हमारे उद्देश्य: - मेघवाल समुदाय समृद्ध सामाजिक, आर्थिक, धार्मिक, मानसिक और सांस्कृतिक. मृत्यु भोज, शराब दुरुपयोग, बाल विवाह, बहुविवाह, दहेज, विदेशी शोषण, अत्याचार और समाज और सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं पर अपराधों को रोकने के लिए और समाज के कमजोर लोगों का समर्थन की तरह प्रगति में बाधा कार्यों से छुटकारा पाने की कोशिश करेंगे :- नवरत्न मन्डुसिया
The proportion of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the population of India has steadily risen since independence in 1947. The Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order 1950 lists 1,108 castes across 25 states in its First Schedule.The Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order 1950 lists 744 tribes across 22 states in its First Schedule. Post Independence Scheduled Castes have been benefited by Reservation policy. The policy was made an integral part of Constitution by the efforts of Dr. Ambedkar, who is regarded as the father of the Indian constitution, participated in Round Table Conferences and fought for the rights of Depressed classes. The Constitution lays down general principles for the policy of affirmative action for the SCs and STs.
HISTORY
From the 1850s these communities were loosely referred to as the "Depressed Classes". The early part of the 20th century saw a flurry of activity in the British Raj to assess the feasibility of responsible self-government for India. The Morley-Minto Reforms Report, Montagu–Chelmsford Reforms Report, and the Simon Commission were some of the initiatives that happened in this context. One of the hotly contested issues in the proposed reforms was the topic of reservation of seats for the "Depressed" Classes in provincial and central legislatures.
In 1935 the British passed The Government of India Act 1935, designed to give Indian provinces greater self-rule and set up a national federal structure. Reservation of seats for the Depressed Classes was incorporated into the act, which came into force in 1937. The Act brought the term "Scheduled Castes" into use, and defined the group as including "such castes, races or tribes or parts of groups within castes, races or tribes, which appear to His Majesty in Council to correspond to the classes of persons formerly known as the 'Depressed Classes', as His Majesty in Council may prefer." This discretionary definition was clarified in The Government of India (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1936 which contained a list, or Schedule, of castes throughout the British administered provinces.
After independence, the Constituent Assembly continued the prevailing definition of Scheduled Castes and Tribes, and gave (via articles 341, 342) the President of India and Governors of states responsibility to compile a full listing of castes and tribes, and also the power to edit it later as required. The actual complete listing of castes and tribes was made via two orders The Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, and The Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950 respectively.
CONSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK FOR SAFEGUARDING OF INTERESTS
The Constitution provides a framework with a three pronged strategy to improve the situation of SCs and STs.
Protective Arrangements - Such measures as are required to enforce equality, to provide punitive measures for transgressions, to eliminate established practices that perpetuate inequities, etc. A number of laws were enacted to operationalize the provisions in the Constitution. Examples of such laws include The Untouchability Practices Act, 1955, Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, The Employment of Manual scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993, etc.
Affirmative action - provide positive preferential treatment in allotment of jobs and access to higher education, as a means to accelerate the integration of the SCs and STs with mainstream society. Affirmative action is also popularly referred to as Reservation.
Development - Provide for resources and benefits to bridge the wide gap in social and economic condition between the SCs/STs and other communities.
National commissionsTo effectively implement the various safeguards built into the Constitution and other legislations, the Constitution, under Articles 338 and 338A, provides for two statutory commissions - the National Commission for Scheduled Castes, and National Commission for Scheduled Tribes.
History
In the original Constitution, Article 338 provided for a Special Officer, called the Commissioner for SCs and STs, to have the responsibility of monitoring the effective implementation of various safeguards for SCs/STs in the Constitution as well as other related legislations and to report to the President. To enable efficient discharge of duties, 17 regional offices of the Commissioner were set up all over the country.
In the meanwhile there was persistent representation for a replacement of the Commissioner with a multi-member committee. It was proposed that the 48th Amendment to the Constitution be made to alter Article 338 to enable said proposal. While the amendment was being debated, the Ministry of Welfare issued an administrative decision to establish the Commission for SCs/STs as a multi-member committee to discharge the same functions as that of the Commissioner of SCs/STs. The first commission came into being in August 1978. The functions of the commission were modified in September 1987 to advise Government on broad policy issues and levels of development of SCs/STs.
In 1990 that the Article 338 was amended to give birth to the statutory National Commission for SCs and STs via the Constitution (Sixty fifth Amendment) Bill, 1990. The first Commission under the 65th Amendment was constituted in March 1992 replacing the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and the Commission set up under the Ministry of Welfare's Resolution of 1989.
In 2002, the Constitution was again amended to split the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes into two separate commissions - the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes
DISTRIBUTION
According to the 61st Round Survey of the NSSO, almost nine-tenths of Buddhists and one-third of Sikhs in India belonged to scheduled castes of the Constitution while one-third of Christians belonged to scheduled tribes. The Sachar Committee report of 2006 also confirmed that members of scheduled castes and tribes of India are not exclusively adherents of Hinduism.
ReligionScheduled CasteScheduled Tribe
Buddhism 89.50% 7.40%
Christianity 9.00% 32.80%
Sikhism 37.0% 0.90%
Hinduism 22.20% 9.10%
Zoroastrianism - 15.90%
Jainism - 2.60%
Islam 0.80% 0.50%
SCHEDULED CASTE SUB-PLAN
The strategy of Scheduled Castes Sub-Plan (SCSP) which was evolved in 1979 is one of the most important interventions through the planning process for social, economic and educational development of Scheduled Castes and for improvement in their working and living conditions. It is an umbrella strategy to ensure flow of targeted financial and physical benefits from all the general sectors of development for the benefit of Scheduled Castes. Under this strategy, population. It entails targeted flow of funds and associated benefits from the annual plan of States/ Union Territories (UTs) at least in proportion to the SC population i.e. 16 % in the total population of the country/the particular state. Presently, 27 States/UTs having sizeable SC populations are implementing Scheduled Castes Sub-Plan. Although the Scheduled Castes population, according to 2001 Census, was 16.66 crores constituting 16.23% of the total population of India, the allocations made through SCSP in recent years have been much lower than the population proportion. Table below provides the details of total State Plan Outlay, flow to Scheduled Castes Sub-Plan (SCSP) as reported by the State/UT Governments for the last few years especially since the present UPA government is in power at the
2004–2005 108788.9 17656 2065.38 11.06 68.3 5591
2005–2006 136234.5 22111 16422.63 12.05 74.3 5688
2006–2007 152088 24684 21461.12 14.11 86.9 3223
2007-2008* 155013.2 25159 22939.99 14.80 91.2 2219
Information in respect of 14 States/UTs only and as on 31-12- 2007Source: Network for Social Accountability (NSA) http://nsa.org.in
Meghwal
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Megh / Meghwar
A group of Megh girls in Jammu, India
Regions with significant populations
• India • Pakistan
Religion
The Meghwal (also known as Megh and Meghwar) people live primarily in northwest India, with a small population in Pakistan. Their traditional occupation was agricultural farming, cattle-herding and weaving. Meghwals are known for their contribution to embroidery and the textile industry. Most are Hindu by religion, with Rishi Megh, Kabir, Ram Devji and Bankar Mataji their chief gods.
Synonym
The Meghwal community is known by various names, depending on location. Examples include Megh and Menghvar.
Origins
They claim to have descended from Rishi Megh, a saint who had the power to bring rain from the clouds through his prayer. The word Meghwar is derived from the Sanskrit words megh, meaning clouds and rain, and war (Hindi: वार), meaning a group, son and child. (Sanskrit: वार:) Literally, then, the words Meghwal and Meghwar connote a people who belong to Megh lineage.
Some Meghwals are associated with other social groups. Shyam Lal Rawat refers to the Meghwals of Rajasthan as "one of the dominating backward castes ...", a connection also made by Debashis Debnath. The Balali and Bunkar communities have also begun using the Meghwal name.
Geographical distribution
The Meghwal are found in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Rajasthan.[citation needed] The Meghs, Kabir Panthi or Bhagat are from Himachal Pradesh and Jammu and Kashmir[10] and are known as Megh, Arya Megh and Bhagat. In some places they are known as Ganeshia, Meghbansi, Mihagh, Rakhesar, Rakhia, Rikhia, Rishia and other names. Some of the Mahashas also claim to be belonging to Meghs.[11][need quotation to verify] After Partition of India in 1947, the Meghs who had become converts to the Hinduism, had to migrate to Indian territory.
As of 1991, the population of Meghs in Punjab (India) was estimated at 105,157.
Lifestyle
In the countryside of Rajasthan, many of the people of this community still reside in small hamlets of round, mud-brick huts painted on the outside with colourful geometric designs and decorated with detailed mirror inlays.[citation needed] In earlier days the main occupation of the Meghwal community was agricultural labour, weaving, specially Khadi and woodcarving, and these are still the main occupations. The women are famous for their embroidery work and are master wool and cotton weavers.
Increasing numbers of the Meghwal today are educated and are obtaining government jobs. In Punjab, especially in the cities like Amritsar, Jalandhar and Ludhiana a good number of them is engaged as workers in factories producing sports, hosiery, surgical and metal goods. Very few of them have their own business or a small scale industry. Tiny business and service units are their main support for livelihood.
Their staple diet includes rice, wheat and maize, and pulses such as moong, urad and channa. They are vegetarian but eat egg.
Marriages are arranged through negotiation between the families before puberty. After marriage, the wife moves to the husband's house, except for the period of childbirth.
Arts
The Meghwal women in Rajasthan are renowned for their exuberantly detailed costumes and jewellery. Married women are often spotted wearing gold nose ring, earrings and neckpieces. They were given to the bride as a "bride wealth" dowry by her soon-to-be husband's mother. Nose rings and earrings are often decorated with precious stones of ruby, sapphire and emerald. The Meghwal women's embroidery is avidly sought after. Their work is distinguished by their primary use of red, which comes from a local pigment produced from crushed insects. The Meghwal women artisans of Thar desert in Sindh and Balochistan, and in Gujarat are considered master of the traditional embroidery and Ralli making. Exotic hand-embroidered items form part of dowry of Meghwal woman.
(Courtsey ; FB)
Meghwal as known many cast or diffrent name by barahmin system.....
.Meghs/Meghvanshi as caste in India
List of notified Scheduled Castes:[33] Meghs[34] Registered as scheduled caste in India Census Report 2001.
Jammu & Kashmir : Megh Or Kabirpanthi (Serial No.10)
Himachal Pradesh : Megh, Julaha, Julahe, Kabirpanthi, Keer Serial No.(31,39)
Punjab : Megh, Serial No.(19,24)
Chandigarh : Megh, Kabirpanthi (Serial No.(18,23)
Utteranchal : Bhuiyar (Serial No.(22), Kori Kabirpanthi (Serial No.(50)
Delhi : Bhuiyar, Meghwal, Kabirpanthi (Serial No.(18,27)
Haryana : Megh, Meghwal, Kabirpanthi, Kori (Serial No.(19,21,24)[35]
Rajasthan : Balai, Koli, Kori, Megh, Meghval, Meghwal, Menghvar (Serial No.(7,37,46)
Uttar Pradesh : Bhuiyar, (Serial No.(22), Kori Kabirpanthi, Balai (Serial No.(10,50)
Chhatisgarh : Meghwal, Koli, Kori (Serial No.(30,35)
Madhya Pradesh : Koli, Kori, Meghwal (Serial No.(31,38)
Gujrat : Meghval, Meghwal, Menghvar (Serial No.(31)
Maharashtra : Meghval, Menghvar (Serial No.(50)
Karnataka : Meghwal, Menghvar (Serial No.(77)
Published on 24 February 2019
Mayur Helia
The Meghwal community has no written history as such. Everything is in the oral form. Through this research, I have understood that a major portion of their history is lost in this process of oral history. Also, there are multiple stories which have come up over a period of time. About the origin of the community itself, there are more than five theories. The history of castes and untouchability is linked with that of occupation and food habits of the community. The factor of "purity" and "pollution" had played an important role in creating the social order. That is the reason why "Chamar" and "Bhangi" are considered to be lower in the social hierarchy than Meghwal.Even the names which the community had at different points in time are linked with their occupation and names of patron saints; for example "Vankar" stands for weaving, "Dhedh" is related to dragging dead animals and "Meghwal" comes from the Megh Rishi. All the saints of the community had a humanitarian approach and had worked for the emancipation of the community. One of the saints, Veer Meghmaya, had sacrificed his life to get basic human dignity for the community. The concept of god in the community began from nature worshipping and has reached polytheism due to various religious influences. The cultural and traditional practices are shaped by various religious influences. And even till date, Meghwal community is marginalized due to caste.
Introduction
"Until the lion tells his side of the story, the tale of the hunt will always glorify the hunter."
This is an African proverb where the lion stands for the African people and the hunter for the colonial rulers. There was the practice of slavery, which resulted into illiteracy and poverty among the Africans. But there has been only a single historical narrative which was written by the colonial rulers, where they portrayed themselves as messiahs. The story of the slavery and injustice was glorified by the rulers. The world assumed that the truth was written by the hunter, since the authority and power was in their hands. But that is not the truth. There is another side to this narrative, the side of the oppressed people and their story, which can provide a clear picture about the scenario. (Adagba, 20061)
This study is based on an ethnographic enquiry of the Meghwal community residing in the Saurashtra region in Gujarat and Mumbai in Maharashtra. It is about the oral history of the community people, as there is not much that has been written. Whatever narratives that the elders of the community have, they have been passed on from one generation to another. So, the different narratives about the origin, untouchability, gods, saints, culture and traditions are the focus of this study. Meghwals come under the Schedule Castes in Gujarat and Maharashtra. In Mumbai, the community's major occupation and livelihood is based on BMC(Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation). Most of the people are laborers, specifically Safai Karmacharis. Some of them have reached higher positions in the BMC. In the Saurashtra region, their primary occupation is weaving, tilling small farms and picking up dead animals, which is now reducing.
Oral History
"'Yes', said Mrs. Oliver, 'and then when they come to talk about it a long time afterwards, they've got the solution for it which they've made up themselves. That isn't awfully helpful, is it?' 'It is helpful,' said Poirot,... 'It is important to know certain facts which have lingered in people's memories, although they may not know exactly what the fact was, why it happened or what led to it. But they might easily know something that we do not know and that we have no means of learning. So there have been memories leading to theories..." (Portelli, The Peculiarities of Oral History, 19812)
'Oral history' is a common shorthand for what we might describe more eloquently as the use of oral sources in history or the social sciences. Oral narratives and evidences which are found in oral history are but an additional tool in the historian's display of sources, and are therefore subject to the same critical scrutiny as all other sources, in order to ascertain their reliability and their usefulness (Portelli, A Dialogical Relationship. An Approach to Oral History, 19983). Oral history can be defined as the process of collecting, usually by means of tape recorded interviews, reminiscences, accounts, and interpretations of events from the recent past which are of historical significance. This form of history is simply as one among several primary resources. It is no worse than written documents. Archives are replete with self-serving documents, with edited and doctored diaries and memoranda written for the record.
Meghwal
The word 'Meghwal' is derived from the word 'Meghwar'. 'Megh' in Sanskrit means cloud or rain and 'war' refers to the people who pray. So, Meghwal and Meghwar are people who pray for rain. They claim to have descended from the Rishi Megh, a saint who had the power to bring rain from the clouds through his prayers. Meghwals are found in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Rajasthan. Sizeable population of Meghwals is also found in Pakistan. During the partition, people who chose to be part of Hinduism came to India, and the others settled there. Meghwals are also known as 'Vankar' or 'Dhedh' in these regions.
Geographical Location
Original location of the community
(Source : http://www.worldhistorymaps.info/images/Sindh_700ad.jpg)
It is said by the elders in the community that the birth of Meghwals took place in the Sindh region. Sindh in the ancient times is said to have extended from the present day Kashmir in the north to Gujarat in the south and from Afghanistan in the west to Uttar Pradesh in the east. The Meghwal community originated in Sindh and later migrated to the north, south, east and west. Even today, most of the community can be seen in and around the same region. The Meghwal community today is found in Kashmir, Punjab, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Mumbai. Meghwals are also residing in Pakistan, especially near the western and south-western region. The community has spread around the region over a period of time. Cultural traditions of the community can be seen to have several local influences. So, there is no cultural tradition that is common to the whole.
Present area where Meghwal Community members are settled
Food and Culture
Historically, people from the Meghwal community have been beef eaters. In the past, they used to eat dead animals for various reasons. But in recent times, this practice has reduced, as it is considered as impure by the upper castes. So, in order to avoid being discriminated against, many have given up on it. But they still eat beef which is available in the market. There is not much information about the similarities in the culture within the community, as according to the geographical location and religious influence they have adapted and changed their culture and traditions over a period of time. People from the community say that there are similarities in the culture of Meghwals residing in Rajasthan, Gujarat, Mumbai and Pakistan. For example, the nature of the marriage ceremony of people, who are influenced by Hinduism, is the same. Cremation is practiced in a similar way in this region, as this region was once united in the past. In the northern India i.e. in Punjab and Kashmir, the culture is similar.
Social and Political History
This chapter will try to look at the various oral history accounts and the links between the themes that they elicit. The concept of oral history is to explore the various histories that are present in the community. To get a better understanding of the historical background of the community, oral histories are important, as they can provide insider perspectives that tend to be different from the mainstream historical narratives that tend to be written by the dominant upper castes. These narratives can often counter the mainstream narratives as well.
The institution of accepted knowledge in the past was owned by the Brahmins, as Dalits had no access to formal education. It was a system created by the upper castes, so that people from the lower strata of the society could not break the chains and revolt against them. It was an attempt to create a hegemonic rule of the upper castes, which led to illiteracy amongst the Dalits. The upper castes controlled resources for food, shelter as well as rules of entry into the village premises. So, one can hardly find any written history of many Dalit communities. Most of the history known to us is in the form of verbal narratives i.e. oral history. Oral history is passed by one generation onto the other. Through this process, one can find multiple stories regarding the origin of the community, cultural and traditional practices, stories of the saints (veer purush), food habits etc. of the people of the Dalit community. As different religions began to be more popular, they also started influencing these narratives. Different religions also influenced many things like the culture and food habits of the community. But there were some common links between different sub-sections of this community, as can be seen in the stories shared by people.
The Meghwal community are without a written history that can trace their origin, caste, culture, tradition, god or deities and the stories of their saints. There is only very little written history about the Meghwal community and most of it is in Gujarati which has also surfaced only in the recent times. Drawing from the written history about the community, it is found that the word 'Meghwal' is derived from the word 'Meghwar'. 'Megh' in Sanskrit means cloud or rain and 'war' means people who pray. So, Meghwal and Meghwar are people who pray for rain. They claim to have descended from the Rishi Megh, a saint who had the power to bring rain from the clouds through his prayers. The Meghwal are found in Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Rajasthan. A good number of Meghwals are also found in Pakistan. During partition, people who chose to be part of Hinduism came to India, whilst the others settled there.
History of the origin and relationship between different denominations in the Meghwal community
This section will look at the different oral histories which are there in the Meghwal community. In context of its origin, there is no single history. People have different perspective about how they came into existence as a community. The story of the community is majorly linked with the origin myth that all Shudras are born from the feet of the Brahma. Therefore, tracing the origin by navigating through a variety of stories will provide a better understanding about the origin of the community. Along with this, the name of the community has undergone changes over a period of time. By understanding the connotations associated with the various names given to the community and the assertions by the community regarding their name, one can also gain valuable historical insights. For instance, the Meghwals are also known as Vankar and Dhedh. So, it is valuable to understand the connotations of different names and the history and the meaning of the name or title.
In the context of Meghwals, there are two to three perspectives about their origin that were told to me by my grandmother. One, where we are seen as the descendents of Megh Rishi who worshiped rain. The second narrative perceives Meghwals as born from the feet of Brahma. This is a common narrative told by the Brahmin. Also, the community has had different names in different time periods like Meghwal, Vankar, Dhedh, etc. Since the times of the Megh Rishi, there has been many other names or titles given to the community. Some people believe that Meghwal comes from Megh Rishi and that Dhedh is a derogatory term used by the upper castes. Vankar is the name that came from the profession. Some names were imposed, while some titles were adopted by the community. There were some occupation based names too. So, one must acknowledge these multiple narratives to understand the origins and connotations of the various names that the community got over a period of time.
Origin of Meghwal
This section will try to explain the history and the origin of the Meghwal community. Tracing the origin of any community with only oral history is difficult but it can provide some understanding of the origin of the community. In Meghwals, there are multiple stories about its origin. This section looks at multiple histories and tries to find a connection between them.
I - From Brahma's feet
Mr. Jivraj says that, "Our origin is from Brahma's feet". This is a common narrative of the birth of the Varna system in Hinduism. It says that all Shudras were born from the feet of Brahma. This theory is generic to all the Shudras and their origins. However, Mr. Jivraj believes that this theory must mean that Dalits are higher in social status as everyone touches god's feet and not the head. So, god must have kept them higher. There is no one understanding or definition of Hinduism, but it is interesting to note that people of all castes or 'jatis' only touch the feet of the deity. Although, the theory of Brahma says that Shudras are born from the feet but then why do people touch the feet of the god is not explained in detail. So, people's interpretation of this narrative shows an attempt to reverse the social hierarchy by creating a counter argument.
II - From Occupation
Mr. Solanki say that the people got their identity from their occupation. Vankar (weaver) is not a caste, it is an occupation. This is one of the major debates among the intellectuals across India that the caste has come from the occupation of the community. Further, he says that 'Meghwal' came from Megh Rishi, so we are his descendents. There was a book written on Megh Rishi and the origin of Meghwals by Saint Nathuram called as 'Megh Matang', which is now unavailable. This book explained the origins and traced the historical significance of the Meghwals.
III - From Veer Meghmaya
According to Chandulal, the name 'Meghwal' came from Veer Meghmaya. There is also a prevalent story regarding the same. He says, "Our caste name came from our occupation. Initially, there were only three jatis i.e. Nar (Male) Nari (Female) and Kinnar (Trans). First came the name 'Dedh' from our occupation, then 'Maysharya', then 'Meghwal', then 'Harijan' and finally now we are known as Dalits". In every period, the names were changing according to the occupation and the influence of saints.
IV - From Megh Rishi
According to Harshad bhai, in Matang Rishi's time there was one Rishi, named Megh Rishi or also known as Mamaydev. At that time, one of Brahmins had conflict of interest with the king. So, he cursed him that there will be no rain in his kingdom for 7 years. So, the king gave out an order that people should save water for drinking. All reservoirs were guarded by his soldiers. One day, a person was found taking a bath in the lake. Soldiers caught him and took him to the king's court. The king asked him, "Don't you know there will be no rain for 7 years?", to which the person responded by saying that this year there will be heavy rainfall. No one believed him. He said, I am going on the peak of Girnar mountain for austerity. After that, it will rain for 7 days continuously. The entire kingdom was flooded; the king went to apologize for not believing him. The Rishi said, "I have called the clouds but I don't have the power to send them back. For that you must call 'Dhedhs', and from then on we came to be known as 'Meghwal'." He got to hear this story from his grandfather.
V - Due to Aryan Invasion
Jayram Bappu, a Buddhist monk, claims that there were no Chamar or Meghwal castes initially. He says, "'Meghwal' or 'Vankar', or whichever term one may use to identify them, are the 'Mulnivasi (original inhabitants)' of this country. They were the Rajputs of this country. Hence, one may find similarities between their surnames and Rajput's surnames. After the Aryan invasion, which was around a thousand years ago, there was a conflict between the Aryans and the Mulnivasis. Some people inhabited the jungles, and they were known as Adivasis (Bhil). Whoever accepted the Aryan rule was made a Kshatriya, and small kingdoms were given to them. The others who fought and lost were made Shudras. They had to stay out the village (i.e., Simaliya). Their rights as villagers were ripped off of them. They were labeled as a despicable (Nich) jati. All the odd labours we given to them. This emerging perspective has been important in the collective struggle of Adivasis and Bahujans that is gaining momentum in India.
Vankar, Meghwal, Dhedh and other denominations
In the contemporary era, there are three names which are used interchangeably. Vankar is the occupation-based name and Meghwal comes from Megh Rishi or Veer Meghmaya. Dhedh is the derogatory term used by the upper castes.
Harshad bhai says, "When Megh Rishi diverted the clouds from the sky, we were called as 'Meghwal'. When we started weaving, the name 'Vankar' came into existence. When we dragged the dead animal, the name 'Dhedh' came into being. When we stayed in sim i.e. outside the village, we were called as Simaliya, meaning outsiders." All the names which were given to the community were related to some event, act or occupation. The derogatory name that was imposed on the community by the upper castes helped maintain cultural hegemony and caste barriers.
According to Chandulal, the word 'Meghwal' came from the Veer Meghmaya. The name of their caste was also linked to their occupation. He says that at first they were called 'Dhedh', then 'Marshariya', then 'Meghwal', 'Harijan' and now they are known as 'Dalit'. They have changed 4 to 5 names of jatis in the course of time. Mr. Dhanji says that name of the caste came from the occupation. The name 'Vankar' came from their occupation of weaving. Mr. Solanki says that the name 'Meghwal' came from the name of Megh Rishi. He further said that this was the reason why they are the 'Meghvansaj' i.e. descendants of Megh Rishi.
Jayram bappu says that 'Dhedh' is a word that was created by the Brahmins through distortion. 'Meghwal' and 'Vankar' are one and the same. 'Meghwal' or 'Vankar' are the Mulnivasis. The Aryan invaders influenced and controlled everything, including their name and food habits.. This narrative is similar to the Aryan and Mulnivashi concept.
Mr. Solanki says, "Before the 12th century there were many 'Vansh', such as 'Surya Vansh', 'Chandra Vansh' etc. People were divided into different sections according to their 'Vansh'. As time passed, occupation started to become the identity and identity became the caste of the community. The name 'Meghwal' is related to Megh Rishi. Just as many kings are 'Surya Vanshi' or 'Chandra Vanshi', Meghwals are 'Megh Vanshi'. Their name comes from the Vansh. The origin of the word 'Dhedh' is in the word 'Ther'.. If one looks into history, one can see that 'Ther' and 'Theri' are two sects of Buddhism namely, Mahayana and Hinayana. 'Ther' also means a male follower of Buddha and 'Theri' means female followers. The word 'Ther' turned into 'Thed' and finally became 'Dhedh'." Jivraj Helia says, "'Dhedh' means we are the people of one word". There are so many castes and jatis but only 'Dhedh' (ढेढ) has one word. 'Vankar' came from the occupation and 'Meghwal' from Megh Rishi. 'Dhedh' preceded the 'Meghwal'." This was the only response which was positive about the word 'Dhedh'.
Summary
There are many stories regarding their origin, but all are somewhere linked with the occupation and food habits of the community. The stories are of Brahma and the Aryan invasion, which are related to Hinduism. Along with the occupation and the saints, the stories related can been linked with Brahma's theory and Aryan invasion. Different names that the community has had are indicators of the process of being and evolving. They are also connected to their origin and occupation. The terms Dhedh and Vankar are related to the occupation that the community had. The name Meghwal is related to Megh Rishi and Veer Meghmaya. Dhedh is also seen as a derogatory term used by the upper castes. The word Sim means 'outside' and 'Simaliya' are the outsiders. So, the word 'Simaliya' came about because people from this community were made to live outside the village.
History of Caste, Untouchability and the hierarchy among Bhangi, Chamar and Meghwal
Meghwals are considered to be the descendants of Megh Rishi. They are worshippers of rain and the cloud. In this section, the history of caste and untouchability is looked at through the lens of different stories. The process of outcasting a community often has a historical context. As my grandmother told me once, our community was once considered as Brahmin. However, for reasons unknown to all, we were cast out. By studying the narratives coming from the members of the Meghwal community, one can infer about the context in which Meghwals were pushed into untouchability. Even within the "lower castes", there are further subdivisions and social hierarchy amongst them. Meghwals are considered to be higher in social status than Chamars and Bhangis. This social hierarchy is also reflected in these stories.
Untouchability and Caste
In context of Meghwals, most people believe that untouchability and lower caste status came from their occupation and their food habits. There are a few narratives on how beef was consumed and also how Meghwals were engaged in 'unclean' work. Harshad bhai, a Brahmin priest, narrates a story according to which Meghwals used to be known as 'Dharmacharis' (followers of the Dharma) in the past. Their social status was higher than that of the Brahmins. Brahmins went and complained to Brahma about what they considered to be an unfair treatment. So, Brahma incarnated as a sage and went with the 'Kamadhenu' (holy cow) into the settlement of Dharmacharis. He also offered them 'Somras' (alcohol). Brahma asked the people to take care of the cow for a few days, after which he would come back to take her back. Dharmacharis consumed alcohol and cow milk. They started thinking that if the milk of the cow tastes so good, surely its meat would taste much better. They killed the cow in their greed. Upon return, Brahma found about this and in his rage, cursed the community to serve the upper castes for four 'jugs' (eras).
In Jivraj Helia's opinion, Meghwal are born from the feet of Brahma and so they are lower in the caste hierarchy, but they are higher than Bhangi and Chamar. Untouchability came because they engaged in 'unclean work'. Also, the consumption of non-vegetarian food was the reason why they were kept out of the village boundary (Simaliye).
Mr. Solanki says that Meghwals became untouchables because of their occupation and food habits. Meghwals used to take dead animals out of the village, which was perceived to be an unclean occupation. They also ate the meat from these animals.
In the earlier section, I have mentioned Jaydev Bapu's narrative about Meghwals as the Mulnivashis fighting with the Aryans. In his opinion, untouchability and lower caste status were punishments given to the community for resisting the Aryan invasion.
Mr. Dhanji says that their history is missing. He says, "If we see the Ramayan, there has been no mention of Dalits in the entire epic. The only Dalit character that has been mentioned cursorily is that of one sailor who was from our community. Similarly, only one Adivasi woman has been mentioned. From the occupation, caste came into existence. Like if one's occupation was to cut hair, he became a Nai."
Mr. Dhanji further says, "There was a great famine ages ago and we had no food to survive and so we started eating the dead animals. Because of our food habits i.e. eating beef, the upper castes kept us away and that's how we became Shudra or Dalit."
From the respondents, there were majorly three different stories with respect to caste and untouchability. The history according to one was that the Aryans forced them to become untouchable. The another version was that untouchability and the lower caste title came from the occupation and the food habits which included eating dead animals. The third story was related to Brahma which was divided into two as one respondent said that untouchability and low caste status came due to Brahma's curse. Another said that because they were born from the feet of Brahma. These are the stories that explain the concept of untouchability and lower caste status.
Hierarchy among Meghwal, Chamar and Bhangi
There is hierarchy within all castes cutting across from Brahmins to Shudras. The Meghwals/Vankars are seen as higher than Chamars/Rohidasvanshis, who are in turn seen as higher than Bhangis/Rukhi Samaj.
To understand the caste dynamics and various forms of hierarchy within the lower castes, one has to understand the history of the hierarchy and how this hierarchical structure came into existence. Some of the narratives shed light on this subject.
Jivraj Helia say that Bhangi and Meghwal were once one, but due to their occupation, Bhangis were relegated to a lower status. In his opinion, Mochi was also a Meghwal before but after which there was a need for shoemakers inside the village and that's how he got entry inside the village and then he settled there. This is how they became higher in the caste hierarchy.
Jaydev bappu shares his experiences in Gujarat as he says, "There, amongst the Vankar and Chamar there still prevails high levels of discrimination. They don't eat together or have inter-caste marriages. Vankars believe that they are higher in the ladder. One can see this discrimination in Surashtra region and in Mumbai too". He believes that this division has sustained for such a long time because of Manu and Sankaracharya.
According to Mr. Solanki, the occupation of the Vankar is 'cleaner' than that of the Chamars. Chamars work with leather and hence, they are considered as lower. In the Suarashtra region. there is not much hierarchy among Vankars and Chamars. You will find inter-caste marriages and people eating together. But if one moves closer to Ahmedabad i.e. to the eastern part of Gujarat, they don't have such practices. In Kutch region, one will find Maheshwari Meghwals. They practice a different system altogether. However, Bhangis have always been put at the bottom of the hierarchy because of their occupation that was considered unclean.
Mr. Dhanji explains that, "From the differences in occupations, castes came into existence. Meghwals have always been considered higher in hierarchy than Chamars and Bhangis because our occupation has been considered to be cleaner than theirs"." Even Mr Chandulal says, "Because our occupation was cleaner than that of Bhangis and Chamars, we are higher in the caste hierarchy".
Summary
The history of untouchability and hierarchy within the community is due to the factor of "purity" and "pollution". That is again connected with the occupation and food of the community. The food and occupation of the community is seen as impure, which leads to discrimination. Hierarchy between the 'Meghwal', 'Chamar' and 'Bhangi' community has come about due to differences in occupation and the ideas of 'purity' and 'pollution' associated with them. As one comes lower in this hierarchy, the number of differentiating factors reduces. For example, when the food habits of different communities are similar, occupation becomes the deciding factor.
Religious and Cultural History
In this section, I shall try to look at the history of the evolution of the concept of god within the Meghwal community. A lot of mythological stories have been used as tools to justify exploitation of the lower castes. Hence, one has to look at them with the lens of scepticism. By looking at the stories of patron saints of the community, one can get a clearer picture about the place of gods in the culture of the community as well as of the community's fights against discrimination. Saints have been crucial in uniting people against the oppressive system.
God and Idol worshiping
The concept of god is important to understand as it helps to trace the history of the community, to find out about the transformation of the community in the context of god, and about the saints who have worked for the emancipation of the community.
Mr. Dhanji says, "We have been a religious community since the beginning. Kabir Saheb has been an important saint for Meghwals. However, our community started worshipping idols due to influence of the Brahmins. Meghwals are people who bow down to every god and believe that all gods are equal."
Mr. Solanki says, "Ealier, Meghwals used to reside in east-facing dwellings, as they were worshippers of the Sun. This is a phenomenon unique to Meghwals".
Jivraj Helia says, "Palan Pir is the creator of all. He created Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesh. Meghwals were monotheists in the past and worshipped one god called Oliya. However, a division occured later, where they started praying to multiple gods." Jaydev bappu says, "Idol worshiping started after the Aryan invasion. The Aryans came to India and started spreading their religion. Before the Aryan invasion, within Meghwal community, there was no idol worshipping".
According to Harshad bhai, "Goddess (Mataji) was with us from the beginning. She is the Kul Devi. Every family has different Kul Devi in the Meghwal community. Whichever temple was near to their home, they started worshipping her and she became the Kul Devi. Meghwals also worship Meladi Maa (goddess on goat) which is the goddess of "Vaghri" community. Bahuchara Maa is one of the important goddesses. She is the goddess of the eunuchs (goddess on chicken). She too is respected and worshipped by the community".
Mr. Chandulal says, "Meghwals consider every human being as God. There is no one higher or lower, everyone in equal. They believe that humans were created by the god equally and the division was created by the powerful people".
The Meghwals reside outside the village, but even there they are mostly on the eastern parts of the village, where the sun rises, as they were the sun worshippers. Then, they started worshiping one invisible god called Palan Pir, which even today is worshipped by most of the community and is considered as the creator of all. After that, either due to Aryan invasion or due to influences of Brahmins, the concept of worshiping idols came into the community. This basic understanding is derived from the merging the different narratives that were shared with me by the people of the community.Religious influences
As different religions began spreading, the Meghwal community was also influenced by them. In several instances, they were forced to convert or incentivized to convert on the command of the ruler of the region. They did not have any say in the decision, as the ruler's demands bore the most importance.
Jivraj Helia says, "Rama Pir was from Meghwal community. We are not Hindu or Muslim, we are followers of Sanatan Dharm. The Varna system of the Sanatan dharma is totally different. Even Muslims worship him. The Palan Pir is the Pir of all Pirs. Pir according to the Oxford definition is, "a muslim saint or a holy man". Palan Pir is the creator of all. Muslims know that Meghwal are higher and so they come to us. Initially, we were also Oliya (people who worship one god) but later when different religions came into existence, we were influenced and so we got confused."
As Mr. Solanki has written a book on Veer Meghmaya, where he shows how many names in Meghwal community are similar to Muslim names. Under whichever rule they were or whichever region they belonged to, religious and cultural practices around them have influenced them. Like when Islam came, they got influenced by it. Hinduism or Sanatan Dharma had influenced them before. From culture to food, everything was influenced by the ruler. Even the geographic location has influenced them. As mentioned earlier, according to Harshad bhai, "Hindu religion is the Sanatan Dharm, every religion has come out of the Sanatan itself. So, the division is made by the people. God is one". From the narratives given in the earlier section, one can see that Meghwals were also influenced by the Aryans as well as the Brahmins in shaping their practices of worship.
As Meghwals were the people who were weaker and the most vulnerable, it was easy for the ruler or for any powerful entity to influence them. One can see glimpses of several religions in religious practices of the Meghwal community. In this manner, we can conclude that the religious influences have also affected the cultures and tradition of the community. With the invasions of different religion, the Meghwal community was deeply affected.Saints and their stories
Megh Rishi
Most of the respondants had similar opinion about the idea that the word 'Meghwal' comes from Megh Rishi. Thus, it is imporant to probe deeply into history to understand who Megh Rishi was and how he influenced the community.
(Source: http://www.meghnet.in/2015/12/megh-rishi_21.html)It has already been described earlier in this report that the popular narrative about Megh Rishi describes events where he was crucial in stopping the incessant rains and saving the village from the destructive floods.
Veer Meghmaya
Veer Meghmaya was born in Meghwal community in the 12th century. He is called as the Veer Purush and people also worship him, as it is believed that he had sacrificed his life for the emancipation of the community.
(Source: https://plus.google.com/111684242365653991048)The ruler of Junagadh at that time was Siddhiraj Solanki. He saw a beautiful woman near the lake who belonged to the Meghwal community. He asked her to marry him but as she was already married, she declined the proposal. Later, she was forced into a marriage and in rage she cursed the king that his kingdom and its people will die without water. There was no rain for a few years and all the ponds and lakes dried up. Distraught, Siddhiraj called the Brahmins and Rishis to find some solution to this problem. Brahmins suggested that a sacrifice of a male who had 32 qualities would be the solution for the drought. In his kingdom there were only two persons with 32 qualities, one was Siddhiraj himself and the other was Veer Meghmaya. So he ordered his soldiers to get him to his court. He was brought by the soldiers, when Siddhiraj asked him if he would sacrifice his life for the wellbeing of Junagadh, Veer Meghmaya replied saying, "I will sacrifice my life only if you accept my demands". With his exemplary bravado he demanded for the Meghwal community be allowed to reside inside the village and the broom from their back should be removed along with the spitting pot from the neck. He made 10 such similar demands for the emancipation of the people of the Meghwal community. Siddhiraj had to agree to the demands made by Veer Meghhmaya.
According to Jivraj Helia, "Veer Meghmaya was Veer Purus who gave his life for the community". Jaydev bappa says that, "his life was taken by the brahmins because he had 32 qualities which even Brahmins did not have. As they were jealous, they created this trap". Mr. Chandulal Harshad bhai, Mr. Solanki and Mr. Dhanji repeated the same narrative.
Rama Pir
Rama Pir is considered as a god in the Meghwal community. He was the local deity of the community but now one can find his temples across the world. Rama Pir is also known as Ramdev Pir. He is considered a saint because he was a social reformer and fought against the discrimination of the marginalised community. His temple in Runecha, Rajasthan, is a religious place for all.
(Source: http://pirramdev.blogspot.in/)The common story that most of the respondents shared was that Rama pir was a social reformer born in Rajasthan and also ruled it. He considered a Meghwal girl as a sister and fought for equality for the rest of his life. He had miraculous powers and he did great things for the Meghwal community.
One the respondents narrated a story about Rama Pir or Ramdev Pir which is as follows. When pirs of Mecca heard about the popularity of Ramdev, they decided to test his powers and reached Runecha, the place where Ramdev resided. They came to Runecha and Ramdev invited them for food, but the pirs said that they had forgotten their plates at Mecca and they would not eat in any other utensil. Ramdev, used his miraculous powers and brought the plates from Mecca and served them food. The pirs were so impressed with Ramdev's miraculous powers that they declared Muslims would also follow him and that he would be called Ramsa pir. Dominique Sila Khan has done extensive ethnographic work on this popular deity. She argues that Ramdev belonged to the lsmaili branch of Nizarpanthis, a nonconformist Muslim sect.
Harshad bhai says that Rama Pir was a Rajput from Surya vansh. Further he goes onto describe Ramdev Pir as Vishnu's avatar. He is considered as a saint in Meghwal community for the work he did for the community. As Daliben, who was from Meghwal community was his sister (मानी हुई बहन). Jivraj Helia says that Rama Pir was born in Meghwal community. Mr. Solanki says that, some people from Meghwal community believe that he was born in their community but the upper castes claims that he was born in the Kshatriya community. He gives the reference that, Dr. Kusum Meghwal from Rajasthan has written a book on Rama Pir titled, "Meghwal baba Ramdev". There she writes how Rama Pir was not the son of a Kshatriya but was born in the Meghwal community. Daliben is his sister i.e. sister of Rama Pir. He further explains that, Ramdev was a social reformer who fought against discrimination and for human rights. He stood by our side and fought against the discrimination. Jaydev bappu sees Ramdev as a saint and a social reformer. There are many stories about him but a few clearly suggest that he was a social reformer and fought against the discrimination of the people from the Meghwal community who now worship him.
Rohidas
Rohidas is a deity worshipped by the Meghwal community. Most people believe that, Rohidas, also known as Ravidas, was born in 15th century. He was born in a family that worked with dead animals to produce leather products, making him an untouchable from the Chamar caste. Meghwal and Chamar have very close relationships due to their occupation. So, he is worshipped by the community as a saint who worked for the community.
(Source: http://premikan.com/2009/08/sant-rohidas/)Harshad bhai narrates a story about Rohidas. "He was born in our community, which includes Chamar also". He was a saint, worshiper of Krishna/Vishnu. One day Brahmins were going to Ganga to bathe. On the way they saw this person making shoes and mockingly asked, "Are you not coming to Ganga?". In reply, Rohidas gave a piece of thread and told them, that if goddess Ganga takes this with her hand then only give it to her or else bring it back to me. Condescendingly they took the thread from him. When they reached Ganges one of them said that Chamar has given a thread to put in the river, let's see if goddess Ganga takes it by her hands. When they suspended the thread into the river, a hand came out of river to receive the thread. In return Ganga gave her bangles as a proof of having accepted the thread by her own hands. Harshadbhai further goes on to explain how caste is not important for worshipping god. This system is created by the upper castes to control the 'lower' castes.
Jaydev bappu says, "Rohidas fought against the caste system, which Aryans started." Mr. Solanki explains that because the Chamars and Meghwal are together in this region they also worship Rohidas. Mr. Chandulal Says that he was a saint and a social reformer. Mr. Dhanji believes that he was a great personality who fought against the caste system. Jivraj Helia says that, "he was a saint from our community so, we worship him". The people from the Meghwal community worship Rohidas making him an important deity among the community.
Summary
Meghwals, in the beginning, were nature worshipers, as the name itself is connected to Megh i.e. rain. Also, as one respondent tells that the houses of Meghwal are in the east because in the beginning, they used to worship the sun. So, the sun and the rain means that they were nature worshipers. After that due to the other religious influences, it got transformed; like they worshipped Oliya (one god), as people who believe in the invisible god (nirakar). Earlier they used to worship one god called Palan Pir. After that, idol worship in polytheism came into existence. So, as they came into contact with different religions they started getting influenced by that. So, influences started from the time of nature worship, and even in the contemporary period people are converting or accepting and abolishing some of the practices which have existed in the community. It has been a continuous process. The saints whom the community worship are seen as saviours of the community, all are people who have worked for upliftment of the community. They had a humanitarian approach and saw everyone as equal. According to their stories, Veer Meghmaya gave his life to get the basic human right and dignity for the community. Rama Pir was a social reformer, who fought for equality. Megh Rishi and Rohidas are also worshipped as they have done things for the community. and are seen as heroic personalities by the community.
History of Culture, Traditions and Food
Knowing and understanding a community's cultural and traditional practices enriches our understanding of the community. Even the food habits can explain and reflect many things about the community. The culture, tradition and food habits of the Meghwal community are majorly influenced by different religions. The culture and tradition have glimpses of Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism. This section will examine the history of culture, tradition and food habits of the community and the influence of different religions in shaping this culture and tradition. There are many stories regarding the culture and the tradition of the community which are linked with different religions. There are multiple narratives to describe this. Here, we will try to identify the linkages between the cultural and traditional practices of the community with the various religious influences.
Traditional attire
Before the time of Meghmaya, the Meghwal had to follow some customs and traditions which were imposed on them by the upper castes.
