar Sheikh, a well-known Marxist poet from a Muslim family, in a union that defied caste and religious boundaries. Their relationship, chronicled in her memoir I Want to Destroy Myself, was intensely passionate and turbulent.

    • Health: Suffered from myasthenia gravis for over two decades, which gradually immobilized him.

    • Enduring Controversy: His life was a series of contradictions: a poet of the gutter who won national awards, a radical revolutionary who joined mainstream politics, and an Ambedkarite who allied with Hindutva figures. This made him a perpetually debated and enigmatic figure.

    6. Legacy

    • Literary Legacy: He is the father of Dalit "little magazine" poetry and expanded the linguistic and thematic boundaries of Indian literature. His work influenced generations of writers across languages.

    • Political Legacy: While the Dalit Panthers was short-lived, it rejuvenated the Dalit movement with a militant, youth-centric energy and its impact is seen in the assertiveness of later movements. His journey reflects the complex dilemmas of translating radicalism into sustained political power.

    • Icon of Rebellion: Namdeo Dhasal remains an indelible icon of rebellion—a poet who gave a fierce, unforgiving voice to the anger of the oppressed and challenged every establishment, including his own.

    Summary Table

    AspectDetails
    Born15 February 1949, Pune, Maharashtra
    Died15 January 2014, Mumbai
    Primary IdentityRevolutionary Poet & Co-founder of the Dalit Panthers
    CasteMahar (Scheduled Caste)
    Seminal WorkGolpitha (1972) – A landmark in Marathi & Dalit literature
    Key Political ActCo-founding the Dalit Panthers (1972)
    Awards (Contested)Sahitya Akademi Award (1974), Padma Shri (1999)
    Famous AssociationMarriage to Mallika Amar Sheikh; controversial alliance with Bal Thackeray
    LegacyThe poet who weaponized Marathi poetry; the militant who radicalized Dalit politics.

    In essence, Namdeo Dhasal was a volcano of creativity and conflict. His life and work embody the furious protest against caste apartheid and the painful, often contradictory, search for political and personal liberation.

    P. Theagaraya Chetty
    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
    Pitti Theagaraya Chetty

    Born 27 April 1852
    Died 28 April 1925 (aged 73)

    Madras, British India
    Occupation lawyer, businessman, politician

    Sir Pitti Theagaraya Chetty KCSI (27 April 1852 – 28 April 1925) was an Indian lawyer, industrialist and a prominent political leader from the erstwhile Madras province. He was one of the founders of the Justice Party in 1916 along with C. Natesa Mudaliar, Dr. T. M. Nair. T.Nagar is a locality in Chennai which is named after him. On 1919 January 1, the title Dewan Bahadur was awarded to him

    Theagaraya Chetty was born in Madras Presidency. After graduating from Presidency College, Madras he served as a corporator and legislator. He had an avid interest in politics and served as a member of the Indian National Congress before founding the South Indian Liberal Federation in 1917. He served as the President of the federation from 1917 till his death in 1925.

    Early life

    Chetty was born to a Devanga family in Egathur, Madras Presidency on 27 April 1852 He did his schooling in Chennai and graduated in law from Presidency College, Madras. On graduation, he entered public life and served as a member of the Corporation of Madras from 1882 to 1922. He also served terms as the President of the Corporation of Madras, and then as a Councillor till 1922. He was the first non-official President of the Madras Corporation.

    He was one of the founder-members of the South Indian Chamber of Commerce and served as its President. from 1910 to 1921. When the Industrial Conference came to Madras, Theagaraya Chetty was the Chairman of the Reception Committee. Theagaraya Chetty fought on behalf of the Indian Patriot newspaper and its editor Karunakara Menon against Dr T. M. Nair who later became his close associate.

    The Dravidian Movement

    The Madras Non-Brahmin Association was formed in 1909 by two lawyers from Madras city, P. Subramanyam and M. Purushotham Naidu. Sir Theagaroya Chetty did not involve himself in the movement until 1912, when the Madras United League (Later renamed as Madras Dravidian Association) was formed.

    At a meeting held in Madras in November 1916 by a group of about thirty people, including Theagaraya Chetti and Dr. T. M. Nair, it was resolved to start a company for publishing newspapers advocating the cause of the non-Brahmin community. The newspaper was named Justice and started publishing from 26 February 1917 onwards. Dr. T. M. Nair was its first Editor.

    A political party was organised by the South Indian People's Association under the leadership of Sir P.Theagaroya Chetty and Dr. T. M. Nair and was named the South Indian Liberal Federation. It later came to be popularly known as the Justice Party after the English daily Justice which the party published. The Federation was organised in October 1917 and its objectives were defined as :

    to create and promote the education, social, economic, political, material and moral progress of all communities in Southern India other than Brahmins, to discuss public questions and make a true and timely representation to Government of the views and interests of the people of Southern India with the object of safeguarding and promoting the interests of all communities including Dalits and to disseminate by public lectures, by distribution of literature and by other means sound and liberal views in regard to public opinion "

    Early Years of the Justice Party

    Theagaraya Chetty was elected the first President of the Justice Party and served as President until his death in 1925. A constitution was drawn on 17 October 1917. District and city boards were established all over the Presidency.

    In the initial stages, the Justice Party concentrated its energies on work of a social character than political. During this period, the Justice Party held all-India conferences to unite SCs and Its all over the country. The Justice Party argued for separate electorates and reservations in government jobs and civil service for Dalits, at the British Parliament in London. In 1919, Dr. T. M. Nair, the President of the Justice Party and leader of the delegation died in London at the age of fifty-one and was succeeded as President by Theagaraya Chetty.

    1920 elections

    When elections were held in December 1920 in the Madras Presidency as per the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms, the Justice Party obtained a comfortable majority by winning 63 seats out of 98. The Governor of Madras invited Theagaraya Chetty to form the Government. However, Theagaraya Chetty refused on account of the ethical rule that head of a political party can't hold a post in the cabinet too. As a result, A. Subbarayalu Reddiar was appointed Chief Minister. He served for a few months before being succeeded by the Raja of Panagal.

    Attitude towards Brahmins

    In his speech as the President of the Reception Committee of the First Non-Brahmin Confederation, Theagaraya Chetty spoke:

    Towards the Brahmins, we cherish no feelings of bitterness. If we have to fight them we do so in the interests of truth and justice, and we shall be prepared to extend to them too the right hand of fellowship, when they shall see the wrongs inflicted upon us and repent. Ours is essentially a movement of love and not of hate, or love based upon a sense of what is due to the various classes which constitute the population of this vast and ancient land

    Death and legacy

    History holds the fact that the credit of demolishing the influence of brahminism against the other communities belongs to the Justice Party and its successor party Dravidar Kazhagam. Theagaraya Chetty died on 28 April 1925 and was succeeded by the Raja of Panagal as the President of the Justice Party. He is usually credited for the victories of the Justice Party in the 1920 and 1923 elections and for turning the Justice Party into a formidable force in the Presidency that continued to be so for a couple of decades.

    The locality T Nagar in Chennai is named after him. It is an important commercial centre today.

    Purno Agitok Sangma 

    Purno Agitok Sangma (often misspelled as "Purna Aijitk Sangma") was a prominent Indian politician from Meghalaya who played a significant role in both state and national politics.

    Key Roles and Achievements

    • Speaker of Lok Sabha: Sangma served as the 11th Speaker of the Lok Sabha (India's lower house of Parliament) from 1996 to 1998, earning broad respect for his impartiality and efficiency.

    • Chief Minister of Meghalaya: He was the 4th Chief Minister of Meghalaya, holding office from 1988 to 1990.

    • Union Minister: Sangma held multiple important Union ministries, including Labor, Information & Broadcasting, Coal, Commerce, and Industry, playing crucial roles in policy reforms and development.

    • Lok Sabha Member: He represented the Tura constituency in Meghalaya for nine terms, serving from 1977 to 1988, 1991 to 2008, and again from 2014 until his death in 2016—making him one of the most influential parliamentarians from Northeast India.

    Political Journey

    • Early Political Career: Sangma entered politics in the early 1970s, starting with the Indian National Congress (INC), progressing quickly to Vice-President and then General Secretary of the Meghalaya Pradesh Youth Congress.

    • Congress and NCP: In 1999, Sangma—along with Sharad Pawar and Tariq Anwar—was expelled from INC after questioning Sonia Gandhi's foreign origin, leading to the formation of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP).

    • National People's Party: In 2013, he founded the National People's Party (NPP), focusing on the aspirations and issues of the Northeast.

    Personal Life and Background

    • Humble Origins: Born on 1 September 1947 in Chapahati (Garo Hills, now in Meghalaya), Sangma lost his father young and was helped by missionaries to continue his education. He graduated from St. Anthony's College in Shillong and later studied political science in Assam.

    • Family: His son Conrad Sangma is the current Chief Minister of Meghalaya, and his daughter Agatha Sangma is also a Member of Parliament from Tura.