Harshad bhai says that, Brahma cursed Meghwals for Gau Hatya (killing of cow). Consuming cow was considered impure. The Brahmin imposed various regressive rules on the community which were mandatory and if broken, were faced with dire consequences. One such rule was that they could only enter the village at noon so their shadow would not fall on anyone. Another rule stated that they had to wear three rings on both the arms so that the upper castes could identify them only to divert their own path to avoid any interaction with the people belonging to the Dalit community. They were also made to tie broom/s around their waist, so as to erase their footprints. A spitting pot was also tied around their neck so that they don't pollute the surroundings. These were some of the traditions imposed by the Brahmin community on the Meghwals. Jivraj Helia says that before Veer Meghmaya, "We were forced to wear three rings on hand, the broom was tied to our back and the spitting pot on the neck. This was our traditional identity". Jaydev bappu said that, this tradition was the part of, "a punishment that Aryans imposed on us." Mr. Dhanji explains that, this tradition was started to identify Meghwal, as they were seen as untouchables. Mr. Chandulal Says it was to oppress Meghwal and exploit them.
Marriage
Marriage in the Meghwal community is done according to the Hindu practices of marriage and not much difference is witnessed in the marriage ceremony. In Meghwal, the bride and groom take four rounds, as opposed to the seven taken in the Hindu marriage, around the fire, and take the oath of being together for rest of their life. Most people follow the same tradition and the history about this practice is not clear. Only the people who have converted into Buddhism practice it differently. I was unable to gather more information about this from the respondents.
Cremation or funeral
Harshad bhai says that the concept of burying the dead body came because the smoke from the dead body polluted the air. So, Brahmins did not allow them to burn the dead body but the toe of the dead body is slightly burned. Even today they don't face the dead body while burning the toe and do it 'quietly' instead so that Brahmins will not know about this. In Jivraj Helia's opinion, the smoke which came out of dead body was seen as impure, therefore they started burying the dead body. Jaydev bappu says that, "we also did not have money to buy firewood, so we started burying". Mr. Dhanji said that, "the upper castes controlled the resources and we had no option but to bury the dead body". According to Mr Chandulal they didn't have money to buy firewood so, burying was the alternative which then became a part of tradition which is followed even today. Mr. Solanki also suggested that economic reason was a determinant for the genesis of this tradition.
Food habits
Cow is at the centre of the Meghwal community. They are known as beef eaters.
According to Jivraj Helia, "Eating dead cow is our religion (Dharm) because if we don't eat it then there will be germs making the cow unholy. There are 36 crore gods and goddess in cow, so consuming that is good. But only we are allowed to eat the meat of dead cow and no one else. Eating halal meat is not permissible." He further says, "eating cow is our tradition (Parampar). It is our Dharm and part of our culture as well."
As Harshad bhai narrates that because of Brahma's curse the community had to serve the upper castes for 4 eras (yug). As they had killed the Kamdhenu (cow), the Brahmins gave them work of picking up dead animals from the village; further, due to scarcity of food they had no other option but to eat the same animal. That's how the practice of eating dead animals was started. Mr. Solanki tells that, according to the Buddha, eating dead animals is better as it doesn't hurt anyone. So, that's how it started because it is not hurting anyone. Jaydev bappu tells that, according to the Budhha eating dead animals is not a crime, as there is no act of killing related to that. So, they started eating dead animals.
Dhanji says, "there was great famine, ages ago and we had no food to survive and so we started eating the dead animals. So, because of the food habits i.e., eating beef the upper castes kept us away and that's how we became Shudra or Dalit." That's how the culture of eating beef started and was continued further. Mr Chandulal explains that the upper castes controlled everything and they were poor so could not afford any other food and therefore started eating dead animals.
Summary
In the context of food, culture and tradition all are interconnected. As their occupation was unclean and they used to eat dead animals. In the context of food, it was not by their choice but there was no other option in front of them. They were poor and could not afford to buy food. So, eating dead animals was for the survival. After eating dead animals, the occupation related to it came into existence. They became impure after that, their identity was imposed on them because of their occupation and food, so thAt they could be recognized by the upper castes. The burying practice was also linked to lack of resources. The community was not able to buy wood which was controlled by the upper castes. So even here they had no option but to bury. So, the culture, tradition and food are related to the act of oppression.
Conclusion
The origin is the important aspect of the existence of a community but there is no evidence to support the oral histories about the origin of Meghwals. A single historical perspective can't be proved. But in fact, there are many histories which exist and finding the definitive history is complicated. But, the historical rhetorics explain the context of Dalits from several different perspectives. Birth from Brahma's foot is the most common and the story of a curse is rare. One thing which can be seen is that due to different religious influences the stories come from that particular perspective. In the identity politics the name which one adopts or the name which is ascribed by the upper castes plays an important role in the development and growth of the community. Meghwal is a name that people have adopted by themselves. Similarly, as Ambedkarite is nowadays adopted by many Dalit,. Meghwal was the name which made an attempt to move away from the caste system. Some people believe that it came from Megh Rishi but there is no proper evidence to legitimise this claim. Like, Mr. Dhanji says that Megh Rishi was one of the saints, whether Meghwal came from him or not, I am skeptical.
There is oral history which explains what Mr. Dhanji points towards. But some people also believe that the name Meghwal also means that the community is trying to revolt. Wherever Meghwal are found, there is the picture of Veer Meghmaya who fought and sacrificed his life for the community. If one introspects, the name Meghwal is not related to an occupation like Vankar or Dhedh. Most of names of Dalit communities came from their occupations but Meghwal comes from Megh Rishi and also like other people I think that it came from the Veer Meghmaya to whom the king of Junagadh had promised emancipation. There is some documentation and scriptures found in the fort of Junagadh which supplements evidence of this event.
From narratives in Mumbai, I believe that the Meghwal community has adopted the Meghwal name after Veer Meghmaya. He gave his life for the community and the community adopted his name for emancipation. It was a revolutionary act in the context of identity politics which no one noticed at that time. It is one of the earliest acts of upliftment of the lower castes. Adopting the identity is important as it is seen as a revolt against the hegemony of the upper castes. So, Meghwal holds great importance in contemporary identity politics.
The popular theory about the caste system is that occupation had played a major role in deciding the caste. Untouchability persisted due to the caste of a particular community. Some occupations or professions were seen as 'unclean' and 'polluting'. This is the reason they i.e., people who did 'unclean' work were kept out of the village and were considered as 'untouchables'. The Meghwal community became 'untouchables' due to the same reason. Though there are other reasons related to Aryan invasion or Brahma related concepts and stories which don't have much evidence. The only thing which one can understand is that caste and untouchability came with their occupation and the food habits played an important role. As eating dead animals was also seen as an 'impure' act.
There are many thinkers who have tried to explore the history of eating beef. Dr. Ambedkar's writings on the history of beef eating are important. It is important to note that the animals in the ancient era were eaten after being sacrificed. There is no mention of any upper caste having ever eaten a dead animal. This practice is seen only in the Dalit communities which is why it was considered as impure in the later period. Even within the lower community, a hierarchy existed on the similar line i.e., unclean occupations. The hierarchical power which came on the basis of occupation, became the part of their life. So, Meghwal, Chamar and Bhangi--all at some or other point have consumed dead animals. So, while looking at the hierarchy within the "untouchables", the occupation became the centre. The menial labour, according to the popular perspective will be higher in the hierarchy as opposed to the community which did the most perceivably 'unclean' work i.e., cleaning human excreta became the lowest in the social order. It is important to understand that when it comes to division from the upper castes, two factors are important i.e., food habits and occupation. But when it comes to the hierarchy within the community, the only factor which is considered is occupation as food habits are the same. So, as one goes higher in the social order, the factors determining the higher position will increase accordingly. Is related to the "purity" and "pollution" according to the notion of upper caste? This is so even within the Brahmin community. The social system is based on the notions of 'purity' prevalent in the community. That will decide the position that a community will hold.
The concept of god in this case is very interesting as it started with more naturalisic practices and later transcended into idol worshipping due to the influence of various religions. The name Meghwal itself is linked with clouds and rain. They are called as people who pray for rain. Also as one of the respondents rightly mentions, all the houses of the Meghwal are at the eastern side outside the village because Meghwals used to worship the sun. These practices suggest the naturalistic character of the Meghwal community. Along with this one of the respondents asserts that we are people of one i.e., one god. The name Dhedh has only one syllable (Akshar). So, Meghwal were people who used to worship one god, Palan Pir, which even today is one of most important deities in the community. He says that, Palan Pir is the creator of all - he even created Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesh. He is a god without any shape (Nirankar). Therefore, the Meghwal used to worship Palan Pir (Nirakar god) as their sole entity.
Further, another respondent explains how the other gods or idol worship was introduced after the Aryan invasion. That started with introducing a Brahmanical social system creating the divide after which caste also came into existence. Meghwal never had idols before as they used to worship nature and believed in one god who was invisible (Nirakar). Various religions have influenced the concept of god and therefore no one religion is dominant in the Meghwal community. During the partition, people who chose Hinduism came to India and those who chose Islam stayed in Pakistan. Therefore, a considerable number of Meghwals are also found in Pakistan. All of them don't follow Hinduism in India or in Pakistan. There exist various branches like Sanatans i.e. Hinduism, Aapa panth who worships Palan Pir and Buddhists who are followers of Ambedkar. Multiple religions influenced the community and also brought to them many gods. The saints who are also worshipped along with the gods in the Meghwal community are Megh Rishi, Veer Meghmaya, Rama Pir, Rohidas. These saints have fought against the caste system and that is one of the major reasons why they are worshipped and perceived as next to god by the community. The respect for them is more relevant in the contemporary times as they fought for the equality and for the basic Human Rights during that age. They are seen as social reformers by the community who worked for the upliftment of the community. Veer Meghmaya, a Meghwal saint, has even sacrificed his life for the community's Emancipation.
In the present time, the Meghwal community in Mumbai is engaged with BMC in cleaning the city. Most of the Meghwals are sweepers and labourers in Mumbai. Some people have obtained higher positions but most of the population is still engaged with the so-called unclean work, keeping them marginalized. The religion for them is Hindu, as in when they write caste they say, Hindu Meghwal. They are not very politically active as a community in Mumbai. Though a few from the community have been holding positions in BMC. So, in Mumbai their everything revolves around BMC. In Gujarat also, their conditions are not better. There is not much political participation as they have been few in number and even in that there are divisions due to various religious influences. In the village they are still found at the periphery and their occupation is weaving, small farming and picking up dead animals which has reduced greatly in current times. This is their contemporary situation.
References
1 Adagba, S. M. (2006, April). Retrieved from afriprov.org: http://afriprov.org/african-proverb-of-the-month/32-2006proverbs/224-april-2006-proverb-quntil-the-lion-has-his-or-her-own-storyteller-the-hunter-will-always-have-the-best-part-of-the-storyq-ewe-mina-benin-ghana-and-togo-.html
2 Portelli, A. (1981). The Peculiarities of Oral History. History Workshop Journal.
3 Portelli, A. (1998). A Dialogical Relationship. An Approach to Oral History. History Workshop Journal.
मेघवाल समाज के गौत्र
क्र.स. गोत्र
1 आयच
2 आसोपिया
3 आडान्या
4 अरटवाल
5 बङल / बिङला
6 बदरिया
7 बारङा
8 बागेच
9 बाघेला
10 बागराना
11 बजाङ
12 बलाच
13 बामणिया
14 बाणिया
15 बाण्यत
16 बारडा
17 बरी
18 बारुपाल
19 बरवङ
20 बावल्या
21 बावरा
22 बेघङ
23 बेरिया
24 बेरवा
25 भादरु
26 भद्राङ / य़ादव
27 भडसिया
28 बागराना
29 भानाल
30 भटान्या
31 भाटी / भाटीया
32 भटनागर
33 भायलान
34 भियावार
35 भिन्डल / बिडल
36 भोलोद्या
37 बिकुन्दिया
38 बिराईच
39 बोखा / बृजवाल
40 बुङगया
41 बुगालिया
42 चाहिल्या
43 चन्देल
44 छटवाल
45 चूहङा
46 चौहान
47 चूहङा
48 दहिया
49 दानोदिया
50 देऊ
51 देपन
52 देवपाल
53 धणदे
54 धान्धु / धान्धल
55 धाणिया
56 धूमङा
57 ढोर
58 दिवराया
59 ढिय
60 एपा
61 गाडी
62 गन्डेर
63 गांधी
64 गरवा
65 गहलोत /गहलोतिया
66 गेंवा
67 घोटण
68 गोदा
69 गोगलु
70 गोयल
71 गुजरिया
72 गुलसर / गुलसठ
73 गुनपाल
74 हालु
75 हाटेला
76 हेवाल
77 हिंगङा
78 हिंगोलिया
79 ईनाण्या
80 ईणकिया / ईणखिया
81 ईन्दलिया
82 जाम
83 जैपाल
84 जलवाणिया
85 जनागल / जुनागल
86 जतरवाल
87 जावन
88 जायल
89 जोधा
90 जोधावत
91 जोगल
92 जोगचन्द
93 जोगु
94 जोरम्
95 जोया
96 जुईया
97 कङेला
98 कजाङ
99 काला
100 कांटिवाल
101 कर्णावत
102 कटारिया
103 कथिरिया
104 कट्टा
105 खाल्या
106 खाम्भु
107 खंजानिया
108 खारङिया
109 खत्री
110 खीची
111 खिमयादा
112 खिंटोलिया
113 कोचरा / कोचर / केश्वर
114 कोडेचा
115 कुन्नङ
116 लडाना
117 लखटिया
118 लालणेचा
119 लवा / लोहिया / लहवा
120 लिखणिया / लखानी
121 लीलङ
122 लूना
123 लोथिया
124 माचर
125 मंगलेचा
126 मेहरङा
127 महरनया
128 मकवाणा
129 मांगलिया
130 मांगस
131 मरहङ
132 मरवण
133 मेहरङा / मेहरा
134 मेलका
135 मेव
136 मोबारसा
137 मोहिल
138 मोयल
139 मुछा
140 नागोङा
141 निंबङिया
142 पङिहार
143 पलास्या
144 पालङिया
145 पन्नु
146 पंवार / परमार
147 पारंगी
148 पङिहार
149 पारखी
150 पातलिया
151 पतीर
152 पावटवाल
153 पिपरलिया
154 पूनङ
155 राडिया
156 राहिया
157 राणवा
158 रांगी
159 राठी
160 राठोङिया / राठौङ
161 रोहलन / रोलन
162 रोलिया
163 सामर्या
164 संडेला
165 सांखला
166 सीमार
167 सेजु
168 शपूनिया / छपूनिया
169 शेवल
170 शोर्य
171 सिधप
172 सिंडार्या
173 सिंगङा
174 सोडा / सोडिया
175 सोलंकी
176 सोनेल
177 सूटवाल
178 सुमारा
179 सुणवाल
180 तालपा
181 तनाण
182 तंवर्
183 तिङदिया
184 टुंटिया
185 तुर्किया
186 वर्मा
साभार-राजस्थान मेघवाल परिषद की वेबसाईट
http://www.meghwalparishad.com
Nat (Muslim)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
NatRegions with significant populations
• India • Nepal
Languages
Religion
Islam 100%
Related ethnic groups
The Nat are a Muslim community found in North India. A few are also found in the Terai region of Nepal. They are Muslim converts from the Hindu Nat caste.
History and origin
The Muslim Nat are a semi-nomadic community, traditionally associated rope dancing, juggling, fortune telling and begging. They are found mainly in the districts of Madhubani, Darbhanga, Samastipur and Patna. They speak Urdu.
Present circumstances
The Muslim Nat are mainly cattle dealers, while a small number are involved in begging. They are one of the most marginalized Muslim communities in Bihar. Almost all the Nat are landless. A small number of Nat have now settled down and are cultivators.
The Nat are strictly endogamous, and generally live in isolation from other Muslim communities in their neighbourhoods. Although they are Sunni Muslims, they incorporate many folk beliefs.
In Uttar Pradesh, the Nat are said to have come originally from Chittaur in Rajasthan. They are found mainly in the districts of Varanasi, Allahabad, Barabanki and Jaunpur. The Nat speak Urdu and Hindi and converted to Islam during the rule of the Nawabs of Awadh, about two hundred years ago. The Muslim Nat consist of number of sub-groups, the main ones being the Aman, Goleri, Mahawat, Rari, Siarmaroa and Turkata. Many Nat are still involved with fortune telling and live a semi-nomadic lifestyle. Most Nat are now landless agricultural labourers, and are in depressed economic circumstances. The Nat are Sunni Muslims, but incorporate many folk beliefs.
In Haryana, they are found mainly in the districts of Faridabad, Gurgaon and Rohtak. They speak Haryanvi, and understand Hindi. Little is known about the circumstances of their conversion to Islam. Historically, the community in Haryana were rope dancers, jugglers and acrobats. The Nat consist of a number of exogamous clans, the main ones being the Dagariya, Sansebar, Baraike, Khoyareke, Paharike, Nangariye, Dhadhasiya, Palike, Jirmichya, Dangiya, Kotiya, Shirkarake, Dilwati, Occhluke, Rashidiya, and Badanke. The Nat are no longer involved in their traditional occupation, and are now largely landless agriculture workers, migrating to different places in search of employment. They are nominally Sunni, but practice many folk beliefs.
Sapera (Muslim)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
A snake-charmer of the Sapera caste - Tashrih al-aqvam (1825)
The Sapera are a Muslim community found in the state of Bihar in India. They are also known as Mastan and Ustad.
Origin
A snake charmer in Delhi
The Muslim Sapera are Muslim converts from the Hindu Sapera caste. Little is known about the exact circumstances of their conversion to Islam. Sapera in Hindi means snake charmer. Their traditional occupation is snake charming, and they are one of a number of nomadic groups found in North India who might be the ancestors of the Romani community of Europe. The Sapera speak a dialect which is a mixture of Urdu, Hindi and Maithili.
Present circumstances
The Muslim Sapera are found in the districts of Saharsa, Champaran, Sitamarhi and Purnea. They are divided into two groups, the Iraqi and Irani. Both these groups are strictly endogamous, and there is no intermarriage between them. Traditionally a community of snake charmers, most Sapera are now wage labourers, and are one of the most disadvantaged groups among the Bihari Muslims. Although they are Muslims, most Sapera worship a tribal deity known as Bisahari.
धानुक समाज
भारत वर्ष का क्षेत्रफल 42 ,02 ,500 वर्ग किमी था ।
1. रोहिला साम्राज्य 25 ,000 वर्ग किमी 10 ,000 वर्गमील में फैला हुआ था ।
2. रोहिला, राजपूतो का एक गोत्र , कबीला (परिवार) या परिजन- समूह है जो कठेहर - रोहिलखण्ड के शासक एंव संस्थापक थे |मध्यकालीन भारत में बहुत से राजपूत लडाको को रोहिला की उपाधि से विभूषित किया गया. उनके वंशज आज भी रोहिला परिवारों में पाए जाते हैं ।
3. रोहिले- राजपूत प्राचीन काल से ही सीमा- प्रांत, मध्य देश (गंगा- यमुना का दोआब), पंजाब, काश्मीर, गुजरात, राजस्थान, मध्य प्रदेश में शासन करते रहे हैं । जबकि मुस्लिम-रोहिला साम्राज्य अठारहवी शताब्दी में इस्लामिक दबाव के पश्चात् स्थापित हुआ. मुसलमानों ने इसे उर्दू में "रूहेलखण्ड" कहा ।
4. 1702 से 1720 ई तक रोहिलखण्ड में रोहिले राजपूतो का शासन था. जिसकी राजधानी बरेली थी ।
5. रोहिले राजपूतो के महान शासक "राजा इन्द्रगिरी" ने रोहिलखण्ड की पश्चिमी सीमा पर सहारनपुर में एक किला बनवाया,जिसे "प्राचीन रोहिला किला" कहा जाता है । सन 1801 ई में रोहिलखण्ड को अंग्रेजो ने अपने अधिकार में ले लिया था. हिन्दू रोहिले-राजपुत्रो द्वारा बनवाए गये इस प्राचीन रोहिला किला को 1806 से 1857 के मध्य कारागार में परिवर्तित कर दिया गया था । इसी प्राचीन- रोहिला- किला में आज सहारनपुर की जिला- कारागार है ।
6. "सहारन" राजपूतो का एक गोत्र है जो रोहिले राजपूतो में पाया जाता है. यह सूर्य वंश की एक प्रशाखा है जो राजा भरत के पुत्र तक्षक के वंशधरो से प्रचालित हुई थी ।
7. फिरोज तुगलक के आक्रमण के समय "थानेसर" (वर्तमान में हरियाणा में स्थित) का राजा "सहारन" ही था ।
8. दिल्ली में गुलाम वंश के समय रोहिलखण्ड की राजधानी "रामपुर" में राजा रणवीर सिंह कठेहरिया (काठी कोम, निकुम्भ वंश, सूर्यवंश रावी नदी के काठे से विस्थापित कठगणों के वंशधर) का शासन था । इसी रोहिले राजा रणवीर सिंह ने तुगलक के सेनापति नसीरुद्दीन चंगेज को हराया था. 'खंड' क्षत्रिय राजाओं से सम्बंधित है, जैसे भरतखंड, बुंदेलखंड, विन्धयेलखंड , रोहिलखंड, कुमायुखंड, उत्तराखंड आदि ।
9. प्राचीन भारत की केवल दो भाषाएँ संस्कृत व प्राकृत (सरलीकृत संस्कृत) थी । रोहिल प्राकृत और खंड संस्कृत के शब्द हैं जो क्षत्रिय राजाओं के प्रमाण हैं । इस्लामिक नाम है दोलताबाद, कुतुबाबाद, मुरादाबाद, जलालाबाद, हैदराबाद, मुबारकबाद, फैजाबाद, आदि ।
10. रोहिले राजपूतो की उपस्तिथि के प्रमाण हैं । योधेय गणराज्य के सिक्के, गुजरात का (1445 वि ) ' का शिलालेख (रोहिला मालदेव के सम्बन्ध में), मध्यप्रदेश में स्थित रोहिलखंड रामपुर में राजा रणवीर सिंह के किले के खंडहर, रानी तारादेवी सती का मंदिर , पीलीभीत में राठौर रोहिलो (महिचा- प्रशाखा) की सतियों के सतियों के मंदिर, सहारनपुर का प्राचीन रोहिला किला, मंडोर का शिलालेख, " बड़ौत में स्तिथ " राजा रणवीर सिंह रोहिला मार्ग "
नगरे नगरे ग्रामै ग्रामै विलसन्तु संस्कृतवाणी ।
सदने - सदने जन - जन बदने , जयतु चिरं कल्याणी ।।
जोधपुर का शिलालेख, प्रतिहार शासक हरीशचंद्र को मिली रोहिल्लाद्व्यंक की उपाधि, कई अन्य राजपूतो के वंशो को प्राप्त उपाधियाँ, 'पृथ्वीराज रासो', आल्हाखण्ड - काव्यव, सभी राजपूत वंशो में पाए जाने वाले प्रमुख गोत्र ।
11. अखिल भारतीय क्षत्रिय महासभा भारत द्वारा प्रकाशित पावन ग्रन्थ क्षत्रिय वंशाणर्व (रोहिले क्षत्रियों का राज्य रोहिलखण्ड का पूर्व नाम पांचाल व मध्यप्रदेश), वर्तमान में अखिल भारतीय क्षत्रिय महासभा से अखिल भारतीय रो. क्ष. वि. परिषद को संबद्धता प्राप्त होना, वर्तमान में भी रोहिलखण्ड (संस्कृत भाषा में) क्षेत्र का नाम यथावत बने रहना, अंग्रेजो द्वारा भी उत्तर रेलवे को "रोहिलखण्ड - रेलवे" का नाम देना जो बरेली से देहरादून तक सहारनपुर होते हुए जाती थी, वर्तमान में लाखो की संख्या में पाए जाने वाले रोहिला-राजपूत, रोहिले-राजपूतों के सम्पूर्ण भारत में फैले हुए कई अन्य संगठन अखिल भारतीय स्तर पर 'राजपूत रत्न' रोहिला शिरोमणि डा. कर्णवीर सिंह द्वारा संगठित एक अखिल भारतीय रोहिला क्षत्रिय विकास परिषद (सम्बद्ध अखिल भारतीय क्षत्रिय महासभा) पंजीकरण संख्या - 545, आदि।
12. पानीपत की तीसरी लड़ाई (रोहिला वार) में रोहिले राजपूत- राजा गंगासहाय राठौर (महेचा) के नेतृत्व में मराठों की ओर से अफगान आक्रान्ता अहमदशाह अब्दाली व रोहिला पठान नजीबदौला के विरुद्ध लड़े व वीरगति पाई । इस मराठा युद्ध में लगभग एक हजार चार सौ रोहिले राजपूत वीरगति को प्राप्त हुए ।
(1761-1774 ई .) (इतिहास -रोहिला-राजपूत)
13. प्रथम स्वतंत्रता संग्राम 1857 में भी रोहिले राजपूतों ने अपना योगदान दिया, ग्वालियर के किले में रानी
लक्ष्मीबाई को हजारों की संख्या में रोहिले राजपूत मिले, इस महायज्ञ में स्त्री पुरुष सभी ने अपने गहने
धन आदि एकत्र कर झाँसी की रानी के साथ अंग्रेजो के विरुद्ध आवाज उठाने के लिए सम्राट बहादुरशाह-
जफर तक पहुँचाए । अंग्रेजों ने ढूँढ-ढूँढ कर उन्हें काट डाला जिससे रोहिले राजपूतों ने अज्ञातवास की
शरण ली।
14. राजपूतों की हार के प्रमुख कारण थे हाथियों का प्रयोग, सामंत प्रणाली व आपसी मतभेद, ऊँचे व
भागीदार कुल का भेदभाव (छोटे व बड़े की भावना) आदि।
15. सम्वत 825 में बप्पा रावल चित्तौड़ से विधर्मियों को खदेड़ता हुआ ईरान तक गया। बप्पा रावल से समर
सिंह तक 400 वर्ष होते हैं, गह्लौतों का ही शासन रहा। इनकी 24 शाखाएँ हैं। जिनके 16 गोत्र (बप्पा रावल के वंशधर) रोहिले राजपूतों में पाए जाते हैं।
16. चितौड़ के राणा समर सिंह (1193 ई.) की रानी पटना की राजकुमारी थी इसने 9 राजा, 1 रावत और कुछ रोहिले साथ लेकर मौ. गोरी के गुलाम कुतुबद्दीन का आक्रमण रोका और उसे ऐसी पराजय दी कि कभी उसने चितौड़ की ओर नही देखा।
17. रोहिला शब्द क्षेत्रजनित, गुणजनित व 'मूल पुरुष' नाम-जनित है। यह गोत्र जाटों में भी रूहेला, रोहेला, रूलिया, रूहेल , रूहिल, रूहिलान नामों से पाया जाता है।
18. रूहेला गोत्र जाटों में राजस्थान व उ. प्र. में पाया जाता है। रोहेला गोत्र के जाट जयपुर में बजरंग बिहार ओर ईनकम टैक्स कालोनी टौंक रोड में विद्यमान है। झुनझुन, सीकर, चुरू, अलवर, बाडमेर में भी रोहिला गोत्र के जाट विद्यमान हैं । उत्तर प्रदेश के मुजफ्फरनगर जिले में रोहेला गोत्र के जाटों के बारह गाँव हैं। महाराष्ट्र में रूहिलान गोत्र के जाट वर्धा में केसर व खेड़ा गाँव में विद्यमान हैं।
19. मुगल सम्राट अकबर ने भी राजपूत राजाओं को विजय प्राप्त करने के पश्चात् रोहिला-उपाधि से विभूषित किया था, जैसे राव, रावत, महारावल, राणा, महाराणा, रोहिल्ला, रहकवाल आदि।
20. "रोहिला-राजपूत" समाज , क्षत्रियों का वह परिवार है जो सरल ह्रदयी, परिश्रमी,राष्ट्रप्रेमी,स्वधर्मपरायण, स्वाभिमानी व वर्तमान में अधिकांश अज्ञातवास के कारण साधनविहीन है। 40 प्रतिशत कृषि कार्य से,30 प्रतिशत श्रम के सहारे व 30 प्रतिशत व्यापार व लघु उद्योगों के सहारे जीवन यापन कर रहे हैं। इनके पूर्वजो ने हजारों वर्षों तक अपनी आन, मान, मर्यादा की रक्षा के लिए बलिदान दिए हैं और अनेको आक्रान्ताओं को रोके रखने में अपना सर्वस्व मिटाया है । गणराज्य व लोकतंत्रात्मक व्यवस्था को सजीव बनाये रखने की भावना के कारण वंश परंपरा के विरुद्ध रहे, करद राज्यों में भी स्वतंत्रता बनाये रखी । कठेहर रोहिलखण्ड की स्थापना से लेकर सल्तनत काल की उथल पुथल, मार काट , दमन चक्र तक लगभग आठ सौ वर्ष के शासन काल के पश्चात् 1857 के ग़दर के समय तक रोहिले राजपूतों ने राष्ट्रहित में बलिदान दिये हैं। क्रूर काल के झंझावालों से संघर्ष करते हुए क्षत्रियों का यह 'रोहिला परिवार' बिखर गया है, इस समाज की पहचान के लिए भी आज स्पष्टीकरण देना पड़ता है। कैसा दुर्भाग्य है? यह क्षत्रिय वर्ग का। जो अपनी पहचान को भी टटोलना पड़ रहा है। परन्तु समय के चक्र में सब कुछ सुरक्षित है। इतिहास के दर्पण में थिरकते चित्र, बोलते हैं, अतीत झाँकता है, सच सोचता है कि उसके होने के प्रमाण धुंधले-धुंधले से क्यों हैं? हे- क्षत्रिय तुम धन्य हो, पहचानो अपने प्रतिबिम्बों को' -
"क्षत्रिय एकता का बिगुल फूँक
सब धुंधला धुंधला छंटने दो।
हो अखंड भारत के राजपुत्र
खण्ड खण्ड में न सबको बंटने दो ।।"
21. रोहिलखण्ड से विस्थापित इन रोहिला परिवारों में राजपूत परम्परा के कुछ प्रमुख गोत्र इस प्रकार पाए
जाते हैं :-
रोहिला, रोहित, रोहिल, रावल, द्रोहिया, रल्हन, रूहिलान, रौतेला , रावत यौधेय, योतिक, जोहिया, झोझे, पेशावरी
पुण्डीर, पांडला, पंढेर, पुन्ड़ेहार, पुंढीर, पुंडाया चौहान, जैवर, जौडा, चाहल, चावड़ा, खींची, गोगद, गदाइया, सनावर, क्लानियां, चिंगारा, चाहड बालसमंद, चोहेल, चेहलान, बालदा, बछ्स (वत्स), बछेर, चयद, झझोड, चौपट, खुम्ब, जांघरा, जंगारा, झांझड निकुम्भ, कठेहरिया, कठौरा, कठैत, कलुठान, कठपाल, कठेडिया, कठड, काठी, कठ, पालवार राठौर, महेचा, महेचराना, रतनौता, बंसूठ जोली, जोलिए, बांकटे, बाटूदा, थाथी, कपोलिया, खोखर, अखनौरिया ,लोहमढ़े, मसानिया बुन्देला, उमट, ऊमटवाल भारतवंशी, भारती, गनान नाभावंशी,बटेरिया, बटवाल, बरमटिया परमार, जावडा, लखमरा, मूसला, मौसिल, भौंसले, बसूक, जंदडा, पछाड़, पंवारखा, ढेड, मौन तोमर, तंवर, मुदगल, देहलीवाल, किशनलाल, सानयाल, सैन, सनाढय गहलौत, कूपट, पछाड़, थापा, ग्रेवाल, कंकोटक, गोद्देय, पापडा, नथैड़ा, नैपाली, लाठिवाल, पानिशप, पिसोण्ड, चिरडवाल, नवल, चरखवाल, साम्भा, पातलेय, पातलीय, छन्द (चंड), क्षुद्रक,(छिन्ड, इन्छड़, नौछड़क), रज्जडवाल, बोहरा, जसावत, गौर, मलक, मलिक, कोकचे, काक कछवाहा, कुशवाहा, कोकच्छ, ततवाल, बलद, मछेर सिसौदिया, भरोलिया, बरनवाल, बरनपाल, बहारा खुमाहड, अवन्ट, ऊँटवाल सिकरवार, रहकवाल, रायकवार, ममड, गोदे सोलंकी, गिलानिया, भुन, बुन, बघेला, ऊन, (उनयारिया) बडगूजर, सिकरवार, ममड़ा, पुडिया कश्यप, काशब, रावल, रहकवाल यदु, मेव, छिकारा, तैतवाल, भैनिवाल, उन्हड़, भाटटी बनाफरे, जादो, बागड़ी, सिन्धु, कालड़ा, सारन, छुरियापेड, लखमेरिया, चराड, जाखड़, सेरावत, देसवाल, पूडिया
प्रमुख रोहिला क्षत्रिय शासक
अंगार सैन - गांधार (वैदिक काल)
अश्वकरण - ईसा पूर्व 326 (मश्कावती दुर्ग)
अजयराव - स्यालकोट (सौकंल दुर्ग) ईसा पूर्व 326
प्रचेता - मलेच्छ संहारक
शाशिगुप्त - साइरस के समकालीन
सुभाग सैन - मौर्य साम्राज्य के समकालीन
राजाराम शाह - 929 वि. रामपुर रोहिलखण्ड
बीजराज - रोहिलखण्ड
करण चन्द्र - रोहिलखण्ड
विग्रह राज - रोहिलखण्ड - गंगापार कर स्रुघ्न जनपद (सुगनापुर) यमुना तक विस्तार दसवीं शताब्दी में सरसावा में किले का निर्माण पश्चिमी सीमा पर, यमुना द्वारा ध्वस्त टीले के रूप में नकुड़ रोड पर देखा जा सकता है।
सावन्त सिंह - रोहिलखण्ड
जगमाल - रोहिलखण्ड
धिंगतराव - रोहिलखण्ड
गोंकुल सिंह - रोहिलखण्ड
महासहाय - रोहिलखण्ड
त्रिलोक चन्द - रोहिलखण्ड
रणवीर सिंह - रोहिलखण्ड
सुन्दर पाल - रोहिलखण्ड
नौरंग देव - रोहिलखण्ड
सूरत सिंह - रोहिलखण्ड
हंसकरण रहकवाल - पृथ्वीराज के सेनापति
मिथुन देव रायकवार - ईसम सिंह पुण्डीर के मित्र थाना भवन शासक
सहकरण, विजयराव - उपरोक्त
राजा हतरा - हिसार
जगत राय - बरेली
मुकंदराज - बरेली 1567 ई.
बुधपाल - बदायुं
महीचंद राठौर - बदायुं
बांसदेव - बरेली
बरलदेव - बरेली
राजसिंह - बरेली
परमादित्य - बरेली
न्यादरचन्द - बरेली
राजा सहारन - थानेश्वर
प्रताप राव खींची (चौहान वंश) - गागरोन
राणा लक्ष्य सिंह - सीकरी
रोहिला मालदेव - गुजरात
जबर सिंह - सोनीपत
रामदयाल महेचराना - क्लामथ
गंगसहाय - महेचराना - क्लामथ 1761 ई.
राणा प्रताप सिंह - कौराली (गंगोह) 1095 ई.
नानक चन्द - अल्मोड़ा
राजा पूरणचन्द - बुंदेलखंड
राजा हंस ध्वज - हिसार व राजा हरचंद
राजा बसंतपाल - रोहिलखण्ड व्रतुसरदार, सामंत वृतपाल 1193 ई.
महान सिंह बडगूजर - बागपत 1184 ई.
राजा यशकरण - अंधली
गुणाचन्द - जयकरण - चरखी - दादरी
राजा मोहनपाल देव - करोली
राजारूप सैन - रोपड़
राजा महपाल पंवार - जीन्द
राजा परपदेड पुंडीर - लाहौर
राजा लखीराव - स्यालकोट
राजा जाजा जी तोमर - दिल्ली
खड़ग सिंह - रोहिलखण्ड लौदी के समकालीन
राजा हरि सिंह - खिज्रखां के दमन का शिकार हुआ - कुमायुं की पहाड़ियों में अज्ञातवास की शरण ली
राजा इन्द्रगिरी (रोहिलखण्ड) (इन्द्रसेन) - सहारनपुर में प्राचीन रोहिला किला बनवाया ।
रोहिला क्षत्रिय वंश
भास्कर लेखक आर. आर. राजपूत मुरसेन अलीगढ से प्रस्तुत
राजा बुद्ध देव रोहिला - 1787 ई., सिंधिया व जयपुर के कछवाहो के खेड़ा व तुंगा के मैदान में हुए युद्ध का प्रमुख पात्र । (राय कुँवर देवेन्द्र सिंह जी राजभाट, तुंगा (राजस्थान)
रोहिल्ला उपाधि - शूरवीर, अदम्य - साहसी विशेष युद्ध कला में प्रवीण, उच्च कुलीन सेनानायको, और सामन्तों को उनके गुणों के अनुरूप क्षत्रिय वीरों को तदर्थ उपाधि से विभूषित किया जाता था - जैसे - रावत - महारावत, राणा, महाराणा, ठाकुर, नेगी, रावल, रहकवाल, रोहिल्ला, समरलछन्द, लखमीर,(एक लाख का नायक) आदि। इसी आधार पर उनके वंशज भी आजतक राजपूतों के सभी गोत्रों में पाए जाते हैं।
"वभूव रोहिल्लद्व्यड्कों वेद शास्त्रार्थ पारग: । द्विज: श्री हरि चन्द्राख्य प्रजापति समो गुरू : ।।2।।
( बाउक का जोधपुर लेख )
- सन 837 ई. चैत्र सुदि पंचमी - हिंदी अर्थ - "वेद शास्त्र में पारंगत रोहिल्लाद्धि उपाधिधारी एक हरिश्चन्द्र नाम का ब्राह्मण था" जो प्रजापति के समान था हुआ ।।6।।
( गुज्जर गौरव मासिक पत्रिका - अंक 10, वर्ष ।।माह जौलाई 1991 पृष्ठ - 13) (राजपुताने का इतिहास पृष्ठ - 147) (इतिहास रोहिला - राजपूत पृष्ठ - 23) (प्राचीन भारत का इतिहास, राजपूत वंश, - कैलाश - प्रकाशन लखनऊ सन 1970 ई. पृष्ठ - 104 -105 - )
रोहिल्लद्व्यड्क रोहिल्लद्धि - अंक वाला या उपाधि वाला ।
सर्वप्रथम प्रतिहार शासक द्विज हरिश्चन्द्र को रोहिल्लद्धि उपाधि प्राप्त हुई । बाउक,प्रतिहार शासक विप्र हरिश्चन्द्र के पुत्र कवक और श्रीमति पदमनी का पुत्र था वह बड़ा पराक्रमी और नरसिंह वीर था।
प्रतिहार एक पद है, किसी विशेष वर्ण का सूचक नही है। विप्र हरिश्चन्द्र प्रतिहार अपने बाहुबल से मांडौर दुर्ग की रक्षा करने वाला था, अदम्य साहस व अन्य किसी विशेष रोहिला शासक के प्रभावनुरूप ही रोहिल्लद्व्यड्क उपाधि को किसी आधार के बिना कोई भी व्यक्ति अपने नाम के साथ सम्बन्ध करने का वैधानिक रूप में अधिकारी नही हो सकता।
उपरोक्त से स्पष्ट है कि बहुत प्राचीन काल से ही गुणकर्म के आधार पर क्षत्रिय उपाधि "रोहिल्ला" प्रयुक्त । प्रदत्त करने की वैधानिक व्यवस्था थी। जिसे हिन्दुआसूर्य - महाराजा पृथ्वीराज चौहान ने भी यथावत रखा। पृथ्वीराज चौहान की सेना में एक सौ रोहिल्ला - राजपूत सेना नायक थे । "पृथ्वीराज रासौ" -
चहूँप्रान, राठवर, जाति पुण्डीर गुहिल्ला । बडगूजर पामार, कुरभ, जागरा, रोहिल्ला ।। इस कवित्त से स्पष्ट है । कि - प्राचीन - काल में रोहिला- क्षत्रियों का स्थान बहुत ऊँचा था। रोहिला रोहिल्ल आदि शब्द राजपुत्रों अथवा क्षत्रियों के ही द्योतक थे । इस कवित्त के प्रमाणिकता "आइने अकबरी", 'सुरजन चरिता' भी सिद्ध करते हैं । युद्ध में कमानी की तरह (रोह चढ़ाई करके) शत्रु सेना को छिन्न - भिन्न करने वाले को रहकवाल, रावल, रोहिल्ला, महाभट्ट कहा गया है।
महाराज पृथ्वीराज चौहान की सेना में पांच गोत्रों के रावल थे -
रावल - रोहिला
रावल - सिन्धु
रावल - घिलौत (गहलौत)
रावल - काशव या कश्यप
रावल - बलदया बल्द
मुग़ल बादशाह अकबर ने भी बहादुरी की रोहिल्ला उपाधि को यथावत बनाए रखा जब अकबर की सेना दूसरे राज्यों को जीत कर आती थी तो अकबर अपनी सेना के सरदारों को,बहादुर जवानों बहादुरी के पदक (ख़िताब,उपाधि) देता था। एक बार जब महाराणा मान सिंह काबुल जीतकर वापिस आए तो अकबर ने उसके बाइस राजपूत सरदारों को यह ख़िताब दी (उपाधि से सम्मानित किया)
बाई तेरा हर निरकाला रावत को - रावल जी
चौमकिंग सरनाथा को - रावल
झंड्कारा कांड्कड को - रोहिल्ला
रावत मन्चारा - कांड्कड काम करन, निरकादास रावत को रावराज और रूहेलाल को रोहिला ............................................................................................................................... . युवा समाजसेवी विचारक व चिंतक अमित कठेरिया
धानुक (अंग्रेजी: Dhanuk), एक जातीय समूह है जिसके सदस्य बांग्लादेश , भारत और नेपाल में पाए जाते हैं। भारत में धानुक मूलतः बिहार , झारखण्ड , त्रिपुरा , पश्चिम बंगाल राज्यों में विभिन्न नामों / जातियों से जाने जाते हैं। उन्हें पिछड़े जाति का दर्जा प्रदान किया गया है । नेपाल मे वे सप्तरी, सिरहा और धनुषा के तराई जिलों में बसे हुए हैं। पूर्वी तराई के धानुक मंडल के रूप में भी जाना जाता है और पश्चिमी तराई के धानुक 'पटेल' कहलाते हैं । बिहार में धानुक जसवार कुर्मी के रूप में भी जाना जाता है। पूरे बिहार में इनके उपनाम सिंह , महतो , मंडल , रावत , पटेल , सिन्हा , विश्वास इत्यादि हैं। तीनों देशों में धानुक हिन्दू हैं, और इस तरह के मैथिली , भोजपुरी और अवधी के रूप में हिंदी के विभिन्न बोलियां बोलते हैं।
परंपरा के अनुसार, 'धनुक' संस्कृत शब्द 'धनुषकः' से लिया गया है जिसका अर्थ है धनुषधारी।
धानुक जाति के लोग राजा महाराजा काल मे उनकी अग्रिम पंक्ति में धनुर्धर के रूप में रहते थे जो किसी भी युद्ध में सबसे पहला आक्रमण करते थे क्योंकि इनकी निशानेबाजी सभी जातियों में सबसे अच्छी थी । धानुक जो धनुष्क से उद्धरित हुआ है इसका मतलब ही धनुष चलाने वाला होता है जिसका उल्लेख मालिक मुहम्मद जायसी की किताब पदमावत/पद्मावत में भी उल्लेख है।
आशीर्वादी लाल श्रीवास्तव की किताब दिल्ली सल्तनत में भी इसी बात का उल्लेख है। (wikipedia)
Dhobi Samaaj
Washermen while ironing clothes: Dhobi are a caste group found in India whose main functions are believed to be related to washing, coloring, ironing. They are known by name in different states of India - Madiwala, Agasar, Parit, Rajaka, Chakali, Rajakula, Velutdar, Ekali, Sethi, Kanaujia, Panikkar, etc. are known by many names. The Dhobis who became Muslims are known as Baratha. Although their main occupation is washing clothes, many dhobis do farming. The derivation of a washerman is believed to be by washing or washing. Hindu Dhobi were considered untouchables and have been included in the Scheduled Castes. Whereas the Muslim washermen were considered to be a clean caste at a level higher than the Bhangi and equal to the barber. According to the 2011 Indian Census figures, the total population of the Dhobi caste is estimated to be 7,22,00,000.