    Other Notable Events

    • Presidential Candidate: Sangma contested the 2012 Indian presidential election, supported by the BJP and others, but lost to Pranab Mukherjee.

    • Awards: He was posthumously awarded the Padma Vibhushan, India's second-highest civilian honor, in 2017.

    • Advocacy for Northeast: Sangma was a relentless advocate for the Northeast, working for its development, representation, and inclusion at the national level.

    Purno Agitok Sangma is remembered as a skilled parliamentarian, an advocate for social justice, a political maverick, and a trailblazer from Northeast India.

    Ramdas Athawale

    Current Position: Union Minister of State for Social Justice and Empowerment (since July 2016, under Prime Ministers Narendra Modi and later Narendra Modi's continued tenure).
    Political Party: Republican Party of India (Athawale) – RPI(A), a faction of the original Republican Party of India founded by B. R. Ambedkar.
    Ideological Stance: Dalit (Ambedkarite) politics, but known for a strong strategic alliance with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA).
    Nicknames: Often called the "Rap Minister" or "Singing Minister" for his unconventional style of using music and rap-like poems to convey social messages.
    Background & Early Life
    Born: December 25, 1959. His birthplace is Agalgaon, in the Sangli district of Maharashtra, India.
    Caste/Community: He is a Dalit leader, belonging to the Matang community (recognized as a Scheduled Caste in Maharashtra).
    Political Roots: His activism began as a student leader in Mumbai. He was deeply influenced by the Dalit Panther movement in the 1970s, a radical social organization fighting caste oppression, and was a close associate of its founder, Namdeo Dhasal.
    Mentorship: He considers himself a staunch follower of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and the late Kanshi Ram, founder of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP).
    Political Career Timeline
    Early Activism & Dalit Panthers: Gained prominence as a fiery Dalit rights activist and orator.
    Entry into Electoral Politics: Initially associated with the Indian National Congress.
    Switch to Shiv Sena Alliance: In the 1990s, he made a major shift by aligning his faction of the RPI with the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra, a move considered controversial given the Shiv Sena's political stance at the time. He became a Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha) with Shiv Sena support.
    Formation of RPI(A): He formally split and named his faction the Republican Party of India (Athawale).
    Alliance with BJP-NDA: Post-2014, he strategically aligned his party firmly with the BJP-led NDA at the center. This alliance secured him a ministerial berth in the Modi government.
    Minister of State (2016-Present): As MoS for Social Justice, his portfolio covers welfare schemes for Scheduled Castes (SCs), Other Backward Classes (OBCs), Divyangjan (persons with disabilities), and other marginalized sections.
    Key Political Traits & Public Persona
    Unorthodox Communication Style: Athawale is famous for his "social messages" delivered through catchy, simple songs/raps (e.g., on cleanliness, voter awareness, against drug abuse). This has made him a viral figure and a subject of both memes and genuine public engagement.
    Master of Political Realignment: He is seen as a pragmatic politician who has built his career by forming strategic alliances with larger parties (Congress, Shiv Sena, BJP) to maintain relevance and secure a share of power for his Dalit constituency.
    Provocative Statements: He frequently makes headlines for his bold, sometimes controversial, statements on social and political issues.
    Survivor: He survived a major assassination attempt in 1997 in Pune, where he was shot multiple times but recovered.
    Positions & Controversies
    Pro-Modi Stance: He is one of the most vocal Dalit supporters of PM Narendra Modi, often crediting him for Dalit welfare and advocating for a larger Dalit vote share for the BJP.
    Criticism from Within Dalit Politics: His alliance with the BJP has drawn significant criticism from more radical and independent Ambedkarite groups, who accuse him of compromising core Dalit interests for personal political gain. They often label him an "opportunist."
    Statements: He has suggested creating a "Mini-Prime Minister" post for allies, proposed a "Hindu Nation" that respects all religions, and made various remarks on issues like caste-based reservations in the private sector and Pakistan that spark debate.
    Significance & Legacy
    Bridge Figure: Athawale positions himself as a bridge between the BJP and Dalit voters, a community not traditionally aligned with the party.
    Access to Power: His supporters argue that his alliance politics have given a small Dalit party direct access to central government power, allowing him to influence and implement welfare policies.
    Pop Culture Politician: He has carved out a unique space in Indian politics by blending traditional Dalit politics with mass media and pop culture tools, ensuring constant public visibility.
    Symbol of a Political Shift: His career reflects the complex evolution of Dalit politics in India—from radical protest to pragmatic power-sharing within the prevailing political system.
    In essence, Ramdas Athawale is a unique blend of a traditional Ambedkarite leader and a modern, media-savvy, pragmatic politician. He is a contentious but undeniable force in India's socio-political landscape, embodying the tensions and negotiations of identity politics in the 21st century.

    R. B. More

    R. B. More (full name: Ramchandra Babaji More, also known as Comrade R. B. More) was a pioneering Indian Dalit activist, trade unionist, journalist, and politician who bridged the anti-caste movement led by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar with leftist/communist politics. Born on 1 March 1903 in Ladavli (or Dasgaon/Ladawali) village, Mahad tehsil, Raigad district (then Kolaba/Kulaba), Maharashtra, into a Mahar (Dalit/Scheduled Caste) family, he faced severe untouchability from childhood. He became one of the earliest Dalits in Maharashtra to join the Communist Party (around 1928–1930) while remaining deeply influenced by Ambedkar's vision of social justice. More is celebrated as a "Dalit Communist" who emphasized integrating caste annihilation with class struggle, challenging both caste-blind leftism and caste-only politics.

    Early Life and Background

    Born into poverty in a rural Konkan region where retired Mahar military personnel had begun advocating for education and rights, More experienced untouchability early. At age 11, he fought against caste barriers, such as being denied school access. Influenced by local reformers and the Mahar community's awakening, he pursued education despite hardships. By his teens, he organized Dalit youth in his village and Mumbai, forming groups like the Kokanastha Mahar Seva Sangh (where he served as first general secretary) and later the Dr. Ambedkar Seva Dal.

    Key Role in Ambedkarite Movement

    More was a close early associate of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and played a pivotal organizational role in landmark events:

    • Mahad Satyagraha (Chavdar Talav, 19–20 March 1927): As the main organizer, he persuaded Ambedkar to lead the historic protest where thousands of Dalits asserted their right to drink from the public Chavdar Tank (previously forbidden to untouchables). This was one of India's first major civil rights actions against untouchability.
    • Manusmriti Dahan Din (25–26 December 1927): He organized the convention in Mahad where Ambedkar publicly burned copies of the Manusmriti (symbolizing rejection of caste scriptures). He also helped arrange a separate meeting for Dalit women to address gender-caste intersections.
    • More was a founding contributor to Ambedkar's newspapers like Bahishkrit Bharat and later Janata. Ambedkar publicly praised him, calling him one of the few whose efforts drew him into political life and dubbing him "Babasaheb" (a term More popularized).

    Shift to Communism and Dual Activism

    Influenced by Marxism-Leninism, More joined the Communist Party of India (CPI) around 1930 (some sources say 1928). He remained a committed member for over four decades, even after the CPI split, becoming a respected leader in the Communist Party of India (Marxist) – CPI(M) from 1964 until his death.

    • He led working-class strikes and trade unions in Bombay (Mumbai), peasant movements in Raigad, and anti-untouchability campaigns.
    • As a bridge figure, he drew many Dalit activists to the Communist Party while pushing the Left to address caste seriously.
    • He submitted detailed notes to the CPI leadership (1953, revised 1957 and 1964) on "The Problem of Untouchability and the Caste System," urging the party to integrate anti-caste work into class struggle and acknowledging Ambedkar's contributions.
    • Despite ideological differences with Ambedkar (e.g., on Marxism vs. Buddhism), their mutual respect endured.

    Journalism and Later Contributions

    • Founded and edited Jeevanmarg (or Jivan Marg), the CPI(M) Maharashtra state committee's weekly, launched on 14 April 1965 (Ambedkar's birth anniversary).
    • Earlier edited leftist papers like Aavhan.

    Personal Life

    Married to Sitabai, with family including son Satyendra More, who later compiled and published his father's memoirs. More lived a life of selfless activism, facing discrimination in both caste and class spheres.

    Death and Legacy

    R. B. More passed away on 11 May 1972 in Mumbai (Bombay) at age 69. His birth anniversary (1 March) is commemorated in Dalit, Ambedkarite, and leftist circles.

    • His memoir (originally in Marathi, compiled by son Satyendra More as Dalit va Communist Chalvalicha Sashakt Dava: Comrade R.B. More) was translated into English as Memoirs of a Dalit Communist: The Many Worlds of R.B. More (edited by Anupama Rao, translated by Wandana Sonalkar, LeftWord Books, 2020). It details family history, Bombay's working-class life, and the tensions between caste and class politics.
    • Regarded as a "red star in a blue sky" (symbolizing communism amid Ambedkarite blue), he inspired youth to fight intersecting oppressions.
    • His life highlights rare attempts to fuse anti-caste and anti-class struggles in early 20th-century India.