Difference between Tilokpur and Dhobi
Tilokpur Vs. DhobiTilokpur (English: Tilokpur) is a very old village in Shahjahanpur district of Uttar Pradesh state of India. It is situated on the banks of the Sharda Canal flowing from the geographical area of Shahjahanpur district. This canal runs from Meeranpur Katra via Tilokpur and Kant to Kurria Kalan. One of the accused of the Kakori case, Banwari Lal, who became a waived witness (approver in English) during the trial, was from this village. Later, he left the village due to the threat of life from the Brahmins and moved to another village nearby, Keshavpur, where his Kayastha fraternity lived. There are a total of 167 houses in this medium sized village. There are 1036 people living in the families of these houses, including women, men and children. . Dhobi, who washes clothes while ironing, are a caste group found in India whose main functions are washing, dyeing, It is believed to be related to ironing. They are known by name in different states of India - Madiwala, Agasar, Parit, Rajaka, Chakali, Rajakula, Velutdar, Ekali, Sethi, Kanaujia, Panikkar, etc. are known by many names. The Dhobis who became Muslims are known as Baratha. Although their main occupation is washing clothes, many dhobis do farming. The derivation of a washerman is believed to be by washing or washing. Hindu Dhobi were considered untouchables and have been included in the Scheduled Castes. Whereas the Muslim washermen were considered to be a clean caste at a level higher than the Bhangi and equal to the barber. According to the 2011 Indian Census figures, the total population of the Dhobi caste is estimated to be 7,22,00,000. . Panikkar etc. is known by many other names. The Dhobis who became Muslims are known as Baratha. Although their main occupation is washing clothes, many dhobis do farming. The derivation of a washerman is believed to be by washing or washing. Hindu Dhobi were considered untouchables and have been included in the Scheduled Castes. Whereas the Muslim washermen were considered to be a clean caste at a level higher than the Bhangi and equal to the barber. According to the 2011 Indian Census figures, the total population of the Dhobi caste is estimated to be 7,22,00,000. . Panikkar etc. is known by many other names. The Dhobis who became Muslims are known as Baratha. Although their main occupation is washing clothes, many dhobis do farming. The derivation of a washerman is believed to be by washing or washing. Hindu Dhobi were considered untouchables and have been included in the Scheduled Castes. Whereas the Muslim washermen were considered to be a clean caste at a level higher than the Bhangi and equal to the barber. According to the 2011 Indian Census figures, the total population of the Dhobi caste is estimated to be 7,22,00,000.
King Harshvardhan
Information
Harshavardhana was a king in ancient India who established his strong empire in northern India. He was a Hindu emperor who ruled the rest of northern India except Punjab. After the death of Shashank, he was also able to conquer Bengal. Wikipedia
Dynasty : Vardhan ( Pushyabhuti )
Banno Devi
Rajjak Rishi
Dhullia Devi
Machi Dev
Nagar Sain Baba
Chetalya Amma
Saint Gadge
Dhomappa Siddh
Jhaller Bai
Usha Rajjak
Mamta Kannaujia
KR Narayanan
Ransinghe Premdasa
Chet Kannaujia
Raj Kannaujia - Industrialist
*रजक जाति का धार्मिक महत्व एवं गौरव*
*1.♦करवाचौथ में करवा धोबिन थी।*
*2.♦सोमवती अमावस्या में सोमा धोबिन की पूजा।।*
*3.♦सत्यनारायण कथा में सत्य नाम का धोबी।*
*4.♦संगीत की महान देवी बनों देवी।*
*5.♦डूंडा धोबी के द्वारा सिखाया गया कृष्ण को धोबी पछाड़ दाव सीखकर ही कंस का वध कर पाये थे।*
*6.♦रजक राजा- हर्षवर्धन।*
*7.♦रजक संत- रजक ऋषि।*
*8.♦महान गायक- बानो देवी।*
*9.♦देश पर कुर्बान -दुलिया धोबी।*
*10.♦रजक देव:-*
(1)- माची देव
(2) नगर सैन बाबा।
*11.♦नारी शक्ति-चेतल्या अम्मा।*
*12.♦दुनिया को शिक्षा-सन्त गाडगे बाबा।*
*13.♦चौरासी सिद्ध पुरुषों में एक-धोम्मापा सिद्ध।*
*14.♦दुनिया में सबसे ज्यादा शिक्षण शालाए बनाने वाले सन्त गाडगे के बाबा।*
*15.♦नानक बाबा के पंच प्यारों में एक-रजक।*
*16.♦झांसी की युद्ध की वीरागंना-झालर बाई।*
*17.♦प्रसिद्ध पत्रकार गौरी शंकर रजक।*
*18.♦नेपाल फिल्म अभिनेत्री-उषा।*
*19.♦भारतीय महिला क्रिकेट टीम की गेंदबाज- ममता कनौजिया।*
*20.♦श्रीलंका की राष्ट्रपति- रनसिंगेह प्रेमदास।*
*21.♦वैज्ञानिक व उधोगपति - चेत कनौजिया एन. आर. आई. अमेरिका।*
*22.♦उद्योगपति- राज कनौजिया भारत।*
*23.♦पूर्व राष्ट्रपति-के.आर. नारायणन।*
*💧बानो देवी का संगीत मंदिर भी बना है जहां हर साल मेला लगता है और पूरे भारत के संगीतज्ञ बानो देवी की पूजा करते हैं।*
*ये सभी महान हस्तियां रजक/धोबी समाज से ही है।*
सरनेम है “अग्रवाल” और हैं अनुसूचित जाति के ….. By Local Indore -13/03/2016010687
खबर सुनिए सरनेम अर्थात् उपनाम के कई फण्डे चल रहे हैं इस पर भी शासन को गौर करने की जरुरत है। चौंकाने वाले उपनामों में यह बात सामने आई है कि धोबी रजक समाज में सामान्य और अनुसूचित जाति के उपनाम भी पाए जाते हैं। धोबी रजक समाज को देश में कुछ राज्यों में ही अनुसूचित जाति का दर्जा मिला है जबकि कुछ राज्यों में यह पिछड़ी जाति में भी शामिल है। पिछले सप्ताह अहमदाबाद दौरे में भरत अग्रवाल नामक शख्स से भेंट हुर्इं जो अहमदाबाद में ऑटो चलाते हैं। उनसे ये जानकर आश्चर्य हुआ वे धोबी रजक समाज के हैं और मूलत: दिल्ली के रहने वाले हैं। उन्होंने बताया कि दिल्ली में भी धोबी रजक समाज के लगभग ७० घर अग्रवाल सरनेम से है। वे बताते हैं कि उत्तर प्रदेश में धोबी रजक समाज अनुसूचित जाति का दर्जा लिये हुए हैं, वहाँ भी अग्रवाल उपनाम के कई परिवार हैं जो धोबी रजक समाज में गिने जाते हैं। भरत अग्रवाल के अनुसार दिल्ली में अग्रवाल धोबी रजक समाज में अग्रवाल सरनेम तो पीढ़ी दर पीढ़ी चला आ रहा है। इंदौर में रजक समाज के श्री ओ पी लश्करी से बात हुई जो कि अखिल भारतीय धोबी रजक समाज के पदाधिकारी भी हैं।
श्री लश्करी बताते हैं कि धोबी समाज में उपनामों में पुरवैया, मालवीय, सोलंकी, बाथम, बुंदेला, लश्करी, परदेशी, भाटी, कनोजिया, वर्मा, चंदेल, ढालिया, चिलाटे, चौहान, वर्मा जैसे कई उपनाम शामिल हैं वहीं चौंकाने वाले सरनेम भी शामिल हैं जैसे अग्रवाल, भोसले, दिवाकर, भाटिया, निर्मलकर, माथुर, खत्री, प्रसाद, तँवर, चौरसिया, परमार, कदम, राउत, सिसोदिया आदि। धोबी रजक समाज में मुस्लिम वर्ग के भी कुछ परिवार शामिल हैं। सिर्फ धोबी रजक समाज ही नहीं आजकल कई जातियों में ऐसे उपनाम मिल जाएंगे जो दूसरे राज्यों में दूसरी जातियों में भी पाए जाते हैं। खासकर ऐसे उपनाम पिछड़ी और अनुसूचित जातियों में ज्यादा पाए जा रहे हैं .(दिनेश सोलंकी)...
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धोबी
मुक्त ज्ञानकोश विकिपीडिया से
कन्नौजिया ब्राह्मण उन ब्राह्मणो को कहते हैं जो कन्नौज नामक स्थान से संबधित है कन्नौज का प्राचीन नाम कान्यकुब्ज देश है कान्यकुब्ज ब्राह्मण ब्राह्मणोचित्त कर्मो को दृढ़ता से करने वाले ब्राह्मण होते हैं वेद शास्त्रो में पारंगत व शस्त्र शास्त्र सबमे निपुण कान्यकुब्ज ब्राह्मण अपने को श्रेष्ठ ब्राह्मण कहते हैं कान्यकुब्ज ब्राह्मणो से व कान्यकुब्ज देश से ही सभी ब्राह्मण हुये हैं कान्यकुब्ज ब्राह्मण उत्तरप्रदेश के कन्नौज के अलावा मध्यप्रदेश उत्तरप्रदेश बिहार छत्तीसगढ़ झारखण्ड राजस्थान गुजरात महाराष्ट्र बंगाल उत्तराखण्ड नेपाल हरियाणा आंध्रप्रदेश में भी होते हैं। विन्ध्याचलसे उत्तरके प्राचीन देशौंकी सभ्यताको लेकर बढा हुआ पंच समुहगत ब्राह्मणौंकी सभ्यताको पंचगौड़ कहते हैं। इन ब्राह्मणो के अंतर्गत कान्यकुब्ज ब्राह्मण- कन्नौज जिसका प्राचीन नाम कान्यकुब्जदेश है। मैथिल ब्राह्मण- प्राचीन विदेहदेशसे सम्बन्ध रखनेवाले ब्राह्मण |गौड़ ब्राह्मण- प्राचीन गौडदेश(वंगदेशसे उत्कलदेशका बीचका देश)मे रहने वाला ब्राह्मण |,उत्कल ब्राह्मण- ओडिसाराज्य अन्तर्गत का उत्कलदेशमे रहने वाला ब्राह्मण और सारस्वत ब्राह्मण- सरस्वती नदीके तटवर्ती भूभागमे रहने वाला ब्राह्मण होते हैं |
कान्यकुब्ज ब्राह्मणो के उपनाम संपादित करें
कन्नौजिया , तिवारी , शुक्ला , बाजपेयी , अवस्थी ,पाण्डेय अग्निहोत्री , त्रिवेदी , शर्मा , दुबे , मिश्रा, दीक्षित है ईसके अलवा कान्यकुब्ज ब्राह्मणो से निकली अन्य ब्राह्मण शाखाओ के अपने अलग अलग उपनाम .है।
भारत में पाये जाने वाले जाति समूह हैं जिनका मुख्य कार्य कपड़े धोने, रंगने, इस्त्री करने से संबंधित माना जाता है। इन्हें भारत के अलग-अलग राज्यों में अलग अलग नाम से जाना जाता है -कन्नौजिया, बाईठा, मादीवाला, अगसार, पारित, [राजक],साफी' चकली, राजाकुला, वेलुत्दार, एकली, सेठी, मरेठिए,दिवाकर या, पणिक्कर आदि अन्य कई नामों से जाना जाता है।
Is it True ?
कन्नौजिया
कन्नौज के राजपूत जो चौधरी भी कहलाते थे, मुग़ल साम्राज्य में इन्होंने अपने हिन्दू धर्म की रक्षा के लिए खुद को सबसे निचले स्तर पर ढाल लिया, ये धोबी बन कर पुरे भारत में बिखर गये। ये कन्नौजिया, धोबी, बरेठा, निर्मलकर, रजक,साफी'भारती जैसे कई उपनामों के प्रयोग करते हैं
Dhobi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
DhobiRegions with significant populations
Languages
Religion
Related ethnic groups
ironing
Indian Dhobies, c. 1905
Dhobies at work at Saidape, c. 1905
Dhobi (English: "washerman") is a caste group of India. Their traditional occupation was washing clothes, i.e. laundry. The word dhobiis derived from the Hindi word dhona, which means to wash.
Dhobis in various regions are likely to be of many different ethnic origins: their ancestors took the occupation of washing clothes, evolving over time into a distinct caste bound by rules of endogamy. Most Dhobis follow the customs and traditions of the region they live, so for example those in North India speak Hindi, while those in Maharashtra speak Marathi. The Dhobi rank themselves highest among the Scheduled Castes (formerly known as untouchables). The Census of 2001 returned Dhobis representing six per cent of the total Scheduled Caste population.
Demographics
Andhra Pradesh
In Andhra Pradesh, the Rajakas form 12%[citation needed] of the total population and they are considered to be a untouchable caste.
Bihar
The Dhobi Community in Bihar is about 6% of total population. Dhobi have maximum concentration in Purnia and East Champaran districts respectively. The Dhobi community in Bihar is in Scheduled Caste Status. Among the numerically larger castes of SC, Dhobi have registered the highest over all literacy rate.
Haryana
The Dhobi of Haryana are said to have originated from Punjab and Rajasthan. They are scattered throughout the state. Like other Hinducommunities, they are divided into clans called gotras. Some of the major gotras are the hathwal: Chauhan, Shukravar, Rajoria, Tonwar, Panwar, Badera, Satmase, Akhasriya, Mahavar and Basvadiya. These clan names are also used as surnames. Their main occupation remains washing of and drying of clothes. A small number of Dhobi are marginal farmers. They are classified as OBCs.
Karnataka
In Karnataka, there are Muslim Dhobis, they are also called as Agasa, Dhobi, Pakzade & Parit. Their population is spread over Karnataka. Mainly in Bagalkot, Belgaum, Bijapur, Dharwar, Haveri, Davangere & Gadag Kumta, Sirsi, Ankola, Karwar, Mysore Banglore Gulbarga Ramnagar Districts. And their secondary language is Kannada & Urdu.
There are also Hindu dhobis, called Madivala and their population is concentrated mainly in Davanagere, Chitradurga, Raichur and Shimoga districts.
Maharashtra
Mumbaikar dhobis at work in the Mahalaxmi area
In Maharashtra, the Dhobi are found throughout the state, and are also known as Parit. They claim to have originally belonged to the Rajputcommunity, and in particular the Chauhan clan. The Dhobi have been listed as an Other Backward Class (OBC). They speak Marathi among themselves, and Hindi with outsiders.
The community are endogamous, and practice clan exogamy. Their main clans in Maharashtra are the Abidkar, Bannolkar, Belwarkar, Chawhan, Chilate, Chawlkar, Chewakar, Dudhmogre, Dhongde, Gaikwad, Ghousalkar, Harmekar, Hedulkar, Jangade, Kalyankar, Kanekar, Kalatkar, Lad, Motikar, Nandgaonkar, Nane, Pawar, Pabrekar, Palkar, Purwarkar, Sonone, Salekar,Sardar, Sewane, Tapke and Waskar. Marriage within the clan is prohibited.
The Dhobi of Mumbai wash their linen in the Mahalaxmi area known as Dhobi Ghat. This area is strangely popular with foreign tourists looking for a piece of quintessential "Indian-ness". Another region in South Mumbai, Dhobitalao, used to be a (now filled up) lake where British Indian Army soldiers used to have their uniforms washed about 120 years ago.
Odisha
Odisha has a significant population of Dhobi people in its coastal belt, i.e. eastern Odisha (Cuttack, Puri, Balasore, Ganjam) and a smaller population in its central and western areas.
Punjab
The Dhobi of Punjab are said to have immigrated from the ancient city of Kannauj in Uttar Pradesh, and are now found throughout Punjab. They are further sub-divided into clans called gots from the Sanskrit gotra, and marriages are forbidden within the clan. Their main clans are the hathwal ~ Chauhan, Panwar, Tonwar, Rajoria and Mandora. The Dhobi speak Punjabi, and their customs are similar to other Punjabi dalit castes. They are community still very much involved in their traditional occupation which is washing clothes. Some have also taken to other occupations such as dry cleaning, shop keeping, hosiery. A significant migration to the urban areas of Punjab and other parts of India has begun. Traditionally, the Dhobi lived in villages dominated by landowning castes such as the Jat, who acted as their patrons. This relationship has broken down, and any transaction now is made in cash. Each Dhobi settlement contains a biradari panchayat, which acts as instrument of social control, and resolves intra community disputes.
Rajasthan
The Dhobi of Rajasthan claim descent from Rajput community, and are known as Dhoba. Although the Dhobi are found throughout Rajasthan, their main concentration is in Ajmer District. The Dhobi speak Mewari, although most also understand Hindi. They have been granted Scheduled Caste status. Like other Hindu castes in Rajasthan, the Dhobi community is further divided into clans known as ataks. Their main ataks are the hathwal Chauhan, Marwara and Hilogia. Marriages are forbidden within the clan. Most Dhobi are still involved in their traditional occupation of washing clothes. They are exclusively Hindu and their tribal deity known as Ghatmata.
Tamil Nadu
The Tamil Dhobis are called Vannar and are considered to be untouchable people.
Uttar Pradesh
In Uttar Pradesh, the community is strictly endogamous, and practice clan exogamy. Their main clans, known as gotras, are the Ayodhyabas, Belwar, Mathur, Jaiswar, Jaiswal, Belwar, Yadava & Chauhans from Ajmer in Rajasthan, practice hypergamy, with clans of lower status giving girls in marriage to those of higher status, but not receiving girls. They speak various dialects of Hindi, such as Khari boli, Awadhi Bhojpuri and Braj Bhasha.
The Dhobi are still involved in their traditional occupation of washing clothes. Traditionally, the community would wash clothes for particular families, and would receive grain and services from them. But with the growth of the cash economy, most Dhobi are now paid money for their services. A significant number of Dhobis are cultivators, and this particularly so in western Uttar Pradesh. They live in multi-caste villages, but occupy their own distinct quarters. Each of their settlements contains an informal caste council, known as a Biradari Panchayat. The Panchayat acts as instrument of social control, dealing with issues such as divorce and adultery.
The 2011 Census of India for Uttar Pradesh showed the Dhobi population, which was classified as a Scheduled Caste, as 2,432,610.
Notable people
Ranasinghe Premadasa - Sri Lankan 3rd President (1989-1993) and prime minister (1978-1989)
कोरी
कोरी जाति: कोरी एक हिन्दू जाति है जिनको कोली, बुनकर तथा जुलाहा के नाम से भी जाना जाता है। यें उत्तर भारत के सभी जनपदों में निवास करतें है। इनके पूर्वज खेती, कपडा बुनाई इत्यादि कार्य करते थे एवं कुछ क्षत्रिय थे। वर्तमान में येें सभी राज्यो में सरकारी व गैर सरकारी कार्यालयों में कर्मचारी व अधिकारी पदों पर कार्यरत है और राजनीति में भी इस जाति का काफी अच्छा योगदान है। यें प्रायः सिंह, वर्मा, कोरी एवं अपने गोत्र के उपनामो द्वारा पहचाने जाते है।
महाराष्ट्र में इस जाति की काफी जनसंख्या है। गुजरात में 20 से 22 प्रतिशत जनसँख्या कोरी (कोली) जाति की है। श्रीराम के इक्षवाकु वंश से सूर्यवंशी, सूर्यवंशी से कोलिय और इससे कोली अथवा कोरी जाति विकसित हुई। आज समय के साथ-साथ अलग-२ स्थानों पर इसे अलग-२ नामों से इंगित किया गया है, जैसे- कोरी, कोली, बुनकर, हिन्दू जुलाहा, कबीर पंथी, भुइयार, तंतवाय आदि। महाराष्ट्र मे यह जाती कोली महादेव, टोकरे कोली आदिवासी नाम से जानी जाती हैं और इनको यहाँ अनुसूचित जनजाति मे शामिल किया गया हैं!
प्राचीनतम राजा मन्धाता, एक सर्वोपरि और सार्वभौमिक राजा थे जिनका प्रताप भारत में सर्वत्र था और जिनके शौर्य और यज्ञों की कथाएँ मोहन जोदड़ो के शिलालेखों पर अंकित हैं, वे इसी जाति के थे। सन् 1857 के स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में इसी जाति की एक वीर क्षत्रिय झलकारी बाई ने झांसी की रानी लक्ष्मीबाई के प्राण बचाने में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई थी जोकि उनकी बहुत करीबी साथी और उनकी हमशक्ल थी। भारत के वर्तमान राष्ट्रपति श्री रामनाथ कोविंद जी भी इसी जाति से हैं। कोरी समाज ने देश और दुनिया को कईं महान बेटे व बेटियाँ दी हैं जिनकी शिक्षाओं का सार्वभौमिक महत्व और प्रासंगिकता आज आधुनिक जीवन में भी है। इस जाति के लोग बहुत शांत स्वभाव के एवं बहुत शालीन होतें है जिनके द्वारा कभी भी कोई हिंसा या दंगा सुनने में नही आता। उत्तर प्रदेश में कोरी एक अनुसूचित जाति है जिनकी जनसंख्या जनगणना 2011 के अनुसार 2,293,937 है।
अशोक महान कोरी कबीले से
कोरी समाज, गौतम बुद्ध के वंशज हैं
– गौरीशंकर
लखनऊ, हाल ही मे हुये यूपी के विधान सभा चुनाव मे, बुंदेलखंड मे कोरी समाज ने एतिहासिक प्रदर्शन किया. बुंदेलखंड की कुल 19 सीटों मे से 05 सीटों पर केवल कोरी समाज के विधायकों ने सफलता के झंडे गाड़कर अपनी राजनैतिक जागरूकता और सामाजिक एकता का उदाहरण पेश किया. साथ ही पूरे प्रदेश से 10 विधायक निर्वाचित हुये. यूपी की बीजेपी सरकार ने 10 मे से 2 विधायकों को योगी सरकार मे मंत्री भी बनाया . कोरी समाज की राजनैतिक जागरूकता और सामाजिक एकता पर ”न्यूज 85 डाट इन” की सब एडिटर नीति वर्मा ने कोरी समाज के प्रमुख संगठन वीरांगना झलकारी बाई विकास समिति के संरक्षक गौरी शंकर जी से बातचीत की-
1-कोरी समाज की उत्पति कैसे हुई ?
गौरीशंकर- कोरी समाज की उत्पति 20 हजार साल पहले कामध रृषी से हुई. हमारे पूर्वज बहुत ज्ञानी थे, उन्होने कपास का निर्माण किया और इस काम को आगे बढ़ाया. यह हमारा पैतृक व्यवसाय है. कपास की सबसे ज्यादा खेती सूरत मे होती है. कोरी एक बुनकर जाति है.
जो कि उत्तर भारत के सभी जनपदों में निवास करती है। यह अलग-२ स्थानों पर अलग-२ नामों से जानी जाती है जैसे- भुइयार, कोली, तंतवाय, हिन्दू जुलाहा, कबीर पंथी आदि। गौतम बुद्ध कोरी समाज से हैं. झलकारी बाई भी कोली समाज की है.इन्होने देश के लिए बहुत सी कुर्बानियां दी है. जिससे हमारे समाज को और पूरे देश को आजादी मिली है.
2- भारत मे कहां-कहां सबसे ज्यादा आपकी जनसंख्या है?
गौरीशंकर- वैसे तो हमारी जनसंख्या पूरे भारत मे है लेकिन सबसे ज्यादा दक्षिण भारत मे है . इसके अलावा यूपी और एमपी मे भी हमारी काफी संख्या है. यूपी मे बुंदेलखंड के सभी जिलों मे, इसके अतिरिक्त अमरोहा, जालौन, इटावा आदि मे भी कोरी समाज काफी संख्या मे है. मै अापके चैनल के माध्यम से यह कहना चाहुंगा कि यूपी मे कोरी समाज को एससी सर्टिफिकेट दिया जाता है पर कोली जाति को नही दिया जाता. कोली जाति को पिछडे वर्ग मे शामिल किया गया है लेकिन कोरी और कोली एक ही जाति है. हमारी उत्पति कोली जाती से ही है. दिल्ली, पश्चिमी यूपी, हाथरस, और कई जगह कोली ही लिखा जाता है.
3-कोरी समाज मे महानायक कौन-कौन थे?
गौरीशंकर- हमारे समाज मे कई महानायक हैं. झलकारी बाई, महात्मा गौतम बुद्ध कोरी समाज से है. महात्मा गौतम बुद्ध को लोग क्षत्रिय समझते है लेकिन वह कोरी समाज से आते है. गौतम बुद्ध जी की भारत मे मान्यता कम कर दी गई है. जबकि पूरे विश्व मे उनका गुण गान हैं . कबीर जी भी हमारे समाज के है. पूरा समाज पूरा देश उनके बताये हुये पथ चिन्हो पर चल रहा है.
4- अापके पैतृक व्यवसाय के बंद होने का क्या कारण है ?
गौरीशंकर- देश की अाजादी के बाद, कुछ दिनों तक हमारा पैतृक व्यवसाय चला, लेकिन फिर बंद हो गया.जब देश आजाद हुअा तब हमारी जनसंख्या अनपढ़ थी. बाबा साहब ने इसलिए सविधांन बनाया था तकि वह पिछड़े और दलितो को आगे कर सके. पं.जवाहर लाल नेहरु ने और महात्मा गॉधी ने कसम खाई थी कि बुनकर व्यवसाय को दस साल मे आगे बढ़ाएगें लेकिन ऐसा कुछ नही हुआ.जो कपड़ा बुनने की मिले थी उनका एडमिनिस्ट्रेशन ही खराब था, सरकार ने मिलो को बदं कर दिया.प्रधानमंत्री मोदी जी ने हमारे व्यवसाय को सम्मान देने के लिए कहा है लेकिन अभी तक कुछ किया नही है.
*कोली
कोरी समाज, गौतम बुद्ध के वंशज हैं
– गौरीशंकर
लखनऊ, हाल ही मे हुये यूपी के विधान सभा चुनाव मे, बुंदेलखंड मे कोरी समाज ने एतिहासिक प्रदर्शन किया. बुंदेलखंड की कुल 19 सीटों मे से 05 सीटों पर केवल कोरी समाज के विधायकों ने सफलता के झंडे गाड़कर अपनी राजनैतिक जागरूकता और सामाजिक एकता का उदाहरण पेश किया. साथ ही पूरे प्रदेश से 10 विधायक निर्वाचित हुये. यूपी की बीजेपी सरकार ने 10 मे से 2 विधायकों को योगी सरकार मे मंत्री भी बनाया . कोरी समाज की राजनैतिक जागरूकता और सामाजिक एकता पर ”न्यूज 85 डाट इन” की सब एडिटर नीति वर्मा ने कोरी समाज के प्रमुख संगठन वीरांगना झलकारी बाई विकास समिति के संरक्षक गौरी शंकर जी से बातचीत की-1-कोरी समाज की उत्पति कैसे हुई ?
गौरीशंकर- कोरी समाज की उत्पति 20 हजार साल पहले कामध रृषी से हुई. हमारे पूर्वज बहुत ज्ञानी थे, उन्होने कपास का निर्माण किया और इस काम को आगे बढ़ाया. यह हमारा पैतृक व्यवसाय है. कपास की सबसे ज्यादा खेती सूरत मे होती है. कोरी एक बुनकर जाति है.
जो कि उत्तर भारत के सभी जनपदों में निवास करती है। यह अलग-२ स्थानों पर अलग-२ नामों से जानी जाती है जैसे- भुइयार, कोली, तंतवाय, हिन्दू जुलाहा, कबीर पंथी आदि। गौतम बुद्ध कोरी समाज से हैं. झलकारी बाई भी कोली समाज की है.इन्होने देश के लिए बहुत सी कुर्बानियां दी है. जिससे हमारे समाज को और पूरे देश को आजादी मिली है.
2- भारत मे कहां-कहां सबसे ज्यादा आपकी जनसंख्या है?
गौरीशंकर- वैसे तो हमारी जनसंख्या पूरे भारत मे है लेकिन सबसे ज्यादा दक्षिण भारत मे है . इसके अलावा यूपी और एमपी मे भी हमारी काफी संख्या है. यूपी मे बुंदेलखंड के सभी जिलों मे, इसके अतिरिक्त अमरोहा, जालौन, इटावा आदि मे भी कोरी समाज काफी संख्या मे है. मै अापके चैनल के माध्यम से यह कहना चाहुंगा कि यूपी मे कोरी समाज को एससी सर्टिफिकेट दिया जाता है पर कोली जाति को नही दिया जाता. कोली जाति को पिछडे वर्ग मे शामिल किया गया है लेकिन कोरी और कोली एक ही जाति है. हमारी उत्पति कोली जाती से ही है. दिल्ली, पश्चिमी यूपी, हाथरस, और कई जगह कोली ही लिखा जाता है.
3-कोरी समाज मे महानायक कौन-कौन थे?
गौरीशंकर- हमारे समाज मे कई महानायक हैं. झलकारी बाई, महात्मा गौतम बुद्ध कोरी समाज से है. महात्मा गौतम बुद्ध को लोग क्षत्रिय समझते है लेकिन वह कोरी समाज से आते है. गौतम बुद्ध जी की भारत मे मान्यता कम कर दी गई है. जबकि पूरे विश्व मे उनका गुण गान हैं . कबीर जी भी हमारे समाज के है. पूरा समाज पूरा देश उनके बताये हुये पथ चिन्हो पर चल रहा है.
4- अापके पैतृक व्यवसाय के बंद होने का क्या कारण है ?
गौरीशंकर- देश की अाजादी के बाद, कुछ दिनों तक हमारा पैतृक व्यवसाय चला, लेकिन फिर बंद हो गया.जब देश आजाद हुअा तब हमारी जनसंख्या अनपढ़ थी. बाबा साहब ने इसलिए सविधांन बनाया था तकि वह पिछड़े और दलितो को आगे कर सके. पं.जवाहर लाल नेहरु ने और महात्मा गॉधी ने कसम खाई थी कि बुनकर व्यवसाय को दस साल मे आगे बढ़ाएगें लेकिन ऐसा कुछ नही हुआ.जो कपड़ा बुनने की मिले थी उनका एडमिनिस्ट्रेशन ही खराब था, सरकार ने मिलो को बदं कर दिया.प्रधानमंत्री मोदी जी ने हमारे व्यवसाय को सम्मान देने के लिए कहा है लेकिन अभी तक कुछ किया नही है.
*कोली
(Story Of India’s Historic People - The Kolis)*
“एक समय आता है जब हममें से प्रत्येक व्यक्ति पूछता है, ‘मैं कौन हूँ? मेरे पुरखे कौन थे? वे कहाँ से आए थे? वे कैसे रहते थे? उनकी बड़े कार्य क्या थे और उनके सुख-दुख क्या थे?’ ये और अन्य कई मूलभूत सवाल हैं जिनके बारे में हमें उत्तर पाना होता है ताकि हम अपने मूल को पहचान सकें.
भारत के मूलनिवासी कबीलों के बारे में अध्ययन करते हुए हमारे विद्वानों ने अति प्राचीन रिकार्ड और दस्तावेज़ – वेद, पुराण, विभिन्न भाषाओं के महाकाव्य, कई पुरातात्विक रिकार्ड और नोट्स और कई अन्य प्रकाशन देखे हैं.
इतिहास और एंथ्रपॉलॉजी के विद्यार्थियों ने प्रागैतिहासिक (Pre-historic) और भारत के स्थापित इतिहास में भारत के इस प्राचीन कबीले का चमकता अतीत पाया है और लगातार चल रही खोज में और भी बहुत कुछ मिल रहा है.
Kori’s List
“एक समय आता है जब हममें से प्रत्येक व्यक्ति पूछता है, ‘मैं कौन हूँ? मेरे पुरखे कौन थे? वे कहाँ से आए थे? वे कैसे रहते थे? उनकी बड़े कार्य क्या थे और उनके सुख-दुख क्या थे?’ ये और अन्य कई मूलभूत सवाल हैं जिनके बारे में हमें उत्तर पाना होता है ताकि हम अपने मूल को पहचान सकें.
भारत के मूलनिवासी कबीलों के बारे में अध्ययन करते हुए हमारे विद्वानों ने अति प्राचीन रिकार्ड और दस्तावेज़ – वेद, पुराण, विभिन्न भाषाओं के महाकाव्य, कई पुरातात्विक रिकार्ड और नोट्स और कई अन्य प्रकाशन देखे हैं.
इतिहास और एंथ्रपॉलॉजी के विद्यार्थियों ने प्रागैतिहासिक (Pre-historic) और भारत के स्थापित इतिहास में भारत के इस प्राचीन कबीले का चमकता अतीत पाया है और लगातार चल रही खोज में और भी बहुत कुछ मिल रहा है.
यह आलेख गुजराती में लिखे मुख्यतः तीन प्रकाशनों पर आधारित है. ‘भारत का एक प्राचीन कबीला – कोली कबीले का इतिहास’ – इस पुस्तक का संपादन श्री बचूभाई पीतांबर कंबेद ने किया था और भावनगर के श्री तालपोड़ा कोली समुदाय ने प्रकाशित किया था (पहला संस्करण 1961 और दूसरा संस्करण 1981), 1979 में ‘बॉम्बे समाचार’ में प्रकाशित श्री रामजी भाई संतोला का एक आलेख और डॉ. अर्जुन पटेल द्वारा 1989 में लिखा एक विस्तृत आलेख जो उन्होंने 1989 में हुए अंतर्राष्ट्रीय कोली सम्मेलन में प्रस्तुत करने के लिए तैयार किया था.
Kori’s List
- Brijendra Kumar Verma – Govt.School Teacher – Konch, District – Jaluan(U.P.)phone: 8765564230
- Anoop Arya – Asstt Professor at Electrical Deptt.NIT(M.Tech) – Bhopal (M.P.)
- Dr. Varun Deo.- Demosnstrator at Gandhi Medical College – Bhopal (M.P.)
- Rajesh Shakyawar – Civil Engineer at PHE Department – Jabalpur (M.P.)
- Harishchandra Anuragi – Video Editor in E. Tv.News M.P – Indore(M.P.)
- Dr. Harish Kori – Physician And Surgen(M.B.B.S.) – Mumbai
- Arjun Kori – Polytechnic ELECTRONICS ENGG – Kanpur
- Bhoopendra Arya – PG Teacher in KV – Bhusawal
- Ajay Kumar Verma – Jr. Computer Programmer- Sanjay Gandhi Post Graduate Institute of Medical Sciences Lucknow phone: 9415728736
- Manoj kumar Verma- Govt school teacher GNCT DEHLI
- Jai kishore Mahaur – Scientific Asstt. in Dept of Atomic Energy, Indore
- राकेश कुमार शाक्या, बी.एच.ई.एल. भोपाल ,सहायक पद
- Rajneesh singh koli.-B.tech. (Civil engineering) -9807072886
- Er B P Shakya (Ministry of Defence-DRDO)-9301171492
- Dr. Ajay Singh Shakya-Apollo Hospital-Delhi-8010349712
- Mr Dharmendra Singh Shakya ( managaer Maharaja College)-9039965846
- Mr Rajat Shakya (Architect) MITS, Gwalior-7869495947
- Dr Deepak Shakya- Sagar Medical College-8103090333
- Ms Rajani Shakya (Architect), Asst Professor, MODI University, Jaipur
- Vikas Panthi (Asst. Professor) Vidisha – 9778460751
Patel is the nickname of Koli caste of Gujarat . These are all zamindars and are found especially in South Gujarat and Daman and Diu . All Koli Patels of Gujarat consider themselves to be the descendants of Gautam Buddha . In the beginning of the British rule , the Koli Patels were killed by the British. English historian Rosa Maria Perez wrote that Koli Patel was much more infamous for robbery. Koli Patels were also known as Mandhata Patel. These gotras are more common in Koli Patels. Chauhan , Rathore , Makwana
Kotwal is the title of Talpada Kolis of Gujarat . He served as the village and fort's Kotwal in Gujarat. For which he was awarded the title of Kotwal. These are mostly found in the Gujarat Kar Mahi kantha .
Baria is a subgenus of Koli caste found in Gujarat . He has taken his name from Deogarh Baria Sahar in Gujarat . which until 1782 was known simply as Baria. Baria Koli is a branch of Talpada Koli in Gujarat. Their main work is farming. The history of Baria Kollis has also been in the form of sea looters. Baria Kolion by waza Rajputs from talaja was stripped. Baria Koli was a very courageous sea looter. They also looted British ships. In view of this, the British Maritime Army and Bhavnagar in 1771The princely army of the princely state attacked the Koli sea looters. There was a fight between Koli and Seno in which Koli was defeated. Many clans are found in Baria Kolis, some of which are like this. Baria, Patel , Pagi, Damor, Khant, Parmar , Chauhan , Pandor, Rangra and Maliwad. Baria Koli ruled the princely state of Narukot in Gujarat . Baria Kolis also ruled the state of Sathamba in Gujarat till 1948. This princely state used to come in Mahi Kantha Agency.
Khant is a sub-family of Koli caste found in Gujarat . Khant Koli King Dhan Meer established Dhandhuk and Dhandalpur and Petlad was also founded by Khant Koli. The Khant Kolis of Gujarat ruled the Amaliyara princely state in Gujarat till 1948. The Khant Kolis of Gujarat established and ruled Dhandhuk, Dhandalpur, Petlad, Mahiyari in Gujarat. He also ruled Bilkha Chovisi. The Khant Kolis restored the princely state in Gujarat. The princely state (Gujarat) was ruled by Parmar Rajputs . But in 1753 the princely state King Rattan Singh died went to take advantage of it while Banswara infield Maharawal invaded Earth Singh Sant homestead and killed three sons of a saint state but fourth prince Badan Singh concealed the Khant Koliyon the Malwa region Prince Badan Singh was an infant at that time. Maharawal Prithvi Singh Sisodia of Banswara StateCaptured the princely state and deployed his army. Prince Badan Singh of the princely state was raised by a Koli Koli of Malwa. After a few years, when Prince Badan Singh grew up, the Kolis of Malwa attacked Maharaval Prithvi Singh Sisodia's army. There was a war between Maharawal's army and the Kolis of Malwa region and the Koli Jati defeated Maharawal Prithvi Singh Sisodia of Banswara in a battle and took possession of the princely state. After this Prince Badan Singh of the princely state was called and anointed the kingdom of Rana Badan Singh Parmar.
Ghadiya is a sub - caste of Koli jati which is found in the state of Gujarat . They have taken this name from the Ghade extension of Saurashtra . Now he has started to make a marriage relationship with Chuwalia Koli . Ghadiya Koli is Suryavanshi and is the consort of Lord Mandhata . Their main work is farming.
Dharala is the surname of the Kolis of Gujarat . Dharala was spoken to those Kolis who were very expert in swordsmanship . These were especially Talpade Koli. Gujarat Kheda in 1803 to capture the district British East India Company took over Kolion Disarming Act imposed whereby coli could not keep a weapon. But coli are strongly Virod of this Act and determined to kill or be killed. After this, the British dragged the Koli caste into a bloody caste. But the Koli chiefs (Koli Thakor ,Koli Patel ) pleaded in Kacheri that the British government had no authority over the Kolis, all of them should be stopped but nothing happened. The Koli zamindars then looted the British-ruled cities and villages. The British government warned the Kolis, but the Kolis, denying the British government, said that this is our family right, whatever we do, it is our way of collecting tax and for a long time Koli continued to sterilize the British government. In 1808, Koli became more intense and the English began to kill the British and British and used their weapons to gather. In Farbury 1808 the company sent the British Army and imprisoned some of the Kolis in prison. But the darkening Koli rebels attacked the prison itself. Killed all the soldiers and employees of the prison, looted arms and destroyed the prison and rescued the Kolis. In 1810, the British formed an army against Koli and the Kolis were largely taken captive and taken to the Prince of Wales island and some Kolis were kept in Kheda Jail. After this, 500 Kolis together attacked the Kheda Jail and created a huge uproar and liberated all the Kolis. But the Kolis called Prince of WalesDabip was taken away and could not save them. After this, Koli became even more dreadful. The British increased the amount of their army, but if nothing happened, the British sought help from the princely state of Vadodara because they had the local information correctly and the princely state of Vadodara sent their army in large quantities so that they would grow and strengthen with the British. But the Kolis defeated both the British Army and the Vadodara Army. After this Ahmedabad The British Collector suggested that they should attack only the Koli chiefs and this suggestion worked. But only a few Kolis were able to overcome this, Koli continued fighting like this till 1840. After 1840, the British got some rest because now Koli were paying more attention to the Zamidari but again in 1857, the Kolis took up arms against the British in the villages and towns of Maharashtra and Gujarat.
Son Koli is a sub-caste of Koli caste of Maharashtra . Keolis have derived their name from gold. Son Koli Matsya is associated with industry but some Son Koli are landowners. Son Koli is also famous for many different types of dance for men and women. Some Son Koli began to believe in Christianity during Portuguese Sasan in India , which are still found mainly in Mumbai . Son Koli Bohat was a good swimmer and had worked in large numbers in the Portuguese Maritime Army, Maratha Samudri Army and British Indian Maritime Army. Lai Patil, who was the general in the Maratha army, was Son Koli from the caste.
Gotra
Twenty six sahi gotra of india according to james to.
Babaria is the tribe of the Kolis of Gujarat . They are also called Bavaliya . Babriyagarh of Gujarat got its name from the ringing of Babriya Kolis . Babaria was more infamous for the Koli loot party. Whenever he used to gather anywhere, he used to say that we will strike there i.e. that the loot of Koli was called Dhang.
Makwana is the tribe of Koli caste living in Gujarat . This gotra is found in Koli Patel and Talpada Koli. Some Makwana Kolis had converted to Muslim religion, they are Muslim zamindars. Makwana Kolis ruled many small princely states such as Dedharota princely, Ilol princely state, Kadoli princely state, Palej princely state, Prempur princely state, Vaktapur princely state, Katosan princely state, Dabha princely state, Punadara princely state, Khadal Principality, State of Ramas, State of Derol, Principality of Hapa. All the Koli kings held the title of Thakor .
Vanakpal is the tribe of Kolis of Maharashtra . Vanakpal gotra is especially found in Mahadev Kolis. Vanakpal Koli was the chieftain and mansabdar in the Bahmani Sultanate and the Ahmednagar Sultanate . The social and religious head of Vanakpal Kolis was given the title of Sarnaik and he was the one who looked after their affairs.
Chivhe is the tribe of the Kolis of Maharashtra . Which especially Zamindar were Maratha empire were castles in which Naik and Srnaik were awarded the titles of. The Kolis of the Chivhe gotra had snatched the Purandar Fort from the Mughals at the behest of Chhatrapati Rajaram Raje Bhonsle . The Purandar Fort and the Sinhgad Fort have been ruled by four Kolis. A Koli named Isu Chivhe was awarded the title of Sarnaik of Purandar and was also given 6030 bighas of land. Peshwa in 1763 Had made Abha Purandare as Sarnaik due to which the four Kolis revolted against the Peshwa and captured Purandar and Sinhagad Fort. If the Kolis did not like Abha Purandare, Abha removed the Kolis from the fort and posted new fortresses, which led to the Kolis invading the forts on 7 May 1764 and taking possession. Five days later, Rudramal Fort was also captured and presented to the Prime Minister of the Maratha Empire, Peshwa Raghunathrao . A few days later, Peshwa Purandar came to the fort to worship the deity inside the fort but the Peshwa climbed his hands in the Kolis. The Kolis looted all the Peshwa's belongings and weapons and took him captive but left after some time. Then Kolion the region surrounding the makingStarted settling. Subsequently Kolion the Srnaik Kondaji Civhe the near Peshwa letters sent was stated and Mr How is everything, be fun Government is going on '. After reading this letter, the Peshwa felt very humiliated and furiously ordered the Maratha army to attack, but the army could not do anything because Koli himself was a fortress and had fortified the forts properly and the Peshwa had to face failure. Had to see. After Ishpe, the disgraced Peshwa started capturing the colonies of Chivhe gotra ( Vans ). All those living in the authorized part of the Koli Peshwa of the Chivhe gotra got all of them converted into Baagis and started captive. After this, the four girls called MadhavraoAfter sending the letter to the Peshwa and explaining it to the Peshwa, the Kolis handed over the forts to Madhavrao and the four Kolis were handed over the fort again.
Thorat is the gotra ( clan ) of Koli caste settled in Maharashtra . By 1262, Daman and Diu were ruled by the Thorat Kolis.
Jallia is a tribe of Kolis of Gujarat. The Kalies of the Jaliya gotra ruled the Dehwan region of Gujarat. Thakur Saheb is called the Kolis of the Jaliya gotra .