    Here are representative images of R. B. More:

    (These typically include historical portraits, family photos, or tributes from Dalit/leftist archives.)

    R. B. More's story embodies courageous intersectional activism—resisting caste while embracing class solidarity—making him a foundational, though under-celebrated, figure in India's radical history. If you'd like excerpts from his memoir, details on specific events, or comparisons with contemporaries, let me know!
    Ramchandra Veerappa



    He is no star and has no royal lineage, but his supporters look on him with veneration.

    Meet Ramachandra Veerappa, believed by many here to be the oldest candidate in India's general elections, which are due to begin next week.

    Mr Veerappa is 94, according to the available documentation, and is now standing for parliament for a seventh time.

    He hails from the low-caste Dalit community.

    Mr Veerappa's constituency, Bidar, is 700km (435 miles) from Bangalore, the capital of the southern state of Karnataka.

    Only Dalits can stand as candidates in Bidar.

    "It is because of people's goodwill that I will be elected again," says a confident Mr Veerappa, who prefers door-to-door campaigning on foot.

    On an average day he is on the campaign trail for nearly 10 hours - not an easy task when summer temperatures hit 40C.

    Age is no deterrent and retirement only a distant thought for this grand old man, renowned for his red turban. "I am fit," he asserts.

    Frugal lifestyle

    So what keeps him going?
     [Other MPs] come back only during elections. Not Mr Veerappa. He even came to the annual day of our village school

    Mallikarjun, milkman


    "You must ask God that," he says, although he is also quick to attribute his longevity to his spartan lifestyle.

    Mr Veerappa was born in his old home in the muddy by-lanes of the sleepy town of Humnabad.

    He is teetotal. "Neither do I chew betel, drink, smoke or indulge in bribery," he says.

    "I eat home-made vegetarian food. Even during a campaign, I get back for home cooking."
    Veerappa (R) on the podium with Nehru (L), India's first PM


    His regular fare is maize rotis, vegetables and red chilli paste, a staple diet in this region.

    "I was born here, I will die here. As long as I have the people's support, I will continue to be in politics," he says.

    Does that mean another election? "Let us see. Let this election be over," he says coolly.

    Mr Veerappa himself is not wholly sure of his year of birth, although Bidar deputy commissioner Anil Kumar says the nomination papers puts his age at 94.

    "He could be the oldest candidate in this election, but I am not sure," says Mr Kumar.

    Mr Veerappa's early days were tough.

    He had no schooling, having helped his parents make a living on a farm.

    Accessible

    His political journey began during the Raj.

    Joining the Congress Party-led freedom struggle against the British, Mr Veerappa found himself deported to the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, far from the Indian mainland.
    Veerappa files nomination papers again and has no plan to retire

    After independence, he made his electoral debut in 1952, winning a Legislative Council seat.

    Since then he has never looked back, although he has switched parties.

    He joined the Bharatiya Janata Party in 1991 but says it was not ideology that drove him into the organisation.

    "I was not given a ticket by the Congress. So I moved to the BJP," says Mr Veerappa.

    Unlike many politicians, Mr Veerappa spends most of his time in his constituency and is readily accessible.

    Though a Dalit, he has the support of all sects, including Brahmins and Lingayats, both powerful communities.

    "People like him because of his simplicity," says Rishikesh Bahadur Desai, a Bidar-based journalist on The Hindu newspaper.

    Mallikarjun, a milkman, says Mr Veerappa avoids controversy and is popular because he is a different type of politician.

    "It is difficult to find MPs living in small towns like Humnabad. They all go to Bangalore and Delhi and come back only during elections. Not Mr Veerappa. He even came to the annual day of our village school."

    His critics, however, say he has done little for the constituency's development and is impaired by his age.

    Brushing aside the criticism, Basavaraj Ramachandra, one of Mr Veerappa's five sons, says: "He is doing good work despite his age. I heard my father is the oldest parliamentarian not only in India but in Asia."
    Radhika Ranjan Pramanik

    Radhika Ranjan Pramanik (18 December1932–2020), the late Indian politician who served as a five-time Lok Sabha MP from the Mathurapur (SC) reserved constituency in West Bengal (primarily on CPI(M) ticket, later joining Trinamool Congress), belonged to a Scheduled Caste (SC) community.

    The Mathurapur Lok Sabha seat is constitutionally reserved for Scheduled Caste candidates, meaning only individuals from notified SC communities can contest it. Pramanik represented this seat in multiple elections (1989 onward), confirming his SC status under India's reservation system. His surname "Pramanik" is associated with certain SC communities in parts of West Bengal and Bengal region, though surnames alone do not definitively determine caste (as it varies by specific sub-community and region).

    He began his electoral career in the West Bengal Legislative Assembly, representing the Magrahat Purba (East) constituency multiple times (including 1967, 1969, 1971, 1977, 1982, 1986, and 1989), primarily on a Communist Party of India (Marxist) - CPI(M) ticket.

    He was elected to the Lok Sabha (lower house of Indian Parliament) five times from the Mathurapur (SC) reserved constituency in South 24 Parganas district, West Bengal:

    • 1989 (9th Lok Sabha)
    • 1991
    • 1996
    • 1998
    • 1999
    • 2004

    All these wins were on CPI(M) tickets, making him a prominent left-front figure dedicated to marginalized communities.

    In his later career, he left CPI(M) and joined the All India Trinamool Congress (TMC).

    Pramanik, a former professor by profession, served on parliamentary committees, including those related to the welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The Mathurapur seat being reserved for Scheduled Caste (SC) candidates confirms he belonged to an SC community, and he was noted for serving disadvantaged sections throughout his career.

    He passed away on 13 December 2020 in Kolkata due to age-related ailments at the age of 88. West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee condoled his death, describing him as a respected senior colleague with vast experience and a big loss to the TMC family.

    His political journey reflects the dynamics of West Bengal politics, from the dominance of the Left Front to the rise of TMC.
    Ramchandra Dhondiba Bhandare
    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

    Dr. R. D. Bhandare
    B. R. Ambedkar (right) was presented a purse of Rs. 1,18,000 by R. D. Bhandare (left) on behalf of Scheduled Caste Federation, Bombay city in the public meeting held at Purandare Park, Dadar, Mumbai on 29 December 1954

    In office
    1976–1977
    In office
    1973–1976
    M P from Mumbai Central
    In office
    1967–1973
    In office
    1960–1962
    Preceded by Position Established
    Succeeded by Krishnarao Dhulap
    Personal details
    Born 11 April 1916
    Vita, Sangli, Maharashtra.
    Died 5 September 1988 (aged 72)
    Mumbai, Maharashtra.
    Political party INC
    Other political
    Spouse(s) Late Smt. Shakuntala Ramchandra Bhandare
    Children 3 sons and a daughter.
    As of 24 February, 2012

    Ramchandra Dhondiba Bhandare (1916-1988) was an Indian politician, jurist and Ambedkarite activist. He was a member of the Indian National Congress (INC) political party, who was twice elected to Lok Sabha. He was elected to the fourth Lok Sabha from the Mumbai Central constituency of Maharashtra in 1967. He was re-elected in 1971 but resigned in 1973 when he was appointed Governor of Bihar. He was a colleague and follower of human rights leader B. R. Ambedkar.

    Early life

    Ramachandra Bhandare was born into Mahar community at Vita, Sangli District, Maharashtra (earlier, Satara District, Bombay Presidency) to Dhondiba Hariba Bhandare, on 11 April 1916.[1] When he was a child, the family moved to Bombay and settled there. After completing his primary education at Bhandare Uttara Worli Primary School and secondary education at Colabawadi, he attended the Maharashtra High School in Bombay. He holds a BA from Elphinstone College, Mumbai, LLB and MA from Government Law College and Khalsa College, Bombay. After completing his studies, he started his career as advocate in Bombay. He also worked as a law professor at the same time. He was an Advocate and Professor of Law.

    He was an Ambedkarite and Buddhist.

    Education

    He completed his education from Elphiston College, Government Law College and the Khalsa College, Bombay. He was married to Shakuntalabai and had 3 sons and 1 daughter and resided at Wadala Mumbai. He was earlier a Member of Bombay Municipal Corporation during 1948-57. He was a Member of Bombay Legislative Assembly during 1960-1962 and also acted as the Leader of the Opposition in Maharashtra Legislative Assembly during 1960-62. He was a Founder Member of Republican Party of India and remained its President from 1964 to 1966.