मुगल सम्राट जहांगीर के खिलाफ कोली
1613 गुजरात के बाहरी इलाके में रहने वाले कोली जाति के लोगों के विरुद्ध गुजरात सलतनत के सुल्तान जहांगीर ने एक हिंसक फरमान जारी किया जिसके अनुसार कोलीयों का कत्लेआम कराया गया .क्योंकि ये कोली गुजरात सल्तनत में लूट मार के लिए प्रसिद्ध थे .1613 में, फरमान जारी होने के बाद कोलीयो ने जहांगीर के खिलाफ बड़ी संख्या में हथियार उठाए। जिसमें लगभग 200 कोली मुखिया (गांवों की मालिक-ठाकोर कोली, पटेल कोली और कोली तालुकदार) थे। जहांगीर की सेना से लडते हुए बड़ी संख्या में कोलीयो को मौत की प्राप्ति हुई इसके बाद जहांगीर ने पहाड़ी और रेतीले इलाकों में रह रहे कोलीयों को भी। ज़हांगीर की भी काफी सेना मारी गई और इस लड़ाई में 169 कोली मुखिया मार दिए गए
कोली शहिद स्तंभ का इतिहास
(Matwad,Navsari,Gujarat)
सत्याग्रह आंदोलन के संदर्भ में अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ कोलीयों ने मटवाड गांव मे बैठक रखी थी बैठक के दौरान अंग्रेजों न अचानक से कोलीयों पर हमला कर दिया और बंदूकों से गोलीयां दागने लगे। इस हमले में मगन भाई पटेल नाम के कोली जमींदार को गोली लगी और उसकी मृत्यु हो गई। मगन भाई पटेल के शव को अंग्रेजों ने अपने घेरे में ले लिया और शव को कोलीयों के हवाले नही किया तो कोली महिलाएं विद्रोह पर उतर आईं और अंग्रेजों पर टूट पड़ीं। लेकिन कहीं कोली विद्रोह ना कर दें इसी डर के कारण अंग्रेजों न चुपचाप मगन भाई पटेल के शव को कोली महिलाओं के हवाले कर दिया। लेकिन जिस बात का डर था वही हुआ मगन भाई पटेल का शव मिलने के बाद कोलीयो ने अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ विद्रोह कर दिया और हथियार उठा लिए।अंग्रेज और कोलीयों के बीच लड़ाई हुई जिसमें 2 कोली जमींदार और शहिद हो गए थे।
15 August 1947 को देश आजाद होने के पश्चात नवशारी में शहिद शमारक समिति बनी और शहिद शमारक समिति ने मगन भाई पटेल और 2 और कोली शहिदों की याद में मटवाड गांव में कोली शहिद स्तंभ (Koli Sahid Stambh) का निर्माण किया।
शहिदों के नाम
(1) कोली श्री मगन भाई धान्जी भाई पटेल (मटवाड गांव)
(2) कोली श्री रंछोड भाई लाला भाई पटेल (कराडी गांव)
(3) कोली श्री मोरार भाई पोछीया भाई पटेल
During The Satyagraha Agitation, Kolis Did
A Meeting In Matvad Village. During The Koli's Meeting, British Army Atacked At Kolis. In This Attack , A Koli Named Maganbhai Dhanjibhai Patel (Landlord Of Matvad Village) Was Killed By British Army. British Army Didn't Gave The Dead body Of Patel Koli To Kolis. So Koli Women Became Rebels & Attacked At British Army. The Dead body Of Patel Koli Captured by Koli Women From British Officials. After This , Koli Community Revolted Against British Rule. Kolis Handed The Arms & Fought Against British. In This Rebellion Two More Kolis Was Killed By British. Their Name Was Ranchodbhai Lalabhai Patel & Morarbhai Pochiabhai Patel . After Independence Of India, A Committee Named Sahid Smarak Samiti Was Created In Navsari Town. This Committee Built A Piller Named Koli Sahid Stambh In The Memory Of Three Koli Freedom Fighters Who Fought For Their Land.Posted 1st September 2017 by Koli Prem Singhji Mahaur
1857 में, पेंथ रियासत (Penth State) की कोली जाति के लोगों न अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ भयंकर विद्रोह किया। 6 December 1857 को 2000 बागी कोलीयो न पेंथ के हरसोल नगर को लुट लिया। अंग्रेजों ने मामलातदार (Complicated Matter & Case Officer) को हरसोल नगर की जांच पड़ताल के लिए भेजा लेकिन बागी कोलीयो ने मामलातदार को ही गायब कर दिया और बंदी बना लिया। इसके बाद कोली पेंथ रियासत में और ज्यादा आतंकी हो गए। बागी कोलीयो ने Lieutenant Glasspool और उसके 30 साथीयों को घेरकर बोहत मारा। कोली विद्रोह को देखते हुए अंग्रेजों को पेंथ रियासत के राजा भार्गव राव पर सक हुआ और कचेहरी म बुलाया। पता चला कि कोली विद्रोह की योजना राजा भार्गव राव और रानी के दिवान न 6 हफते पहले ही बनाई थी। अंग्रेजों ने राजा और 15 साथीयों को राजद्रोही घोषित करके फांसी पर लटका दिया।
इसके बाद बागी कोलीयो न कचहरी पर हमला कर दिया और अंग्रेजी पुलिस वालों को मार डाला और हथियार लेकर खजाने पर हमला कर दिया। और फिर गांवों पर हमला कर दिया। इसके बाद कोली स्वर्गीय राजा के समारोह में गए और एक-एक करके अपना परिचय दिया।
शाम (Evening) को पता चला कि अंग्रेजों ने हार मानकर अंग्रेजी सेना वापस बुला ली है तो बागी कोलीयो न मामलातदार और अंग्रेजी पुलिस वालों को रिहा कर दिया। कुछ दिन बाद Lieutenant Glasspool फिर से अंग्रेजी सेना लेकर बागी कोलीयो के खिलाफ आया। लेकिन उसकी कोलीयो पर हमला करने की हिम्मत नहीं पड रही थी। इसी दोरान Captain Nuttal टरिंबक से सेना लेकर आया और Lieutenant Glasspool के साथ मिल गया। सेना काफी ताकतवर हो गई और बागी कोली पिछे हट गए । लेकिन कुछ दिन बाद बागी कोलीयो न Lieutenant Glasspool और Captain Nuttal की फोज के साथ आमने-सामने की लड़ाई कर दी लेकिन हथियारों की कमी की वजह से हार गए और धर्मपुर रियासत में चले गए। धर्मपुर के राजा ने बागी कोलीयो को पकड़कर अंग्रेजों के हवाले कर दिया और अंग्रेजों ने सभी बागी कोलीयो को फांसी पर लटका दिया।
In 1857, Kolis Of Peint State/Penth State Revolted Against British Rulen 6th December 1857, The Koli Rebels Plundered The Harsol Town/Harsool Town Of Peint State. The British Officials Sent Mamlatdar (Complicated Matter & Case Officer) To Inspect The Harsol Town. But Koli Rebels Make The Mamlatdar As Prisoner. After Kidnapping The Mamlatdar, Kolis Of Peint State Became More Daring In Peint State. Lieutenant Glasspool Came To Harsol Town To Prevent Kolis But Koli Rebels Attacked The Lieutenant Glasspool & Lieutenant Glasspool Fled Away With His Police Officials. The British Officials Called The King Of Peint State In Katchery. They Found That The Koli Rebellion Was Planned By King Of Peint State & Diwan Of Queen Of Peint State 6 Weeks Ago Only. So British Officials Hanged The King Bhargava Rao & 15 Others. When Kolis Came To Know That King Bhargava Rao Hanged By British, Kolis Attacked The Katchery & Killed All Of British Police & Take The Arms. After This, Koli Rebels Attacked The Treasure & Villages. In Evening, They Went To The Ceremony Of King Bhargava Rao & Gave The Introduction One By One. After Some Time, Koli Rebels Got New News That British Government Recalled His Army To Headquarter. So Koli Rebels Free The Mamlatdar & His Companions. After Some Days , Lieutenant Glasspool Came With His Army Against Koli Rebels. But Lieutenant Glasspool Have No Enough Power To Fight Against Koli Rebels. During This Day, Captain Nuttal Came From Trumbak With His Regiment & Became With Lieutenant Glasspool. Kolis Rebels Back Their Feets Because British Regiment Became More Powerful. But After Some Days Koli Rebels Did Fight With British Regiment Forces. But Kolis Have Lack Of Arms So Koli Rebels Defeated By British Forces. Kolis Rebels Went Away In Dharampur State. But King Of Dharampur State Catched The Koli Rebels & Handed Them To British Officials. All Of Koli Rebels Hanged & Koli Rebellion Burnt Down By British.
Lonaria Samaaj
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Lonaria (or Lonari, Lonmali, Lonkar) are an Indian caste historically associated with saltmaking, as well as production of lime, charcoal, and cement.
Organisation
The caste is often referenced as a subdivision of the Mahar caste, traditionally an Untouchable community. Other listing group them slightly higher than the Mahar, as a "Lower Caste" along with the Garshi (drummers) and Kumhar (potters).
In Belgaum (Karnataka), the caste has two subsets named for their professional product: Mith (salt) and Chune (lime).
Lonia
Lunia, a caste of salt-diggers - Tashrih al-aqvam (1825)
The Lonia (or Lunia) are a Hindu saltmaking caste, found in the state of Uttar Pradesh in India.
Origins and status
Originally, the Lonia were resident in Rajasthan where they were engaged in the manufacture of salt.
In some times and places, such as Uttar Pradesh in the mid-20th century, the Lonia were counted among the untouchable castes. In contrast, the community itself has at various times claimed to be of the Kshatriya (warrior) varna in the caste system.
Present circumstances
In 1883, some Lonias formed a caste association called the Akhilbhartiya Shree Rajput Dharmpracharniya Mahasabha, under the leadership of Thakur Lalamathura Prasad Singh. The association later changed its name to Shree Rajput Heetkarni Mahasabha and in 1984 it merged into the Akhil Bharatiya Kshatriya Mahasabha at Pratapgarh, Uttar Pradesh.
Beldar, a scheduled caste found mostly in Eastern and Central Uttar Pradesh is also called Lonia.
Mahar Samaaj
From Wikipedia
Not to be confused with Mahar (tribe) or Mahaar.
For other uses, see Mahar (disambiguation).
Mahar
"A Mahar woman", a watercolour by M. V. Dhurandhar, 1928
Regions with significant populations
Major: Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh;
Minor: Goa, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal, Gujarat
Languages
Religion
Related ethnic groups
The Mahar (also known as Maha, Mehra, Taral, Dhegu Megu) is an Indian community found largely in the state of Maharashtra and neighbouring areas. Most of the Mahar community followed B. R. Ambedkar in converting to Buddhism in the middle of the 20th century. As of 2017, the Mahar caste was designated as a Scheduled Caste in 16 Indian states.
History
Mahar is an Indian community and a caste-cluster, or group of many endogamous castes. the origin of 'mahar' word is still debatable These diverse origins suggest that the mahars are the indigenous inhabitants of Maharashtra, India.
In their folklore & myths mahars have the epithet 'Bhumiputra', meaning 'son of the soil'. which implies original ownership of the land.
Irawati Karve found, that the mahars are thoroughly the most widespread caste of Maharashtra. she states
'Jetyaparyant mahar pochle tithaparyant Maharashtra.' (as far as the mahars have gone, there is Maharashtra.)
— Iravati Karve, Caste in Indian Politics by rajni kothari
According to Hindu caste system, mahars are 'avarna' meaning one that does not have a hindu 'varna'.
The Mahar caste were considered an Untouchable community by the Hindu castes. However, they were socio-economically well above most other untouchable groups because their traditional role had been important in the village administrative system, had necessitated that they had at least a rudimentary education and frequently brought them into contact with upper-caste Hindus. They lived on the outskirts of villages and their duties included those of village watchman and trackers of thieves, messenger, wall mender, adjudicator of boundary disputes, street sweeper, supplying coarse cloth to the village and removers and processors of carcasses. In return for these services, the village granted them a watan, or rights to small piece of land, to do their own cultivation. The watan also included share of village produce. They also worked at times as agricultural labourers.
Pre-colonial period
During the Bhakti era of Hinduism several Mahar saints such as Chokhamela, Karmamela, Banka, Nirmala., Soyarabai and Bhagu became popular.
The Mahar were subjected to degradation during the rule of the Peshwas, who treated them as untouchables. Specifically, they had to walk with a broom tied to their loincloth to wipe off their foot prints and an earthenware pot tied to their neck so their spit could not fall on the ground thereby polluting the road for hindus.According to Mukta Salve, a fourteen year old Mang girl educated by Jyotirao Phule in the 1850s, human sacrifices of the untouchables were common.For example, they could be buried alive under building foundations of Hindus. They were not allowed to move in public places in the mornings or evenings as their long shadows could defile caste hindus.Mukta is also critical of the Mahar community for feeling superior to the mangs and shunning social relations with them.They were not allowed to read and write. Also passing the Talimkhana (local gymnasium) by an untouchable often resulted in his or her head being cut off and literally played with.Those resisting any sanctions could be trampled under an elephant on the grounds of the Peshwa's palace.
British India
A Mahar Man winding thread from The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India (1916)
Under British rule, the Mahars became aware of the scope for social and political advancement Their traditional role had been low-status but important in the village system. A number of Mahars joined the army during the early British era.
In 1873, Jyotirao Phule, the founder of Satyashodhak Samaj—which aimed to abolish religious slavery from the influence of Brahaminical scriptures—organised Mahars. Their first conference was held in Mumbai in 1903. Mahars were not allowed to enter Hindu temples and were considered unclean. Even their entry into the shrines of Hindu gods was restricted.
In the 20th century, significant numbers left their traditional villages and moved into the urban centres of India in search of better employment and educational opportunities. They gave up their traditional jobs in cities, and to a large extent in rural Maharashtra, and took employment in the mills, docks, construction sites and railways. They created a receptive body of urban workers who were ready to join a political movement for higher status and equality.
Shahu, the ruler of the princely state of Kohlapur abolished Mahar watan in 1918 and freed the mahars in his territory from the slavery imposed by the caste Hindu society of the day. He also gave them all the human rights and equality that others enjoy.
Military role
The Mahar served in various armies over several centuries. The Maratha king Shivaji recruited a number of them into his army in the 16th century. They served as guards in hill forts and as soldiers. The Mahars were one of the vital components of Shivaji's army
During the colonial period, large numbers of Mahars were recruited for military duties by the East India Company and the British Raj. in the mid-seventeenth century, they served british army as well as their army's navy battalion.an expert on Indian army, Named Stephen P. Cohen, Writes about the mahars a sizeable portion of the armies of the Mahratta chieftain Shivaji, served as hereditary local policeman, and were thus a "natural" martial class. Heavily recruited in the premutiny years, the Mahars constituted a fifth to a quarter of the entire Bombay Army.
Battles involving mahars,
Third Anglo-Mysore War, Battle of Miani, British Expedition to Abyssinia, Third Anglo-Burmese War, Anglo-Persian War World War 1
The Battle of Koregaon (1 January 1818) is commemorated by an obelisk known as the Koregaon pillar—which was erected at the site of the battle—and by a medal issued in 1851. The pillar featured on the Mahar Regiment crest until the Independence of India; it is inscribed with the names of 22 Mahars killed at the battle.
"They are possessed of as much soldierly quality as many castes of whom much higher opinions are entertained." - The commanding officer of the 19th bombay Infantry, book Richard B. White The Mahar Movement's Military Component
The Mahar were initially heavily recruited into the East India company military units, but this process slowed after the Indian Rebellion of 1857. Their recruitment was halted under Lord Kitchener in the early 1890s. Before the rebellion, Mahar regiments made up one-sixth of the Bombay units of the East India Company but thereafter they were pensioned off and gradually removed from military service. Mahar recruitment reached its nadir in the early 1890s (sources differ as to exact year) when Kitchener halted the recruitment of Untouchables in Maharashtra in favour of "martial races," such as the Marathas and other north-western communities. The Mahar community attempted to confront this block with a petition circulated among the Mahar, Chamar, and Mang former soldiers—all Marathi-speaking Untouchables—but the movement was unable to organise and submit their petition. The attempt at a challenge had been spearheaded by Gopal Baba Walangkar, himself a Mahar and former soldier, but he found that Mahar military pensioners were unwilling to sign because they feared that they might lose their pensions.
In 1941, the Mahar Regiment was formed.
There were a number of useful functions which the Mahars performed. Their Argus eye; their daring tenacity and determination; their faithfulness, loyalty and honesty; their courage and candour, were inestimable qualities which were always held in respect and were for ever utilized to advantage by the village .... In course of time, their voice carried great weight when there were disputes over property as their evidence was considered most accurate, intimate, and trustworthy. . — Colonel V. Longer, "Forefront Forever: The History of the Mahar Regiment.", The Mahar Movement's Military Component
Demographics
As of 2017, the Mahar community was designated as a Scheduled Caste (SC) in 16 Indian states, being: Andhra Pradesh, Arunachal Pradesh Assam, Chhattisgarh, Dadra and Nagar Haveli, Daman and Diu, Goa, Gujarat, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Rajasthan, Telangana and West Bengal.
Religion
Mahar is numerically the largest Scheduled Caste in Maharashtra state with 56.2% Buddhists, 43.7% Hindus and 0.1% Sikhs according to 2001 Indian Census.
Christianity
Main article: Christianity in Maharashtra
In the late 19th century, Otto Weishaupt's attempts to evangelise in the Sangamner area of Ahmadnagar district met with little success with communities such as the Brahmins, Muslims and Bhils but his efforts to promote Christianity did appeal to the Mahars there. There were also some Mahar converts to Christianity in other areas of Ahmednagar district around the early 20th century.
Buddhism
The Christian conversion movement became overshadowed by the emergence of B. R. Ambedkar's Buddhist equivalent. When he converted to Buddhism at Nagpur in 1956, many Mahars were among those of his followers who chose to do the same. As Buddhists, they gave up their traditional Hindu occupations and sought to redefine their social status.Ambedkar died about two months after this mass conversion. At the same spot, after his cremation, more Mahars were converted to Buddhism. Now, this community is the third most populous in Mumbai.
Some Buddhist leaders among the population prefer that the term Mahar no longer be applied to these converts. Buddhism appealed to the sense of equality in the Mahar; an intellectual of Mahar origin said, "I have accepted Buddhist doctrine. I am Buddhist now. I am not Mahar now, not untouchable nor even Hindu. I have become a human being".
Dalit literature
According to Eleanor Zelliot, Dalit literature originated in Marathi-speaking areas of Maharashtra. She credits Ambedkar, a Mahar himself, for inspiring many Dalit writers. Baburao Bagul (1930–2008), Shankarrao Kharat, and Bandhu Madhav were early Marathi writers from the Mahar community. The Mahar writer Namdeo Dhasal (who founded Dalit Panther) was significant in the Dalit movement. Other notable Mahar authors writing in Marathi include Shantabai Kamble, Raja Dhale, Daya Pawar, and Narendra Jadhav.\
Hela (caste)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Hela are a Hindu found in the state of Uttar Pradesh in India. They are a sub-group within the larger community of North India.People of India Uttar Pradesh Volume XLII Part Two edited by A Hasan & J C Das page 603 to 605 Manohar Publications</ref>
The Hela are a community of agricultural labourers. Their traditional occupation was to do agriculture. They are found mainly in the districts of Varanasi, Ghazipur and Mirzapur.
Hela Mehtar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Hela are a Dalit Muslim community found in the state of Rajasthan in India. They are Muslim converts from the Hindu Hela caste.
Origin
The Hela are a community of musicians. They claim to have come from Arabia, sometime in the distant past. The Hela are found in the districts of udaipur Bundi, Kota, Tonk and Jhalawar. They speak the Hadoti dialect of Hindi. The Hela are strictly endogamous, and marry close kin.
Present
Hela communities exist in Udaipur, Ujjain, Bundi, Dhar, and Susner. They are a landless community, and many are employed as wage labourers. Many are now employed in government sector. Traditional occupations are musicians, instrumentalists, singers and other musical trades. The Hela are well versed in ragas such as dadra and thumri, but practice many folk beliefs.
The Hela have only been reported in India
(Representative photo)Photo Source: Copyrighted © 2021 Michael E All rights reserved. Used with permission
Send us a photo of this people group
Population : 52,000
Main Language : Hindi
* From latest India census data.
Current Christian values may substantially differ.
Map Source: People Group Location: Omid. Other geography / data: GMI. Map Design: Joshua Project
Introduction / History
The Hela people of Uttar Pradesh are a landless people. Some are agricultural workers, but they are better known as scavengers, mat-weavers, and basket-weavers. In today's world some are in business, trade, and services. Most live in urban areas, especially those that live in neighboring Madhya Pradesh.
Families negotiate who will marry whom. They marry their daughters at about age 16 and their sons between 29-22. The wedding is at the bride's home, but they have a nuptial ceremony at the groom's home. They allow for divorce for either party on the grounds of adultery, maladjustment, or cruelty. Women can generate income, and they are involved with rituals and religious matters.
What Are Their Beliefs?
The Hela people are almost entirely Hindu. They worship all the Hindu deities and participate in all Hindu festivals. At Hela weddings, they worship family deities. Every family propitiates their own family and clan gods.
Profile Source: Global Prayer Digest
People Name General Hela
People Name in Country Hela
Population this Country 52,000
Population all Countries 52,000
Total Countries 1
Indigenous Yes
Unreached Yes
GSEC 1 (per PeopleGroups.org)
Alternate Names Betangi; Bhangi; Bhanti; Dom; Halakhor; Haler; Hela Mehtar; Mehtar; हेला
Country India
Region Asia, South
Continent Asia
52,000 Chhattisgarh
200 Rajasthan
60 West Bengal
30
Specialized Website South Asia Peoples
Ethnolinguistic map or
Primary Language Hindi (41,000 speakers)
Total Languages 11
Bhojpuri 8,900
Bagheli 1,400
Awadhi 600
Kanauji 200
Chhattisgarhi 200
Bundeli 90
वाल्मीकि जाति
मुक्त ज्ञानकोश विकिपीडिया से
वाल्मीकि दलित समुदाय व जाति है। इनका पारम्परिक काम मल-मूत्र को साफ करना और अन्य सफाई कार्य करना होता है। इन्हें भारतीय जाति व्यवस्था में सबसे नीचा स्थान दिया जाता है और इस कारण ये बहुत शोषित वर्ग है। पंजाब में बसे चूहड़ा को भी इनका भाग माना जाता है जो सिख धर्म के मजहबी सिख अनुभाग को बनाते हैं। वाल्मीकि नाम वाल्मीकि से लिया गया है जिन्हें ये समुदाय अपना गुरू मानता है (देखें वाल्मीकि समुदाय)। इनका मूल नाम भंगी है जिसका अर्थ भांग पीने वाला होता है। लेकिन ये अब अपमानजनक माना जाता है और इसका उपयोग सामाजिक रूप से सही नहीं माना जाता है। कुछ वाल्मीकि अपने को हरिजन कहलाना भी पसंद करते हैं।
वाल्मीकि आज भी साफ सफाई का कार्य ही करते हैं और ये उनका रोजगार का मुख्य हिस्सा है। उनके कई सगंठन भी मौजूद है जो सरकारी नौकरी में इस कार्य में किसी और जाति के लोगों के आगमन का विरोध करते हैं।
आखिर वाल्मीकि कौन थे ब्राह्मण या अछूत,आइये जानते हैं अब तक की सबसे कड़वी सच्चाई
काफी समय से यह चर्चा का विषय रहा है कि आखिर वाल्मीकि कौन थे, ब्राह्मण या अछूत, अब पूरी तरह सिद्ध हो चुका हैं कि महाकवि वाल्मीकि ब्राह्मण थे ,उनका अछूतों और दलितों से किसी भी प्रकार का दूर- दूर तक क़ोई सम्बन्ध ही नही था और न है ।
महाकवि वाल्मीकि का खानदान इस प्रकार है-ब्रह्मा, प्रचेता और वाल्मीकि। वाल्मीकि रामायण के उत्तर काण्ड सर्ग 16 श्लोक में वाल्मीकि ने कहा है, राम मैं प्रचेता का दशवाँ पुत्र हुँ। मनुस्मृति में लिखा है प्रचेता ब्रह्मा का पुत्र था ।रामायण के नाम से प्रचलित कई पुस्तको में भी महाकवि वाल्मीकि ने अपना जन्म ब्राह्मण कुल में बताया है । चूहड़ा जाति को वाल्मीकि कब बनाया गया, इसके पीछे लगभग 80 वर्षो पुराना इतिहास है । जब डॉ बाबा साहेब अम्बेडकर ने घोषणा की कि मैं हिन्दू पैदा हुआ , यह मेरे वश में नही था , लेकिन मैं हिन्दू के तौर पर मरूँगा नही। और अछूतों को हिन्दू धर्म का त्याग कर देना चाहिए क्योकि हिन्दू धर्म में रहते हुए ऊँची जाति की नफ़रत और भेदभाव से छुटकारा नही मिल सकता ।
बाबा साहब डॉ अम्बेडकर की इस घोषणा से गैर हिन्दुओं के मुह में अछूतों को अपने धर्म में शामिल करने के लिए मुंह में पानी आता रहा। वही हिन्दू धर्म के ठेकेदारो के पैरो के नीचे से जमींन खिसकने लगी थी।अपनी योजना के अधीन हिन्दू आर्य समाजी नेताओ ने चूहड़ा जाति के लिए महाकवि वाल्मीकि को खोज निकाला, और चमारो को उनके जाति में पैदा होने के कारण रविदास जी के अनुयायी बनने के लिए प्रेरित किया ।
आर्य समाज ने अपनी इस योजना को सफल बनाने के लिए लाहौर में वेतनभोगी कुछ वर्कर नियुक्त किये इनमें पृथ्वीसिंह आजाद ,स्वामी शुद्रानंद और प्रो. यशवंत राय प्रमुख थे। इन लोगो ने लाहौर ट्रेनिंग से वापस आकर वाल्मीकि को चूहड़ा जाति के ऊपर थोप दिया। हिन्दुओ की नफरत से बचने के लिए चूहड़ा जाति ने आर्य समाज के प्रचारको के प्रभाव में आकर अपनी जाति का नाम बदलकर वाल्मीकि रख दिया। किन्तु हिन्दुओ की नफ़रत में कोई अंतर नही आया भेदभाव और नफ़रत पहले जैसे ही बरक़रार है।आज कल के शिक्षित नौजवान इस सडयंत्र को समझने लगे है। वे मानते है कि वाल्मीकि यदि शुद्र था तो उनको संस्कृत पड़ने लिखने का आधिकर उस काल में किसने दिया ? वाल्मीकि शुद्र थे तो रामायण में शूद्रों के प्रति इतनी नफ़रत क्यों लिखी गई।
आज नौजवान न तो अपने आप को वाल्मीकि कहलाने से इंकार कर रहे है, बल्कि दूसरी तरफ वे वाल्मीकि रामायण की कठोर शब्दों में आलोचना भी करते है। आप खुद सोचिये और अपना भविष्य उज्जवल करने के लिए अम्बेडकर की विचार धाराओं को अपनाना है या फिर जीवन भर इसी दलदल में रहना है। आप ही को तय करना है कि हमें रोशनी और उन्नति की ओर जाना है या अँधेरे में फसकर अपना जीवन बर्बाद करना है ।
वाल्मीकि ब्राह्मण थे या फिर ओबीसी?
इमरान क़ुरैशी बेंगलुरू से, बीबीसी हिंदी डॉट कॉम के लिए
रामायण के लेखक वाल्मीकि की जाति क्या थी? क्या उनका जन्म ब्राह्मण परिवार में हुआ था? इस सवाल पर कर्नाटक में विवाद हो रहा है.
इस महाकवि की जाति का पता लगाने के लिए राज्य सरकार ने 14 सदस्यों की एक कमेटी गठित कर दी है.
संस्कृत में 'रामायण' लिखने वाले वाल्मीकि को ब्राह्मण बताने वाली एक किताब पर राज्य सरकार ने प्रतिबंध लगा दिया था.
इसके बाद हाईकोर्ट के निर्देश पर इस कमेटी का गठन किया गया है.
लेकिन इस विवाद ने एक नया रूप इसलिए लिया है कि कुछ कन्नड़ लेखक इसे पिछड़े वर्गों से संबंधित महापुरुषों को ‘समाहित करने’ की कोशिश के रूप में देखते हैं.
पढ़ें विस्तार से
जाने माने कन्नड़ साहित्यकार और आलोचक प्रोफ़ेसर मरुलासिडप्पा ने बीबीसी से कहा, “सरकार को इस क़िताब को नज़रअंदाज कर देना चाहिए था. आज कोई भी वाल्मीकि, व्यास या कालिदास की जाति का पता नहीं लगा सकता. उनके बारे में जो कुछ पता है, वो है लोगों का विश्वास, जिसे वे हज़ारों सालों से मानते चले आए हैं.”
लेकिन सरकार इसे नज़रअंदाज़ नहीं कर सकी. ‘वाल्मीकि कौन है’ किताब जब छपी तो हंगामा खड़ा हो गया.
वाल्मीकि या बेडा समुदाय के लोगों ने धारवाड़ के प्रोफ़ेसर नारायणचार्य की लिखी इस क़िताब के ख़िलाफ़ प्रदर्शन किया. इसके बाद सरकार ने इस पर प्रतिबंध लगा दिया.
लेकिन किताब के प्रकाशक ने इस मामले में हाई कोर्ट का दरवाज़ा खटखटाया. अदालत ने कहा कि बग़ैर किसी जांच के प्रतिबंध नहीं थोपा जा सकता.
प्रोफ़ेसर मरुलासिडप्पा कहते हैं, “प्रोफ़ेसर नारायणचार्य ने अपनी किताब में यह साबित करने की कोशिश की है कि वाल्मीकि ब्राह्मण थे. लेकिन उनके जो श्लोक हैं, उसके मुताबिक़ भी वो वाल्मीकि या बेडा ही हैं. पर लेखक का कहना है कि इस महाकवि ने ब्राह्मण परिवार में जन्म लिया था.”
जाति
कन्नड़ के प्रोफ़ेसर और शोधकर्ता प्रोफ़ेसर मल्लिका घांटी वाल्मीकि के जन्म को लेकर हो रहे विवाद से हैरान हैं.
उनके मुताबिक़, “वाल्मीकि एक राष्ट्रीय कवि थे. वे एक महान कवि थे, जिन्होंने देश की ऐतिहासिक और सांस्कृतिक पक्ष को अपनी रचना में जगह दी. हम इसकी व्याख्या कर सकते हैं और इसके सहारे हम आज के समाज के बारे में एक समझ बना सकते हैं.”
घांटी के अनुसार, “वाल्मीकि ने अपने समय की सामाजिक तस्वीर खींची है. मुझे नहीं लगता कि उस संदर्भ में, आज के दौर में उनके जन्म पर विचार करना वैज्ञानिक होगा.”
लेकिन दलित लेखक इंदुधारा होन्नापुरा का इस मामले को देखने का नज़रिए दूसरा है.
होन्नापुरा ने कहा, “यह कहना मूर्खता है कि वाल्मीकि ने ब्राह्मण परिवार में जन्म लिया था. इसके बारे में वाल्मीकि ने रामायण में खुद लिखा है. यहां तक कि बासवाना ने वाल्मीकि के जन्म के बारे में लिखा है. लेकिन इस विवाद का कुछ और ही मतलब है.”
उनके मुुताबिक़, सभी महापुरुषों को ब्राह्मण परिवार में जन्म लेने का दावा करना, "साम्प्रदायिक समूहों का छिपा एजेंडा” है.
कन्नड़ कवि और नाटककार प्रोफ़ेसर केवाई नारायणस्वामी होन्नापुरा से सहमति जताते हैं. वे सांस्कृतिक इतिहास में इसे एक चलन के रूप में देखते हैं.
राजनीतिक एजेंडा?
प्रोफ़ेसर नारायणस्वामी कहते हैं, “पिछले दो दशकों से हम ऐसी कई घटनाएं देख रहे हैं. वाल्मीकि का मुद्दा तो अभी आया है, इससे पहले मुद्दा था कालिदास या कनकदास का. एक वर्ग कहता है कि इनमें से एक का उच्च जाति या ब्राह्मण समुदाय से संबंध है. इस वर्ग का तो यह भी कहना है कि कालिदास ने ब्राह्मण जाति में जन्म नहीं लिया होता तो उन्हें दुनिया देखने का वह नज़रिया नहीं मिलता या इतना बड़ा बौद्धिक क़द हासिल नहीं हुआ होता.”
यह क्या दिखाता है?
उनके मुताबिक़, “ग़रीब समुदायों से आने वाले महापुरुषों को अपने में मिला लेने की कोशिश का एक साफ चलन दिखाई देता है. यह मुद्दा दक्षिणपंथी दलों के राजनीतिक एजेंडे का एक हिस्सा है.”
जात तो पूछो वाल्मीकि की
तलाश करने वाले ठीक हों तो वाल्मीकि की जाति की तलाश एक ऐसे मोड़ पर समाप्त हो सकती है जिसमें न कोई दलित होगा न ब्राह्मण.
तलाश करने वाले ठीक हों तो वाल्मीकि की जाति की तलाश एक ऐसे मोड़ पर समाप्त हो सकती है जिसमें न कोई दलित होगा न ब्राह्मण.
कर्नाटक में 14 सदस्यों की एक कमेटी यह जानने के लिए बनाई गई है कि रामायण के रचयिता वाल्मीकि की जाति क्या है? यह विवाद कन्नड़ लेखक केएस नारायणाचार्य की किताब ‘वाल्मीकि यारू? (कौन हैं वाल्मीकि?)’ को लेकर शुरू हुआ है. नारायणाचार्य ने लिखा है कि वाल्मीकि एक ब्राह्मण परिवार में पैदा हुए थे.
इस बात पर कन्नड़ के कई लेखकों ने तीखी प्रतिक्रिया जताई. वाल्मीकि को अपनी जाति का मानने वाले नाविक समुदाय ने इसका विरोध किया तो सरकार ने किताब प्रतिबंधित कर दी. किताब के प्रकाशकों ने हाइकोर्ट की शरण ली. हाइकोर्ट ने सरकार से पूछा कि इस पाबंदी का आधार क्या है. अदालत के आदेश से पाबंदी हटा ली गई है, लेकिन अब एक कमेटी यह पता करेगी कि वाल्मीकि की जाति क्या थी और अदालत को इसके बारे में सूचना देगी.
नारायणाचार्य की किताब ‘कौन है वाल्मीकि’ दरअसल कहीं न कहीं इस खयाल की मारी है कि हिंदुओं का सबसे पवित्र ग्रंथ किसी ब्राह्मण के अलावा कोई और कैसे रच सकता है.
यह विवाद कई लिहाज से दिलचस्प है. मामला एक ऐसे चरित्र का है जिसकी ऐतिहासिकता तक अभी सुनिश्चित नहीं हुई है. वाल्मीकि को लेकर बस यह कथा प्रचलित है कि उनका मूल नाम रत्नाकर था, वे डाकू थे, उन्होंने जब यह देखा कि उनके अपने लोग उनके पेशे के प्रति श्रद्धा नहीं रखते, उनके पाप में हिस्सा बंटाने को तैयार नहीं हैं, तो विरक्त होकर उन्होंने डकैती छोड़ दी और तपस्या में जुट गए. इसके बाद क्रौंच वध हुआ, पक्षी के एक जोड़े के आर्त्तनाद ने उनमें इतनी पीड़ा भर दी की कि वे रामकथा लिखने बैठ गए.
यह मिथक कथा है. इस पर या तो विश्वास किया जा सकता है या अविश्वास. इसका एक सामाजिक पक्ष बस इतना है कि इससे देश का एक दलित तबका अपनी वंचित हैसियत के बीच अस्मिता का बोध हासिल करता है. इसमें उसे एक बहुत हल्की संभावना यह लगती है कि आने वाले दिनों में कहा जा सकता है कि सबसे पवित्र और प्रचलित हिंदू ग्रंथ की रचना किसी ब्राह्मण ने नहीं एक दलित ने की है. इस नाते धर्म की सीढ़ी में उसकी हैसियत ऊंची हो सकती है.
नारायणाचार्य की किताब ‘कौन है वाल्मीकि’ दरअसल कहीं न कहीं इस खयाल की मारी है कि हिंदुओं का सबसे पवित्र ग्रंथ किसी ब्राह्मण के अलावा कोई और कैसे रच सकता है. इस लिहाज से यह उस विरासत पर अपनी मुहर लगाने की कोशिश है जो दलितों के नाम है. दलित अपनी आर्थिक-सामाजिक स्थिति की वजह से उस पर ऐसा वर्चस्ववादी दावा करने की हैसियत में नहीं हैं कि वे हिंदुत्व की सरणियों को उलट-पलट सकें.
जब आप वाल्मीकि की जाति खोजने निकलेंगे तो आपको इतिहास के तथ्य नहीं, बल्कि सभ्यताओं के झुटपुटे में चली आ रही कहानियां मिलेंगी.
हमारे पास देश भर में जितनी रामकथाएं सुलभ हैं उनको देखते हुए कहा जा सकता है कि वाल्मीकि राम कथा के पहले सर्जक नहीं थे. राम कथा समाज के विकास के साथ धीरे-धीरे आगे बढ़ी. बस इतना संभव है कि वाल्मीकि एक ऐसे दौर में हुए हों जब राज्य और समाज-व्यवस्था पहले से ज़्यादा सुस्थिर हो चुकी थी और उन्होंने अपनी राम कथा में शायद इन सबको पिरोने की कोशिश की.
रामायण के अलावा जो दूसरा हिंदू ग्रंथ है- महाभारत, उसके रचनाकार की तुलना में अगर देखें तो वाल्मीकि कम कल्पनाशील दिखाई पड़ते हैं. व्यास के महाभारत में कई बार कल्पनाशीलता भी चरम पर दिखती है और तर्कशीलता भी. अक्सर यह कहा जाता है कि महाभारत मूल्यों के संकट के दौर का महाकाव्य है. रामायण उसके मुकाबले एक रामराज्य की सपाट सी परिकल्पना प्रस्तुत करती है. और यह परिकल्पना भी सीता के गृह त्याग से लेकर अश्वमेध यज्ञ तक कई बार संकटग्रस्त दिखती है.
इस लिहाज से देखें तो व्यास वाल्मीकि के मुक़ाबले ज़्यादा दुस्साहसी सर्जक भी दिखते हैं. क्या इसलिए कि एक समाज के लिए आदर्श की रचना करते-करते वाल्मीकि को भी खुद को बदलने की आवश्यकता महसूस हुई होगी? क्या एक दलित ब्राह्मणत्व साबित करके ही अपनी एक सामाजिक हैसियत बना सकता था?
इस सवाल का जवाब जाने-माने कवि विष्णु खरे की कविता देने की कोशिश करती है. उनके संग्रह ‘पाठांतर’ में ‘प्रक्षिप्त’ नाम की एक कविता है जो शंबूक वध को रामकथा की दलित विरोधी राजनीति से जोड़कर देखती है. इसमें शंबूक अपने वध पर अपने सजातीय वाल्मीकि की चुप्पी पर सवाल करता है- ‘मैंने कोई क्षमा याचना नहीं की, यह तो इसी से स्पष्ट है कि / मुझे जीवित नहीं छोड़ा गया / मेरा वध इसलिए किया गया सुमहातेज कि आशंका थी / मैं अपने सजात्य के पक्ष में युक्तियां देने जा रहा हूं / और उनके प्रचलित होने के पूर्व ही / मेरा सिर कटना अनिवार्य था / आपने सब देखा-सुना होगा त्रिकालदर्शी / मगर आपकी कथा में संकेत तक नहीं’.
अगर वर्चस्ववादी जातियां वाकई दलित और ब्राह्मण के इस फर्क को ख़त्म करने की दिशा में आगे बढ़ना चाहती हैं तो उन्हें दलितों को उनका वाल्मीकि लौटाना होगा.
लेकिन क्या वाल्मीकि की जाति का कोई ऐतिहासिक प्रमाण ढूंढ़ा जा सकता है? जब आप वाल्मीकि की जाति खोजने निकलेंगे तो आपको इतिहास के तथ्य नहीं, बल्कि सभ्यताओं के झुटपुटे में चली आ रही कहानियां मिलेंगी. इनमें दोनों तरह की कहानियां मिलेंगी - उस वर्चस्ववादी संस्कृति की भी जो किसी भी श्रेष्ठ चरित्र पर अपनी जाति और पहचान की मुहर लगाने की कोशिश करती है, और हाशिए पर पड़े उन समुदायों की भी जिनकी कहानियां इन कहानियों के समानांतर चुपचाप यहां-वहां दबी मिलती हैं. इस लिहाज से हो सकता है, एक नहीं कई वाल्मीकि मिलें और हमारे पास उनमें से किसी एक को चुनने की, उस पर अंतिम मुहर लगाने की सुविधा न हो.
दरअसल तलाश करने वाले ठीक हों तो वाल्मीकि की जाति की तलाश अंत में ऐसे मोड़ पर समाप्त हो सकती है जिसमें न कोई दलित होगा न ब्राह्मण. मगर दुर्भाग्य से अभी तक का इतिहास याद दिलाता है कि वर्चस्ववादी जातियां ऐसी तलाश की बजाय अपनी यथास्थिति को सुरक्षित रखने के प्रयास ही करती रही हैं. अगर वे वाकई दलित और ब्राह्मण के इस फर्क को ख़त्म करने की दिशा में आगे बढ़ना चाहती हैं तो उन्हें दलितों को उनका वाल्मीकि लौटाना होगा.
लेकिन अभी तो खेल वाल्मीकि को हड़पने का चल रहा है.