    As a labor and Dalit leader

    Ramchandra Bhandare was active in the trade unions and was secretary to the Kamgar Sangam of the Bombay Municipal Council from 1942 to 1945. From 1949 to 1952, Babasaheb chaired a low-level Rural Servants Association, headed by Ambedkar. From 1952-54 he was Vice-President of the Bombay Textile Workers Union. From 1963 to 1966, Nawabharat was president of the Majdur Mahasabha. Bhandare has been a member of the Scheduled Castes Federation since its inception. He became president of the Bombay Pradesh Scheduled Castes Federation, a faction of the party. When Mahatma Gandhi came to visit Bombay, he left a mehtar's house in Worli to express his friendliness to the Dalits. In protest of this "demonstration" of Mahatma Gandhi, Bhandare and his followers protested by flying black flags. Consequently, a big feud between the Hindus and the dalits began. In this confrontation, Bhandare stood firm and rose to prominence as a leading leader of the Bombay Scheduled Castes. In 1946 he established a library at Worli. He set up a Tamil community in every area of Bombay. With the Bhandare initiative, Ambedkar's birthday began to be celebrated on a large scale. April 14, 1950 Nirdhar started a weekly newspaper. That lasted for two years.

    Politics

    Bhandare served as a member of the Bombay Municipality from 1948 to 1957. From 1960 to 1962, he was a member of the Bombay Legislative Assembly and was the Leader of the Opposition in that House. Bhandare was a founding member of the Republican Party of India. He also served as the President of the party from 1964 to 1966. Later he contested elections as a member of Congress Party in 1967 and 1971, and was elected to Lok Sabha from Bombay Central seat. He was also Governor of Bihar during 1973-1976 and Governor of Andhra Pradesh during 1976-77.

    Death

    Bhandare died at his home in Bombay on September 5, 1988.

    Selected works

    'Problems of Buddhists in India" and Pamphlets-

    (i) Watendar Gaon-Kamgar, (ii) A Case For the Morning Colleges—an argument against the decision of the Bombay University in 1962, (iii) The Problems of the Indian Buddhists. 
    Ram Dhan
    From Wikipedia
    Ram Dhan
    In office
    1984–1991
    Preceded by Chhangur Ram
    Succeeded by Ram Badan
    Constituency Lalganj
    In office
    1967–1979
    Preceded by Vishram Prasad
    Succeeded by Chhangur Ram
    Constituency Lalganj
    Personal details
    Born 1 July 1921
    (now in Uttar Pradesh, India)
    Died 23 May 2001 (aged 79)
    New Delhi, India
    Nationality Indian
    Political party Janata Dal
    Other political
    affiliations Janata Party
    Spouse(s) Chandrawati Devi

    Ram Dhan (1 July 1921 – 23 May 2001) was an Indian politician and freedom fighter. He represented Lalganj in Lok Sabha a number of times. Ram Dhan was arrested on the night when Emergency was declared by Indira Gandhi.

    Early Life

    Ram Dhan was born on 1 July 1921 in a Dalit family at Azampur in Azamgarh district of Uttar Pradesh. He attended Central Hindu College (now Banaras Hindu University) and was awarded Bachelor of Law degree at Law College, BHU.[2] He joined the Socialist movement and grew close to leaders like Jayaprakash Narayan and Acharya Narendra Dev. But later he joined Congress.

    In 1963, he married Chandrawati Devi. The couple had two son and two daughters. He also served as a correspondent of Aaj and Sansar of Varanasi, Swatantra Bharat of Lucknow and Amrit Bazar Patrika of Allahabad.

    Political career

    Before 1947, he took part in many freedom struggles. He was detained under Defence of India Rules for 2 years for taking part in the Quit India Movement in 1942. He joined the Socialist movement but in 1960 he joined Congress party. He was member of 4th, 5th Lok Sabha, representing Lalganj on Congress ticket. He was arrested under Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA) during Emergency. He was among the few in Congress who were arrested along with Chandra Shekhar, Mohan Dharia and Krishan Kant.

    In 1977, he was elected as Lok Sabha MP on Janata Party ticket from Lalganj Lok Sabha constituency. He was also made General Secretary of Janata Party, but when Morarji Desai was declared as Prime Minister instead of Jagjivan Ram, he resigned in protest. Later he joined Congress but along with VP Singh he resigned from Congress and formed Janata Dal.

    Positions held

    1945–1948 President of District Depressed Class League, Azamgarh.
    1967–1970 Member, 4th Lok Sabha.
    1967–1970 Member of Informal Consultative Committee of Shipping and Transport of Parliament.
    1971–1977 Member, 5th Lok Sabha (2nd term).
    1977–1979 Member, 6th Lok Sabha (3rd term).
    1977–1978 President of Bharatiya Depressed Classes League.
    1977 Selected as General Secretary of Janata Party.
    1977–1979 Chairman of Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes of Parliament.
    1984–1989 Member, 8th Lok Sabha (4th term).
    1984–1989 Member of Railway Convention Committee of Parliament.
    1989–1991 Member, 9th Lok Sabha (5th term).
    1990 Member of Consultative Committee, Ministry of Home Affairs.
    1990–1995 Chairman of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.

    Rajen Gohain

    Rajen Gohain is a veteran Indian politician from Assam, known for his long-standing association with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) until his dramatic exit in 2025. Born into the Ahom community, he rose from grassroots activism during the Assam Movement to become a four-term Member of Parliament (MP) and Union Minister of State for Railways. At 75 years old as of November 2025, Gohain has been a vocal advocate for indigenous Assamese interests, particularly those of the Ahom community. His recent switch to the regional Assam Jatiya Parishad (AJP) ahead of the 2026 Assam Assembly elections underscores his shift toward regionalism, criticizing national parties for sidelining local voices. Gohain's career reflects Assam's turbulent political landscape, blending nationalist ideology with ethnic regionalism.

    Personal Life

    • Full Name: Rajen Gohain (Assamese: ৰাজেন গোহাঁই).
    • Date of Birth: November 26, 1950.
    • Place of Birth: Nagaon, Assam, India.
    • Age: 75 (as of November 26, 2025).
    • Nationality: Indian.
    • Community/Caste: Ahom (Tai-Ahom), an indigenous ethnic group historically ruling Assam for nearly 600 years; classified as a Scheduled Tribe (ST) in the state. Gohain has frequently highlighted the community's marginalization post-delimitation.
    • Family: Married to Rita Gohain in 1981; they have five children. His father was the late Sambhu Nath Gohain. Gohain maintains a low public profile on personal matters but has emphasized family values in interviews.
    • Residence: Primarily based in Nagaon and Guwahati, Assam.
    • Interests: Sports enthusiast; represented Assam in school-level hockey and was a long-distance runner. He founded the Elite Club in Nagaon and serves as ex-president of the Assam Gymnastic Association and ex-vice president of the Gymnastic Federation of India. Also involved in education through the Miles Bronson Residential School in Guwahati.

    Education

    Gohain completed his early education at Anandaram Dhekial Phukan College in Nagaon. He graduated with a Bachelor of Arts (BA) and Bachelor of Laws (LLB) from Gauhati University in Guwahati, laying the foundation for his legal and political acumen.

    Early Career and Entry into Politics

    Gohain's political journey began amid Assam's socio-political upheavals. In the early 1980s, he actively participated in the Assam Movement (1979–1985), a mass agitation against illegal immigration that shaped modern Assamese identity politics. Post-movement, he entered formal politics in the early 1990s:

    • Elected to the Nagaon Municipal Board in 1999, marking his local debut.
    • In 1991, he co-founded the BJP's Nagaon district unit and later served as its District President, helping establish the party's foothold in Assam.

    His early activism blended anti-immigration sentiments with development advocacy, focusing on issues like Brahmaputra river erosion and infrastructure in central Assam.

    Professional Career

    By profession, Gohain is a tea-estate owner and agriculturist, managing family estates in Nagaon. This background ties him to Assam's economy, where tea plantations are central. He has described himself as a "businessperson, social worker, and agriculturist," using his resources for community initiatives like sports and education.

    Political Career

    Gohain's parliamentary tenure solidified his stature as a BJP stalwart in Assam. He represented the Nowgong (Nagaon) Lok Sabha constituency for four consecutive terms, embodying the party's rise in the Northeast.

    TermYear ElectedKey Roles/CommitteesNotes
    13th Lok Sabha1999Member, Standing Committee on Home Affairs; Committee on Papers Laid on the Table; Consultative Committee, Ministry of AgricultureDefeated Congress by a margin of over 100,000 votes; focused on flood control and anti-immigration laws.
    14th Lok Sabha2004Re-elected; continued committee rolesNarrow win amid UPA wave; raised Brahmaputra bridge demands.
    15th Lok Sabha2009Re-elected; expanded welfare focusAdvocated for OBC rights; chaired early welfare panels.
    16th Lok Sabha2014Re-elected; Chairman, Parliamentary Committee on Welfare of Other Backward Classes (OBCs)Peak influence; secured Union cabinet post.

    • BJP Leadership: Served as Assam BJP State President (pre-2016). Instrumental in the party's 2016 Assam Assembly win, aligning with national Hindutva while prioritizing regional issues.
    • Union Minister: On July 5, 2016, inducted as Minister of State for Railways in Narendra Modi's first cabinet. Oversaw projects like electrification and new lines in Northeast India, including Assam's connectivity push. Resigned in 2019 after losing the Lok Sabha seat to Congress's Pradyut Bordoloi.
    • Post-MP Roles: In August 2023, appointed Chairman of Assam Food and Civil Supplies Corporation Limited but resigned protesting Nagaon constituency's delimitation, which he claimed diluted Ahom influence.

    Resignation from BJP and Switch to AJP

    Gohain's 34-year BJP tenure ended on October 9, 2025, when he resigned primary membership alongside 17 supporters at the party headquarters in Guwahati. Citing "personality-driven politics" under Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, he accused the BJP of:

    • Betraying indigenous communities by allowing "outsiders" (implying migrants).
    • Marginalizing the Ahom community via 2023 delimitation, scattering their voter base across 30–40 seats.
    • Promoting "communal politics" and "artificial Hindutva" that divides Assamese society, contrasting it with the ideals of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L.K. Advani.

    On November 5, 2025, Gohain joined the AJP—a regional party formed post-2019 anti-CAA protests—with his supporters. Welcomed by AJP President Lurinjyoti Gogoi, he was appointed Working President. Gohain called the BJP's rule "Hitler-like" and emphasized regional parties as Assam's true protectors. This move is seen as a blow to BJP ahead of 2026 polls, potentially splitting votes in Nagaon and central Assam. Speculation swirls around his candidacy from Samaguri or Barhampur seats.

    Achievements and Legacy

    Gohain's contributions span infrastructure, welfare, and regional advocacy:

    • Railway Reforms: As MoS, accelerated Northeast rail projects, including the Bogibeel Bridge extension and electrification drives, improving connectivity for 10+ districts.
    • Legislative Advocacy: Raised Brahmaputra erosion (affecting millions) and demanded a rail-cum-road bridge; pushed OBC welfare bills benefiting Assam's backward classes.
    • Party Building: Credited with BJP's Nagaon dominance; his 1999 win helped the party penetrate Congress strongholds.
    • Social Impact: Founded schools and clubs; promoted gymnastics nationally.

    Critics note his limited post-2019 visibility, but supporters hail him as a "guardian of Ahom pride." His legacy is that of a bridge between national BJP and Assamese nativism, now pivoting to pure regionalism.

    Controversies

    • Delimitation Protests (2023): Resigned from state post, alleging it turned Nagaon into a "minority-dominated" seat, drawing ire from BJP for "divisive" rhetoric.
    • Internal BJP Rift: Emerged as old guard leader against Sarma's "new crop," accusing favoritism toward defectors from Congress.
    • CAA Stance: Supported BJP's Citizenship Amendment Act initially but later criticized its implementation for ignoring indigenous fears.

    No major corruption charges; his 2014 affidavit showed assets worth ~₹2.47 crore (movable) and ₹1.32 crore (immovable), with no criminal cases.

    Recent Updates (as of November 26, 2025)

    Gohain's AJP entry continues to ripple: On November 21, Dainik Agradoot reported his appointment as Working President, boosting AJP's veteran appeal. X discussions highlight Ahom discontent, with users like @oxhur2025 urging community backlash against BJP in 2026. BJP leaders like Ranjeet Dass called his exit "unfortunate," while AJP's Akhil Gogoi slammed BJP for "betraying its own." No formal election announcements yet, but ground reports suggest Gohain eyes a 2026 ticket. For real-time buzz, follow @rajengohainbjp (his official handle, inactive post-resignation). His move has sparked defections, signaling BJP vulnerabilities in Assam.

    Ram Chandra Dome

    First Dalit in CPM politburo in 64 years: Who's 'backward', Left ...Ram Chandra Dome (Bengali: রাম চন্দ্র ডোম; born 8 February 1959) is a veteran Indian politician, physician, and senior leader of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)). He is the first Dalit (Scheduled Caste) member ever elected to the CPI(M) Politburo in the party's 60+ year history (inducted on 10 April 2022 at the 23rd Congress in Kannur, Kerala).

    Early Life & Education

    Born in Chilla (Chila) village, Birbhum district, West Bengal, to a poor village carpenter father (late Piru Pada Dome) and a family of rural artisans. He and one sibling were the only ones in the family to complete higher education. He graduated MBBS from Calcutta University (Nil Ratan Sarkar Medical College, Kolkata) in 1983 after Pre-Medical in 1978. He continues to provide free/charitable medical care to the poor from party offices even today, earning him the nickname “people’s doctor”.

    Political Journey

    • Joined Students’ Federation of India (SFI) in the 1970s → active in youth and peasant movements → central committee member of Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI).
    • Became a full-time CPI(M) worker (“whole-timer”) in 1977 during the Emergency period.
    • Rose through party ranks: Birbhum district secretary (2012), elected to CPI(M) Central Committee and West Bengal State Secretariat (2015).
    • National General Secretary of Dalit Shoshan Mukti Mancha (CPI(M)’s Dalit front) since 2018 (re-elected 2022).

    Lok Sabha Career (7 terms, 1989–2014)

    He was elected to the Lok Sabha consecutively seven times, initially the youngest CPI(M) MP at age 29.

    Election YearConstituencyPartyNotes
    1989Birbhum (SC)CPI(M)Won; succeeded Gadadhar Saha
    1991Birbhum (SC)CPI(M)
    1996Birbhum (SC)CPI(M)
    1998Birbhum (SC)CPI(M)
    1999Birbhum (SC)CPI(M)
    2004Birbhum (SC)CPI(M)
    2009Bolpur (SC)CPI(M)Succeeded Somnath Chatterjee; served as CPI(M) Chief Whip in Lok Sabha (2009–14)

    Lost in 2014 (Bolpur) and 2019 (Bolpur) to AITC; also lost 2016 West Bengal Assembly election from Suri.

    Key Parliamentary Roles & Performance (15th Lok Sabha, 2009–14)

    • Chief Whip, CPI(M) Parliamentary Party.
    • Member: Health & Family Welfare, Human Resource Development, Railways, Estimates, MPLADS committees.
    • Chairman, Sriniketan-Santiniketan Development Authority.
    • Member, Visva-Bharati University Court & ICMR Governing Body.
    • Attendance: 83% (above national average).
    • Participated in 54 debates (above average); asked 80 questions (focus on health, railways, Dalit/OBC issues, price rise, etc.).

    2019 Lok Sabha Nomination Details (Bolpur, CPI(M))

    • Profession: Social Worker (pension as ex-MP).
    • Education: Graduate Professional (MBBS).
    • Assets: ₹23.2 lakh (movable ₹3.2 lakh, immovable ₹20 lakh residential house in Suri); Liabilities: Nil.
    • Criminal Cases: 3 pending (all related to political protests/violence during 2018–19 panchayat & other agitations; charges include IPC 307 attempt to murder, 326 grievous hurt, 332/333 hurt to public servant, rioting, etc.; no convictions).

    Personal Life

    Married to Bandana Dome (née Das) since 1987; one daughter. Family resides in Suri, Birbhum. He still practices medicine for the needy alongside politics.

    Views & Recent Role

    Dome has consistently emphasised that economic emancipation is essential for Dalit upliftment alongside social justice. He criticises BJP-led privatisation policies and TMC’s “dole politics & lawlessness” in West Bengal. In 2022 he described his Politburo elevation as a “natural process” rather than historic, noting the party already had Dalits in Central Committee and state committees.

    He remains active in party work, focusing on working-class mobilisation and highlighting failures of central and state governments post-COVID.
    Silvio Berlusconi

    Italy's once-untouchable prime minister

    Berlusconi dominated Italian politics from the 1990s until 2013
    Berlusconi's era

    Few Italians have wielded more influence and attracted more notoriety than Silvio Berlusconi, four-time prime minister and billionaire businessman.

    For years he successfully brushed off sex scandals and allegations of corruption but it was the effects of Italy's burgeoning eurozone debt crisis in 2011 that finally spelt an end to his time at the top table of politics.

    The charismatic showman was replaced by a technocrat and his centre-right party split.

    Worse was to come for a man whom many Italians had come to see as untouchable.

    He was convicted of tax fraud in 2013 and ejected from the Italian Senate. Because of his age, a four-year jail term became a year of community service at a care home near Milan. Another conviction in 2015 and his political career was finally over.

    For years his looks belied his age, with a little help from hair transplants and plastic surgery. However, after a heart attack that his doctor said could have killed him, he has had heart surgery to replace a defective valve.

    From crooner to business mogulBerlusconi, remains one of Italy's richest men. He and his family have built a fortune estimated at $6.6bn (£4.6bn; €6.6bn)

    by US business magazine Forbes.