भंगी शब्द का इतिहास ( यह कोई जाती नहीं थी )
वाल्मीकि बहुत नया नाम है और पहले ये वर्ग भंगी नाम से जाना जाता था। ये कई उपवर्गों में बंटे हुए हैं। इनकी भंगी, चूहड़, मेहतर, हलालखोर प्रमुख शाखाएं हैं। इनकी किस्मों, गोत्रों के नाम बुंदेलिया, यदुवंशी, नादों, भदौरिया, चौहान, किनवार ठाकुर, बैस, गेहलौता, गहलोत, चंदेल, वैस, वैसवार, बीर गूजर या बग्गूजर, कछवाहा, गाजीपुरी राउत, टिपणी, खरिया, किनवार-ठाकुर, दिनापुरी राउत, टांक, मेहतर, भंगी, हलाल इत्यादि हैं। क्या इन क़िस्मों के नाम पढ़ कर इस वीरता का, जूझारू होने का कारण समझ में नहीं आता? क्या ये सारे गोत्र भरतवंशी क्षत्रियों के जैसे नहीं लगते हैं? किसी को शक हो तो किसी भी ठाकुर के साथ बात करके इसकी पुष्टि की जा सकती है।
इन अनुसूचित जातियों में ये नाम इनमें कहाँ से आ गये? ऐसा क्यों है कि अनुसूचित जातियों की ये क़िस्में उत्तर प्रदेश, बिहार, बंगाल, मध्य प्रदेश में ही हैं? जो इलाक़े सीधे मुस्लिम आक्रमणकारियों से सदियों जूझते रहे हैं उन्हीं में ये गोत्रा क्यों मिलते हैं? हलालखोर शब्द अरबी है। भारत की किसी जाति का नाम अरबी मूल का कैसे है? क्या अरबी आक्रमणकारियों या अरबी सोच रखने वाले लोगों ने ये जाति बनायी थी? इन्हें भंगी क्यों कहा गया होगा? ये शुद्ध संस्कृत शब्द है और इसका अर्थ ‘वह जिसने भंग किया या तोड़ा’ होता है। इन्होने क्या भंग किया था जिसके कारण इन्होने ये नाम स्वीकार किया।
दरअसल मुग़ल राजाओं से यह बहुत वीरता से लड़ते थे तथा कई बार उन्हें पराजित कर चुके थे अतः मुगलों ने जब इन्हें हराया तब इन्हें मारने की जगह बेईज्ज़त करने का निर्णय किया| इनके सामने शर्त रखी गयी के या तो तुम इस्लाम स्वीकार कर लो या हरम के पखाने साफ़ करो | इन्होने इस्लाम स्वीकार नहीं किया अतः इनको वह काम करना पड़ा जो समाज में बहुत घ्रणित था , मैला धोने की प्रथा यहाँ से शुरू हुई| और कई सालों तक इन क्षेत्रो में मुगलों का प्रभाव होने के कारण इसमें वापस सुधार भी नहीं हो सका | यही बाद में अंग्रेजों ने भी इनके साथ किया फिर देश छोड़कर जाते समय सेन्सस तथा इतिहास में इनको भंगी बता गए तथा अपने द्वारा किये गए शोषण का इल्जाम भी ऊँची जातियों पर लगा गए , जबकि असल में कोई जाती ऊँची या नीची थी ही नहीं |
इसी मूर्खतापूर्ण इतिहास को पढ़कर भारतीय हीन मानसिकता में घिर गए तथा आज भी जाती प्रथा और हिन्दू धर्म को कोसते दिखते हैं |
दलित और वाल्मीकि शब्द का वास्तविक अर्थ
अपने धर्म की रक्षा के लिए अपने जनेऊ को तोड़कर अर्थात 'भंग' कर मुस्लिम शासकों और अमीर के यहां मैला ढोने और उनके द्वारा पात्र में किए गए शौच को सिर पर उठाकर फेंकने वाले हमारे पूर्वजों ने खुद तो अपमान का घूंट पी लिया, लेकिन समाज को झकझोरना नहीं छोड़ा। उन्होंने अपने शिखा का त्याग नहीं किया ताकि उनके ब्राहमण की पहचान से समाज परिचित रहे और फिर उन्होंने अपने काम से निवृत्त होकर हिंदू चेतना जागृत करने के लिए घर-घर, गली-गली गा-गा कर राम कथा कहना शुरू कर दिया ताकि हिंदू में व्याप्त निराशा दूर हो।
मध्यकाल के भक्ति आंदोलन को वामपंथी इतिहासकारों ने हिंदुओं में आई कुरीतियों, जाति-पाति भेद आदि को दूर करने का आंदोलन कह कर झूठ प्रचलित किया, जबकि ब्राहमण तुलसीदास से लेकर दलित रैदास तक इस आंदोलन को आततायी शासकों से मुक्ति के लिए जनचेतना का स्वरूप दिए हुए थे। दिल्ली में रामलीला की शुरुआत अकबर के जमाने में तुलसीदास ने कराई थी ताकि हिंदुओं में व्याप्त निराशा दूर हो, उनकी लुप्त चेतना जागृत हो जाए और उनके अंदर गौरव का अहसास हो ताकि वह सत्ता हासिल करने की स्थिति प्राप्त कर लें। इसी मध्यकालीन भक्ति आंदोलन से निकले समर्थ गुरुराम दास ने छत्रपति शिवाजी को तैयार कर मुगल सल्तनत की ईंट से ईंट बजा दी थी।
हां तो, गली-गली हिंदुओं में गौरव जगाने और अपनी पीड़ा को आवाज देने के लिए शासकों का मैला ढोने वाले अस्पृश्यों को उनके 'महत्तर' अर्थात महान कार्य के लिए 'मेहतर' और रामकथा वाचक के रूप में रामकथा के पहले सृजनहार 'वाल्मीकि' का नाम उन्हें दे दिया। खुद को गिरा कर हिंदू धर्म की रक्षा करने के लिए इन्हें एक और नाम मिला 'दलित' अर्थात जिन्होंने धर्म को 'दलन' यानी नष्ट होने से बचाया, वो दलित कहलाए।
सोचिए, जो डरपोक और कायर थे वो इस्लाम अपनाकर मुसलमान बन गए, जिन्होंने इस्लाम को स्वीकार नहीं किया, बदले में मुस्लिम शासकों और अमीरों का मैला ढोना स्वीकार किया वो 'भंगी', कहलाए और जिन हिंदुओं ने इनके उपकार को नमन किया और इन्हें अपना धर्म रक्षक कहा, उन्होंने उन्हें एक धर्मदूत की तरह 'वाल्मीकि', 'दलित' 'मेहतर' नाम दिया। कालांतर में इतने प्यार शब्द भी अस्पृश्य होते चले गए, इसकी भावना भी धूमिल हो गई और हमारे पूर्वजों ने इन धर्मरक्षकों को अपने ही समाज से बहिष्कृत कर दिया। हिंदू धर्म कुरीतियों का घर बन गया, जो आज तक जातिप्रथा के रूप में बना हुआ है।
मछुआरी मां सत्यवती की संतान महर्षि व्यास की तो यह हिंदू समाज श्रद्धा करता है और आज एक मछुआरे को शुद्र की श्रेणी में डालता है, यह है हमारे-आपके समाज का दोगला और कुरीतियों वाला चरित्र। तथाकथित ऊंची जाति ब्राहण और क्षत्रिए उनसे रोटी-बेटी का संबंध बनाने से बचती है, जबकि उन्हीं के कारण उनका जन्मना ब्राहमणत्व और क्षत्रियत्व बचा हुअा है। गीता के चौथे अध्ययाय के 13 वें श्लोक में भगवान श्रीकृष्ण ने कहा है, 'चतुर्वण्यम माया श्रष्टम गुण-कर्म विभागध:' अर्थात चार वर्ण मैंने ही बनाए हैं, जो गुण और कर्म के आधार पर है। तो फिर आप अपने मन में यह सवाल क्यों नहीं पूछते कि आखिर यह दलित, अस्पृश्य जाति कहां से आ गई।
जो लोग जन्म के आधार पर खुद को ब्राहमण और क्षत्रिए मानते हैं, वो जरा शर्म करें और अपने उन भाईयों को गले लगाएं, जिन्होंने धर्म की रक्षा के लिए अपने जन्म से ब्राहण और क्षत्रिए होने का त्याग कर भगवान कृष्ण के मुताबिक कर्म किया, आततियों से लड़ नहीं सकते थे तो उनका मैला ढोया, लेकिन समय बचने पर रामधुन समाज में प्रसारित करते रहे और 'वाल्मीकि' कहलाए और हिंदू धर्म के 'दलन' से रक्षा की इसलिए 'दलित' कहलाए।
याद रखो, यदि हिंदू एक नहीं हुए तो तुम्हें नष्ट होने से भी कोई नहीं बचा सकता है और यह भी याद रखो कि जो मूर्ख खुद को जन्म से ब्राहमण और क्षत्रिय मानता है, वह अरब के आए मुस्लिम और ब्रिटिश से आए अंग्रेज शासको के श्रेष्ठता दंभ के समान ही पीडि़त और रुग्ण है। वामपंथी इतिहासकारों ने झूठ लिख-लिख कर तुम्हें तुम्हारे ही भाईयों से अलग कर दिया है तो यह भी याद रखो कि वो कुटिल वामपंथी तुम्हें तोडना चाहते हैं। झूठे वामपंथी तुम्हारे भगवान नहीं हैं, तुम्हारे भगवान राम और कृष्ण हैं, जिन्होंने कभी जाति भेद नहीं किया। वैसे आज भी कुछ ब्राहण और क्षत्रिए ऐसे हैं, जो इस घमंड में हैं कि भगवान कृष्ण तो यादव थे, जो आज की संवैधानिक स्थिति में अनुसूचित जाति है। तो कह दूं, ऐसे सोच वाले हिंदुओं का वंशज ही नष्ट होने लायक है। क्या आप सभी खुद को हिंदू कहने वाले लोग उस अनुसूचित जाति के लोगों को आगे बढ़कर गले लगाएंगे, उनसे रोटी-बेटी का संबंध रखेंगे। यदि आपने यह नहीं किया तो समझिए, हिंदू समाज कभी एक नहीं हो पाएगा और एक अध्ययन के मुकाबले 2061 से आप इसी देश में अल्पसंख्यक होना शुरू हो जाएंगे।
हां, मुझे उपदेश देने वाला कह कर मेरा उपहास उड़ाओ तो स्पष्ट बता दूं कि मैं जाति से भूमिहार ब्राहमण हूं और कर्म से भी ज्ञान की दिशा में ही कार्य कर रहा हूं। मेरा सबसे घनिष्ठ मित्र एक दलित है, जिसके साथ एक ही थाली में खाना, एक दूसरे के घर पर जाकर एक समान ही रहना, मेरे जीवन में है। मेरा उपनयन संस्कार, मेरे पिताजी ने इसलिए किय था कि मेरा गांव जाति युद्ध में फंसा था और उन्होंने मेरे उपनयन पर दो जातियों के गुट को एक कर दिया था। इसलिए मैं कहता वहीं हूं, जो मेरे जीवन में है!
Web Title: Who are Dalits.1
Keywords: भारतीय इतिहास की खोज| इतिहास एक खोज| डिस्कवरी ऑफ इंडिया| डिस्कवरी| मसीह| मोहम्मद| मार्क्स| indian history| indian history in hindi| Ancient Indian History| History of India| Brief History Of India| Incredible India| History and Politics of India| Dalit| Caste System| Who are Dalits| d alits in india| दलित| वाल्मीकि| मैला ढोने की प्रथा| स्वच्छता अभियान| मेहतर| भारत में दलितों का इतिहास
साहस, त्याग और बलिदान की गाथा है मेहतर जाति का इतिहास !
- दिवाकर शर्मा
क्या आप जानते हैं कि हमलोगों ने जिन भंगी और मेहतर जाति को अछूत करार दिया और जिनके हाथ का छुआ तक आज भी बहुत सारे हिंदू नहीं खाते, उनका...
क्या आप जानते हैं कि हमलोगों ने जिन भंगी और मेहतर जाति को अछूत करार दिया और जिनके हाथ का छुआ तक आज भी बहुत सारे हिंदू नहीं खाते, उनका पूरा इतिहास साहस, त्याग और बलिदान से भरा पड़ा है !
मुगल काल में ब्राह्मणों और क्षत्रियों को दो रास्ते दिए गए, या तो इस्लाम कबूल करो या फिर मुसलमानों का मैला ढोओ क्योंकि तब भारतीय समाज में इन दोनों समुदायों का अत्यंत सम्मान था और इनके लिए ऐसा घृणित कार्य करना मर जाने के समान था इसीलिए मुगलों ने इनके धर्मान्तरण के लिए यह तरीका अपनाया ! आप किसी भी मुगल किले में चले जाओ वहां आपको शौचालय नहीं मिलेगा ! जबकि हजारों साल पुरानी हिंदुओं की उन्नत सिंधु घाटी सभ्यता के खण्डहरों में रहने वाले कमरे से सटा शौचालय मिलता है !
सुल्तानों और मुगलों को शौचालय निर्माण का ज्ञान तक नहीं था ! दिल्ली सल्तनत में बाबर, अकबर, शाहजहाँ से लेकर सभी मुगल बादशाह बर्तनों में शौच करते थे, जिन्हें उन ब्राहम्णों और क्षत्रियों के परिजनों से फिकवाया जाता था, जिन्होंने इस्लाम को अपनाने से इनकार कर दिया था !
जिन ब्राहमणों और क्षत्रियों ने मैला ढोने की प्रथा को स्वीकार करने के उपरांत अपने जनेऊ को तोड़ दिया, अर्थात उपनयन संस्कार को भंग कर दिया, वो भंगी कहलाए ! तत्कालिन हिंदू समाज ने इनके मैला ढोने की नीच प्रथा को भी 'महत्तर' अर्थात महान और बड़ा करार दिया था, जो अपभ्रंश रूप में 'मेहतर' हो गया !
भारत में 1000 ईस्वी में केवल 1 फीसदी अछूत जाति थी, लेकिन मुगल वंश की समाप्ति होते-होते इनकी संख्या 14 फीसदी हो गई ! आपने सोचा कि ये 13 प्रतिशत की बढोत्तरी मुगल शासन में कैसे हो गई !
जो हिंदू डर और अत्याचार के मारे इस्लाम धर्म स्वीकार करते चले गए, उन्हीं के वंशज आज भारत में मुस्लिम आबादी हैं ! जिन ब्राह्मणों और क्षत्रियों ने मरना स्वीकार कर लिया उन्हें काट डाला गया और उनके असहाय परिजनों को इस्लाम कबूल नहीं करने की सजा के तौर पर अपमानित करने के लिए नीच मैला ढोने के कार्य में धकेल दिया गया ! वही लोग भंगी और मेहतर कहलाए !
डॉ सुब्रहमनियन स्वामी लिखते हैं, '' अनुसूचित जाति उन्हीं बहादुर ब्राह्मण व क्षत्रियों के वंशज है, जिन्होंने जाति से बाहर होना स्वीकार किया, लेकिन मुगलों के जबरन धर्म परिवर्तन को स्वीकार नहीं किया ! आज के हिंदू समाज को उनका शुक्रगुजार होना चाहिए, उन्हें कोटिश: प्रणाम करना चाहिए, क्योंकि उन लोगों ने हिंदू के भगवा ध्वज को कभी झुकने नहीं दिया, भले ही स्वयं अपमान व दमन झेला !''
प्रख्यात साहित्यकार अमृत लाल नागर ने अनेक वर्षों के शोध के बाद पाया कि जिन्हें "भंगी", "मेहतर" आदि कहा गया, वे ब्राहम्ण और क्षत्रिय थे !
स्टेनले राइस ने अपने पुस्तक "हिन्दू कस्टम्स एण्ड देयर ओरिजिन्स" में यह भी लिखा है कि अछूत मानी जाने वाली जातियों में प्राय: वे बहादुर जातियां भी हैं, जो मुगलों से हारीं तथा उन्हें अपमानित करने के लिए मुसलमानों ने अपने मनमाने काम करवाए थे !
गाजीपुर के श्री देवदत्त शर्मा चतुर्वेदी ने सन् 1925 में एक पुस्तक लिखी थी जिसका नाम 'पतित प्रभाकर' अर्थात मेहतर जाति का इतिहास था ! इस छोटी-सी पुस्तक में "भंगी","मेहतर", "हलालखोर", "चूहड़" आदि नामों से जाने गए लोगों की किस्में दी गई हैं, जो इस प्रकार हैं (पृ. 22-23)
नाम जाति भंगी- वैस, वैसवार, बीर गूजर (बग्गूजर), भदौरिया, बिसेन, सोब, बुन्देलिया, चन्देल, चौहान, नादों,यदुबंशी, कछवाहा, किनवार-ठाकुर, बैस, भोजपुरी राउत,गाजीपुरी राउत, गेहलौता, मेहतर, भंगी, हलाल, खरिया, चूहड़- गाजीपुरी राउत, दिनापुरी राउत, टांक, गेहलोत, चन्देल, टिपणी !
इन जातियों के जो यह सब भेद हैं, वह सबके सब क्षत्रिय जाति के ही भेद या किस्म हैं ! (देखिए ट्राइब एण्ड कास्ट आफ बनारस, छापा सन् 1872 ई.) यह भी देखिए कि सबसे अधिक इन अनुसूचित जातियों के लोग आज के उत्तरप्रदेश, बिहार, बंगाल, मध्य भारत में है, जहां मुगलों के शासन का सीधा हस्तक्षेप था और जहां सबसे अधिक धर्मांतरण हुआ ! आज सबसे अधिक मुस्लिम आबादी भी इन्हीं प्रदेशों में है, जो धर्मांतरित हो गये थे !
क्या आप सभी खुद को हिंदू कहने वाले लोग उस अनुसूचित जाति के लोगों को आगे बढ़कर गले लगाएंगे ? यदि आपने यह नहीं किया तो समझिए, हिंदू समाज कभी एक नहीं हो पाएगा और एक अध्ययन के मुकाबले 2061 से आप इसी देश में अल्पसंख्यक होना शुरू हो जाएंगे ! इसलिए भारतीय व हिंदू मानसिकता का विकास कीजिए और अपने सच्चे इतिहास से जुड़िए !
आज हिंदू समाज को अंग्रेजों और वामपंथियों के लिखे पर इतना भरोसा हो गया कि उन्होंने खुद ही अपना स्वाभिमान कुचल लिया और अपने ही भाईयों को अछूत बना डाला !
आज भी पढे लिखे और उच्च वर्ण के हिंदू जातिवादी बने हुए हैं, लेकिन वह नहीं जानते कि यदि आज यदि वह बचे हुए हैं तो अपने ऐसे ही भाईयों के कारण जिन्होंने नीच कर्म करना तो स्वीकार किया, लेकिन इस्लाम को नहीं अपनाया !
आज भारत में 23 करोड़ मुसलमान हैं और लगभग 30 करोड़ अनुसूचित जातियों के लोग हैं ! जरा सोचिये इन लोगों ने भी मुगल अत्याचारों के आगे हार मान ली होती और मुसलमान बन गये होते तो आज भारत में मुस्लिम जनसंख्या 50 करोड़ के पार होती और आज भारत एक मुस्लिम राष्ट्र बन चुका होता ! यहाँ भी जेहाद का बोलबाला होता और ईराक, सीरिया, सोमालिया, पाकिस्तान और अफगानिस्तान आदि देशों की तरह बम-धमाके, मार-काट और खून-खराबे का माहौल होता ! हम हिन्दू या तो मार डाले जाते या फिर धर्मान्तरित कर दिये जाते या फिर हमें काफिर के रूप में अत्यंत ही गलीज जिन्दगी मिलती !
कृपया अपना वास्तविक इतिहास जानिए और इससे सबक लीजिए क्योंकि इतिहास खुद को दोहराता जरूर है ! धन्य हैं हमारे ये भाई जिन्होंने पीढ़ी दर पीढ़ी अत्याचार और अपमान सहकर भी हिन्दुत्व का गौरव बचाये रखा और तरह-तरह से भारतवासियों की सेवा की ! हमारे अनुसूचित जाति के भाइयों हमारी तरफ से शत्-शत् प्रणाम और दिल से प्रणाम !
जाती वर्ण भेद मिटाए....
भंगी जातियों के बाल्मिकीकरण/हिन्दुकरण से सजग और डॉ आंबेडकर आन्दोलन के सक्रिय सहयोगी -भगवान दास जी (23 अप्रैल, 1927- 18 नवम्बर, 2010) का योगिंदर सिकंद द्वारा लिया गया साक्षात्कार,यह साक्षात्कार आज 23 अप्रैल को उनके जन्म दिन के अवसर पर स्मृति के तौर पर प्रकाशित किया जा रहा है. …
.Email by S R Darapuri
भगवान दास जी का योगिंदर सिकंद द्वारा लिया गया साक्षात्कार
(भगवान दास (23 अप्रैल, 1927- 18 नवम्बर, 2010) जी का यह साक्षात्कार उनके परिनिर्वाण से काफी पहले लिया गया था. इस साक्षात्कार में भगवान दास जी ने दलित आन्दोलन से अपने जुड़ने, दलित आन्दोलन की कमजोरियों, जातिभेद के विनाश के लिए बाबा साहेब के बौद्ध धर्म आन्दोलन की प्रासंगिकता, भंगी जातियों के बाल्मिकीकरण और दलित आन्दोलन के भविष्य की संभावनाएं एवं उसकी सही दिशा के बारे में काफी सारगर्भित तथा बेबाक टिप्पणियाँ की हैं. सब से पहले यह साक्षात्कार अंग्रेजी में इन्टरनेट पर छपा था जिसे बाद में सिकंद जी ने “धर्म और राजनीति” नामिक पुस्तिका में हिंदी में भी प्रकाशित किया था. यह साक्षात्कार आज 23 अप्रैल को उनके जन्म दिन के अवसर पर स्मृति के तौर पर प्रकाशित किया जा रहा है.)
प्र०: आप दलित आन्दोलन में किस प्रकार आये?
उ०: मेरा जन्म हिमाचल प्रदेश में एक अछूत परिवार में हुआ. मेरे पिता एक पोस्ट आफिस में सफाई-कर्मचारी थे. मेरी माँ अर्द्ध-मुस्लिम परिवार से थी. मुझे डॉ. आंबेडकर से मिलने का अनुभव कुछ अवसरों पर हुआ. सब से पहले मैं उन को बम्बई में1943 में मिला. वायु सेना नौकरी करते समय मेरी पोस्टिंग हुयी तो उनको मिलने के लिए हफ्ते में तीन बार ज़रूर जाता था, मैं कुछ पेपर वर्क करता था जैसे पेपर क्लिपिंग इत्यादि जो वह मुझे देते थे, टाइपिंग और अन्य कार्य जो मुझे सूचना के तौर पर इकठ्ठा करने होते थे. इस प्रकार मैं दलित आन्दोलन में आया. डॉ. आंबेडकर ने 1956 में बौद्ध धर्म अपनाया, मैंने भी 1957 में अपने परिवार सहित बौद्ध धर्म अपना लिया.
प्र०: आंबेडकर ने बौद्ध धर्म क्यों अपनाया?
उ०: अवर्ण होने के कारण दलित कभी भी हिन्दू नहीं रहे थे, वे चार वर्णों से बाहर थे. डॉ. आंबेडकर के अनुसार बौद्ध धर्म दलितों का मूल धर्म था. यह आज़ादी और मुक्ति का धर्म है. डॉ. आंबेडकर मानते थे कि सभी राजनैतिक क्रांतियों से पहले सामाजिकऔर धार्मिक क्रांतियाँ हुयीं, अतः धर्मपरिवर्तन दलित संघर्ष की मूलभूत आवश्यकता थी.
हम दलित कभी भी हिन्दू नहीं थे. असल में ब्राह्मणवादी परम्पराओं और विश्वासों से अलग हमारी अपनी मान्यताएं थीं. मेरी अपनी भंगी जाति को ही ले लीजिये. वे न हिन्दू थे, न मुसलमान. हमें इनमें कहीं भी रखना मुश्किल था क्योंकि हम किसी हिन्दू भगवान की पूजा नहीं करते थे, न ही हम मस्जिद में नमाज़ पढ़ने जाते थे. हमारे अपने महापुरुष थे जिन की हम पूजा करते थे लेकिन वो रीति रिवाज़ अब भुला दिए गए हैं क्योंकि हिन्दू संस्थाएं हमें हिंदू बनाने पर तुली हुई हैं.
हम भंगियों के अपने महात्मा हुए हैं जिनका नाम लालबेग था लेकिन बाद के आर्यसमाजियों ने हमें हिन्दू बना दिया कि हम बाल्मीकि के शिष्य हैं जिन्होंने बाल्मीकि रामायण लिखी. मैंने इस मिथ को कभी नहीं स्वीकारा.
प्र०: लालबेग कौन था?
उ०: कुछ लोग कहते हैं कि लालबेग वास्तव में भिक्षु था जो एक बौद्ध संत हो सकता है. यदि उत्तर भारत की भंगी जातियों की लालबेग को समर्पित प्रार्थनाएं सुनेंगे तो आप को कुछ मज़ेदार बातें पता चलेंगी. इन प्रार्थनाओं को कुर्सीनामा कहते हैं. यंगस्टन ने इन्हें इकठ्ठा किया और अपनी पुस्तक एंटीक्वेरीज़ आफ इंडिया में प्रकाशित किया. ये ओल्ड टेस्टामेंट के जेनेसिस की तरह हैं. कुर्सीनामा बताती है कि हम न हिन्दू हैं न मुसलमान. कहीं पर हिन्दू भगवान राम और कृष्ण का ज़िक्र नहीं है. लेकिन मज़ेदार बात यह है कि कुर्सीनामा की शुरुआत “बिस्मिल्लाह-इरर्रह्मान इर्ररहीम” से होती है जो कि कुरआन की आयत है जिसे शुरुआत में पढ़ा जाता है और अंत में वे सभी चिल्लाते हैं “बोलो मोमिनों वोही एक है.” ( ओ! भक्तो वो ही एकमात्र सत्य है). कुर्सीनामा में कई जगह पर बालाशाह और लालबेग का नाम एक दुसरे के लिए इस्तेमाल किया गया है. बलाशाह एक प्रसिद्ध पंजाबी संत थे. पंजाबी साहित्य में अपने समय की महान रचना “हीर” में पंजाबी सूफी कवि वारिसशाह कहते हैं कि बलाशाह दो निम्न जातियों चूहड़े और पासियों के पीर थे.
प्र०: क्या भंगी अभी भी इस बात से परिचित हैं?
उ०: दुर्भाग्यवश बहुत कम लोग इस बारे में जानते हैं. वह परम्परा लुप्त होती जा रही है. एक कारण तो यह है कि हिन्दू संस्थाएं अपनी संख्या बढ़ाने के चक्कर में भंगियों को हिन्दू बना रही हैं क्योंकि उन्हें खतरा है कि भंगी अगर ईसाई बन जायेंगे जैसा कि 1873 में हुआ और 1931 तक चलता रहा. अतः उन्होंने धर्मान्तरण रोकने के लिए सभी हथकंडे अपनाये. दूसरी ओर उन्होंने यह कहानी बेचनी शुरू कर दी कि भंगी वास्तव में वाल्मीकि के वंशज हैं. उन का यह भी कहना है कि बालाशाह जो कि लालबेग का दूसरा नाम था, वाल्मीकि का अपभ्रंश रूप था.
प्र०: लेकिन यह कैसे संभव है जब बाल्मीकि रामायण में जाति व्यवस्था को उचित ठहराते हैं? वह हमें बताते हैं कि राम ने शम्बूक की गर्दन इसलिए उड़ा दी थी क्योंकि वह स्वर्ग जाने लिए समाधि (ध्यान) लगा रहा था.
उ०: यह एक मिथ है. समस्या यह है कि वे किस बाल्मीकि की बात कर रहे हैं: वो ब्राह्मणवादी बाल्मीकि जो ब्राह्मण है और वरुण के दसवें पुत्र होने का दावा करता है? या वह बाल्मीकि जिसे पुरानों में डाकू बताया गया है? जिस बाल्मीकि ने रामायण लिखी वह जाति व्यवस्था का समर्थन करता है. अतः वह भंगी कैसे हो सकता है. वह वास्तव में ब्राह्मण था. बाल्मीकि और भंगी जाति के संबंधों में एक समस्या है कि जब चमार रविदास को अपना मानते हैं तो दोनों के मध्य एक सम्बन्ध बनता है, जैसे जुलाहा और बुनकर कबीर को अपना कहते हैं लेकिन रामायण के बाल्मीकि और भंगियों में कोई सम्बन्ध नहीं है.
प्र०: क्या भंगियों के इस संस्कृतिकरण से उनकी सामाजिक स्थिति में कोई सुधार आया है?
उ०: नहीं, बिलकुल नहीं. मैं इसे संस्कृतिकरण नहीं कहूँगा. वास्तव में यह ब्राह्मणी रीती रिवाजों का सस्ता अनुकरण है. संस्कृतिकरण के कारण भंगियों की सामाजिक गतिशीलता नहीं बढ़ी है. जाति के मामले में मुश्किल यह है कि अगर आप इसे दरवाजे से बाहर फेंकना चाहें तो वह पिछले दर्वाज़े या खिड़की से फिर अन्दर आ जाती है. दलितों के ईसाई धर्म, सिख धर्म और इस्लाम में धर्मांतरण का यही हाल हुआ है जबकि ये धर्म सिद्धांत रूप में समतावादी हैं परन्तु हिन्दू धर्म में ऐसा नहीं हैं. जहाँ तक मैं समझाता हूँ संस्कृतिकरण के नाम पर रीति-रिवाजों में कुछ बाहरी परिवर्तन तो हो सकते हैं लेकिन इससे दलितों के प्रति ऊँची जाति वालों का रवैया नहीं बदलता. भंगियों का यही तजुर्बा रहा है जो बाल्मीकि होने का दावा करते हैं. इसलिए अगर एक भंगी अपने आप को बाल्मीकि या चमार या रविदासी या आधर्मी या बढ़ई कहने लगता है, इससे दलितों के प्रति हिंदुयों के रवैये में कोई बदलाव नहीं आता.
प्र०: आपके हिसाब से दलित मुक्ति संघर्ष में संस्कृतिकरण का क्या प्रभाव पड़ेगा?
उ०: मेरे हिसाब से दलितों को हिन्दू बनाने का ही दूसरा नाम संस्कृतिकरण है. दलित मुक्ति पर इस का बुरा असर पड़ा है. यह दलितों को बांटता है. चमारों में जो उत्तर भारत में संख्या में सबसे ज्यादा हैं संस्कृतिकरण की वजह से वे 67 उप-जातियों में बंट गए हैं. इनमें से कोई भी दूसरी जाति में शादी नहीं करता है. उत्तर प्रदेश में भंगी 7 सजातीय समूहों में बंटे हैं. संस्कृतिकरण से उन लोगों के रूख में कोई परिवर्तन नहीं आया है जो सदियों से दलितों के प्रति छुआछूत कर रहे थे. तौर तारीके बदल सकते हैं लेकिन नफरत बरक़रार है.
दलितों के हिन्दुकरण से उनके अन्दर चेतना का आना बहुत मुश्किल हो जाता है क्योंकि हिन्दू बन गयी दलित जातियां उन समूहों से नफरत करने लगती हैं जो कम हिन्दू हैं. यदि आप एक बाल्मीकि पुरुष से एक धानुक या बांसफोड़ महिला से शादी करने को कहें तो वह साफ़ तौर पर इनकार कर देगा क्योंकि धानुक और बांसफोड़ बाल्मिकियों के मुकाबले कम हिन्दू हैं.
प्र०: दलित जातियों और उनके मुक्ति संघर्ष पर हिंदुत्व के एजंडा का क्या असर है?
उ०: मेरी दृष्टि में हिंदुत्व संगठन दलितों को जो हिन्दू नहीं हैं हिन्दू धर्म में लाना चाहते हैं और सब से नीचे रखना चाहेंगे. ऐसा गाँधी जी ने भी किया. वे दलितों को बताते थे कि भगवान ने दलितों को सिर्फ इसलिए बनाया है कि वे सवर्णों की सेवा कर सकें और उन्हें इस उम्मीद से अपने जातीय धंधे करते रहना चाहिए ताकि अगले जन्म में उन का जन्म ऊँची जाति में हो सके. हिंदुत्व का पूरा प्रोजेक्ट यही है. इसलिए हिंदुत्व का बढ़ना दलितों के विचार से बहुत खतरनाक है. यदि आप इस जातीय ढांचे में मूलभूत परिवर्तन लाने के विषय में गंभीर हैं तो आप को जातीय व्यवस्था और उसे पैदा करने वाली धार्मिक विचारधारा पर जम कर हमला करना होगा. लेकिन हिंदुत्व के संगठन न तो ऐसा करेंगे और न ही वे ऐसा कर सकते हैं.
प्र०: हिंदुत्व की आदर्श व्यवस्था की क्या स्थिति होगी?
उ०: हिंदुत्व की योजनाओं के अनुसार सबसे आदर्श युग जिसे स्वर्णिम युग कहते हैं, वह युग वेदों, रामायण, गीता और मनुस्मृति का युग है. तब उस समय दलितों और शूद्रों की क्या स्थिति थी? हम लोगों के साथ गुलामों से भी बदतर व्यवहार किया जाता था और उसे इन ब्राह्मणवादी शास्त्रों में धार्मिक मान्यता प्रदान की गयी थी जिसे हिंदुत्व के प्रहरी आज प्रचारित कर रहे हैं. हिंदुत्व के संगठन वर्ण-व्यवस्था को अलग अलग तरीकों से लागू करना चाहते हैं और यह हमारे लिए सबसे खतरनाक प्रभाव है. अभी मैं आर.एस.एस. के प्रमुख गोलवलकर की पुस्तक पढ़ रहा था जिसमे उन्होंने कहा है कि जाति-व्यवस्था ने कोई नुक्सान नहीं पहुँचाया है. जाति-व्यवस्था का गुणगान उनके लिए अच्छा हो सकता है परन्तु हमारे लिए कदापि नहीं. हमारी दृष्टि से हिंदुत्व का बढ़ना किसी भी कीमत पर बढ़ती दलित-चेतना को रोकना है जो दलित मुक्ति का एक मात्र रास्ता है और इसके लिए हिंदुत्व की शक्तियां उनका ध्यान बांटने के लिए मुसलामानों और ईसाईयों को अपना निशाना बना रही हैं.
प्र०: धर्म का विस्तृत संघर्ष में क्या रोल है?
ऊ०: मैं समझाता हूँ कि एक समाज के चलाने के लिए तीन बातें आवश्यक हैं: पहला विवाह, दूसरा सरकार और तीसरा धर्म जो को एक नैतिक आधार देता है और जोड़ता है. इस सवाल ने डॉ. अम्बेडकर को उस वक्त बहुत उद्देलित किया था जब उन्होंने हिन्दू धर्म छोड़ा,जिस के साथ ऐतहासिक रूप से बहुत कम लोग जुड़े थे. अतः उन्होंने बौद्ध धर्म की नयी परिभाषा दी जो दक्षिणी अमेरिका के कैथोलिकों की लिबरेशन थियोलोजी से मिलती जुलती थी. उनका पहला सवाल होता था कि धर्म का समाज में क्या रोल है? उन्होंने जोर देकर कहा कि धर्म एक अछी नर्स है परंतु खराब रखैल है क्योंकि धर्म ने बहुत अच्छा और तोड़क रोल भी खेलें हैं.
प्र०: बहुत से महायानी और हीनयानी बौद्ध कहते हैं कि आंबेडकर की बौद्ध धर्म की परिभाषा बौद्ध धर्म के मूलभूत सिद्धांतों के अनुरूप नहीं है?
उ०: यह बात सही है कि आंबेडकर द्वारा दी गयी बौद्ध धर्म की परिभाषा महायान और हीनयान दोनों से कई महत्वपूर्ण मामलों में भिन्न है. लेकिन शुरू से ही बुद्ध की मौत तक बौद्ध धर्म में आन्तरिक विविधताएँ रही हैं. उदाहरणार्थ जापान में 1260 विभिन्न समुदाय हैं.
प्र०: क्या दलित बौद्ध आन्दोलन और आजकल के ईसाई समुदय में दृश्य दलित ईसाई दह्र्म में कोई सम्बन्ध है?
उ०: दलित क्रिश्चियन थिओलोजी पिछले दस साल में उभर कर आई है जो कि दलितों की चेतना में आ रही वृद्धि के फलस्वरूप है. मेरा यह व्यक्तिगत विचार है कि यह चर्च के भीतर वर्णवाद और सवर्ण प्रभुत्ववाद के विरुद्ध एक चुनौती है. मैंने दलित क्रिश्चियन थिओलाजी का असर अन्य गैर-ईसाई दलितों पर पड़ते नहीं देखा. कई गैर ईसाई चर्च के अचानक दलित सवाल को उठाने को संशय की दृष्टि से देखते हैं. मैं समझता हूँ कि चर्च के लोग इस बात से परेशान हैं कि ईसाईयों की संख्या घट रही है क्योंकि कई दलित ईसाई आरक्षण का फायदा उठाने के लिए चर्च छोड़ रहे हैं. कानून के अनुसार आरक्षण क्रिश्चियन दलितों को नहीं है. शायद दलित क्रिश्चियन थिओलाजी इसे रोकने का ही एक हिस्सा है.
प्र०: क्या आप यह कहेंगे कि दलितों में आज धर्मान्तरण मुख्यत: बौद्ध धर्म की और है न कि ईसाई धर्म की ओर?
उ०: हाँ मुझे तो ऐसा ही दिखता है. बौद्ध धर्म से उन्हें गर्व और पहचान का अनुभव होता है और यह उन्हें पुराने स्वार्णिम काल से जोड़ता है. लेकिन बौद्ध धर्म आन्दोलन उतनी तेजी से नहीं चल रहा है जितना कि हम चाहते हैं. एक कारण तो यह है कि भिक्खुओं की ट्रेनिंग की कोई व्यवस्था नहीं है, हालाँकि डॉ. अम्बेडकर ने इस के लिए कहा था. उन्होंने कहा था कि भिक्खुओं के प्रशिक्षण के लिए स्कूल होने चाहिए जैसे प्राचीन बौद्धों ने बनाए थे. नालंदा और तक्षिला के विश्वविद्यालय इस का एक उदाहरण हैं. शुरुआत के लिए हम ने कोशिश की. अपने भिक्खुओं को प्रशिक्षण के लिए थाईलैंड भेजा. उनमें से कई लोग प्रशिक्षण पूरा करने के बाद पच्छिम की ओर चले गए और वे भारत में सेवा करने के लिए वापस नहीं आये. यह हमारे लिए एक बड़ी समस्या है. लेकिन इस साल हम इस समस्या को हल करने के लिए कोशिश कर रहे हैं. उत्तर प्रदेश के तराई क्षेत्र में भिक्षुओं के प्रशिक्षण के लिए एक शिक्षणालय खोलने की योजना है जिस में बौद्ध धर्म-शास्त्रों की शिक्षा दी जाएगी. आंबेडकर के दर्शन और अन्य समकालीन धर्मों के बारे में भी पढ़ाया जायेगा.
प्र०: बौद्ध धर्म में धर्म-परिवर्तन से महाराष्ट्र के महारों पर, जिस जाति से डॉ. अम्बेडकर थे, क्या प्रभाव पड़ा है?
उ०: मेरे हिसाब से धर्म बदलने से केवल रीति-रिवाजों में परिवर्तन आया है. सामाजिक स्तर पर कोई खास बदलाव नहीं आया है. लेकिन धर्म बदलने से कई लोगों ने शराब पीना छोड़ दिया और हिन्दू देवी देवताओं जैसे राम और कृष्ण की पूजा करना भी छोड़ दी है. आज महाराष्ट्र में बौद्ध धर्म मुख्यतः महारों तक ही सीमित है और उनके प्रति दूसरों का रवैया हकीकत में नहीं बदला है. लेकिन कम से कम धर्म बदलने से उनको एक नयी पहचान तो मिली है और उनके अन्दर आत्म-सम्मान की भावना आई है.
प्र०: क्या बौद्ध धर्म की मदद से जाति-व्यवस्था कमज़ोर पड़ सकती है?
उ०: आज ऐसा ही हो रहा है हालाँकि इस की रफ़्तार धीमी है. मिसाल के तौर पर आंबेडकर मिशन सोसाइटी जिस से मैं जुड़ा हूँ के सभी सदस्य बौद्ध हैं. हम इस बात पर जोर दे रहे हैं कि परिवार का एक सदस्य अपनी जाति से बाहर शादी करे. जाति-व्यवस्था को ख़त्म करने का यही एक तरीका है. यदि अलग-अलग जातियों वाले दलित बौद्ध धर्म में आ जाएँ और अंतरजातीय विवाह शुरू करें तो ऐतहासिक तौर रूप से दलितों को कमज़ोर करने के लिए इन के बीच जो मतभेद पैदा किये गए हैं वह धीरे धीरे समाप्त हो जायेंगे. उन्हें इकट्ठा होने का अवसर मिलेगा. इससे उनको एक पहचान मिलेगी और वे गर्व महसूस करेंगे. अगर वे धर्म परिवर्तन नहीं करते तो वे कई सौ जाति-समूहों में बंटे रहेंगे और उनकी कोई पहचान भी नहीं बन पायेगी.
नोट: भंगी शब्त कदाचित भंग शब्द से बना है जिसको हम बौद्ध काल की उस सेना से जोड़ सकते हैं जिसका काम हिंसक और प्रकृति विरोधी वैदिक यज्ञों को भंग करना था
[Mr Bhagwan Das is one of the most reputed scholar on Ambedkarism and the issue of Human Rights of Scheduled Castes. Widely traveled, Mr Bhagwan Das has spoken at various national & international platforms on the conditions of Dalits in India and what is the best way of their emancipation. In freewheeling conversation with Vidya Bhushan Rawat, he speak of the state of Dalit movement as well as political parties in India.–Vidya Bhushan Rawat.]
Mlechchha
WRITTEN BY: THE EDITORS OF ENCYCLOPAEDIA BRITANNICA
Alternative Title: mleccha
Mlechchha, also spelled mleccha, people of foreign extraction in ancient India. A Sanskrit term, mlechchha was used by the Vedic peoples much as the ancient Greeks used barbaros, originally to indicate the uncouth and incomprehensible speech of foreigners and then extended to their unfamiliar behaviour. Mlechchhas were found in northwestern India, and there is reason to believe that the people known in Akkadian as Mlakkha were the original mlechchhas. As a mlechchha, any foreigner stood completely outside the caste system and the ritual ambience. Thus, historically, contact with them was viewed by the caste Hindu as polluting.
Mlechch and untouchables, and caste and varna
In Sanskrit, "untouchables" are called "untouchables". There is no mention of the word "untouchable" in any Vedic text. "Vedic Granth" refers to Vedic Samhita, Brahmana-Granth, Aranyaka, Upanishads, all Vedas literature which also includes all the original original texts of theology like Griha-Sutra, etc. The earliest mention of the word "untouchable" is in the Mahabharata (4: 610) and some Puranas. But there is no dearth of projected fragments added in later times in Mahabharata and Puranas. For example, in one chapter of the Mahabharata, there is a story of Mahishasura-slaughter by Durgadevi and in the second chapter there is a narrative of Mahishasura-slaughter by Skandakumar - both chapters cannot be original. Hence, extensive research and unbiased analysis is required before taking any decision based on Mahabharata and Puranas.
But the misfortune of the Hindus is that at the start of the modern era, India became a slave of the British. Therefore, Lord Macaulay closed lakhs of Gurukuls after which only anti-Hindutva facts were taught in all educational institutions. Mahanubhavs like Jyotirao Phule, Ambedkar, Tagore, Gandhi, Nehru also came from these educational institutions, the original Sanskrit texts were not studied by the traditional method based on grammar, so they kept forgetting the nonsense of the British.
It is true that caste system and untouchability existed in Hindu society, but the reason was not to blame Hinduism for not showing social inertia and self-preservation resulting from thousands of years of slavery. In the Chandogya-Upanishad, there is a story of the Shudra (raikya) initiating Brahm Gyan to the Dwij, in the Mahabharata, the story of a high-altar Vedic scholar eating (and not atoning) the chandala of an emergency in an emergency, but such facts are modern "secular". Scholars ignored and called Hinduism the only religion with inequality and injustice. In the Soviet era, the leaders of the Communist Party of India used to read and teach Marxist philosophy books written by Russian writers, Hinduism was said to be anti-communist exploitative religion, there was no discussion of the Rigveda hymns in which all humans Learned to follow communism,
The most important fact in this perspective is the deliberate propagation of misconceptions of "caste" and "varna". Caste is based on birth and varna karma. The entire Hindu religion stands on the foundation of varna-system based on the principle of karma, but the British used the decency to call varna-system as caste-system. Karl Marx believed this to be rewarded according to karma and it is also justified. But Karl Marx believed that Asian societies have no ability to develop and only the atheist communists of Europe can be the pioneers of the future. Hence, Karl Marx did not feel the need to study the original texts of the Hindus, his Indiaology was limited to the Indian-related nonsense written by the Prestitute of London, although the greatness of Sanskrit literature and philosophy was sparked in his country Germany during his time. ,
That is why despite the differences between the anti-India neo-colonialists and the Marxists on other points, they are united on the issue of anti-Hindutva. According to the opinion of these people, Hinduism is a stigma on humanity and it should be eradicated from the root, for which a complete annihilation of Brahmins is necessary. Therefore, government occupation of Hindu temples and investment of their property in non-Hindu works, reservation against the Brahmin poor, etc. were considered as Progressivism and Secularism. All the looters from Mahmud Ghaznavi to Ahmad Shah Abdali did not loot as much as the government looted Hindu temples in independent India. The amount of money spent by the Hindus on the Hajj to make Muslims perform Haj is much more than the extortion of Jiziya by Ferozeshah Tughlaq and Aurangzeb. But the human rights-litigants do not see all this because in their view Hindus are not human, then what is the right? Kashmiri Brahmins have committed the sin of being born into Brahmin clans, hence the punishment is suffering!
In respect of untouchability, there are three main points.
(1) Untouchability is mentioned in the later Hindu literature which was the period of the decline and erosion of Hindutva, hence blaming the original texts of Hinduism is sheer untruth and injustice;
(2) Even in the later Hindu literature, untouchability is not related to the impurity of the skin but the impurity of the sacraments, the word "sacrament" refers to the set of deeds, so the untouchability is related to the impurity of deeds; And
(3) During the last thousand years Hindu society became slaves and roots, due to which Hinduism was eroded from its fundamental foundation and remained confined to the courtesans, against which only Hindu saints launched movements for religious reform. It is unfair to call social evils as religious practices. The blame for increasing these social evils in the Middle Ages is on all castes, including Brahmins. Today, those who accuse Brahmins of casteism, why do they not end the caste system by having inter-caste marriages among all other castes? Because it is not their goal to end caste system, if the caste-system remains, neither will the political slang of anti-Hinduism and reservation continue to be caught!
अब "म्लेच्छ" शब्द को लें ।
In mulchha communities there is no tradition of defecation by water and soil. We are taught to lie that in Europe we used to wipe paper with paper. Paper was discovered in China only a few hundred years ago, when in Europe, paper was very expensive. Cheap paper has become popular in the modern era. Therefore, in Europe, it was customary to walk as soon as you bowed, not to wipe from the grass because the grass is not accessible even in icy countries. Whose body is putting stool and urine in the body for 24 hours, then what should we say? What virtues will such people enter into the temple?
In the modern education system, the reading of the original texts of Hinduism is forbidden. Wherever there is a study of philosophy or theology, only untrue texts written or recognized by mlechha are taught.