    Born on 29 September 1936, Berlusconi lived through the war as a child. Like many Milan children, he was evacuated and lived with his mother in a village some distance from the city.


    He began his career selling vacuum cleaners and built a reputation as a crooner, first in nightclubs and then on cruise ships.


    "I had a repertoire of 150 different songs and I took requests from the audience," he told biographer Alan Friedman.

    He graduated in law in 1961 and then set up Edilnord, a construction company, establishing himself as a residential housing developer around his native Milan.

    Ten years later he launched a local cable-television outfit - Telemilano - which would grow into Italy's biggest media empire, Mediaset, controlling the country's three largest private TV stations.

    His huge Fininvest holding company now has Mediaset, Italy's largest publishing house Mondadori, daily newspaper Il Giornale, AC Milan football club and dozens of other companies under its umbrella.

    His children, Marina, Barbara, Pier Silvio, Eleonora and Luigi all take part in the running of his business empire.

    Rise and fall of Forza Italia

    In 1993, Berlusconi founded his own political party, Forza Italia (Go Italy), named after an Italian football chant.

    The following year he became prime minister, heading a coalition with the right-wing National Alliance and Northern League.

    Many hoped his business acumen could help revitalise Italy's economy. They longed for a break with the corruption and instability which had marred Italian politics for a decade.

    But rivalries between the three coalition leaders, coupled with Berlusconi's indictment for alleged tax fraud by a Milan court, confounded those hopes and led to the collapse of the government seven months later.

    He lost the 1996 election to the left-wing Romano Prodi but by 2001 he was back in power, in coalition once more with his former partners.

    Having headed the longest-serving Italian government since World War Two, he was again defeated by Mr Prodi in 2006.

    He returned to office in 2008 at the helm of a revamped party, renamed the People of Freedom (PDL).

    His support drained away in 2011, as the country's borrowing costs rocketed at the height of the eurozone debt crisis, and he resigned after losing his parliamentary majority.

    But in December 2012, his PDL withdrew its backing, forcing an early election.

    In February 2013, he showed he had not lost his touch when he closed a huge gap to come within 1% of winning a general election - close enough to play a part in the governing coalition.

    But after an uncomfortable period when the PDL backed Enrico Letta's government, the party split and Berlusconi relaunched it under the old name, Forza Italia. Opinion polls now place Forza Italia well behind the other big parties.

    Milanese courtroom dramas

    Much of Berlusconi's political career ran in tandem with a litany of legal battles. A native of Milan, he frequently complained of being victimised by its legal authorities.

    In 2009, he estimated that over 20 years he had made 2,500 court appearances in 106 trials, at a legal cost of €200m.

    He denied embezzlement, tax fraud and false accounting, and attempting to bribe a judge. And on numerous occasions he was acquitted, had convictions overturned or watched them expire under a statute of limitations.

    But he received a setback when in 2011 the Constitutional Court struck down part of a law granting him and other senior ministers temporary immunity.

    From now on it was up to individual trial judges to decide.

    By the end of the year he was out of power and in October 2012 he was given four years for tax fraud and barred from public office.

    But it was not until 1 August 2013 that Italy's supreme court upheld the verdict. Berlusconi declared his innocence and spoke of a "judicial coup".

    Because he was over 75, he did not go to jail but did community service, working four hours a week with elderly dementia patients at a Catholic care home near Milan.

    The many trials of Berlusconi

    Berlusconi's women and bunga-bunga parties

    Berlusconi's struggles in the political arena and the courtroom have been accompanied by a string of lascivious reports about his private life.

    He met second wife Veronica Lario after she performed topless in a play.

    When he was photographed at the 18th birthday party of aspiring model Noemi Letizia, she decided to divorce him and also accused him of selecting a "shamelessly trashy" list of candidates for the European parliament.

    But his reputation was tarnished most by allegations of raunchy "bunga-bunga" parties at his private villa attended by showgirls. The reports culminated in a conviction of paying for sex with an underage prostitute.

    An explanation of bunga bunga

    In October 2010, it emerged that Silvio Berlusconi had called a police station asking for the release of a 17-year-old girl, Karima "Ruby" El Mahroug.

    She was being held for theft and was also said to have attended his "bunga-bunga" parties.

    In June 2013 he was found guilty of paying her for sex, and of abuse of power. The case was eventually overturned in 2014.

    Berlusconi has always maintained he is "no saint" but firmly denies having ever paid for sex with a woman, saying: "I never understood where the satisfaction is when you're missing the pleasure of conquest."

    His turn of phrase has always delighted like-thinkers and horrified critics. In one of his most recent examples, he said his family was so persecuted they felt "like the families of Jews... under Hitler's regime". The remark drew condemnation from Italian Jews.

    In December 2009, he was assaulted in a street in Milan - hit in the face with a souvenir of Milan cathedral, by a mentally disturbed man. With a bloodied face and broken teeth, he got out of the car into which he had been bundled by security guards to show his defiance.

    Sathyavani Muthu

    Sathyavani Muthu (also spelled Sathiyavani Muthu or Annai Sathyavani Muthu), born on February 15, 1923, in George Town, Chennai, Tamil Nadu, was a pioneering Indian politician, social reformer, and one of the most influential Dalit women leaders in the Dravidian movement. Hailing from a Scheduled Caste (SC) background, she rose from the margins of society to become a three-time Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA), a Rajya Sabha MP, and India's first Dalit woman Union Minister from a regional party. Her life was a testament to resilience against caste discrimination, patriarchal barriers, and political betrayals, blending Ambedkarite ideals of Dalit emancipation with Periyar's Self-Respect Movement. Today, November 11, 2025, marks her 26th death anniversary, a poignant reminder of her enduring legacy amid calls for greater recognition in Tamil Nadu's political discourse.

    Early Life and Influences

    Sathyavani was born into a modest family as the daughter of Nagainathan and Janaki Ammal, a homeopathic doctor and Congress worker respectively. Her father, a member of the Justice Party (a precursor to the Dravidian movement) and the South Indian Buddhist Association, exposed her early to anti-caste activism, including Periyar E.V. Ramasamy's Self-Respect Movement. Growing up in Chennai's bustling George Town amid Brahminical dominance, she witnessed caste-based cruelties firsthand, which ignited her passion for social justice.

    Educated in Chennai, Sathyavani married young to Muthu, a supportive Congress activist, in a ceremony presided over by Tamil scholar Thiru Vi. Ka (Thiru V. Kalyanasundaram). Her wedding speech—delivered to an audience of political leaders—marked her debut as an orator, earning praise and propelling her into activism. By her early 20s, she had joined the All India Scheduled Caste Federation (founded by B.R. Ambedkar in 1943), becoming its Chennai district women's wing president—a role that introduced Dravidian leaders like C.N. Annadurai to Ambedkar's ideas on annihilation of caste.

    Entry into Politics and Rise in the DMK

    Sathyavani's political journey began in earnest with the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), founded in 1949 as a breakaway from Periyar's Dravidar Kazhagam (DK). At the rain-soaked launch rally in Royapuram on September 18, 1949, the 26-year-old was the only woman speaker among leaders like Annadurai, showcasing her fiery oratory. She quickly became one of the DMK's 50 core architects, organizing conferences, mobilizing Dalit voters, and bridging Dravidian rationalism with Ambedkarite thought.

    Her electoral breakthrough came in the 1962 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, where she won from Perambur constituency as the DMK's sole woman candidate among 15 winners, becoming the party's first female MLA. Re-elected in 1967 and 1971, she earned Annadurai's moniker as one of the "three female lions" of the DMK—alongside Dr. Dharmambal and Movalur Ramamirtham Ammaiyar—for her eloquence and unyielding principles.

    Ministerial Roles and Key Contributions

    Sathyavani's tenure as a minister was marked by bold advocacy for Dalit rights, women's empowerment, and anti-caste reforms, often at personal cost:

    PeriodRoleKey Achievements and Actions
    1967–1969Minister for Harijan Welfare and Information (under C.N. Annadurai)- Advocated for Dalit education and land rights. - Opposed Hindi imposition as a tool of cultural hegemony. - Organized welfare schemes for Scheduled Castes, including scholarships and hostels.
    1969–1974Minister for Harijan Welfare (under M. Karunanidhi)- Responded to the 1968 Kilvenmani massacre (where 44 Dalit laborers were burned alive) by adopting the village for rehabilitation—building homes, schools, and cooperatives. - Founded Dr. Ambedkar Government Arts College in Vyasarpadi, Chennai (1972), a landmark for SC higher education. - Protested casteist policies like C. Rajagopalachari's Kula Kalvi Thittam (1953 hereditary education scheme), once while heavily pregnant, enduring solitary arrests while male leaders were jailed.
    1979–1980Union Minister for Social Welfare (Janata Party government)- First non-Congress Dravidian (and Dalit woman) in the Union Cabinet; traveled globally, meeting Pope Paul VI and Queen Elizabeth II to highlight caste oppression and patriarchy. - Pushed for national policies on women's rights and SC/ST welfare. - Along with A. Bala Pajanor, broke barriers as the first regional party ministers in Delhi.Her activism extended to unveiling Ambedkar portraits at Dravidian events (e.g., in Pondicherry) and critiquing religious conversions as escapes from inequality rather than Gulf-funded opportunism. Imprisoned nine times—twice while pregnant—for protests against casteism and authoritarianism, she embodied sacrifice.