The origin of the word "temple" is related to "mind". How can those who cannot keep their bodies clean will cleanse the mind? There is a lot of emphasis in Hindu scripture not only on the body, but also on the purification of the mind. According to Yogadarshan, the best way to purify the mind is Pranayama, which is also emphasized in the Gita. But there is great difficulty in doing fasting and meditation. So one community announced that after sinning and whisper softly in the ear of the pastor, the poor Messiah will take your sins on his shoulders! What an easy way to go to heaven! The other community declared sin itself to be a virtue. Therefore, similar communities became more popular in Kali Yuga!
It is necessary to mention a very important fact regarding untouchability. The person who has experienced and directly experienced divinity knows that this is possible only when maximum effort is made for complete purification of body and mind. Such an experience is easily available to some fortunate by virtue of previous births, otherwise they have to suffer a lot. After suffering so much, who would want to contact the impure body and mind and destroy their virtues? But this conclusion is wrong. Some caste are pure and some are impure. In the Kali Yuga all castes are impure.
The basic meaning of "varna" is related to the color of the subtle-body, which signifies the cremation rites created by all active actions, and this color of the subtle-body can be seen only by yogis with divine vision. Varna is not related to caste.
संस्कृत व्याकरण के अनुसार इसका मूल अर्थ है "जो अशुद्ध उच्चारण करे"। जिन समुदायों की भाषा ही अशुद्ध हो गयी हो उन्हें म्लेच्छ कहा गया । आधुनिक म्लेच्छ "भाषावैज्ञानिकों" ने असत्य कुतर्कों द्वारा आर्यों का मूलप्रदेश भारत से बाहर बताया , किन्तु इस तथ्य से वे भी इन्कार नहीं करते कि आर्यलैंड से बंगाल-असम तक के सारे भारोपीय समुदायों के समस्त आदिम देवता वैदिक ही थे ! अतः वैदिक धर्म ही सबका मूल धर्म था । फलस्वरूप वैदिक धर्म, वैदिक संस्कारों और वैदिक भाषा की अशुद्धि जिस समुदाय में हो वह म्लेच्छ है ।:
by Arya Pathik
[कृपया ध्यान दें – यह लेख मुख्य: रूप से उस विचारधारा के लोगो पर पर केन्द्रित है जो जन्म आधारित जातिगत भेदभाव का पक्ष लेते हैं. इसीलिए सभी लोगों से प्रार्थना है कि हमारी समीक्षा को केवल इस घृणास्पद प्रथा और ऐसी घृणास्पद प्रथा के सरंक्षक, पोषक और समर्थकों के सन्दर्भ में देखा जाए न कि किसी व्यक्ति, समाज और जाति के सन्दर्भ में. अग्निवीर हर किस्म के जातिवाद को आतंकवाद का सबसे ख़राब और घृणित रूप मानता है और ऐसी घृणास्पद प्रथा के सरंक्षक, पोषक और समर्थकों को दस्यु. बाकी हम सब लोग, चाहे वो इंसान के द्वारा स्वार्थवश बनाई गयी तथाकथित छोटी जाति या ऊंची जाति का हो, एक परिवार, एक जाति, एक नस्ल के ही हैं. हम अपने पाठकों से निवेदन करते हैं कि वो ये न समझें कि इस लेख को वैदिक विचारधारा “वसुधैव कुटुम्बकम” के विपरीत किसी व्यक्ति या वर्ग विशेष के लिए लिखा गया है. ]
जाति प्रथा से जुड़े हुए कुछ ऐसे तथ्य जिनके बारे में हमें पता होना चाहिए और जिनके बारे में हम सोचें:
कृपया इसे लेख को आप हमारी श्रृंखला की एक कड़ी के रूप में ही पढ़े और विशेषत: लेख, http://agniveer.com/5276/vedas-caste-discrimination/
ब्राह्मण कौन है ?
जाति प्रथा के बारे में सबसे हँसी की बात ये है कि जन्म आधारित जातिप्रथा अस्पष्ट और निराधार कथाओं पर आधारित हैं. आज ऐसा कोई भी तरीका मौजूद नहीं जिससे इस बात का पता चल सके कि आज के तथाकथित ब्राह्मणों के पूर्वज भी वास्तविक ब्राह्मण ही थे. विभिन्न गोत्र और ऋषि नाम को जोड़ने के बाद भी आज कोई भी तरीका मौजूद नहीं है जिससे कि उनके दावे की परख की जा सके.
जैसे हम पहले भी काफी उदाहरण दे चुके हैं की वैदिक समय / प्राचीन भारत में एक वर्ण का आदमी अपना वर्ण बदल सकता था. कृपया पढ़ें;
अगर हम ये कहें कि आज का ब्राह्मण [जाति / जन्म आधारित ] शूद्र से भी ख़राब है क्योंकि ब्राह्मण 1000 साल पहले चंडाल के घर में पैदा हुआ था, हमारे इस दावे को नकारने का साहस कोई भला कैसे कर सकता है ? अगर आप ये कहें कि ये ब्राह्मण परिवार भरद्वाज गोत्र का है तो हम इस दावे की परख के लिए उसके DNA टेस्ट की मांग करेंगे. और किसी DNA टेस्ट के अभाव में तथाकथित ऊँची जाति का दावा करना कुछ और नहीं मानसिक दिवालियापन और खोखला दावा ही है.
क्षत्रिय कौन है ?
ऐसा माना जाता है कि परशुराम ने जमीन से कई बार सभी क्षत्रियों का सफाया कर डाला था. स्वाभाविक तौर पर इसीलिए आज के क्षत्रिय और कुछ भी हों पर जन्म के क्षत्रिय नहीं हो सकते!
अगर हम राजपूतों की वंशावली देखें ये सभी इन तीन वंशों से सम्बन्ध रखने का दावा करते हैं – 1. सूर्यवंशी जो कि सूर्य / सूरज से निकले, 2. चंद्रवंशी जो कि चंद्रमा / चाँद से निकले, और 3. अग्निकुल जो कि अग्नि से निकले. बहुत ही सीधी सी बात है कि इनमे में से कोई भी सूर्य / सूरज या चंद्रमा / चाँद से जमीन पर नहीं आया. अग्निकुल विचार की उत्पत्ति भी अभी अभी ही की है. किवदंतियों / कहानियों के हिसाब से अग्निकुल की उत्पत्ति / जन्म आग से उस समय हुआ जब परशुराम ने सभी क्षत्रियों / राजपूतों का जमीन से सफाया कर दिया था. बहुत से राजपूत वंशों में आज भी ऐसा शक / भ्रम है कि उनकी उत्पत्ति / जन्म; सूर्यवंशी, चंद्रवंशी, अग्निकुल इन वंशो में से किस वंश से हुई है.
स्वाभाविक तौर से इन दंतकथाओं का जिक्र / वर्णन किसी भी प्राचीन वैदिक पुस्तक / ग्रन्थ में नही मिलता. जिसका सीधा सीधा मतलब ये हुआ कि जिन लोगों ने शौर्य / सेना का पेशा अपनाया वो लोग ही समय समय पर राजपूत के नाम से जाने गए.
ऊँची जाति के लोग चंडाल हो सकते हैं
अगर तथाकथित ऊँची जाति के लोग ये दावा कर सकते हैं कि दूसरे आदमी तथाकथित छोटी जाति के हैं तो हम भी ये दावा कर सकते हैं कि ये तथाकथित छोटी जाति के लोग ही असली ब्रह्मण, क्षत्रिय और वैश्य हैं. और ये ऊँची जाति के लोग असल में चांडालों की औलादें हैं जिन्होंने शताब्दियों पहले सत्ता पर कब्ज़ा कर लिया था और सारा इतिहास मिटा / बदल दिया था. आज के उपलब्ध इतिहास को अगर हम इन कुछ तथाकथित ऊँची जाति के लोगों की उत्पत्ति / जन्म की चमत्कारी कहानियों के सन्दर्भ में देखें तो हमारे दावे की और भी पुष्टि हो जाती है.
अब अगर किसी जन्मगत ब्राह्मणवादी को हमारी ऊपर लिखी बातों से बेईज्ज़ती महसूस होती है तो उसका भी किसी आदमी को तथाकथित छोटी जाति का कहना अगर ज्यादा नहीं तो कम बेईज्ज़ती की बात नहीं है.
हम लोगों में से म्लेच्छ कौन है ?
इतिहास से साफ़ साफ़ पता लगता है कि यूनानी, हूण, शक, मंगोल आदि इनके सत्ता पर काबिज़ होने के समय में भारतीय समाज में सम्मिलित होते रहे हैं. इनमे से कुछों ने तो लम्बे समय तक भारत के कुछ हिस्सों पर राज भी किया है और इसीलिए आज ये बता पाना बहुत मुश्किल है कि हममे से कौन यूनानी, हूण, शक, मंगोल आदि आदि हैं! ये सारी बातें वैदिक विचारधारा – एक मानवता – एक जाति से पूरी तरह से मेल खाती है लेकिन जन्म आधारित जातिप्रथा को पूरी तरह से उखाड़ देती हैं क्योंकि उन लोगो के लिए म्लेच्छ इन तथाकथित 4 जातियों से भी निम्न हैं.
जाति निर्धारण के तरीके की खोज में
आप ये बात तो भूल ही जाओ कि क्या वेदों ने जातिप्रथा को सहारा दिया है या फिर नकारा है ? ये सारी बातें दूसरे दर्जे की हैं. जैसा कि हम सब देख चुके हैं कि असल में “वेद” तो जन्म आधारित जातिप्रथा और लिंग भेद के ख्याल के ही खिलाफ हैं. कृपया देखें http://agniveer.com/5276/vedas-caste-discrimination/. इन सारी बातों से भी ज्यादा जरूरी बात ये है कि हमारे में से किसी के पास भी ऐसा कोई तरीका नहीं है कि हम सिर्फ वंशावली के आधार पर ये निश्चित कर सकें कि वेदों कि उत्पत्ति के समय से हममे से कौन ऊँची जाति का है और कौन नीची जाति का. अगर हम लोगों के स्वयं घोषित और खोखले दावों की बातों को छोड़ दें तो किसी भी व्यक्ति के जाति के दावों को विचारणीय रूप से देखने का कोई भी कारण हमारे पास नहीं है.
इसलिए अगर वेद जन्म आधारित जातिप्रथा को उचित मानते तो वेदों में हमें किसी व्यक्ति की जाति निर्धारण करने का भरोसेमंद तरीका भी मिलना चाहिए था. ऐसे किसी भरोसेमंद तरीके की गैरहाजिरी में जन्म आधारित जातिप्रथा के दावे औंधे मुंह गिर पड़ते हैं.
इसी वज़ह से ज्यादा से ज्यादा कोई भी आदमी सिर्फ ये बहस कर सकता है कि हो सकता है की वेदों की उत्पत्ति के समय पर जातिप्रथा प्रसांगिक रही हो, पर आज की तारीख में जातिप्रथा का कोई भी मतलब नहीं रह जाता.
हालाँकि हमारा विचार ये है कि, जो कि सिर्फ वैदिक विचारधारा और तर्क पर आधारित है, जातिप्रथा कभी भी प्रसांगिक रही ही नहीं और जातिप्रथा वैदिक विचारधारा को बिगाड़ कर दिखाया जाना वाला रूप है. और ये विकृति हमारे समाज को सबसे महंगी विकृति साबित हुई जिसने कि हमसे हमारा सारा का सारा गर्व, शक्ति और भविष्य छीन लिया है.
नाम में क्या रखा है ?
कृपया ये बात भी ध्यान में रखें की गोत्र प्रयोग करने की प्रथा सिर्फ कुछ ही शताब्दियों पुरानी है. आपको किसी भी प्राचीन साहित्य में ‘राम सूर्यवंशी’ और ‘कृष्ण यादव’ जैसे शब्द नहीं मिलेंगे. आज के समय में भी एक बहुत बड़ी गिनती के लोगों ने अपने गाँव, पेशा और शहर के ऊपर अपना गोत्र रख लिया है. दक्षिण भारत के लोग मूलत: अपने पिता के नाम के साथ अपने गाँव आदि का नाम प्रयोग करते हैं. आज की तारीख में शायद ही ऐसे कोई गोत्र हैं जो वेदों की उत्पत्ति के समय से चले आ रहे हों.
प्राचीन समाज गोत्र के प्रयोग को हमेशा ही हतोत्साहित किया करता था. उस समय लोगों की इज्ज़त सिर्फ उनके गुण, कर्म और स्वाभाव को देखकर की जाती थी न कि उनकी जन्म लेने की मोहर पर. ना तो लोगों को किसी जाति प्रमाण पत्र की जरूरत थी और ना ही लोगों का दूर दराज़ की जगहों पर जाने में मनाही थी जैसा कि हिन्दुओं के दुर्भाग्य के दिनों में हुआ करता था. इसीलिए किसी की जाति की पुष्टि करने के लिए किसी के पास कोई भी तरीका ही नहीं था . किसी आदमी की प्रतिभा / गुण ही उसकी एकमात्र जाति हुआ करती थी. हाँ ये भी सच है कि कुछ स्वार्थी लोगों की वज़ह से समय के साथ साथ विकृतियाँ आती चली गयीं. और आज हम देखते हैं कि राजनीति और बॉलीवुड भी जातिगत हो चुके हैं. और इसमें कोई भी शक की गुंजाईश नहीं है कि स्वार्थी लोगों की वज़ह से ही दुष्टता से भरी इस जातिप्रथा को मजबूती मिली. इन सबके बावजूद जातिप्रथा की नींव और पुष्टि हमेशा से ही पूर्णरूप से गलत रही है.
अगर कोई भी ये दावा करता है कि शर्मा ब्राहमणों के द्वारा प्रयोग किया जाने वाला गोत्र है, तो यह विवादास्पत है क्योंकि महाभारत और रामायण के काल में लोग इसका अनिवार्य रूप से प्रयोग करते थे, इस बात का कोई प्रमाण नहीं. तो हम ज्यादा से ज्यादा ये मान सकते हैं कि हम किसी को भी शर्मा ब्राह्मण सिर्फ इसीलिए मानते हैं क्योंकि वो लोग शर्मा ब्राह्मण गोत्र का प्रयोग करते हैं. ये भी हो सकता है कि उसके दादा और पड़दादा ने भी शर्मा ब्राह्मण गोत्र का प्रयोग किया हो. लेकिन अगर एक चंडाल भी शर्मा ब्राह्मण गोत्र का प्रयोग करने लगता है और उसकी औलादें भी ऐसा ही करती हैं तो फिर आप ये कैसे बता सकते हो कि वो आदमी चंडाल है या फिर ब्राह्मण? आपको सिर्फ और सिर्फ हमारे दावों पर ही भरोसा करना पड़ेगा. कोई भी तथाकथित जातिगत ब्राह्मण यह बात नहीं करता कि वो असल में एक चंडाल के वंश से भी हो सकता है, क्योंकि सिर्फ ब्राहमण होने से उसे इतने विशेष अधिकार और खास फायदे मिले हुए हैं.
मध्य युग के बाहरी हमले
पश्चिम और मध्य एशिया के उन्मादी कबीलों के द्वारा हजार साल के हमलों से शहरों के शहरों ने बलात्कार का मंज़र देखा. भारत के इस सबसे काले और अन्धकार भरे काल में स्त्रियाँ ही हमेशा से हमलों का मुख्य निशाना रही हैं. जब भी कासिम, तैमूर, ग़ज़नी और गौरी जैसे लुटेरों ने हमला किया तो इन्होने ये सुनिश्चित किया कि एक भी घर ऐसा ना हो की जिसकी स्त्रियों का उसके सिपाहियों ने बलात्कार ना किया हो. खुद दिल्ली को ही कई बार लूटा और बर्बाद किया गया. उत्तर और पश्चमी भारत का मध्य एशिया से आने वाला रास्ता इस अत्याचार को सदियों से झेलता रहा है. भगवान् करे कि ऐसे बुरे दिन किसी भी समाज को ना देखने पड़ें. लेकिन हमारे पूर्वजों ने तो इसके साक्षात् दर्शन किये हैं. अब आप ही बताइए कि ऐसे पीड़ित व्यक्तियों के बच्चों को तथाकथित जातिप्रथा के हिसाब से “जाति से बहिष्कृत” लोगों के सिवाय और क्या नाम दे सकते हैं ? लेकिन तसल्ली कि बात ये है कि ऐसी कोई बात नहीं है.
हमारे ऋषियों को ये पता था कि विषम हालातों में स्त्रियाँ ही ज्यादा असुरक्षित होती हैं. इसीलिए उन्होंने “मनु स्मृति” में कहा कि ” एक स्त्री चाहे कितनी भी पतित हो, अगर उसका पति उत्कृष्ट है तो वो भी उत्कृष्ट बन सकती है. लेकिन पति को हमेशा ही ये सुनिश्चित करना चाहिए कि वो पतित ना हो.
ये ही वो आदेश था जिसने पुरुषों को स्त्रियों की गरिमा की रक्षा करने के लिए प्रेरित किया और भगवन ना करे, अगर फिर से कुछ ऐसा होता है तो पुरुष फिर से ऐसी स्त्री को अपना लेंगे और अपने एक नए जीवन की शुरुआत करेंगे. विधवाएं दुबारा से शादी करेंगी और बलात्कार की शिकार पीड़ित स्त्रियों का घर बस पायेगा. अगर ऐसा ना हुआ होता तो हमलावरों के कुछ हमलों के बाद से हम “जाति से बहिष्कृत” लोगों का समाज बन चुके होते.
निश्चित तौर से, उसके बाद वाले काल में स्त्री गरिमा और धर्म के नाम पर विधवा और बलात्कार की शिकार स्त्रियों के पास सिर्फ मौत, यातना और वेश्यावृति का ही रास्ता बचा. इस बेवकूफी ने हमें पहले से भी ज्यादा नपुंसक बना दिया.
कुछ जन्म आधारित तथाकथित ऊँची-जातियों के ठेकेदार इस बात को उचित ठहरा सकते हैं कि बलात्कार की शिकार स्त्रियाँ ही ”जाति से बहिष्कृत” हो जाती हैं. अगर ऐसा है तो हम सिर्फ इतना ही कहेंगे कि ये विकृति की हद्द है.
Toddy tappers
For those who prefer sweet alcoholic beverages, the toddy sap obtained soon after it is tapped can be a real treat. Its mildly intoxicating and very different from the stale-cider tasting fermented toddy one gets from roadside “toddy shops” in Kerala! Toddy is usually drunk soon after fermentation by the end of day, as it becomes more sour and acidic day by day.
In most of parts of Kerala, toddy is collected from the toddy palm by a community of people called ‘Ezhava’. In the northern part of the state, they are popularly known as ‘Thiya’. How the Thiyas came to be the traditional toddy tappers is an interesting tale. This story was shared by one of our interpreters called Anwar, the mangrove man!
Parvati, the daughter of Himalaya and the consort of Lord Shiva (one of the gods of the Hindu Trinity) was getting restless in their abode in ‘Mount Kailash‘. She noticed that people on earth where extremely happy and suggested Shiva that they visit and find out the reason for their happiness. After some initial hesitation, Shiva agreed to take on the human form and grant her wish and visit the earth and landed in Kerala.
Compared to the snowy Mount Kailash, Kerala was green, covered by rain forests, wild rivers and animals. People were content and enjoyed life. Shiva and Parvati wandered about the whole day in the lush green meadows and forests and soon got tired and fell asleep by a tree. Woken up rudely by the buzzing of bees, Shiva got up feeling very thirsty. He noticed the bees buzzing around a sweet-smelling liquid flowing out of the roots of the tall tree they was resting under. He took a sip of the liquid to quench his thirst and felt refreshed. He had a few more sips and became increasingly tipsy. By the time Parvati woke up, he was rather intoxicated and was at his flirtacious best! He troubled her enough that she had to run for cover.
Exhaustion once again made Shiva sleepy and Parvati wondered the reason for her husband’s sudden amorous behaviour. She soon found the liquid flowing out of the tall tree and to ensure that Shiva doesn’t reach out for the liquid again when he wakes up, she caressed and rubbed the trunk and made the sap reach up to the top of the tree. As expected, Shiva reached out for the drink the moment he woke up. Finding the root dry and hearing his wife giggle, Shiva realized what had happened. Legend has it that Shiva created a man out of his left thigh who he trained to climb the palm and tap the sap. The tree was the coconut palm and the drink the sweet toddy that we know today. The man who was created out of the body of a God (known as ‘Deva’in Sanskrit, ‘Daivom’ in Malayalam and ‘thaivam’ in local parlance) came to be known as “Thiya” and to date, men from this community are expert toddy tappers!
Every time a tapper climbs the toddy palm or a coconut tree, we are reminded of the man who originated from the God Himself. Perhaps it’s one of the reasons why some communities in Kerala still prefer toddy as a divine offering to the Gods when compared to the customary and more traditional milk in most other places in India.
Toddy tappers do a high act from tree to tree Hundreds of coconut climbers in Kerala are walking from tree to tree at a dizzying height of 15 to 20 metres above the ground on a ‘coconut tree ropeway’.
From below it’s a jaw-dropping sight; the climbers look like they are walking on air. They walk coolly, as if trolling on a city road.
Hundreds of coconut climbers in Kerala are walking from tree to tree at a dizzying eight of 15 to 20 metres above the ground on a ‘coconut tree ropeway’. From below it’s a jaw-dropping sight; the climbers look like they are walking on air. They walk coolly, as if strolling on a city road.
The ropeway works like this: all the trees are connected with two nylon ropes. The skilled climber or toddy tapper moves seamlessly from one tree to the next, using the two ropes. One rope is for his feet, the other for his hands to hold on to.
The coconut tree ropeway is believed to have originated in Sri Lanka. In India the idea first caught on in Puducherry and then emerged in Kerala about a decade ago. In the past two or three years the ropeway has become more popular. Today, Chittoor taluk in Palakkad district of Kerala, a well-known toddy belt, has an estimated 1,000 acres of coconut gardens strung together with coconut ropeways.
The ropeway is a boon for toddy tappers. Earlier, toddy tappers would climb up and down each coconut tree. They would mostly tie a coconut husk at regular intervals on the tree trunk to act as a step. If the tree was short, a ladder would be used.
The ropeway reduces the physical strain of climbing and descending from each tree. The toddy tapper climbs one tree and then, using the ropeway, walks from tree to tree tapping coconuts along the way. In most places, toddy tapping is done twice a day, in the early morning and evening. Sometimes, toddy is tapped even three times a day in Kerala.
Saravanan, 30, a toddy tapper, learnt the art of walking on a ropeway three years ago. At first, he was afraid. But practice made it easier and now he is an expert walker. Saravanan has, so far, trained about 10 to 15 tappers on how to use the ropeway — a skill that requires courage and an adventurous spirit.
Toddy tapping is carried out on a contract basis. The contractor enters into an agreement with the coconut farmer to tap a certain number of trees. A dedicated route to transport the extracted toddy is worked out. The time for tapping is fixed depending on the distance to the pooling centre.
“There are instances when the timing of the first tapping is fixed at 12 midnight or 1 am. The tappers climb the tree in the darkness of the night with a headlight,” says Shaji, a toddy contractor in Malampuzha.
“Walking on a ropeway almost doubles the efficiency of toddy tappers. A tapper who would tap from 25 trees can easily tap from 50,” says Chandran, the manager of a toddy tapping unit. “In my team, only 12 labourers from Tamil Nadu use the ropeway. The other five who are from Kerala aren’t experienced in walking on the ropeway.” Most ropeway users are from Tamil Nadu. People in Kerala have not as yet learnt how to use it in large numbers.
Experienced tappers walk across coconut trees with as much ease as a tightrope walker in a circus. In reality, using the ropeway isn’t that simple.
“There is no guru to teach you this skill. You have to learn it on your own. Initially, tappers tie the rope at a lower height and practise walking on it,” says Anil Kumar of Meenakshipuram. “It requires a minimum of one month to pick up the skill and gain confidence.” He was a toddy tapper years ago and now runs a shop that sells rope to make the ropeways.
It is expert toddy tappers who have taught themselves this skill. A ropeway building team consists of four to five people. Two climb the tree, using the traditional technique, and tie the rope from tree to tree. The other team members help to tighten the rope by pulling it from below. A single team takes a week to build a ropeway for, say, a block of 50 trees.
Shaji has signed a contract to tap 1,600 trees. His team builds ropeways only for very tall trees. “It is worth it because these old trees yield toddy very consistently,” says Shaji. Three years ago he connected 300 trees with a ropeway. It is now time to replace the old ropeway since the nylon ropes used last three seasons only. Ropes have to be provided by the contractor. Shaji has spent Rs 35,000 on a ropeway for 100 trees.
Kumar has seen the method of constructing ropeways evolve over the years. Initially, toddy tapper teams from Puducherry would build ropeways. Now Palakkad alone has at least 25 teams, all from Tamil Nadu, who construct ropeways. People from Kerala haven’t picked up this skill either.
“At first they would use coir ropes. A total of 10 narrow ropes would be tied — seven ropes to walk on and three to hold on to. Slowly, they changed their method. They realised that two ropes for the feet and one to hold on to are enough. These coir ropes don’t last for more than one and a half years. The tappers who walk over them realise when it’s time to replace the ropes,” says Kumar.
Four years ago, the toddy tappers started using nylon ropes. Since these proved sturdier, people realised two ropes would suffice. Generally, an 18-mm rope is used for walking and a 16-mm one for holding on to. Good quality nylon ropes cost Rs 80 per kg.
“The ropeway is perceived as a labour-friendly device. So toddy tappers have started making it a condition. They say they will carry out tapping only if a ropeway is built,” explains Sashidharan, a toddy contractor of Muvattupuzha.
He began getting ropeways built three years ago. “It has become very popular and is inevitable,” he says. “The Meenakshipuram belt has a high concentration of coconut gardens. Around 700 of us hold permits to carry out toddy tapping. Even at a modest estimate, we have over 100,000 coconut trees to tap. Currently 70 percent of this area, which spans around 1,000 acres, is connected with ropeways.”
Kumar says since the ropeway benefits workers who climb coconut trees, some of the tapper teams agree to pay half the expense of constructing it. Their suggestion is that the contractor should initially pay for the ropeway and then deduct 50 percent of the expense from the toddy tappers’ wages.
Ropeways aren’t built only in Kerala. In Tamil Nadu, the palm sugar industry which taps toddy in many areas also has ropeways. But it is less common than in Kerala.
However, using plastic ropes does have a disadvantage. The rope becomes slippery during the monsoon. Could it be dangerous for toddy tappers? “No, I haven’t heard of anyone falling and dying from a ropeway,” says Kumar. But Shaji has a different opinion. “It is always risky to climb a tall coconut tree. Although most falls are due to intoxication, some have been accidents.”
चांडाल
मुक्त ज्ञानकोश विकिपीडिया से
चांडाल भारत में व्यक्तियों का एक ऐसा वर्ग है, जिसे सामान्यत: जाति से बाहर तथा अछूत माना जाता है। यह एक प्राचीन अन्त्यज, नीच और बर्बर जाति है। इसे श्मशान पाल, डोम, अंतवासी, थाप, श्मशान कर्मी, अंत्यज, चांडालनी, पुक्कश, गवाशन, चूडा, दीवाकीर्ति, मातंग, श्वपच आदि नामों से भी पुकारा जाता है। भगवान गौतमबुद्ध ने सुत्तनिपात में चांडाल का जिक्र किया है।
खत्तिये ब्राह्मणे वेस्से, सुद्दे चण्डालपुक्कु से।
न कि ंचि परिवज्जेति, सब्बमेवाभिमद्दति।।
अभ्युदय
"सुत्तनिपात" में "भगवान बुद्ध" ने चांडाल वर्ण व्यवस्था की सबसे निचली पाँचवा वर्ण बताया है,
"खत्तिये ब्राह्मणे वेस्से, सुद्दे चण्डालपुक्कु से।" "न कि ंचि परिवज्जेति, सब्बमेवाभिमद्दति।।"
"मृतुराज क्षत्रिय , ब्राह्मण, वैश्य,शूद्र और चंडाल - किसी को कोभी नही छोड़ता, सबको कुचल डालता है।"
प्राचीन विधि संहिता "मनु स्मृति" के अनुसार, इस वर्ग का उदय एक ब्राह्मण महिला और एक शूद्र पुरुष के मिलाप से हुआ था। आधुनिक समय में बंगाल में कृषक, मछुआरे और नाविकों की जाति विशेष के लिए इस शब्द का उपयोग किया जाता है, वह अधिकतर नामशूद्र कहलाते हैं। कुछ विद्वानों का मत है कि नामशूद्र की उत्पत्ति बिहार की राजमहल पहाड़ियों में निवास करने वाली एक आदिम जनजाति से हुई है।
साहित्य में चांडाल का प्रयोग
चांडाल शब्द का उपयोग प्रेमचंद ने अपनी कहानी नैराश्य में इस प्रकार किया है, ""चांडाल कहीं का! उसके कारण मेरे सैंकड़ों रुपये पर पानी फिर गया।" हिन्दी समाज की लोकोक्तियों तथा कहाबतों में "चांडाल चौकड़ी" का प्रयोग काफी होता है।
इतिहास अपने आपको दोहराता है
फरीदपुर (1873) और ऊना (2016)
सन् 1873 में बंगाल के फरीदपुर जिले, जो अब बांग्लादेश में है, के चांडालों ने हड़ताल कर दी। उन्होंने मुसलमानों और हिन्दुओं की अन्य सभी जातियों के लिए काम करना बंद कर दिया। इस हड़ताल से रोज़ाना की ज़िंदगी ठप्प हो गई। तब तक किसी को यह पता ही नहीं था कि हड़ताल क्या होती है
हम अक्सर सुनते हैं कि इतिहास अपने आपको दोहराता है। हाल में ऊना, गुजरात में गोरक्षकों के विरूद्ध दलितों का आंदोलन, इस कथन की सत्यता को प्रमाणित करता है। आइए, पहले हम देखें कि इतिहास क्या है और फिर यह कि उसने अपने आपको कैसे दोहराया। सन् 1873 में बंगाल के फरीदपुर जिले, जो अब बांग्लादेश में है, के चांडालों ने हड़ताल कर दी। उन्होंने मुसलमानों और हिन्दुओं की अन्य सभी जातियों के लिए काम करना बंद कर दिया। इस हड़ताल से रोज़ाना की ज़िंदगी ठप्प पड़ गई। इस हड़ताल का प्रभाव इतना गहरा और व्यापक था कि आधिकारिक संदेशों में उसे ‘आम हड़ताल’ बताया गया। यह पूरी तरह से शांतिपूर्ण, असहयोग आंदोलन था। तब तक कोई यह जानता ही नहीं था कि हड़ताल क्या होती है (उसी दौरान बंगाल में ‘पुनर्जागरण’ का दौर चल रहा था परंतु उसके झंडाबरदारों को उनके ही आसपास बसी एक अछूत जाति के लोगों की व्यथा से कोई मतलब नहीं था। पुनर्जागरण केवल समाज के ऊपरी तबके तक सीमित था। सन 1911 में इन दुर्भाग्यशाली अछूतों का सरकारी नामकरण नामशूद्र कर दिया गया और अब यह बंगाल की सबसे बड़ी जाति है)।
हड़ताल की शुरूआत आमग्राम नामक एक गांव से हुई, जो बकरगंज (अब बारीसाल) के नज़दीक था। गांव के एक धनी और प्रभावशाली चांडाल चोरोन सपाह ने अपने पिता के श्राद्ध के अवसर पर आयोजित भोज में 10,000 लोगों को आमंत्रित किया। उन्होंने ब्राह्मणों, कायस्थों, शूद्रों आदि सभी जातियों के लोगों को निमंत्रित किया। कायस्थों ने अन्य जातियों के लोगों को चांडालों के खिलाफ भड़काया और परिणामस्वरूप उन्होंने ‘‘निमंत्रण स्वीकार करने से इंकार कर दिया और चांडालों पर खूब ताने कसे और उन्हें भला-बुरा कहा’’। उन्होंने कहा कि ‘‘क्या हम अब उन लोगों के साथ खाना खायेंगे जो अपनी महिलाओं को बाज़ार भेजते हैं और जो जेलों में मेहतर का काम करते हैं और कूड़ा-करकट व अन्य गंदगी साफ करते हैं? इसके बाद और क्या बचेगा!’’ फरीदपुर के पुलिस अधीक्षक डब्ल्यू.एस. ओवेन ने अपनी जांच में यह पाया कि ‘‘गरीब चांडालों की महिलाएं हाटों और बाज़ारों में सामान खरीदने और बेचने जाती हैं, जिसके कारण उच्च जाति के हिन्दू उनसे घृणा करते हैं और उन्हें जानवरों से थोड़ा ही बेहतर मानते हैं”।
बंगाल की जनगणना 1872 की रपट, एच बेवरले, बेंगाल सेक्रटेरिएट प्रेस, कलकत्ता पृष्ठ 26-29. चांडाल महिलाएं निःसंदेह अपने समय से आगे थीं। आज, उन वर्गों की महिलाएं, जो चांडालों से घृणा करते थे, बाज़ारों में घूमते-फिरते देखी जा सकती हैं। परंतु उस समय इस कटाक्ष ने चांडाल समुदाय के नेताओं को क्रोधित कर दिया। समुदाय के प्रधानों ने एक बैठक आयोजित कर तीन ऐतिहासिक संकल्प पारित किए।
‘‘भविष्य में चांडाल महिलाएं हाटों और बाज़ारों में नहीं जाएंगी।
किसी भी जाति को किसी भी तरह की सेवा उपलब्ध नहीं करवाई जाएगी।
ब्राह्मणों को छोड़कर अन्य किसी भी जाति के व्यक्ति द्वारा पकाया गया भोजन चांडाल नहीं खायेंगे।’’
सबसे पहला संकल्प चांडाल महिलाओं की गरिमा की रक्षा से संबंधित था। इस हड़ताल ने आम लोगों के लिए इतना बड़ा संकट खड़ा कर दिया कि औपनिवेशिक प्रशासन को उसका संज्ञान लेना पड़ा। 18 मार्च, 1873 को लिखे अपने पत्र में ओवेन ने इस हड़ताल के प्रभावों पर चर्चा करते हुए लिखा :
अगर दूसरे संकल्प का पालन किया गया तो कच्छ क्षेत्र में रहने वाले अन्य जातियों के लोगों को बहुत नुकसान होगा। वर्तमान में मुसलमानों और अन्य जातियों की ज़मीनों पर चांडाल ही खेती करते हैं और इसके बदले वे उत्पादित फसल का आधा भाग लेते हैं। इन ज़मीनों पर अब खेती नहीं हो सकेगी। चांडाल ही नावें बनाते हैं और उन्हें चलाते हैं। ऐसे में वे नावें, जिनके मालिक अन्य जातियों के लोग हैं, नहीं चलेंगी और व्यापार ठप्प पड़ जाएगा। खेती और घर में काम आने वाले लोहे के उपकरण सुधारने वाला कोई न होगा। इससे चांडाल और अन्य जातियों के बीच के परस्पर संबंध पूरी तरह अस्त-व्यस्त हो जाएंगे, उनके बीच शत्रुता पैदा हो जाएगी और अंततः इससे शांति भंग होने की आशंका होगी’’।
फरीदपुर जिले से शुरू हुई चांडालों की हड़ताल जल्दी ही पड़ोसी बकरगंज और जैसोर जिलों में फैल गई। परंतु हड़तालियों ने तनिक भी हिंसा नहीं की और इसके कारण शांति और व्यवस्था में कोई खलल नहीं पड़ा। फरीदपुर के जिला मजिस्ट्रेट डब्ल्यू.एस. वेल्स, जिन्हें इस हड़ताल की व्यक्तिगत रूप से जांच करने को कहा गया था, ने सरकार को लिखा ‘‘…बड़ी संख्या में हिन्दू और मुसलमान मुझसे मिले और यह शिकायत की कि चांडालों की कार्यवाही के कारण वे बरबाद हो रहे हैं’’। उन्होंने अपनी रपट में लिखा कि खेत खाली पड़े हैं, घरों की छतों को फूंस से ढंकने के लिए कोई नहीं है, एक भी चांडाल किसी भी हिन्दू या मुसलमान के लिए कोई काम करने को तैयार नहीं है और बाज़ारों में एक भी चांडाल महिला दिखाई नहीं पड़ती…’’ (पत्र क्रमांक 340, दिनांक 8 अप्रैल, 1873)। बंगाल सरकार को सतर्क करते हुए जिला मजिस्ट्रेट ने लिखा, ‘‘वे (चांडाल) हमेशा से एकताबद्ध रहे हैं और इसलिए यह आंदोलन बहुत गंभीर रूप ले सकता है’’।
इस हड़ताल की जड़ में था सरकार का उन चांडालों के साथ व्यवहार, जो किसी कारण जेलों में बंद थे। उन्हें फर्श पर झाड़ू लगाने और जेलों के शौचालय साफ करने के लिए मजबूर किया जाता था। जिला पुलिस अधीक्षक ने 22 अप्रैल, 1873 को लिखे गए अपने एक पत्र मे इसकी पुष्टि करते हुए कहा, ‘‘यह एक निंदनीय व्यवस्था है जिसे तुरंत समाप्त किया जाना चाहिए…हमारे कानून के अंतर्गत सभी मनुष्य बराबर हैं परंतु यदि केवल चांडालों को गंदे काम करने के लिए मजबूर किया जाएगा तो वे अन्य जातियों के लोगों के बराबर कैसे रह जाएंगे’’। जिला पुलिस प्रमुख ने लिखा कि चांडालों की शिकायत यह है कि, ‘‘अन्य हिन्दुओं के कहने पर सरकार, उन चांडालों को, जो जेलों में हैं, मेहतर का काम करने के लिए मजबूर करती है। उनसे जेलों का पूरा परिसर साफ करवाया जाता है और सारी गंदगी उठवाई जाती है…’’। चांडालों का कहना था कि, ‘‘जेलों में यह गंदा काम करने से ब्राह्मणों, कायस्थों, शूद्रों और मुसलमानों को छूट क्यों है?’’ यह कानून की नज़र में सबके बराबर होने के सिद्धांत का उल्लंघन था। तीन जिलों के 7,54,323 चांडालों की हड़ताल छह माह तक चली। बंगाल के लैफ्टिनेंट गवर्नर (1870-1874) सर जार्ज कैंपबेल ने इस आशय का आदेश जारी किया कि ‘‘भविष्य में जेलों में चांडालों को मेहतर का काम करने के लिए मजबूर नहीं किया जाना चाहिए…’’ (पत्र क्रमांक 523टी. दिनांक 7 जून, 1873)।
एक सदी बाद
गोरक्षों के निशाने पर मुख्यतः मुसलमान, सफाईकर्मी और चर्मकार हैं। दलितों और मुसलमानों को हाशिए पर ढकेल दिया गया है। स्वाधीनता के 70 साल बाद भी भारत उनके खिलाफ अपराधों और हिंसा को रोक नहीं सका है। उनके विरूद्ध गंभीर अपराध होने पर भी उन्हें न्याय नहीं मिलता। उन्हें अपनी मुक्ति के लिए एक राजनैतिक एजेंडे की तलाश है। दलित और आदिवासी, भारत की जनसंख्या का 23 प्रतिशत हैं परंतु उन्हें हिन्दू उच्च जातियां न तो उनके साथ न्याय कर रही हैं और ना ही उन्हें गरिमापूर्ण जीवन जीने का अधिकार दे रही हैं। हिन्दू उच्च जातियों का कार्यपालिका, न्यायपालिका और विधायिका में वर्चस्व है। मुसलमानों की आबादी, दलितों और आदिवासियों से भी कम है। वे देश की आबादी का मात्र 14 प्रतिशत हैं। उनकी स्थिति और खराब है। दलित यदि मरे हुए पशुओं को ठिकाने लगाना, सड़कें साफ करना और सार्वजनिक स्थानों से कचरा उठाना बंद कर दें तो वे अपनी आवाज़ पूरे देश और पूरी दुनिया तक पहुंचा सकते हैं। दलितों, मुसलमानों और आदिवासियों को यह समझना होगा कि अगर वे एक हो गए तो उन्हें उनके अधिकार मिलते देर नहीं लगेगी। भारत का प्रजातंत्र उनकी मुक्ति में सहायक बन सकता है।
By A.K. Biswas एके विस्वास
इतिहास हमें बताता है कि समाज सुधार आंदोलन और सामाजिक न्याय के संघर्ष, एक दूसरे के पूरक नहीं होते बल्कि वे परस्पर-विरोधी और असंगत होते हैं। औपनिवेशिक बंगाल में 19वीं और 20वीं सदी में सामाजिक सुधार और सामाजिक न्याय के आंदोलन एक-दूसरे के समानांतर चले। जहां सामाजिक सुधार आंदोलन का उद्देश्य ऊँची जातियों के घिसे-पिटे दकियानूसी कर्मकांडों और परंपराओं जैसे सती, बहुपत्नी प्रथा, भारी-भरकम दहेज़, बाल-विवाह, बच्चों को गंगा सागर में फेंकना, अंतरजली यात्रा इत्यादि को उखाड़ फेंकना था, वहीं सामाजिक न्याय आंदोलन का लक्ष्य अशिक्षा का नाश और समाज के निचले वर्गों में मानवीय गरिमा की अलख जगाना था। जहां सामाजिक सुधार आंदोलनों की भारतीय इतिहासविदों ने भूरी-भूरी प्रशंसा की, वहीं सामाजिक न्याय आंदोलन को इतिहास के अंधेरे में गुम हो जाने दिया।
बंगाली बौद्धिक वर्ग, पश्चिमी शिक्षा प्राप्त करने और उदारवादी मानवीय मूल्यों, विज्ञान के सिद्धांतों और आधुनिक ज्ञान से परिचित होने के बावजूद, जाति की बेडिय़ों में जकड़ा हुआ था। 20वीं सदी के पूर्वाद्ध का एक दस्तावेज यह बतलाता है कि ब्राह्मण और अन्य ऊँची जातियां, पूर्वी बंगाल (अब बांग्लादेश) की सबसे बड़ी हिंदू जाति चांडाल के बारे में क्या सोचते थे: “(1) चांडाल गांवों के बाहर रहते हैं; (2) कुत्ते और गधे उनकी संपत्ति हैं; (3) वे शवों से उतारे गए चिथड़े पहनते हैं; (4) वे आवारा होते हैं; (5) उनका मुख्य पेशा शवों को जलाना है; (6) वे राजा के आदेश पर अपराधियों को फांसी पर चढ़ाते हैं; व (7) वे अछूत हैं।” अपने एक लेख में, बंकिमचंद्र चटर्जी ने बंगाल के चांडालों के बारे में मनु के दकियानूसी विचारों को उचित ठहराया था। चांडाल, बंगाल के सामाजिक न्याय आंदोलन के अगुवा थे।
पहली ‘आम हड़ताल’
ऊँची जातियों के दमनचक्र और शोषण ने चांडालों को उन्हें सताने वालों के खिलाफ आवाज़ उठाने के लिए प्रेरित किया। फरीदपुर के जिला मजिस्ट्रेट सीए कैली ने 8 अप्रैल, 1873 को ढाका के संभागीय आयुक्त को चिट्ठी लिखकर सूचित किया कि उस साल चांडालों ने ”जिले में आम हड़ताल की और यह निर्णय किया कि वे उच्च वर्ग के किसी भी सदस्य की किसी भी हैसियत से सेवा नहीं करेंगे, जब तक कि उन्हें हिंदू जातियों में उससे बेहतर स्थान प्राप्त न हो जाए, जो उन्हें वर्तमान में प्राप्त है।”
मील का पत्थर
सन 1881 में खुलना जिले के दत्ताडंगा में अखिल-बंगाल नामशूद्र सम्मेलन हुआ। पूरे बंगाल से हजारों नामशूद्रों ने इस सम्मेलन में भाग लिया। सम्मेलन की अध्यक्षता गुरूचंद ठाकुर ने की। इस सम्मेलन में शिक्षा के संबंध में जो संकल्प पारित किए गए, वे सामाजिक उत्थान की राह में मील के पत्थर साबित हुए। इसके बाद से, हर वर्ष सामाजिक और शैक्षणिक मुद्दों पर विचार-विनिमय के लिए अलग-अलग जिलों में नामशूद्र सम्मेलनों का आयोजन शुरू हो गया। हर नामशूद्र गांव में एक समिति गठित की गई। पंद्रह ग्रामीण समितियों का एक संकुल बनाया गया और हर जिले में जिला समिति का गठन हुआ। ग्रामीण, संकुल व जिला समितियों को यह अधिकार दिया गया कि वे ”नामशूद्र अंशदान कोष” के लिए चंदा इकट्ठा कर सकें। हर परिवार अपना भोजन शुरू करने के पहले मुट्ठीभर चावल अलग रख देता था, जो गांव की समिति को जाता था। गांव की समिति का हर सदस्य एक आना प्रतिमास का चंदा देता था, संकुल समिति के सदस्य दो आने और जिला समिति के सदस्य चार आने प्रतिमास चंदे के रूप में देते थे। श्राद्ध, विवाह और अन्य मौकों पर होने वाले खर्च का तीन प्रतिशत इस कोष में दान दिया जाता था। जो परिवार अपने 20 साल से कम उम्र के लड़कों या 10 साल से कम उम्र की लड़कियों का विवाह करते थे, उन्हें जात बाहर कर दिया जाता था।
शनै: शनै: ओराकंडी, नामशूद्र आंदोलन का केंद्र बन गया। गुरूचंद ठाकुर के उत्साही नेतृत्व में नामशूद्रों की बड़ी आबादी वाले क्षेत्रों में सैंकड़ों प्राथमिक स्कूल खोले गए। जब भी कोई नामशूद्र, गुरूचंद से मिलकर मातुआ पंथ में शामिल होने की इच्छा व्यक्त करता था, वे उसे यह सलाह देते थे कि वह अपने गांव में एक स्कूल शुरू करे। स्वच्छता भी उनकी प्राथमिकताओं में से एक थी और वे उनसे मिलने वाले लोगों से कहा करते थे कि सभी को अपने घरों में शौचालयों का निर्माण करना चाहिए।
सन 1908 में फरीदपुर के ओराकंडी गांव में अंग्रेज़ी माध्यम का पहला हाईस्कूल स्थापित हुआ। मुसलमानों और पिछड़े वर्गों की महत्वाकांक्षाओं को ध्यान में रखते हुए, पूर्वी बंगाल व असम के गवर्नर ने ”द प्रपोर्शनल रिप्रजेंटेशन ऑफ कम्युनिटीज इन पब्लिक एम्प्लाएमेंट एक्ट” (सार्वजनिक नियोजन में आनुपातिक सामुदायिक प्रतिनिधित्व अधिनियम) लागू किया। इसी साल, कुमुद बिहारी मल्लिक, बंगाल के पहले नामशूद्र व अछूत डिप्टी मजिस्ट्रेट बने। कैथरीन मेयो ने अपनी पुस्तक ‘मदर इंडिया’ (1927) में लिखा कि तत्समय लगभग 4,900 नामशूद्र लड़के मैट्रिक पास करने के लिए अध्ययनरत थे और 200 स्नातक बन चुके थे। कलकत्ता में उच्च शिक्षा प्राप्त करने के लिए जब नामशूद्रों ने होस्टलों में स्थान प्राप्त करने का प्रयास किया तो उनका ‘अछूत’ का दर्जा इसके आड़े आने लगा। नामशूद्रों के प्रतिनिधिमंडल ने कलकत्ता विश्वविद्यालय के कुलपति से मिलकर इस समस्या के बारे में उन्हें बताया। इसके बाद, 1917 में विश्वविद्यालय ने शहर में अछूतों के होस्टल के लिए एक अलग भवन किराए पर लिया।
सन 1885 में पुन्चनन बिस्वास नामक एक नामशूद्र को आस्ट्रेलिया भेजा गया, जहां उन्होंने साऊथ आस्ट्रेलियन बैप्टिस्ट मिशन के पदाधिकारियों से मिलकर यह अनुरोध किया कि वे पांच महिला मिशनरियों को पूर्वी बंगाल भेजें ताकि अछूत ग्रामीण महिलाओं को शिक्षित किया जा सके। पांच मिशनरी सिस्टर्स पूर्वी बंगाल पहुंचीं और उन्होंने इन वंचित महिलाओं को शिक्षित करने के लिए अपना जीवन समर्पित कर दिया। मीड की पत्नी और उनकी लड़कियां पहले से ही फरीदपुर में थीं।
चांडाल से नामशूद्र
1901 से कई जातियों ने बंगाल सरकार को अभ्यावेदन देकर यह अनुरोध किया कि उनकी जाति का नाम बदला जाए और उन्हें जाति पदानुक्रम में बेहतर स्थान दिया जाए। सन 1911 तक इस तरह के आवेदनों के ढेर का वजऩ करीब 57 किलो हो चुका था। बाभन (जो अब अपने आपको भूमिहार कहते हैं), ब्रह्मर्षि ब्राह्मण कहलाना चाहते थे, बंगाली कायस्थों का मानना था कि उन्हें क्षत्रिय का दर्जा मिलना चाहिए और बैद्य, ब्राह्मण कहलाना चाहते थे। इन सभी मांगों को सरकार ने खारिज कर दिया। केवल दो अभ्यावेदनों – चांडालों द्वारा अपने को नामशूद्र कहलाने और काईबरता द्वारा महिष्य के रूप में पुन: नामकरण – की मांगें स्वीकार की गईं। चांडालों ने अपनी इस मांग को स्वीकार करवाने के लिए बहुत प्रयास किया था। प्रेसीडेन्सी संभाग के आयुक्त एफबी पीकॉक ने अपने एक पत्र (क्रम संख्या 87, दिनांक 18 जुलाई, 1881) में लिखा ”चांडाल, जो यहां (जैसोर जिले के नारेल अनुभाग) के सबसे बड़े कृषक समुदाय हैं, की स्थिति में सुधार होने के कारण वे अब हिंदू जाति व्यवस्था में बेहतर दर्जा चाहते हैं। वे स्वयं को नामशूद्र कहते हैं और अपने आप को वैश्य बताते हैं।”
जोगेंद्र नाथ मंडल पाकिस्तान के कॉस्टीट्यूएंट असेंबली के पहले अध्यक्ष थे, दूसरी तस्वीर में वे असेंबली को संबोधित करते दिख रहे है
सन 1905 में, बंगाल के राजनैतिक और सामाजिक नेताओं ने लार्ड कर्जन द्वारा प्रशासनिक सुविधा के लिए बंगाल को पूर्वी व पश्चिमी बंगाल में विभाजित करने के निर्णय के विरूद्ध आंदोलन शुरू किया। इस आंदोलन के एक बड़े नेता सर सुरेन्द्रनाथ बेनर्जी ने 58 वर्षीय गुरूचंद ठाकुर और उनके अनुयायियों का समर्थन मांगा। गुरूचंद ने एक मार्मिक पत्र लिखकर बेनर्जी से कहा: ”नामशूद्र बहुत गरीब हैं। वे किसी प्रकार के ऐश्वर्य का भोग नहीं करते और ना ही वे जानते हैं कि ऐश्वर्य क्या होता है। सस्ता आयातित कपड़ा वह एकमात्र विदेशी सामान है, जिसका वे इस्तेमाल करते हैं। आयातित सामान का इस्तेमाल करने की आदत तो ऊँची जातियों की है। इसलिए यह आंदोलन (बहिष्कार) केवल ऊँची जातियों तक सीमित रहना चाहिए। नामशूद्रों को अब तक कोई राजनीतिक अधिकार प्राप्त नहीं है, वे दमित हैं और उनका उनकी ही धरती पर अत्यंत क्रूरतापूर्वक शोषण किया जा रहा है। ऊँची जातियों के हिंदू उन्हें किसी भी प्रकार के राजनैतिक अधिकार दिए जाने के सख्त खिलाफ हैं। इसलिए, जब तक वे नीची जातियों के प्रति बंधुत्व का भाव नहीं रखेंगे, तब तक नीची जातियां उच्च जातियों के हिंदुओं द्वारा अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ चलाए जा रहे किसी भी आंदोलन में भाग नहीं लेंगी।”
रबीन्द्रनाथ टैगोर ने मैमनसिंह में 1925 में आयोजित नामशूद्रों के वार्षिक सम्मेलन में भाग लिया था। हिंदू बौद्धिक वर्ग ने जानते-बूझते इस तथ्य को दबा दिया।
नामशूद्र समुदाय ने साईमन आयोग के समक्ष दो ज्ञापन प्रस्तुत किए। फरवरी 1928 में ”अखिल बंगाल दमित वर्ग संगठन” ने भी आयोग के समक्ष ज्ञापन प्रस्तुत किया और नामशूद्र समुदाय द्वारा प्रस्तुत ज्ञापनों को अंगीकार करते हुए कहा कि ये ज्ञापन भी उसके हितों का प्रतिनिधित्व करते हैं। इन दोनों संगठनों के नौ नेताओं ने संयुक्त रूप से आयोग के समक्ष 29 जुलाई, 1929 को कलकत्ता में अपना पक्ष प्रस्तुत किया। इस प्रस्तुतिकरण का अभिलेख उपलब्ध है। प्रतिनिधियों ने बंगाल के सामाजिक-आर्थिक व सांस्कृतिक यथार्थ से कमीशन को परिचित करवाया और अपनी महत्वाकांक्षाओं का वर्णन किया। उनकी एक मांग यह थी कि ”विभिन्न समुदायों के योग्य उम्मीदवारों को आबादी में उनके अनुपात में नियुक्तियां दी जानी चाहिए।” उन्होंने यह भी कहा कि ”जब तक कि सरकारी सेवाओं में पहले से ही जमे लोगों की संख्या उनके बराबर न हो जाए” तब तक केवल मुसलमानों सहित दमित वर्गों के उम्मीदवारों की नियुक्तियां की जानी चाहिए। उनका उद्देश्य प्रशासन में भद्रलोक के एकाधिकार को समाप्त करना था। उन्होंने कहा कि एक बहुत छोटे अल्पसंख्यक वर्ग का न्यायपालिका पर वर्चस्व, देश के लिए अभिशाप है और यह प्रस्ताव किया कि केंद्रीय व राज्य सरकारों में नियुक्तियों के लिए सेवा आयोगों की स्थापना की जाए। उन्होंने कहा कि केंद्रीय आयोग का अध्यक्ष गवर्नर जनरल की कार्यकारी परिषद का कोई यूरोपियन सदस्य होना चाहिए और राज्य सेवा आयोगों के अध्यक्ष, गवर्नर की कार्यपरिषद का यूरोपीय सदस्य। इस प्रकार उन्होंने यह साफ कर दिया कि उन्हें ऊँची जातियों के भारतीयों पर कतई भरोसा नहीं है। वे चाहते थे कि देश में ”नि:शुल्क व अनिवार्य प्राथमिक शिक्षा” व्यवस्था लागू की जानी चाहिए। भद्रलोक को कटघरे में खड़ा करते हुए दमित वर्गों के नेताओं ने कहा कि ऊँची जातियां ऐसा व्यवहार करती हैं मानो वे ”भारतीय जनता की दिव्य संरक्षक” हैं।
सन 1946 में डॉ. बीआर आंबेडकर का संविधानसभा के सदस्य के रूप में बंगाल से चुनाव, बंगाली अछूतों के प्रतिनिधियों जैसे जोगेन्द्रनाथ मंडल, मुकुन्दबिहारी मल्लिक, द्वारिकानाथ बरूई, नागेन्द्र नाथ राय व क्षेत्रनाथ सिंह की राजनीतिक परिपक्वता और दूरदृष्टि का उदाहरण था। ये सभी लोग फरीदपुर, जैसोर, खुलना और बारीसाल जिलों से थे। बंगाली दलितों को यह संदेह है कि डॉ. आंबेडकर को संविधानसभा के सदस्य के रूप में निर्वाचित करने की सज़ा स्वरूप ही नामशूद्रों की बड़ी आबादी वाले इन जिलों को पाकिस्तान का हिस्सा बना दिया गया। इन अछूतों की पर्दे के पीछे से संविधान निर्माण में भूमिका को मान्यता मिलना बाकी है।
(Courtsey : फारवर्ड प्रेस के फरवरी, 2016 अंक में प्रकाशित )
A Chandal’s Rage
How a peaceful strike by Dalits paralysed life in Bengal
A.K. BISWAS19 AUGUST 2016
A striking Dalit near Ahmedabad
PHOTOGRAPH BY GETTY IMAGES
History does repeat itself. In 1873, the Chandals of Bengal, who in 1911 were officially redesignated as Namasudra, called for a strike in Faridpur district, now in Bangladesh, refusing to work for other Hindus and Muslims. It is vividly detailed in a book published in 2015 by West Bengal’s Department of Backward Classes—The 1873 Movement For Dignity and Equality Before Law. The strike brought normal life to a standstill. Significantly, this was when Bengal was witnessing a ‘renaissance’, which was quite unmindful of the sufferings of untouchables.
It all began in Amgram village, where a rich Chandal, Choron Sapah, invited 10,000 men to a feast as part of his father’s shraddh ceremony. He invited people of all castes, including Brahmins and Kayasthas. The Kayasthas reportedly instigated others, and they “refused to accept the invitation, couching their refusal with taunts and reproaches”. “Eat with men who permit their women to go to the market and who are employed as mehtars in jails for removing filth and everything unclean? What next!” was the refrain.
This was reported after an inquiry conducted by the superintendent of police W.L. Owen. He noted, “The women of the poorer Chandals attend hauts and bazars for buying and selling purposes, on which account they have been despised by Hindus of the higher caste, who consider them only little better than beasts....” The insult of their women did not go down well with Chandal community leaders. The aggrieved Chandal leaders, therefore, adopted in a meeting three momentous resolutions: One, Chandal women must not in future visit hauts (haats) and bazaars. Two, Chandal men and women would not join any ‘service’ with other castes, and thirdly, food prepared by any caste other than Brahmins would not be partaken.
The strike drew the attention of the colonial administration. In a letter on March 18, 1873, Owen speculated on the impact: “If the second resolution is literally carried out, much injury will be sustained by other castes...at present fields belonging to Mohammedans and other castes are cultivated by Chandals...; these would remain untilled. Boats are built and manned by Chandals; those belonging to other castes would cease to ply and trade will be paralysed. Agricultural and domestic tools of iron would not be repaired....”
The Faridpur Chandal strike was joined by their caste brothers of adjoining Buckergunge (now Barisal) and Jessore districts. But the strikers did not resort to violence; peace and order remained undisturbed.
The district magistrate of Faridpur, W.S. Wells, reported to the government that “a large body of Hindus and Mahommedans came up to complain to me of the ruinous effects arising out of the action of the Chandals.” He recorded that the fields remained untilled, houses unthatched and not a Chandal was in the service of any Hindu or Musliman....” The magistrate warned that “they (Chandals) have always been united and this movement may become very serious”.
At its root was the government compelling Chandal prisoners to work as sweepers and clean prison toilets. The district officer in a letter on April 22, 1873, admitted, “It is a most humiliating reproach, which should be removed.... Under our law men are equal, but Chandals have no such equality if they alone are obliged to perform the most degrading duties.”
The Chandals asked: “Why were Brahmins, Kayasthas, Sudras and Mussulmans exempted from the dirty work in jails?” The strike of 7,54,323 Chandals in three districts continued for six months. Lieutenant-governor of Bengal Sir George Campbell issued orders to the effect that “the Chandals in jail should not be forced to do the work of sweepers....” (vide letter no. 523T, June 7, 1873).
Dalits and tribal communities form over 23 per cent of India’s population, though they are denied justice and dignity by Hindu elite castes. Their refusal to dispose carcasses and clean streets is a potential nightmare. Together, this makes a formidable force that promises the road for their emancipation.
(The author, a retired IAS officer, is former vice-chancellor, Ambedkar University, Muzaffarpur)
Slide Show
This first totally non-violent strike in 1873 is barely recognised in historiography. Gandhi was an infant then, and Tolstoy’s writings on non-violence, which so influenced him, came out only in 1896.
Who are the Chandals?
The caste Chandal is considered to be the lowest and untouchable. There is no unanimity about the origin and the exact meaning of the word ‘Chandal.’ In ‘Manusmruti’ three kinds of ‘Chandals’ are described, however in the ‘Scriptures’ they are taken to be of five kinds (Somawanshi B.C. 1989: 27).
1) The offsprings of ‘Shudra’ father and ‘Brahmin’ mother are Chandal.
2) The child born to unmarried lady is Chandal.
3) The child born to the blood related couple is Chandal.
4) The children born to the one who initially accepted ascetic way of life and then entered into the ‘Grahasthashram’ is Chandal.
5) The child born to a Barber father and Brahmin mother is Chandal.
Apart from the above five origins of ‘Chandal’ in ‘Shudra Kamalakar’ vaidaesh man and ‘Ambashta’ lady produce Chandal. Out of the five origins of ‘Chandal’ Gautam, Vashistna, Boddhayan and Manu have agreed upon the first kind. If one has to peep into this question of, who is Chandal, one has to take into acccount the above points that have been suggested in the ‘Smritis’ and religious scriptures because at many places, the ‘Matangs’ have been called ‘Chandals.’ ‘Shambuk’ in Ramayana was a ‘Chandal’ and a ‘Matang.’ Lord Krishna had married ‘Jambavati’ who was a non-aryan lady, not only this but she was a ‘Chandal’ too. We find a reference that the ‘Matangs’ were born in ‘chandal’ ‘kul’ (clan). In ancient country ‘Kishkindha’ was on the bank of river ‘Tungbhadra’ where Mangs, use to inhabit. In Ramayana those are counted among the monkies because the word Mang means monkey in Kannada. This leads one to think that the ‘Mangs’ were belonging to ‘Chandal’ clan. In a Sootnipat pali literature the word ‘Chandal’ and ‘Matang’ have been used as alternate to each other. According to B.C. Somawanshi ‘Chandal’ is ‘Matang’. However, the real meaning of ‘Chandal’ remains unravelled.
Whether it refers to illicit children, caste, race or country?
If we believe in the origin of the word ‘Chandal’ as per the religious scriptures and ‘Manusmriti,’ then Sant Gyaneshwar, Sant Sopan, Sant Muktabai, Sant Nivruti all of them would be ‘Chandals,’ however, they were not the Matangs. If we believe in the second ‘Karna’ in Mahabharata becomes ‘Chandal’ but he was not a Matang which means according to ‘Smriti’ a person or the whole family can be a ‘Chandal’. How can a ethnic group or a caste be a ‘Chandal’? Manu has mentioned that the ‘Chandals’ should live on the outskirts of village or town. They are not supposed to be the part of village or town, however, we see the other castes like Mahar,
Chambhar, Dhor, Bhangi etc. too live on the outskirts of the village or town, even the nomadic tribes also live in the same fashion, then the question arises as to why is it then the word ‘Chandal’ used for Matangs alone? Are the houses of the ‘Chandals’ defined by ‘Dharmashastra’ on the outskirts of the village or town? It is unbelivable that all the ethnic groups who lived on the outskirts of village were called Chandals. It does not make clear sense whether ‘chandal’ is a caste, occupation or race? The question remains ‘who are the Chandals?’ Vitthal Ramji Shinde’s assertion is that, the ‘Chandal’ was an ancient nation seem to be more appropriate.Chand, Mund and Gond were the Monghal countries. The word ‘Aal’ was suffixed to it and chand became ‘Chandal’, Maung became Maungal. ‘Aal’ is a Dravid word which meant ‘country’ or nation (Shinde V. R., 1976: 112).
In sanskrit ‘Chand’ ¼paM½ means an act of great courage. Even we find similar kind of words like ‘Chand’, Chundi, ‘chamundi’ for daities in ‘purana.’ Even that asserts chandal, mundal must be the very ancient countries but in course of time due to political turmoils these countries must have been vanished (Shinde V. R., 1976: 113).
Apart from this in Krishna Yajurveda, Kshatriya, Brahmin Third Kand the reference to the countries of chandal and poulkas is made. This means Chandal is not the name of any one caste, creed or race but it is the country. In Ramayana, Shambuk is Matang chandal which means he belonged to Chandal country. Lord Krishna’s beloved wife Jambuwati was not of chandal caste but of that country. The people of ‘Kishkindha’ city on the banks of river Tungbhadra were not of chandal race but, they all belonged to the Chandal country. In short the word chandal refers to the country, the country of brave people that is the Mangs. They had many provinces and the name ‘Chandal’ is one of the name of their provinces.
Namasudra
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Namasudra, also known as Namassej or Namassut, is an Indian avarna community originating from certain regions of Bengal, India. The community was earlier known as Chandala or Chandal, a term usually considered as a slur. They were traditionally engaged in cultivation and as boatmen. They lived outside the four-tier ritual varnasystem and thus were outcastes.
Etymology
There is a dearth of discussion as to the etymology of the word namasudra in pre-nineteenth-century Bengali literature and its period of origin is also undetermined. Several theories have been suggested but there is no broad consensus supporting any of them. Śekhara Bandyopādhyāẏa agrees with a Namasudra commentator that namasudra probably means "best among the Sudras, who were paid obeisance to".
Origins
The Namasudra community was earlier known as Chandala or Chandal, a term usually considered as a slur. They lived outside the four-tier ritual varna system and thus were outcastes and untouchables in the eyes of the Hindu community.
The community was traditionally engaged in fishing and as boatmen, in the marshy swamps of their native lands. Over the years, as the wetlands were reclaimed for agricultural purposes, they turned to peasant agriculture as a major occupation. Their economic condition was quite poor and rates of indebtedness quite high.
Colonial ethnography
Colonial ethnographers such as Herbert Hope Risley believed that the Chandals of their time were related to a tribe of the same name that existed in the Vedic Period. However, modern research disputes their opinion for a variety of reasons, including that the main habitat of the modern community in Eastern Bengal was largely outside the core region of Brahmanical civilisation, that regional texts did not refer to them as untouchables and indeed nor was untouchability rigidly practiced in Bengal. Furthermore, the modern community does not occupy the extreme lowest tier of the society, unlike the historical tribe, and their social status varied widely from region to region, especially with regard to their material wealth.
The more modern community comprises around twelve endogamous sub-castes, most of whom were derived from the occupational traits of the members and was entitled to differential social-status.[9] But the colonial ethnographers choose to coalesce several such low-ranking occupational sub-castes into one caste, without taking the regional variations into account and assigned a fixed social rank to of all Namasudra-Chandals, (something which Bernard Cohn later described as the "objectification" of colonial culture) and falsely stereotyped the entire community as universally despised.
Overall, the term Chandal was a generic term that was initially used to refer to broad groups of people belonging to diverse endogamous communities of similarly-despised social position but which later transformed into a caste name and was soon synomously used with the Namasudras.
Other views
Niharranjan Ray, a historian, believed that they have a closer relation with north Indian Brahmins, saying "they are of the same line as the Brahmans of north India; indeed there is a closer relation between the north Indian Brahmans and the Bengali Namahsudras than between the north Indian Brahmans and the Bengali Brahmans, Kayasthas and Vaidyas."
Identity movement
Transition to Namasudras
The creation of a single caste-cluster led to the beginning of the Namasudra Movement. It emphasised the commonality of low social status and that of being subject to oppression, among all the sub-castes and impressed upon them to stand up to the social authority of the high caste bhadraloks, a perceived common enemy, who were largely responsible for their poor conditions.
Libertarian social influences that were prevalent in the region across the eighteenth and nineteenth century are believed to have imparted a major impetus to the Namasudras, against social oppression. Islam followed by Christianity (which was widely prevalent in the Namasudra-belts, courtesy the missionaries) was majorly responsible for granting them a newer dimension of self-respect. The non-orthodox variants of the Bhakti movement, that aligned with the Sahajiya tradition and sought to encompass the downtrodden sections into the society, also catalysed the Namasudras, as a guiding faith.
Various local socio-religious figureheads (Kalachand Vidyalankar, Sahlal Pir, Keshab Pagal et al), who sought to repudiate the caste system, further impressed upon large sections of the Namasudra population.
The Namasudras, thus, successfully strived to carve out an autonomous niche in the social fabric of Bengal, where the distinction of caste was obliterated but that none from the Hindu bhadralok community did identify themselves with those sects, they were branded as exotic and subsequently came to be rejected by other sections of the society.
In the 1870s, the Chandals of Bakarganj and Faridpur started a boycott of caste Hindus, (apart from Brahmins), as a form of social-protest, when their higher caste neighbors refused to accept an invitation to dine from a Chandal headman. They passed a resolution that also called for prohibition against default-employment of Chandals in menial duties in state-jails and together, the call for boycott was spread in the name of an order from the government.Further that, any Chandal who did not abide by it was threatened with intra-community ostracism, the movement gained huge support across a wide region.
This first rebellion in the community in a bid to redefine the local power structure failed to garner much because the poorer Chandals had to return to their previous employers after a few months, often agreeing to more harrowing work conditions. The social discrimination continued. Joya Chatterjee says that henceforth they "battled continuously to improve their ritual position" in society and later claimed the "more respectable title of 'Namasudra' and Brahmin status".
It was within this context, that they underwent a transition from the Chandala to Namasudra identity. In 1891, the term Namasudras was recorded in the official census as a synonym for the Chandala(s) and by 1900, it had assumed immense social recognition, as people of the community clung to the new identity and tried to distance themselves from the imagery of the Chandals. In the very-initial stages, the elimination of differences across various sub-castes and the creation of lateral solidarity was one of the primary goals of the movement.Gradually, by the late nineteenth century, they came to constitute an organised middle peasantry community, with definite leaders and goals. These movements helped them seek upward mobility by infusing a sense of self-respect. They gradually demanded elevated social status, including a right of entry to Kayastha-organised pujas and a two-third share of the crops grown. They began to refuse to work for lower-caste Hindu and Muslim landlords and also boycotted the upper caste Hindus. Overall, Śekhara Bandyopādhyāẏa has noted a distinct theme of sanskritisation in the dynamics of the caste.
Meanwhile, the Matua sect, which was established by Harichand Thakur in the late nineteenth century among the community in the eastern India (and later organised by his son) played a major role in bringing cohesion to the Namasudra community, in terms of faith. Born to a devout Vaishnava family, he gained initial reputation as a spiritual healer and later claimed to be a reincarnation of God, with a duty to ensure salvation of the downtrodden] A cult was gradually developed, which opposed the idea of social hierarchy along with several other Hindu religio-cultural aspects (Gurubad, mantras, idol-worship etc.) and the spiritual aspects of Vedanta philosophy. Instead, a theme of social equality denouncing untouchability and gender discrimination was put forward. The devotional songs, that were sung in form of Kirtans and namgaan, also helped to collectively reinforce a common congregational identity among themselves.
Whilst the sect did play an important role in organising and propagating the social protests, the efforts to entirely subvert the Hindu society failed and the broader community soon returned to the theme of sanskritisation, whilst still ascribing to the other ideals of the sect.
Freedom movement
In colonial Bengal, the Namasudras constituted the second largest Hindu caste. Their interests differed from those pursuing nationalist politics against the British Raj from the time of the Swadeshi period (1905–11) and thus they did not participate much in that movement. That it was heralded by politicians from the high-caste bhadralok community, who cared little for the lower classes, further broadened the gaps.
In July 1905, the British government validated a proposal for partitioning Bengal along religious lines. Whilst the Congress protested this and asked for a total boycott of foreign goods, the Namasudras thought differently. A series of resolutions by community leaders and multiple submissions to British authorities during 1906 affirmed their complete support for the partition scheme, through which they hoped to obtain equal rights in the proposed eastern state where they, along with Muslims, dominated the populace. It was on this issue that the bhadralok politicians of Bengal faced the first resistance from a community previously insignificant in the broader polity of the nation.
Swadeshi leaders reacted by touring extensively in the Namasudra areas, trying to persuade them to join the agitation and, if that failed, bribing, intimidating and coercing them by such means as constructing schools. But the community leaders, including Guruchand, were steadfast against supporting a political movement that supposedly catered to the interests of the upper class and had no plan of social reform.
The colonial government often provided extensive economic patronage and took steps in reforming their social condition by constructing educational hostels, exclusive-schools et al. which penetrated deep down the community.This was in contrary to the nationalists who were too apathetic to these causes and seldom helped them, in their times of distress.
The Namasudras thus rejected the nationalist politics and instead, along with other untouchable castes continued their independent social movement that increasingly self-asserted their independence from the upper castes and threatened to distort the Hindu-societal-structure.Subsequently, the nationalists sought to align themselves, at-least orally, with the cause of depressed classes.
Post-arrival of Gandhiji in the political landscape, as nationalist politics choose to encompass the entire populace of the nation and gradually transcended into mass-movements, parties started extensive lobbying for the causes of the Namasudra.
This was first visible in 1913, as to the setting up a hostel for the students from Namasudra community in Kolkata, who faced immense hardship in securing lodging facilities. Ironically, whilst it was the extensive nationalist lobbying throughout the years that persuaded the colonial government to implement the proposal in 1918, the colonial government took advantage of the ignorance of the general masses as to the proceedings that happened behind the door and usurped an image of benevolence.This further drifted the community away from nationalist causes.
The same events happened in another case, when the Depressed Classes Missio
n, (which worked for nationalist causes) and ran about 60 schools in different parts of Bengal, for the Namasudra community and other backward classes was gradually inculcated as an agency of the colonial government, after it applied for a government grant to overcome fund shortage. The Namasudra community was unaware of these institutional developments and all the good work that was done by the Mission, was attributed to the colonial government.
The Namsudras maintained a more aggressive anti-nationalist stance during the Home-rule Movement.They saw the movement as a plan, hatched among the upper-caste leaders, to snatch the minimal levels of power that has been assigned to them by the colonial government and claimed the Congress leaders to be a small band of vociferous people from organised castes, without any touch to reality.
A meeting of Namasudra delegates, who were supposedly elected, in a democratic manner from different regions of Bengal, passed a resolution that the community would be loyal to the crown and that it supported Montague-Chelmsford reforms, in the sense that further distribution of powers would re-concentrate power in a few hands and would not lead to any progress for the backward castes. The nationalists promised the establishment of equality, democracy and reforms in the new home-ruled-state but failed to instill any confidence within the community.
At the 1917 session of Congress, a resolution was passed that emphasised "the necessity, justice and righteousness of removing all disabilities imposed by custom on the Depressed Classes"> One Namasudra delegate was convinced to support the demand for Home-Rule but the community generally was not swayed by mere symbolic actions and the delegate was subsequently criticised as a Congress stooge.
Even in the 1920s when mass-nationalism affected the entire country and Gandhi extensively campaigned to include the lower strata of society in the Congress fold, Namasudra-dominated districts were mostly unaffected. The leaders of the movement steadfastly rejected whiffs of nationalism, which they believed to be another tool designed for the interests of wealthy upper-caste Bhadraloks. Resolutions were again passed that supported the British confederacy and in some places the Namasudras actively helped the colonial government to foil Congress.
The colonial government further satisfied the community, as it introduced reservation(s) for the lower-classes in provincial services, thus providing employment opportunities and vouched for a proper representation of them. The Government of India Act of 1919 provided for the inclusion of a depressed classes representative among the nominated non-official members of the Bengal Legislative Council. Meanwhile, Congress hardly invested any ground efforts, other than at verbal lobbying and behind-the-scenes work and much of their work were horribly ill-timed.In the Khulna famine of 1920, whilst the colonial government sought to mobilize relief, the Congress went on to continue the Non-cooperation at full zeal and was blamed for increasing the fatalities.
The Bengal Namasudra Conference in 1922 and 1923 further heightened the anti-nationalist stance and planned a definite agenda that encompassed both social and political upliftment of the community.Whilst, Gandhi attracted some admirers due to his social stances, his views offered no political aspirations for the leaders, which were an easy way to status and wealth.There was a considerable majority in the first conference that supported the nationalist causes including widow-remarriage and boycott of foreign goods, managing to bring the proceedings to a halt but had trickled down to a negligible minority, in the second.
But, as the elections took place in 1923, the Namasudra leadership was found to be much less efficient as to mobilizing the average voters to partake in modern-day-politics. Subsequently, they lost all the seats, even in the electorates where the Namasudras heavily dominated the numbers.This was also attributed to the developments of fissures in the movement, that was extremely united thus far, when two famed Namasudra leaders switched loyalties to the Swaraj Party and a division began to form along nationalist lines.
The steadfast attitude towards nationalism, throughout the years, that owed more to the need of a voice of protest against the oppressive higher castes than to the benefits provided by the British government, was crumbling down gradually and fissures were beginning to develop.
The Hindu solidarity soon followed in realizing that the alienation of lower-castes might hamper its plans of offering a united opposition against the British and the Muslims, as conversions became abundant and threatened to dwindle the numbers of Hindus. Subsequently, the All India Hindu Mahasabha, Bharat Sevasram Sangha et al. actively started to mobilise the lower-caste people.
In the late 1930s, especially after the Poona Pact, the Namasudras of Bengal Presidency increasingly adhered to a loyalist stance to the British Government, which was supposedly its best chance to upgrade their socio-economic condition and all throughout and they consistently remained alienated from the nationalist politics.
Overall, numerous measures were taken over the course of years to alleviate the concerns of the community and to ensure that they were gradually inculcated into the nationalist political-fabric of the nation. Un-touch-ability was propounded as a vice and there were campaigns for providing them with better social rights.The Congress also contributed to these causes via their political programs, largely for the same goals.
The Dalit of Bengal, thus became intrinsically involved in the Partition movement, and the Namsudras along with Rajbanshis became the two groups that majorly dominated Dalit politics in the province.
According to Bandyopādhyāẏa, the aim of the Hindu campaign, throughout the years, was to merely induce the lower castes record themselves as Hindus, which would inflate their numbers and thus, assist them in the redistribution of provinces during partition of the nation rather than to harvest a social reform. The main aim was to agglomerate the lower castes in the fold of Hindus and unitedly fight against the Muslim and the British.
It propagandised the local peasant-rebellions between Namasudras and Muslim community across Dacca et al. with religious colors thereby increasing communal tensions and prospects of partition. In some places, the Namasudras even sided with Muslims against the socio-economic oppression of Hindu zamindars but it was again branded as a communal riot. The Bengal Congress also contributed to the cause. Nonetheless, the organised efforts to articulate the Hindu identity somewhat worked and some of the riots did have a religious flavor.
Gradually, whilst many leaders of the caste-movement increasingly associated with the Hindu narrative, and many Namasudras associated with the views of the Hindu solidarity, there was still a lack of consensus among the masses.In fact, there was a strong discontent among Namasudras that they have been supposedly cheated by the enumerators of the 1941 census where they were recorded as Hindus instead of mere Namasudras.
But, by 1947, a majority of Namasudras actively associated them with the Hindus and that the partition was inevitable, their primary aim was to keep their habitat- the districts of Bakarganj, Faridpur, Jessore and Khulna within the Hindu majority province of West Bengal. But they managed to maintain a separate caste identity throughout.
Ultimately, the efforts of the campaign failed to achieve much of its desired goal because districts that were mostly inhabited by Namasudras went to East Bengal despite vehement protestations by them.
Overall, whilst these attempts at altering the social situation improved things to some extent, discrimination was still markedly abundant and the domination by upper castes continued even post-independence.
Post-independence
Migration to India
Whilst an assemblage of relatively well-off Namasudras immediately migrated to India, using their resources of property, the poorer community members stayed. Śekhara Bandyopādhyāẏa notes that despite Jinnah's promise of equality for all, they were soon subjected to "a process of 'Othering'" as the state sought for "greater Islamisation of the polity" and that the upper-caste-Hindus had almost all left East Bengal, the communal agitation was now solely directed against the lower-caste and untouchable Hindus. An acute economic crisis in some districts, coinciding with a labour-surplus market and the Muslim landlords preferring to employ coreligionists, was another mitigating factor. All these, coupled with numerous provocations ranging from unlawful occupation of land to public humiliation of women and direct instruction to leave the country, led to a build-up of insecurity among the Namasudras.
From around January 1950, the Namasudra peasants decided to migrate to India in large numbers and this continued until 1956, with about 10,000 refugees entering every month. Retaliatory communal violence across both sides of the border also contributed to the cause. There was again a mass migration after the Hazratbal riot in 1964. A police intelligence report in June 1952 reported that "About 95 per cent of the refugees are Namasudras".
Condition in India
Whilst most of the Namasudra refugees who arrived after 1950, were automatically designated as cultivators without any means for survival and were thus dispatched to official refugee camps, some did independently settle across villages in Nadia, Basirhat et al. The latter were often involved in violent fracases with the local Muslims and cross-border communal rivalries, in search of land and livestock, were reported too. That they had to also contend with the local Hindu upper castes, made the situation worse.
Those who were dispatched to the refugee camps spend months in imposed idleness whilst being rewarded with a meager cash dole and weekly ration. They were restricted from going out of the camps, look for jobs or interact with the local population, who were often deeply suspicious of the refugees. Thereafter, they started mobilizing themselves under the umbrage of Bastuhara Samitis (refugee associations) and other leaders like Ramendra Kishor Mullick, who claimed to be close to P. R. Thakur and Manohar Roy, who claimed himself to be a right-hand man of Jogen Mandal to protest against the camp administration in a variety of forms.
Finally, the government, in early 1956 announced the Dandakaranya Scheme of rehabilitating them in a region consisting of 78,000 square miles of inhospitable unirrigated land in the tribal areas of Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. The scheme was compulsory, pending which the refugee camps were to be closed down. Some were also rehabilitated to neighboring provinces of Assam, Bihar, Orissa and the Andaman Islands.
The schemes were heavily protested and in March–April 1958, umbrella-refugee-organisations (United Central Refugee Council (UCRC) and the Sara Bangla Bastuhara Samiti (SBBS)) organised satyagraha campaigns, with political patronage, that lasted for about a month and resulted in the arrests of 30,000 refugees. Most were camp-refugees and 70 percent of them were Namasudras.
Gradually, the campaign, as to an acceptable solution of the refugee issues began to lose momentum as the organisations were more interested in exploiting the refugee-base, as an exercise in electoral constituency building for the political parties.
By 1965, 7,500 refugee families were forcibly settled there and because of their dispersal, the Namasudras, who were till-then a closely knit community, as to local-geography, lost their capacity to organise powerful protest movements. The conditions across Dandakaranya camps were extremely poor and that the refugees not only failed to integrate with the native Adivasis but also had to deal with a corrupt government mechanism made survival more difficult.
Bandyopādhyāẏa has noted that throughout the times, the Namasudras whilst existing in the refugee camps, did not articulate their caste identity; they along with all others shared the common tag of refugees. And that this led a large section of the Dalit-community to lose their distinctive and autonomous political voice. But, nevertheless some means (following different rituals et al.) were adopted by them to distinguish from other castes and maintain a conscious identity of their original identity.
Thakurnagar
A prominent Namasudra leader, Pramatha Ranjan Thakur, who was once elected to the Constituent Assembly with Congress support and opposed reservation for the Scheduled Castes whilst advocating drastic social reforms, emerged as a political and spiritual figure-head during the refugee crisis. He was the guru of the Matua Mahasangha (MM), which his great-grandfather had established, and thus had a huge following among the Namasudras. In December 1947, he purchased a piece of land in North 24-Parganas, about 63 km (39 mi) from Calcutta, between Chandpara and Gobordanga, and started a venture for purposes of refugee rehabilitation. This led to the establishment of Thakurnagar, the first Dalit-refugee colony in India started by Dalits themselves. The locality grew in size and within the next ten years, more than 50,000 Dalit refugees, mostly Namasudras, had settled in what became a major cultural centre for them.
Marichjhapi
The Congress government of West Bengal during the refugee crisis was widely perceived as anti-refugee because of its position regarding rehabilitation. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPIM), as the main opposition party, opposed the government's dispersal policy and demanded rehabilitation of refugees in the uninhabited islands of Sunderban, thus gaining a following among the Namasudra refugees.
In 1977, as CPI(M) became the governing party, almost 150,000 refugees returned to West Bengal from Dandakaranya. By now, the economy was in a poor state and the CPIM arranged deportation of many of them back to Dandakaranya. However, a group of about 30,000 refugees managed to infiltrate the Sunderbans and establish a settlement at Marichjhapi, which included such things as schools, health centres, and fishing industries. The government declared the establishment to be illegal, as a contravention of the prohibitions on permanent settlement in the Forest Acts, and asked them to abandon the settlement to protect the ecological diversity of the region.
As the persuasion failed to convince them, beginning 26 January 1979, the local police, on the behest of the government undertook drastic measures which included razing the dwellings of the islanders, destroying fisheries, tube-wells et al. and complete-blockading of the island. despite considerable criticism from the press and a restraining order from the High Court. Boats of escaping refugees were sank and mass-firing were also reported, which led to numerous casualties over the course of next few days.
Finally, as the efforts by the local-police-machinery failed to address the issue in its entirety, the Government ordered a forcible evacuation of the refugees in a 48-hour span from 14 May 1979 to 16 May 1979, in what was called the Marichjhapi Massacre by the scholarly community. Several hundred refugees died in numerous police-firings whilst many more perished as a result of starvation, exhaustion et al. Usage of mercenaries and mass-rapes were also reported.No criminal charges were laid against anyone and the Scheduled Castes and Tribes Commission, in its annual report denied the happening of any atrocity on the Untouchables in Bengal.
Modern day politics and status
MM has transformed itself into a major socio-religious organisation and has one of its major aims as to mobilization of the dispersed Namasudra community and to convert Thakurnagar into a new cultural and spiritual hub for a Namasudra renaissance. In 2010, it claimed to have nearly 50 million members, belonging to 100 to 120 thousand families.
On the occasion of baruni mela – the major festival of the sect – lakhs of devotees from all over India were reported to visit Thakurnagar, in the sort of an annual pilgrimage.
The members of the community have been reported to have fared quite well, post 1980 but despite their educational and social progress, the class remained politically marginal for a long span of time but have often actively negotiated with mainstream political parties for political empowerment.
Beginning the utilization of the network of the MMS, by All India Trinamool Congress, (which included nominating family members of PR Thakur as MLAs), the group managed to establish an independent identity in politics. AITMC did succeed in consolidating Matua votes in its favor in the 2011 state-elections and the consolidation has been attributed to be a cause behind its decisive victory in the South Bengal seats.
Namasudra
From Wikipedia
Namasudra, also known as Namassej or Namassut, is an Indian avarna community originating from certain regions of Bengal, India. The community was earlier known as Chandala or Chandal, a term usually considered as a slur. They were traditionally engaged in cultivation and as boatmen. They lived outside the four-tier ritual varnasystem and thus were outcastes.
Etymology
There is a dearth of discussion as to the etymology of the word namasudra in pre-nineteenth-century Bengali literature and its period of origin is also undetermined. Several theories have been suggested but there is no broad consensus supporting any of them. Śekhara Bandyopādhyāẏa agrees with a Namasudra commentator that namasudra probably means "best among the Sudras, who were paid obeisance to".
Origins
The Namasudra community was earlier known as Chandala or Chandal, a term usually considered as a slur. They lived outside the four-tier ritual varna system and thus were outcastes and untouchables in the eyes of the Hindu community.
The community was traditionally engaged in fishing and as boatmen, in the marshy swamps of their native lands. Over the years, as the wetlands were reclaimed for agricultural purposes, they turned to peasant agriculture as a major occupation. Their economic condition was quite poor and rates of indebtedness quite high.
Colonial ethnography
Colonial ethnographers such as Herbert Hope Risley believed that the Chandals of their time were related to a tribe of the same name that existed in the Vedic Period. However, modern research disputes their opinion for a variety of reasons, including that the main habitat of the modern community in Eastern Bengal was largely outside the core region of Brahmanical civilisation, that regional texts did not refer to them as untouchables and indeed nor was untouchability rigidly practiced in Bengal. Furthermore, the modern community does not occupy the extreme lowest tier of the society, unlike the historical tribe, and their social status varied widely from region to region, especially with regard to their material wealth.
The more modern community comprises around twelve endogamous sub-castes, most of whom were derived from the occupational traits of the members and was entitled to differential social-status.[9] But the colonial ethnographers choose to coalesce several such low-ranking occupational sub-castes into one caste, without taking the regional variations into account and assigned a fixed social rank to of all Namasudra-Chandals, (something which Bernard Cohn later described as the "objectification" of colonial culture) and falsely stereotyped the entire community as universally despised.
Overall, the term Chandal was a generic term that was initially used to refer to broad groups of people belonging to diverse endogamous communities of similarly-despised social position but which later transformed into a caste name and was soon synomously used with the Namasudras.
Other views
Niharranjan Ray, a historian, believed that they have a closer relation with north Indian Brahmins, saying "they are of the same line as the Brahmans of north India; indeed there is a closer relation between the north Indian Brahmans and the Bengali Namahsudras than between the north Indian Brahmans and the Bengali Brahmans, Kayasthas and Vaidyas."
Identity movement
Transition to Namasudras
The creation of a single caste-cluster led to the beginning of the Namasudra Movement. It emphasised the commonality of low social status and that of being subject to oppression, among all the sub-castes and impressed upon them to stand up to the social authority of the high caste bhadraloks, a perceived common enemy, who were largely responsible for their poor conditions.
Libertarian social influences that were prevalent in the region across the eighteenth and nineteenth century are believed to have imparted a major impetus to the Namasudras, against social oppression. Islam followed by Christianity (which was widely prevalent in the Namasudra-belts, courtesy the missionaries) was majorly responsible for granting them a newer dimension of self-respect. The non-orthodox variants of the Bhakti movement, that aligned with the Sahajiya tradition and sought to encompass the downtrodden sections into the society, also catalysed the Namasudras, as a guiding faith.