    Challenges, Resignation, and Political Shifts

    Despite her stature, Sathyavani faced intra-party marginalization in the DMK, dominated by backward castes post-Annadurai's 1969 death. Under Karunanidhi, Dalit voices were sidelined; she accused him of prejudice and "betraying" Harijans by prioritizing Vanniyar and Thevar interests. In 1974, she resigned dramatically as Harijan Welfare Minister, declaring, "Caste is too powerful," and formed the Thazhthapattor Munnetra Kazhagam (Depressed Classes Progressive Federation)—likely India's first Dalit woman-led party—to fight for oppressed castes independently.

    Lacking Dalit consolidation (as later lamented by VCK leader Thol. Thirumavalavan), she joined M.G. Ramachandran's AIADMK in 1979, leveraging his Dalit-friendly films (e.g., Rickshawkaran) for electoral gains. She won Rajya Sabha in 1988 and briefly returned to DMK in 1989 post-MGR's death but retreated from active politics. Her 1982 memoir, My Agitations (published by The Justice Press), chronicled these betrayals, including Karunanidhi's "dhroham" (treachery) toward Dalits.

    Legacy and Commemoration

    Sathyavani Muthu's life shattered ceilings: first DMK woman MLA and minister, first Dravidian Union Minister, and a "Determined Self-Respect Warrior" per Periyar. Yet, her erasure from Dravidian narratives—overshadowed by upper-caste icons—highlights ongoing caste dynamics in Tamil politics. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M.K. Stalin hailed her as a "role model for women politicians" during her 2023 birth centenary, urging DMK women to emulate her "unshakable principles." VCK's 2023 events emphasized her ideological commitment over caste, calling for Dalit unity behind such leaders.

    Tributes include:

    • Annai Sathyavani Muthu Nagar: Chennai's largest slum redevelopment area, named in her honor.
    • Sathyavani Muthu Ammaiyar Free Sewing Machine Scheme: A Tamil Nadu government initiative for Dalit women entrepreneurs.
    • Cultural Revival: Books like Bhavani Ilavenil's 2018 biography (Thaltapatta Makkaluku Kalingnar M. Karunanidhi Seydha Dhroham) expose her erased history; Dalit History Month (February) spotlights her annually.

    On this 26th death anniversary (November 11, 1999, at age 76), while no major statewide events are reported for 2025, Dalit groups and social media continue invoking her against political opportunism—echoing recent critiques of DMK's Dalit record. Her story inspires contemporary movements, reminding us that true reform demands confronting power, not tokenism. For deeper insights, her memoir or Ilavenil's work offer unfiltered accounts.
    Tilak Chand Kureel 

    Photo May be wrong

    Tilak Chand Kureel was a prominent Dalit leader and activist from Uttar Pradesh, India, belonging to the Kureel caste, which is part of the broader Dalit community and historically associated with the Chamar subgroup. Specific details about his birth date, place of birth, education, family, or early personal life remain scarce in available historical records, but his activism suggests he emerged in the early 20th century amid the rising Dalit consciousness movements. The Kureel community participated actively in the Adi-Hindu movement during the 1930s, which sought to redefine Dalit identity outside Brahmanical Hinduism, claiming Dalits as descendants of a pre-Aryan indigenous race and adherents to Bhakti traditions.

    Political Career and Roles

    Kureel's political journey was deeply intertwined with the Dalit emancipation efforts led by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. He rose to prominence in the 1920s through the Adi-Hindu movement, where he organized intra-regional conferences to unite Dalit groups and spread ideologies emphasizing Dalit unity and socio-political rights. In 1926, he convened a significant inter-regional conference in Delhi, collaborating with leaders from Punjab's Ad-Dharm movement to foster broader Dalit solidarity across regions.

    By the 1940s, Kureel became a key figure in the United Provinces Scheduled Castes Federation (UPSCF), the regional branch of Ambedkar's All India Scheduled Castes Federation established in 1942. He served as its president and was instrumental in mobilizing Dalits across Uttar Pradesh (then United Provinces). In July 1946, he led a massive demonstration in Lucknow, marching thousands of protesters to the Legislative Assembly as part of widespread satyagrahas in 23 districts, including Eta, Etawa, Raizabad, and Gorakhpur. Alongside leaders like Manik Chand, Faqir Chand, and Swami Chamanand, he traveled extensively to demand separate electorates for Dalits and criticize the Poona Pact of 1932 as a "political fraud" that undermined Dalit representation.

    In the post-independence era, Kureel was the founding president of the Uttar Pradesh branch of the Republican Party of India (RPI) from 1958 to 1960, succeeding leaders like Chedi Lal Sathi (who took over from 1961-1964). Under his leadership, the RPI aimed to broaden its appeal beyond Dalits to include other oppressed groups, advocating for land redistribution, implementation of the Minimum Wages Act of 1948, and reservations for Scheduled Castes and Tribes. However, the party faced challenges, including internal divisions, financial constraints, and a limited social base primarily among urban Chamars in areas like Agra, Meerut, and Rohilkhand. Electorally, it underperformed, securing only 8 out of 122 contested seats with 3.7% of the vote in the 1969 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections.

    Later in his career, during the 1970s phase influenced by the Dalit Panthers and leading up to the formation of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in 1984, Kureel was associated with Dalit leaders under Congress Party influence, such as Kanhaiyalal Sonkar, Ram Kinkar, Gaya Prasad Prashant, Chaudhry Buddha Dev, Bhagauti Prasad Kureel, and Mewalal Sonkar. He was eventually co-opted by the Congress Party, a common trend among Dalit leaders for political survival, though details of this transition are limited.

    Kureel was also involved in a Supreme Court case, Tilak Chand Kureel v. Bhim Raj, concerning property acquired by the Kureel community for charitable purposes benefiting the group.

    Contributions to Dalit Politics

    Kureel's work significantly advanced Dalit political consciousness and mobilization in Uttar Pradesh during a period of rigid social hierarchies. Through the Adi-Hindu movement, he promoted Dalits as "Bhagats" (devotees) linked to sects like Kabirpanthi, Shivnaryani, or Ravidasis, reconstituting caste panchayats in urban areas to handle internal disputes and foster a new identity. This included supporting the construction of temples dedicated to Bhakti gurus in cities like Lucknow, Kanpur, Allahabad, and Varanasi, funded by community donations.

    His leadership in the UPSCF's satyagrahas directly influenced policy outcomes, securing 17% reservations for Dalits in government jobs and legislative bodies, as well as the establishment of the Harijan Sahayak Shakha (Harijan Welfare Department). In the RPI, he expanded Dalit politics to address broader socio-economic issues, positioning it as a "federation of oppressed populations" to tackle systemic inequalities. Despite the RPI's limitations, his efforts laid groundwork for later Dalit parties like the BSP, contributing to the politicization of Dalits in a state where such movements were slower to develop compared to regions like Maharashtra.

    Legacy and Challenges

    Kureel's activism occurred during transitional phases of Dalit politics—from religious-social reforms in the 1920s-1930s to political demands in the 1940s-1960s and eventual party formations in the 1970s. However, challenges like the Congress Party's co-option of Dalit leaders, internal RPI divisions, and urban-rural divides limited the movement's reach.

    Upendranath Barman

    Full Name: Upendranath Barman Born: December 1, 1899, Gopalpur village, Cooch Behar (now in West Bengal, India) Died: February 7, 1988, Cooch Behar, West Bengal (aged 88) Community: Rajbanshi (a prominent indigenous ethnic group in North Bengal and parts of Assam, historically rulers of the Koch kingdom; classified as Other Backward Class (OBC) in West Bengal under modern reservation policies) Occupation: Politician, lawyer, author, social reformer Affiliation: Indian National Congress (INC)

    Upendranath Barman was a pioneering Indian politician from the Rajbanshi community, known for his unwavering advocacy for the rights of backward and Scheduled Castes during India's independence struggle and early republican era. As a vocal member of the Constituent Assembly and a two-term Lok Sabha MP, he championed education, social upliftment, and caste-based reservations, often urging the oppressed to "revolt" for justice if needed. Born into a modest Rajbanshi family, Barman's journey from rural Bengal to national politics symbolized the community's aspirations amid colonial oppression and post-independence inequities. His legacy endures through his writings on Rajbanshi history and his role in elevating marginalized voices in Parliament.

    Early Life and Education

    Upendranath Barman was born into a traditional Rajbanshi agrarian family in Gopalpur, a village in the princely state of Cooch Behar (present-day Cooch Behar district, West Bengal). His father, Biranarayan Barman, was a local farmer and community figure, reflecting the Rajbanshi's historical ties to land and royalty—the community traces its roots to the medieval Koch dynasty, which ruled much of North Bengal. Growing up in a region marked by feudalism and British colonial influence, young Upendranath witnessed the socio-economic disparities faced by indigenous groups like the Rajbanshis, who were often labeled as "tribal" or "low caste" in colonial censuses.

    Barman pursued education against these odds, graduating with a Bachelor of Arts (B.A.) from Victoria College in Cooch Behar. He then moved to Calcutta (now Kolkata) to study law, earning an LL.B. from University Law College in the early 1920s. This legal training equipped him for both his profession and political activism, as he returned to North Bengal to practice advocacy in Jalpaiguri, focusing on land rights and tenant disputes affecting rural communities.

    Entry into Politics and Freedom Struggle (1920s–1940s)

    Barman's political awakening aligned with the Non-Cooperation Movement of 1921, where he joined the Indian National Congress as a young lawyer. His early public role came as Vice-Chairman of the Jalpaiguri Municipality in the 1930s, where he addressed local issues like sanitation, education, and caste discrimination—earning him grassroots support among Rajbanshis and other backward groups.

    He was elected to the Bengal Legislative Assembly in 1937 (re-elected in 1942), serving until 1945. During this period (1937–1945), Barman emerged as a fierce critic of colonial policies, particularly those marginalizing "Depressed Classes" (the pre-independence term for Scheduled Castes). He supported the Poona Pact of 1932 but argued that the Government of India Act, 1935's reservations were mere tokenism, failing to address systemic poverty and illiteracy. As a minister in the interim Bengal government (1941–1943), he pushed for agrarian reforms benefiting tenant farmers from OBC and SC backgrounds.

    Barman's activism extended to the Quit India Movement (1942), for which he faced brief imprisonment. He was instrumental in the Rajbanshi "Kshatriyanization" movement led by figures like Thakur Panchanan Barma, which sought to reclaim Kshatriya status for the community against colonial stigmatization as "Koch" tribes. This caste assertion blended cultural pride with political mobilization, positioning Rajbanshis as key players in Bengal's nationalist politics.

    Role in the Constituent Assembly and Nation-Building (1946–1950)

    Elected to the Constituent Assembly of India from West Bengal on a Congress ticket in 1946, Barman was the lone representative from North Bengal—a region often overlooked in Delhi-centric debates. As one of 15 Rajbanshi members in the Assembly, he became its moral compass on social justice.

    Barman's interventions were legendary for their passion:

    • He advocated for stronger affirmative action, arguing that without "special provisions" for Scheduled Castes and backward classes, the Constitution would perpetuate inequality.
    • In debates on fundamental rights, he emphasized education as the "key to upliftment," proposing free primary schooling for marginalized children.
    • He warned against complacency: "If our voices are not heard, we must revolt until justice is done," a radical call echoing Ambedkarite fervor while staying within Congress folds.
    • Barman supported the integration of princely states like Cooch Behar into India (1949), leveraging his regional ties.

    His efforts influenced Articles 15, 16, and 46 of the Constitution, which prohibit discrimination and promote educational/economic interests of weaker sections. He viewed the Assembly not just as a law-making body but as a platform for "revolutionizing" caste hierarchies.

    Parliamentary Career and Later Politics (1950s–1960s)

    Post-independence, Barman seamlessly transitioned to national politics:

    • 1st Lok Sabha (1952–1957): Elected from Cooch Behar (a Scheduled Caste-reserved constituency) with overwhelming support from Rajbanshi voters. He focused on flood control in North Bengal and rural electrification.
    • 2nd Lok Sabha (1957–1962): Re-elected from the same seat, serving on committees for estimates and privileges. He critiqued the Congress government's slow implementation of land reforms, pushing for redistribution to landless Dalits and OBCs.

    Though he did not contest after 1962 (likely due to age), Barman remained active in local Congress politics, mentoring younger Rajbanshi leaders. He spoke Hindi fluently, aiding his parliamentary interventions, and was known for his simplicity—traveling by train and staying in modest lodgings.

    Literary Contributions and Social Reforms

    Beyond politics, Barman was a scholar of Rajbanshi heritage:

    • Books Authored:
      • History of Rajbanshi Community (chronicles the Koch dynasty's glory and colonial subjugation).
      • History of Rajbanshi Literature (highlights folk traditions like Bhawaiya songs and their role in resistance).
    • He promoted Rajbanshi language and culture, founding libraries in Cooch Behar and advocating for its inclusion in school curricula.

    Barman believed education was the panacea for backwardness, often saying, "A book in hand is mightier than a landlord's whip." He established scholarships for SC/ST students and supported women's literacy drives in his constituency.

    Personal Life

    Barman married Kshirodebala Debi in 1926; they had two sons and four daughters. His family resided in Cooch Behar, where he maintained a low-key lifestyle rooted in Rajbanshi customs—simple vegetarian meals, community feasts, and devotion to local deities like Bhawani. He was a teetotaler and avoided ostentation, embodying Gandhian ideals. In later years, he suffered from age-related ailments but remained mentally sharp, dictating memoirs until his death.

    Death and Legacy

    Upendranath Barman passed away on February 7, 1988, in Cooch Behar after a brief illness, survived by his children and grandchildren. His funeral drew thousands from North Bengal, with tributes from Congress leaders like Priya Ranjan Dasmunsi.

    Today, Barman is remembered as the "Voice of North Bengal's Forgotten" in the Constituent Assembly. Streets in Cooch Behar bear his name, and his books are staples in regional studies. In an era of rising caste politics, his blend of Congress loyalty and radical advocacy inspires OBC and SC movements. As of 2025, the 125th anniversary of his birth (December 1) sees renewed calls for a national memorial, underscoring his role in weaving social justice into India's foundational fabric.

    Vayalar Ravi

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
    Vayalar Ravi
    Vayalar Ravi


    Assumed office
    22 April 2003
    Constituency Kerala
    In office
    2 July 1994 – 1 July 2000
    In office
    29 January 2006 – 26 May 2014
    Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
    Preceded by Oscar Fernandes
    Succeeded by Sushma Swaraj
    In office
    14 August 2012 – 28 October 2012
    Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
    Preceded by Vilasrao Deshmukh
    Succeeded by Jaipal Reddy
    In office
    14 August 2012 – 28 October 2012
    Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
    Preceded by Vilasrao Deshmukh
    Succeeded by Jaipal Reddy
    In office
    14 August 2012 – 28 October 2012
    Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
    Preceded by Vilasrao Deshmukh
    Succeeded by K. H. Muniyappa
    In office
    19 January 2011 – 18 December 2011
    Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
    Preceded by Praful Patel
    Personal details
    Born 4 June 1937
    Political party Indian National Congress
    Spouse(s) Mercy Ravi
    Children Ravi Krishna
    Liza Rohan
    Lakshmi Ravi
    Residence Kerala

    Vayalar Ravi (born 4 June 1937) is an Indian politician, who served as the Union Minister of Overseas Indian Affairs from 2006 to 2014. He is a member of the Rajya Sabha.

    Political Life

    Ravi was born in Vayalar, Cherthala, Alappuzha District, Kerala. He was the first General Secretary of the Kerala Students Union (KSU), the students' wing of Indian National Congress in Kerala. Ravi was elected to the 5th Lok Sabha in 1971 from Chirayinkil in Thiruvananthapuram district; he was re-elected to the 6th Lok Sabha in 1977, serving until 1979. He was elected to the Kerala Legislative Assembly in 1982, and he served as Home Minister of Kerala from 1982 to 1986 before resigning from that position due to a disagreement with Chief Minister K. Karunakaran. He was re-elected to the Kerala Legislative Assembly in 1987, serving until 1991. He was elected to the Rajya Sabha in July 1994 and again in April 2003. He became Union Cabinet Minister for Overseas Affairs on 30 January 2006.

    After the Congress reelection in 2009, Ravi was re-inducted to the Cabinet for the second UPA government and retained the portfolio of Overseas Indian Affairs. He was given the additional responsibility of Ministry of Civil Aviation on 19 January 2011. He resigned from the office after Rashtriya Lok Dal leader Ajit Singh succeeded him.

    Ravi was successful in getting to key official posts in Kerala and in center. He is a Rajya Sabha member from kerala for long time.

    Personal life

    Ravi met his wife Mercy, while they were both active in the Kerala Students Union and he married her after a brief courtship. Mercy Ravi died on 5 September 2009 following a kidney failure, aged 64.

    In February 2010, Vayalar Ravi along with Indian Ambassador Shamma Jain were injured in a car accident in Monrovia, Liberia, while on an official visit to African countries.



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