Various local socio-religious figureheads (Kalachand Vidyalankar, Sahlal Pir, Keshab Pagal et al), who sought to repudiate the caste system, further impressed upon large sections of the Namasudra population.
The Namasudras, thus, successfully strived to carve out an autonomous niche in the social fabric of Bengal, where the distinction of caste was obliterated but that none from the Hindu bhadralok community did identify themselves with those sects, they were branded as exotic and subsequently came to be rejected by other sections of the society.
In the 1870s, the Chandals of Bakarganj and Faridpur started a boycott of caste Hindus, (apart from Brahmins), as a form of social-protest, when their higher caste neighbors refused to accept an invitation to dine from a Chandal headman. They passed a resolution that also called for prohibition against default-employment of Chandals in menial duties in state-jails and together, the call for boycott was spread in the name of an order from the government.Further that, any Chandal who did not abide by it was threatened with intra-community ostracism, the movement gained huge support across a wide region.
This first rebellion in the community in a bid to redefine the local power structure failed to garner much because the poorer Chandals had to return to their previous employers after a few months, often agreeing to more harrowing work conditions. The social discrimination continued. Joya Chatterjee says that henceforth they "battled continuously to improve their ritual position" in society and later claimed the "more respectable title of 'Namasudra' and Brahmin status".
It was within this context, that they underwent a transition from the Chandala to Namasudra identity. In 1891, the term Namasudras was recorded in the official census as a synonym for the Chandala(s) and by 1900, it had assumed immense social recognition, as people of the community clung to the new identity and tried to distance themselves from the imagery of the Chandals. In the very-initial stages, the elimination of differences across various sub-castes and the creation of lateral solidarity was one of the primary goals of the movement.Gradually, by the late nineteenth century, they came to constitute an organised middle peasantry community, with definite leaders and goals. These movements helped them seek upward mobility by infusing a sense of self-respect. They gradually demanded elevated social status, including a right of entry to Kayastha-organised pujas and a two-third share of the crops grown. They began to refuse to work for lower-caste Hindu and Muslim landlords and also boycotted the upper caste Hindus. Overall, Śekhara Bandyopādhyāẏa has noted a distinct theme of sanskritisation in the dynamics of the caste.
Meanwhile, the Matua sect, which was established by Harichand Thakur in the late nineteenth century among the community in the eastern India (and later organised by his son) played a major role in bringing cohesion to the Namasudra community, in terms of faith. Born to a devout Vaishnava family, he gained initial reputation as a spiritual healer and later claimed to be a reincarnation of God, with a duty to ensure salvation of the downtrodden] A cult was gradually developed, which opposed the idea of social hierarchy along with several other Hindu religio-cultural aspects (Gurubad, mantras, idol-worship etc.) and the spiritual aspects of Vedanta philosophy. Instead, a theme of social equality denouncing untouchability and gender discrimination was put forward. The devotional songs, that were sung in form of Kirtans and namgaan, also helped to collectively reinforce a common congregational identity among themselves.
Whilst the sect did play an important role in organising and propagating the social protests, the efforts to entirely subvert the Hindu society failed and the broader community soon returned to the theme of sanskritisation, whilst still ascribing to the other ideals of the sect.
Freedom movement
In colonial Bengal, the Namasudras constituted the second largest Hindu caste. Their interests differed from those pursuing nationalist politics against the British Raj from the time of the Swadeshi period (1905–11) and thus they did not participate much in that movement. That it was heralded by politicians from the high-caste bhadralok community, who cared little for the lower classes, further broadened the gaps.
In July 1905, the British government validated a proposal for partitioning Bengal along religious lines. Whilst the Congress protested this and asked for a total boycott of foreign goods, the Namasudras thought differently. A series of resolutions by community leaders and multiple submissions to British authorities during 1906 affirmed their complete support for the partition scheme, through which they hoped to obtain equal rights in the proposed eastern state where they, along with Muslims, dominated the populace. It was on this issue that the bhadralok politicians of Bengal faced the first resistance from a community previously insignificant in the broader polity of the nation.
Swadeshi leaders reacted by touring extensively in the Namasudra areas, trying to persuade them to join the agitation and, if that failed, bribing, intimidating and coercing them by such means as constructing schools. But the community leaders, including Guruchand, were steadfast against supporting a political movement that supposedly catered to the interests of the upper class and had no plan of social reform.
The colonial government often provided extensive economic patronage and took steps in reforming their social condition by constructing educational hostels, exclusive-schools et al. which penetrated deep down the community.This was in contrary to the nationalists who were too apathetic to these causes and seldom helped them, in their times of distress.
The Namasudras thus rejected the nationalist politics and instead, along with other untouchable castes continued their independent social movement that increasingly self-asserted their independence from the upper castes and threatened to distort the Hindu-societal-structure.Subsequently, the nationalists sought to align themselves, at-least orally, with the cause of depressed classes.
Post-arrival of Gandhiji in the political landscape, as nationalist politics choose to encompass the entire populace of the nation and gradually transcended into mass-movements, parties started extensive lobbying for the causes of the Namasudra.
This was first visible in 1913, as to the setting up a hostel for the students from Namasudra community in Kolkata, who faced immense hardship in securing lodging facilities. Ironically, whilst it was the extensive nationalist lobbying throughout the years that persuaded the colonial government to implement the proposal in 1918, the colonial government took advantage of the ignorance of the general masses as to the proceedings that happened behind the door and usurped an image of benevolence.This further drifted the community away from nationalist causes.
The same events happened in another case, when the Depressed Classes Mission, (which worked for nationalist causes) and ran about 60 schools in different parts of Bengal, for the Namasudra community and other backward classes was gradually inculcated as an agency of the colonial government, after it applied for a government grant to overcome fund shortage. The Namasudra community was unaware of these institutional developments and all the good work that was done by the Mission, was attributed to the colonial government.
The Namsudras maintained a more aggressive anti-nationalist stance during the Home-rule Movement.They saw the movement as a plan, hatched among the upper-caste leaders, to snatch the minimal levels of power that has been assigned to them by the colonial government and claimed the Congress leaders to be a small band of vociferous people from organised castes, without any touch to reality.
A meeting of Namasudra delegates, who were supposedly elected, in a democratic manner from different regions of Bengal, passed a resolution that the community would be loyal to the crown and that it supported Montague-Chelmsford reforms, in the sense that further distribution of powers would re-concentrate power in a few hands and would not lead to any progress for the backward castes. The nationalists promised the establishment of equality, democracy and reforms in the new home-ruled-state but failed to instill any confidence within the community.
At the 1917 session of Congress, a resolution was passed that emphasised "the necessity, justice and righteousness of removing all disabilities imposed by custom on the Depressed Classes"> One Namasudra delegate was convinced to support the demand for Home-Rule but the community generally was not swayed by mere symbolic actions and the delegate was subsequently criticised as a Congress stooge.
Even in the 1920s when mass-nationalism affected the entire country and Gandhi extensively campaigned to include the lower strata of society in the Congress fold, Namasudra-dominated districts were mostly unaffected. The leaders of the movement steadfastly rejected whiffs of nationalism, which they believed to be another tool designed for the interests of wealthy upper-caste Bhadraloks. Resolutions were again passed that supported the British confederacy and in some places the Namasudras actively helped the colonial government to foil Congress.
The colonial government further satisfied the community, as it introduced reservation(s) for the lower-classes in provincial services, thus providing employment opportunities and vouched for a proper representation of them. The Government of India Act of 1919 provided for the inclusion of a depressed classes representative among the nominated non-official members of the Bengal Legislative Council. Meanwhile, Congress hardly invested any ground efforts, other than at verbal lobbying and behind-the-scenes work and much of their work were horribly ill-timed.In the Khulna famine of 1920, whilst the colonial government sought to mobilize relief, the Congress went on to continue the Non-cooperation at full zeal and was blamed for increasing the fatalities.
The Bengal Namasudra Conference in 1922 and 1923 further heightened the anti-nationalist stance and planned a definite agenda that encompassed both social and political upliftment of the community.Whilst, Gandhi attracted some admirers due to his social stances, his views offered no political aspirations for the leaders, which were an easy way to status and wealth.There was a considerable majority in the first conference that supported the nationalist causes including widow-remarriage and boycott of foreign goods, managing to bring the proceedings to a halt but had trickled down to a negligible minority, in the second.
But, as the elections took place in 1923, the Namasudra leadership was found to be much less efficient as to mobilizing the average voters to partake in modern-day-politics. Subsequently, they lost all the seats, even in the electorates where the Namasudras heavily dominated the numbers.This was also attributed to the developments of fissures in the movement, that was extremely united thus far, when two famed Namasudra leaders switched loyalties to the Swaraj Party and a division began to form along nationalist lines.
The steadfast attitude towards nationalism, throughout the years, that owed more to the need of a voice of protest against the oppressive higher castes than to the benefits provided by the British government, was crumbling down gradually and fissures were beginning to develop.
The Hindu solidarity soon followed in realizing that the alienation of lower-castes might hamper its plans of offering a united opposition against the British and the Muslims, as conversions became abundant and threatened to dwindle the numbers of Hindus. Subsequently, the All India Hindu Mahasabha, Bharat Sevasram Sangha et al. actively started to mobilise the lower-caste people.
In the late 1930s, especially after the Poona Pact, the Namasudras of Bengal Presidency increasingly adhered to a loyalist stance to the British Government, which was supposedly its best chance to upgrade their socio-economic condition and all throughout and they consistently remained alienated from the nationalist politics.
Overall, numerous measures were taken over the course of years to alleviate the concerns of the community and to ensure that they were gradually inculcated into the nationalist political-fabric of the nation. Un-touch-ability was propounded as a vice and there were campaigns for providing them with better social rights.The Congress also contributed to these causes via their political programs, largely for the same goals.
The Dalit of Bengal, thus became intrinsically involved in the Partition movement, and the Namsudras along with Rajbanshis became the two groups that majorly dominated Dalit politics in the province.
According to Bandyopādhyāẏa, the aim of the Hindu campaign, throughout the years, was to merely induce the lower castes record themselves as Hindus, which would inflate their numbers and thus, assist them in the redistribution of provinces during partition of the nation rather than to harvest a social reform. The main aim was to agglomerate the lower castes in the fold of Hindus and unitedly fight against the Muslim and the British.
It propagandised the local peasant-rebellions between Namasudras and Muslim community across Dacca et al. with religious colors thereby increasing communal tensions and prospects of partition. In some places, the Namasudras even sided with Muslims against the socio-economic oppression of Hindu zamindars but it was again branded as a communal riot. The Bengal Congress also contributed to the cause. Nonetheless, the organised efforts to articulate the Hindu identity somewhat worked and some of the riots did have a religious flavor.
Gradually, whilst many leaders of the caste-movement increasingly associated with the Hindu narrative, and many Namasudras associated with the views of the Hindu solidarity, there was still a lack of consensus among the masses.In fact, there was a strong discontent among Namasudras that they have been supposedly cheated by the enumerators of the 1941 census where they were recorded as Hindus instead of mere Namasudras.
But, by 1947, a majority of Namasudras actively associated them with the Hindus and that the partition was inevitable, their primary aim was to keep their habitat- the districts of Bakarganj, Faridpur, Jessore and Khulna within the Hindu majority province of West Bengal. But they managed to maintain a separate caste identity throughout.
Ultimately, the efforts of the campaign failed to achieve much of its desired goal because districts that were mostly inhabited by Namasudras went to East Bengal despite vehement protestations by them.
Overall, whilst these attempts at altering the social situation improved things to some extent, discrimination was still markedly abundant and the domination by upper castes continued even post-independence.
Post-independence
Migration to India
Whilst an assemblage of relatively well-off Namasudras immediately migrated to India, using their resources of property, the poorer community members stayed. Śekhara Bandyopādhyāẏa notes that despite Jinnah's promise of equality for all, they were soon subjected to "a process of 'Othering'" as the state sought for "greater Islamisation of the polity" and that the upper-caste-Hindus had almost all left East Bengal, the communal agitation was now solely directed against the lower-caste and untouchable Hindus. An acute economic crisis in some districts, coinciding with a labour-surplus market and the Muslim landlords preferring to employ coreligionists, was another mitigating factor. All these, coupled with numerous provocations ranging from unlawful occupation of land to public humiliation of women and direct instruction to leave the country, led to a build-up of insecurity among the Namasudras.
From around January 1950, the Namasudra peasants decided to migrate to India in large numbers and this continued until 1956, with about 10,000 refugees entering every month. Retaliatory communal violence across both sides of the border also contributed to the cause. There was again a mass migration after the Hazratbal riot in 1964. A police intelligence report in June 1952 reported that "About 95 per cent of the refugees are Namasudras".
Condition in India
Whilst most of the Namasudra refugees who arrived after 1950, were automatically designated as cultivators without any means for survival and were thus dispatched to official refugee camps, some did independently settle across villages in Nadia, Basirhat et al. The latter were often involved in violent fracases with the local Muslims and cross-border communal rivalries, in search of land and livestock, were reported too. That they had to also contend with the local Hindu upper castes, made the situation worse.
Those who were dispatched to the refugee camps spend months in imposed idleness whilst being rewarded with a meager cash dole and weekly ration. They were restricted from going out of the camps, look for jobs or interact with the local population, who were often deeply suspicious of the refugees. Thereafter, they started mobilizing themselves under the umbrage of Bastuhara Samitis (refugee associations) and other leaders like Ramendra Kishor Mullick, who claimed to be close to P. R. Thakur and Manohar Roy, who claimed himself to be a right-hand man of Jogen Mandal to protest against the camp administration in a variety of forms.
Finally, the government, in early 1956 announced the Dandakaranya Scheme of rehabilitating them in a region consisting of 78,000 square miles of inhospitable unirrigated land in the tribal areas of Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. The scheme was compulsory, pending which the refugee camps were to be closed down. Some were also rehabilitated to neighboring provinces of Assam, Bihar, Orissa and the Andaman Islands.
The schemes were heavily protested and in March–April 1958, umbrella-refugee-organisations (United Central Refugee Council (UCRC) and the Sara Bangla Bastuhara Samiti (SBBS)) organised satyagraha campaigns, with political patronage, that lasted for about a month and resulted in the arrests of 30,000 refugees. Most were camp-refugees and 70 percent of them were Namasudras.
Gradually, the campaign, as to an acceptable solution of the refugee issues began to lose momentum as the organisations were more interested in exploiting the refugee-base, as an exercise in electoral constituency building for the political parties.
By 1965, 7,500 refugee families were forcibly settled there and because of their dispersal, the Namasudras, who were till-then a closely knit community, as to local-geography, lost their capacity to organise powerful protest movements. The conditions across Dandakaranya camps were extremely poor and that the refugees not only failed to integrate with the native Adivasis but also had to deal with a corrupt government mechanism made survival more difficult.
Bandyopādhyāẏa has noted that throughout the times, the Namasudras whilst existing in the refugee camps, did not articulate their caste identity; they along with all others shared the common tag of refugees. And that this led a large section of the Dalit-community to lose their distinctive and autonomous political voice. But, nevertheless some means (following different rituals et al.) were adopted by them to distinguish from other castes and maintain a conscious identity of their original identity.
Thakurnagar
A prominent Namasudra leader, Pramatha Ranjan Thakur, who was once elected to the Constituent Assembly with Congress support and opposed reservation for the Scheduled Castes whilst advocating drastic social reforms, emerged as a political and spiritual figure-head during the refugee crisis. He was the guru of the Matua Mahasangha (MM), which his great-grandfather had established, and thus had a huge following among the Namasudras. In December 1947, he purchased a piece of land in North 24-Parganas, about 63 km (39 mi) from Calcutta, between Chandpara and Gobordanga, and started a venture for purposes of refugee rehabilitation. This led to the establishment of Thakurnagar, the first Dalit-refugee colony in India started by Dalits themselves. The locality grew in size and within the next ten years, more than 50,000 Dalit refugees, mostly Namasudras, had settled in what became a major cultural centre for them.
Marichjhapi
The Congress government of West Bengal during the refugee crisis was widely perceived as anti-refugee because of its position regarding rehabilitation. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPIM), as the main opposition party, opposed the government's dispersal policy and demanded rehabilitation of refugees in the uninhabited islands of Sunderban, thus gaining a following among the Namasudra refugees.
In 1977, as CPI(M) became the governing party, almost 150,000 refugees returned to West Bengal from Dandakaranya. By now, the economy was in a poor state and the CPIM arranged deportation of many of them back to Dandakaranya. However, a group of about 30,000 refugees managed to infiltrate the Sunderbans and establish a settlement at Marichjhapi, which included such things as schools, health centres, and fishing industries. The government declared the establishment to be illegal, as a contravention of the prohibitions on permanent settlement in the Forest Acts, and asked them to abandon the settlement to protect the ecological diversity of the region.
As the persuasion failed to convince them, beginning 26 January 1979, the local police, on the behest of the government undertook drastic measures which included razing the dwellings of the islanders, destroying fisheries, tube-wells et al. and complete-blockading of the island. despite considerable criticism from the press and a restraining order from the High Court. Boats of escaping refugees were sank and mass-firing were also reported, which led to numerous casualties over the course of next few days.
Finally, as the efforts by the local-police-machinery failed to address the issue in its entirety, the Government ordered a forcible evacuation of the refugees in a 48-hour span from 14 May 1979 to 16 May 1979, in what was called the Marichjhapi Massacre by the scholarly community. Several hundred refugees died in numerous police-firings whilst many more perished as a result of starvation, exhaustion et al. Usage of mercenaries and mass-rapes were also reported.No criminal charges were laid against anyone and the Scheduled Castes and Tribes Commission, in its annual report denied the happening of any atrocity on the Untouchables in Bengal.
Modern day politics and status
MM has transformed itself into a major socio-religious organisation and has one of its major aims as to mobilization of the dispersed Namasudra community and to convert Thakurnagar into a new cultural and spiritual hub for a Namasudra renaissance. In 2010, it claimed to have nearly 50 million members, belonging to 100 to 120 thousand families.
On the occasion of baruni mela – the major festival of the sect – lakhs of devotees from all over India were reported to visit Thakurnagar, in the sort of an annual pilgrimage.
The members of the community have been reported to have fared quite well, post 1980 but despite their educational and social progress, the class remained politically marginal for a long span of time but have often actively negotiated with mainstream political parties for political empowerment.
Beginning the utilization of the network of the MMS, by All India Trinamool Congress, (which included nominating family members of PR Thakur as MLAs), the group managed to establish an independent identity in politics. AITMC did succeed in consolidating Matua votes in its favor in the 2011 state-elections and the consolidation has been attributed to be a cause behind its decisive victory in the South Bengal seats.
पासी जाति
पासी कौंन होते है ?
Indian Pasi Society
The title of my article is Indian Pasi Society. Will you come to mind whether there is Pasi outside India too, which I have written a lot of Pasi society. So yes there is no society outside India in the name of Pasi but Pasi name in some countries. It is popular. Searching the internet, it is found that some people in America write the name Passi and the name Passi is known as King or Royal. The name Passi is named after boys. People use it but some people keep the name Pasi in America. This is true. And there is also the name Pasi which means King. When you did some more searching, the original name of Pasi was found on different sites. Some Americans are telling some Greece and some Australians are also telling, but the most powerful point is that of Greece, which tells in detail how this word was born. The BAISL and basil from BASILUS create words.
The word BASILEUS was used in ancient Greece to mean war or king or royal family. The word BASILEUS is derived from the word BASIL and is derived from PASI and the word is associated with royal or royal or king. Such information is available on the Internet. But no site of Pasi has been shown to be connected with India in any country, at least I have not found it. I think maybe because India does not have a name Pasi but rather one goes. But there is a similarity that people of Indian Pasi society also associate themselves with the Royal dynasty, because for several hundred years around the 10th century. Pasi kings ruled over a large part of India, among those kings, many mighty kings like Maharaja Bijli Pasi, Maharaja Satan Pasi Maharaja Lakhan Pasi Maharaja Suhail Dev Pasi Area ruled.
During the search on the Internet, the use of the word Pasi was found in many countries, however, no one has been able to form an opinion on the meaning of Pasi here, different information has been given on different sites, but one thing which is common in all places is that In other parts of the world too, Pasi is being considered as the Royal King or warrior, as in our country now Pasi society is adding after knowing its history. Yes, come forward to write so he researched about Pasi past Pasi revealed about Maharajao King of society and about the King Maharajao today has written several books.
The history of Pasi society still has its mark in the whole of North India like Maharaja Lakhan Pasi, the creator of Lucknow city, capital of North India. The huge remains of the Maharaja Bijli Pasi Fort have been found in the heart of Lucknow city, which is protected by the Government of Uttar Pradesh. The statue of Devi Pasi, who killed many Britishers in the freedom struggle, has been installed in Lucknow today. About which historians of the Pasi society have written in books about Pasi history. But here I am talking about some untouched aspects which I found during the search on the internet. There is an airport port in our country in the name of Pasighat in our country in Arunachal Pradesh which most people of Pasi society do not know about. .
There is an entire city by the name of Pasi City, in the country of Philippines, although not much information was found about the name Pasi, but you will search Pasi City, then a city in the Philippines country gets to know about this Pasi City. While searching on Wikipedia, while searching for the information of the word Passi, it is found that the origin of the word Passi is made up of two Sanskrit words Pa + Assi, in which Pa means paw in Sanskrit and Assi means sword. Pasi, by the way, comes out as a sword, or a sword eagle or a symbol of war.
This fact is not only related to the history of the Pasi kings Maharajas but also after the end of the reign of the Pasi kings, they served in the armies of many kings. They were good fighters and therefore were among the bodyguard members of the kings. In fighting with this society, this society took a lot of iron, that is why the British had imposed the Act on this society to control this society. Which in later years had a very bad effect on this society and this Pasi society fell behind the mainstream.
Today, the Pasi society in India has been divided into many sub-castes and surnames. Today, most people of the Pasi society of India put Pasi, Saroj, Rawat, Cathwas in front of the name. To know that there is a lot of Pasi and sub-caste, you have to know about Pasi historians. Reading books will read.
Today, the Indian Pasi society finds itself isolated, it declares itself to be a Shudra, but it considers itself to be a Kshatriya on the basis of the Pasi king Maharaja of history. In India, all the castes of Hindu religion support in any kind of work of Hindu society like washing of clothes, washing hair, cutting hair, blacksmith, carpenter etc., Brahmin Shik This should protect and worship, and Kshatriya throne, to war and force. The Pasi society Kanha fits in this. The closest the Pasi society finds itself is the Kshatriya. Today the youth of the Pasi society today want to know its history.
In this direction, I did some research and some new information that I got, which is presented to you through this article. If you have invited the suggestions of the people or if there is any error, please indicate the need.
Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own
Churning on the problems of Pasi society in many states including Uttar Pradesh
Special Correspondent, State Headquarters. The All India Pasi Samaj has expressed its displeasure over the allotment of the graveyard land at the eastern gate of Raja Bijli Pasi Fort located in Bangla Bazaar, Lucknow, by the Lucknow Development Authority to someone else.
At the meeting of the national executive of the organization in the development block located in Gomtinagar here on Sunday, the national president RA Prasad said that the account number-1000 of the dice graveyards at the eastern gate of the fort of Raja Bijli Pasi located in Bangla Bazaar, Lucknow city. Is marked in
The cemetery land cannot be allotted to anyone as per the rules. The Lucknow Development Authority has allotted this cemetery land to a land mafia in violation of the law.
Time has been sought from the Governor on this subject. Through them, the Uttar Pradesh government will be demanded to cancel the allocation of cremation ground. Mr. Prasad said that the government is neglecting to maintain the fort of Raja Bijli Pasi located in Bangla Bazaar of Lucknow city. This is not going to be tolerated. In Andhra Pradesh, the dice have been declared as backward caste, while Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra, close to Andhra, have been declared as Pasi. In Andhra, the Pasis are not getting any benefit from the Scheduled Castes. This point was considered. It was decided that this matter should be taken up in the Lok Sabha. Also, the demand letter should be sent to the Scheduled Castes Commission. The meeting considered measures to deal with these problems. It was decided that contact should be made with the Chief Ministers of Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh to cancel this unreasonable demand.
In this meeting, various problems of Pasi society were discussed in various states including Uttar Pradesh. In the resolution passed in this meeting chaired by the national president of the organization RA Prasad, it has been said that caste certificates are not being easily issued to the passers in Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh. A certificate of staying in the state for a period of 40-50 years is being sought from them.
पासी जाती की उत्पत्ति
बड़े विद्वनो ने पासियों की उत्पति नागवंशी भारशिवा के तच्छक (टाकवंश) से माना है पासी नागवंशी छत्रिय है ,जो शिव के उपासक है जिनकी परंपरा आज भी देखि जा सकती है पद्मावती के भारशिवा जो बाद में दण्ड पासी से राजपासी में टूट गयी ,और यही राजपासी अवध के बड़े भू भाग पर अपना छत्र राज कायम किया , 945 - 1370 तक पासियो का अवध में एक छ्त्र राज था ,जिनका संघर्ष तुर्को ,खिलजियों, राजपूतो से हुवा निरन्तर हुवे मुस्लिमऔर राजपूती आक्रमण से छतिग्रस्त हो गए अंत में राजा लहरी पासी जो 1398 से 1416 ईस्वी तुर्को से अपनी राज छीन कर आज़ाद करा के 18 वर्षों तक स्वतंत्र रखा
तुगलकों के नाम पर बसे तुगलकाबाद का नाम बदल कर लहर पुर रख दिया जो शहर आज भी है पासी | पासी | पासी | पासी | पासी | पासी | पासी |पासी जो बाद में बहुत बड़े युद्ध में राजा लहरी वीरगति हुवे ,और उनके बाद पासियो की स्थति पहले से भिन्न हो गयी जो बाद सन 1770 के करीब सरदार पासी खुम्मा रावत के पौत्र राजा गंगाबाक्स रावत के रूप में पासियों में राजा बन कर बाराबंकी के बड़े इलाकेपर राज किया जिनका युद्ध अंग्रेजो से हुवा ,प्रथम युद्ध में अंग्रेज हार गए . पासी मुख्या भूमि से बेदखल हो गए और जंगलो के बड़े भू भाग को साफ करके अपनी सरदार के रूप में राज करते रहे
कृपया ध्यान दे सबसे पहली बात मैं आपको बता देना चाहता हूं
राजभर और पासी का एक छोटा विवाद है लेकिन राजभर लोग इसे एक बड़ा प्रारूप देना चाहते हैं और जिस गजट सरकारी किताबों की बात करते हैं राजा सुहेलदेव पासी को अलग बताते हैं पूरे भर को अलग बताते हैं उसी सरकारी किताबों यानी कि सरकारी गजट ईयर में भर पासी की उपजाति है भर ही पासी है भर का दूसरा नाम पासी है यह साफ-साफ लिखा हुआ है
अंग्रेजों ने फूट डालो राज करो की नीति के तहत पासी जाति को तोड़ने के लिए इनकी अलग कैटेगरी दस्तावेजों में बना दिया बल्कि सच्चाई इसका उल्टा है आज भी भर आपने आप को पासी मानता है जिस तरह से गजट ईयर में ( अरख पासी का और खटीक पासी का ) जिक्र मिलता है और यह भी मिलता है कि अरख पासी कैसे अलग हुए, खटीक पासीवो से कैसे अलग हुए, उसी तरीके से भर और पासी दरअसल क्षेत्र के हिसाब से नाम है दोनों जातियां एक हैं और इसीलिए दोनों की समनताए एक है लेकिन आज के समय कुछ राजभर लोग इस पर राजनीति कर रहे हैं बल्कि गजट ईयर में साफ साफ तौर पर लिखा है की कि भर पासी है
खटीक पासी
दरअसल मैं आपकी जानकारी के लिए बता दूं आप अपनी जाति में खुद पूछ लें अगर आप यादव ठाकुर पंडित ब्राह्मण हैं तो जैसा आपको पता होगा कि हर जाति में 7 जाति होती है उसी प्रकार से पासी जाति में 7 जाति होती है हर क्षेत्र के हिसाब से आप या याद रखिएगा कि पूर्वांचल में पासी जाति में कई उप जाति आती है उसी प्रकार से पश्चिम में आते हैं और ब्रिटिश रिपोर्टों के अनुसार उत्तर प्रदेश में 26 जातियां पासी जाति के उपजाति हैं 1. राजपासी 2. बौरासी 3. कैथवास पासी 4. गूजरपासी 5. भर पासी 6. अरख पासी ( कमानी,मोठी , त्रिशूलीया ,व्याधा, बहेलिया, रावत, प्रहरी, घुड़चड़ा , चिडिमार, महापासी,) आदि जातियां जो आज भी अपने आपको पासी मानती है
इन्हीं सब बातों से अंदाजा लगाते हुए अंग्रेजों ने पासी जाति को कई टुकड़ों में बांट दिया उनके समय काल में पासी कुछ जातियां जानबूझकर अलग की गई दस्तावेजों में लिखी गई बस विवाद यही है आज के समय में जो जातियों को एक होने की पहल करनी चाहिए वही यह लोग एकता को तोड़ने का काम कर रही है और माहौल खराब करने की कोशिश कर रहे हो
ब्रिटिश समय काल में पासी जाति के लोग राजा रजवाड़ों तालुकदार और नवाबों के सेना में और उनकी सैनिक व्यवस्था में और उनकी प्रशासन में नियुक्त थे और खुद पासी लोग तालुकदार और राजा रहे जो अंग्रेजों के विरुद्ध लड़ते रहे , यानी कि अवध के तालुकदारी और राजाओं के यहां सेना में पासी होने के कारण जब यह पासी उनके लिए खतरा हुए तो अंग्रेजो ने कुटिल चालों से पासी जाति को तोड़ने का कार्य किया और साफ-साफ लिखा- ( पासी को भविष्य में निर्दयता पूर्वक दबाने की सख्त जरूरत है ) और अंग्रेजों ने अपने दस्तावेजों में लिखा है की अवध में जितने भी तालुकदार हैं 3000,4000 पासी सैनिक रखते है
राजपासी राजा कंस पहला part - 1Er. R. S. Rawat
सन 1850 से लेकर 1871 तक पासियों पर अंग्रेजों ने प्रतिबंध लगाए थे मगर सन 1871 से बहुत ही कड़ी प्रतिबंध लगा दिए जिसकी बदौलत भारत की अन्य ओबीसी जातियां और श्रवण समाज के लोग डर के कारण पासियों से दूरी बनाए लगे इसी डर के कारण पासियों से दूरी बनाने के कारण लोग उसे छुआछूत समझते हैं मगर ऐसा नहीं था वह सब अंग्रेजों का डर था जो दूसरी ओबीसी जातियां और ब्राह्मण का ठाकुरों में थी । इस वजह से ऐसा भेदभाव हुआ आप अगर अध्ययन करेंगे अंग्रेजों के लिखे गजट इयर्स और उनके द्वारा की गई यात्राओं का तो उसमें साफ-साफ लिखा है कि पासी जाति प्रजा में कभी नहीं आती थी जैसे कि दूसरी ओबीसी जातियां यादव कुर्मी आदि जातियां आती थी। प्रजा में मगर पासी जाति प्रजा में नहीं आती थी इससे आप क्या मतलब निकाल सकते हैं। पासी जाति सबसे टर्बूलेंट कास्ट यानी कि उग्र जाती थी जिसने अंग्रेजो के नाक में दम कर रखा था ऐसी दबंग जाति से कौन पंगा लेता किसी में भी हिम्मत नहीं थी किसी पासी के साथ पंगा ले सके मगर जब अंग्रेजों ने एक्ट लागू कर दिया उसके बाद जातियों ने थोड़ी दूरी बना ली । इस वजह से बढ़ते बढ़ते दो चार पीढ़ियों तक आते-आते भेदभाव होने लगा बस।
Turuk Pasi
From Wikipedia
Turuk PasiRegions with significant populations
India
Languages
• Hindi • Urdu • Bhojpuri
Religion
• Islam
Related ethnic groups
• Pasi
The Turuk Pasi are a Muslim community found in the state of Bihar in India.
History and origin
The Turuk Pasi are converts to Islam from the Pasi. There traditional occupation was tapping toddy from palm trees. They are Sunni Muslims and found in the districts of Patna, Hajipur, Saran and Muzaffarpur. The Turuk Pasi speak Bhojpuri and Urdu. Little is known about the circumstances of their conversion to Islam.
Present circumstances
The traditional occupation of the Turuk Pasi remains toddy-tapping. They are issued licences by the government to collect toddy. Some work on daily wages as labourers. Rearing of cattle and poultry are important subsidiary occupations.
Billava Samaaj
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Billava, Billoru, Biruveru people are an ethnic group of India. They are found traditionally in coastal Karnataka and engaged in toddy tapping, cultivation and other activities. They have used both missionary education and Sri Narayana Guru's reform movement to upgrade themselves.
Etymology and origins
L. K. Ananthakrishna Iyer recounted the community's belief that billava means bowmen and that it "applied to the castemen who were largely employed as soldiers by the native rulers of the district". Edgar Thurston had reached a similar conclusion in 1909.
The Billavas are first recorded in inscriptions dating from the fifteenth century AD but Amitav Ghosh notes that "... this is merely an indication of their lack of social power; there is every reason to suppose that all the major Tuluva castes share an equally long history of settlement in the region". The earliest epigraphy for the Tuluva Bunt community dates to around 400 years earlier.
Language
Linguistic map of the Madras Presidency, ca. 1913.
There is a complex linguistic environment in Tulu Nadu, which is the area of India to which the Billavas trace their origin. A compact geographic area, Tulu Nadu lies on the coastal belt of Karnataka and Kerala and has natural boundaries in the form of the Arabian Sea, the hills of the Western Ghats and the rivers Suvarna and Chandragiri. It includes the South Canara district of Karnataka and the Kasaragod area of Kerala, which were formerly united for administrative purposes within the Madras Presidency. Although many languages and dialects are traditionally to be found there—for example, Tulu, Kannada, Konkani and Marathi—it is the first two of these that are common throughout, and of those two it is Tulu that gave rise to the region's name.
Traditionally, Kannada is used in formal situations such as education, while Tulu is the lingua franca used in everyday communication. Tulu is more accepted as the primary language in the north of the Tulu Nadu region, with the areas south of the Netravati river demonstrating a more traditional, although gradually diminishing, distinction between that language and the situations in which Kannada is to be preferred. A form of the Tulu language known as Common Tulu has been identified, and this is spreading as an accepted standard for formal communication. Although four versions of it exist, based on geographic demarcations and also the concentration of various caste groups within those areas, that version which is more precisely known as Northern Common Tulu is superseding the other three dialects. As of 1998 the Brahmin community use Common Tulu only to speak with those outside their own caste, while communities such as the Bunts, Billavas and Gouds use it frequently, and the tribal communities are increasingly abandoning their own dialects in favour of it.
William Logan's work Manual of Malabar, a publication of the British Raj period, recognised the Billavas as being the largest single community in South Canara, representing nearly 20 per cent of that district's population.
Marriage, death and inheritance
The Billavas practised the matrilineal system of inheritance known as Aliya Kattu or Aliya Santana. Ghosh describes that this system entailed that "men transmit their immovable property, not to their own children, but matrilineally, to their sister's children."
Iyer described the rules regarding marriage as
A Billava does not marry his sister's daughter or mother's sister's daughter. He can marry his paternal aunt's or maternal uncle's daughter. Two sisters can be taken in marriage simultaneously or at different times. Two brothers can marry two sisters.
Marriage of widows was permitted but the wedding ritual in such cases was simplified. An amended version of the ceremony was also used for situations where an illegitimate child might otherwise result: the father had to marry the pregnant woman in such circumstances.
Women were considered to be ritually polluted at the time of their first menstrual cycle and also during the period of pregnancy and childbirth.
The Billava dead are usually cremated, although burial occurs in some places, and there is a ritual pollution period observed at this time also. The Billava community is one of a few in India that practice posthumous marriage. Others that do so include the Badagas, Komatis and the Todas.
Subgroups
All of the Tuluva castes who participate fully in Bhuta worship also have loose family groupings known as balis. These groups are also referred to as "septs", and are similar to the Brahmin gotras except that their membership is based on matrilineal rather than patrilineal descent. Iyer noted 16 balis within the Billava community and that some of these had further subdivisions. Thurston said of these exogamous Billava groups that "There is a popular belief that these are sub-divisions of the twenty balis which ought to exist according to the Aliya Santana system (inheritance of the female line)."
Worship of Bhutas
A Paravar devil-dancer, ca. 1909.
The Billavas were among the many communities to be excluded from the Hindu temples of Brahmins and they traditionally worship spirits in a practice known as Bhuta Kola. S. D. L. Alagodi wrote in 2006 of the South Canara population that "Among the Hindus, a little over ten per cent are Brahmins, and all the others, though nominally Hindus, are really propitiators or worshippers of tutelary deities and bhutas or demons."
The venues for Bhuta Kola are temple structures called Bhutasthana or Garidi as well as numerous shrines. The officiators at worship are a subcaste of Billavas, known as Poojary (priest), and their practices are known as pooja. Iyer noted that families often have a place set aside in their home for the worship of a particular Bhuta and that the worship in this situation is called Bhuta Nema.
Iyer, who considered the most prevalent of the Billava Bhutas to be the twin heroes Koti and Chennayya, also described the spirits as being of people who when living had
... acquired a more than usual local reputation whether for good or evil, or had met with a sudden or violent death. In addition to these, there are demons of the jungle, and demons of the waste, demons who guard the village boundaries, and demons whose only apparent vocation is that of playing tricks, such as throwing stones on houses and causing mischief generally.
More recently, Ghosh has described a distinction between the Bhuta of southern India, as worshipped by the Billavas, and the similarly named demons of the north
In northern India the word bhuta generally refers to a ghost or a malign presence. Tulu bhutas, on the other hand, though they have their vengeful aspects, are often benign, protective figures, ancestral spirits and heroes who have been assimilated to the ranks of minor deities.
Bhuta Kola is a cult practised by a large section of Tulu Nadu society, ranging from landlords to the Dalits, and the various hierarchical strands all have their place within it. While those at the top of this hierarchical range provide patronage, others such as the Billava provide the practical services of officiating and tending the shrines, while those at the bottom of the hierarchy enact the rituals, which include aspects akin to the regional theatrical art forms known as Kathakali and Yakshagana. For example, the pooja rituals include devil-dancing, performed by the lower class Paravar or Naike, and the Bunts – who were historically ranked as superior to the Billava– rely upon the Poojary to officiate.
There was a significance in the Bunt landholdings and the practice of Bhuta worship. As the major owners of land, the Bunts held geographic hubs around which their tenant farmers and other agricultural workers were dispersed. The Billavas, being among the dispersed people, were bonded to their landlords by the necessities of livelihood and were spread so that they were unable to unite in order to assert authority. Furthermore, the Bhuta belief system also provided remedies for social and legal issues: it provided a framework for day-to-day living.
Thurston noted that Baidya was a common name among the community, as was Poojary. He was told that this was a corruption of Vaidya, meaning a physician.
Traditional occupations
A Billava toddy tapper, ca. 1909
Heidrun Brückner describes the Billavas of the nineteenth century as "frequently small tenant farmers and agricultural labourers working for Bunt landowners." Writing in 1930, Iyer described the community as being involved mostly in toddy tapping, although they also had involvements in agriculture and in some areas were so in the form of peasant tenant landholders known as raiyats. This was echoed in a report of the Indian Council of Agricultural Research of 1961, which said that "The Billavas are concentrated mostly in South Kanara district. Though toddy tappers by profession, they rely mostly on cultivation. They are generally small landowners or lessees ..."
According to Ghosh, "By tradition, [the Billavas] are also associated with the martial arts and the single most famous pair of Tuluva heroes, the brothers Koti-Chennaya, are archetypal heroes of the caste who symbolize the often hostile competition between the Billavas and the Bunts." Neither Thurston nor Iyer make any reference to this claim.
Culture
Tuluva paddanas are sung narratives which are part of several closely related singing traditions, similar to Vadakkan Pattukal (Northern ballads) of northern Kerala and which may be considered ballads, epics or ritual songs (depending on the context or purpose for which they are sung). The community has special occasions in which it is traditional to sing paddanas. They will sing the Paddana of Koti-Chennaya during a ceremony on the eve of a marriage. Women who sing the song in the fields will sing those verses appropriate for the young heroes.
Social changes
The Billava community suffered ritual discrimination under the Brahmanic system—of which the caste system in Kerala was perhaps the most extreme example until the twentieth century. They were, however, allowed to live in the same villages as Brahmins.
Some Billavas had seen the possibility of using religion as a vehicle for the social advancement of their community, as the Paravars had previously attempted in their conversion to Christianity. The British had wrested the region from the control of Tipu Sultan in 1799, as a consequence of the Fourth Anglo-Mysore War, and in 1834 the Christian Basel Mission arrived in Mangalore. These evangelists were among the first to take advantage of a relaxation of rules that had prevented non-British missionaries from working in India, and theirs was the first Protestant mission of any nationality in the area. They initially condemned the caste system because it was an inherent part of the Hindu religion and therefore must be wrong, but they came to see the divisions caused by it as being evil in their own right and took to undermining it as a matter of social justice. They considered the stratification of the caste system as being contrary to Christian values, which proclaimed that all were equal in the eyes of God. These missionaries had some success in converting native people, of which those converted from among the Billavas formed the "first and largest group". Brückner describes the Billavas as being "the strongest group among the converts" and that, along with the Bunts, they were "the mainstays of the popular local religion, and the mission was probably induced by this target group to occupy itself with its practices and oral literature."
Alagodi notes that the
... motives for conversion were not always purely religious. Support against oppression by landlords and money lenders, hope for better social standards, education for their children, chances of employment in the mission's firms, the prospect of food provision, clothing, shelter and a decent state of life—such motives might have contributed to their decision for baptism. The chief motive, however, seems to have been a revolt against the social order dominated by demons or bhutas. The conversion offered them forgiveness of sin and liberation from the social conditions that would hold them back if they remained in the Hindu fold. ... Many people thought that the God of the missionaries was greater and more powerful than the demons.
However, the conversion of Billavas to Christianity did not always run smoothly. The Basel missionaries were more concerned with the quality of those converted than with the quantity. In 1869 they rejected a proposition that 5000 Billavas would convert if the missionaries would grant certain favours, including recognition of the converts as a separate community within the church and also a dispensation to continue certain of their traditional practices. The missionaries took the view that the proposition was contrary to their belief in equality and that it represented both an incomplete rejection of the caste system and of Hindu practices. Alagodi has speculated that if the proposition had been accepted then "Protestant Christians would have been perhaps one of the largest religious communities in and around Mangalore today." A further barrier to conversion proved to be the Billava's toddy tapping occupation: the Basel Mission held no truck with alcohol, and those who did convert found themselves economically disadvantaged, often lacking both a job and a home. This could apply even if they were not toddy tappers: as tenant farmers or otherwise involved in agriculture, they would lose their homes and the potential beneficence of their landlords if they converted. The Mission attempted to alleviate this situation by provision of work, principally in factories that produced tiles and woven goods.
Nireshvalya Arasappa—described by Kenneth Jones as "one of the few educated Billavas"—was one such person who looked to conversion from Hinduism as a means to advancement during the nineteenth century. Having initially examined the opportunities provided by Christian conversion, Arasappa became involved with the Brahmo Samaj movement in the 1870s and he arranged for Brahmo missionaries to meet with his community. The attempt met with little success: the Billavas were suspicious of the Brahmo representatives, who wore western clothing and spoke in English whereas the Basel Missionaries had studied the local languages and produced a copy of the New Testament in both Tulu and Kannada.
Kudroli Gokarnanatheshwara Temple
Ezhavas, a kindred community from Kerala, were organised by Narayana Guru in establishing social equality through his temple in Sivagiri. Using the same principles, Billavas established a temple. After the construction of the Kudroli Gokarnanatheshwara Temple at Mangalore, Naryana Guru asked community leaders to work together for mutual progress by organising schools and industrial establishments; in accordance with his wishes, many Sree Narayana organisations have sprung up in the community.
Billava Samaja People
Spiritual leaders
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Sree Narayana Guru
Nataraja Guru
Guru Nitya Chaitanya Yati (His name in the Purvashrama was Jayachandran Panicker)
Guru Muni Narayana Prasad
Swami Bodhananda
Vagbhatananda Gurudevar
Bhikshu Dharmaskandha
Karunakara guru (Founder of Santhigiri Ashram)
Brahmashri Swami Sashwathikananda
Brahmashri Swami Sookshmananda
Paravur Sreedharan Thanthrikal
Judicial services
-----------------------
Justice K.Sankaran Former Chief Justice
Justice T.C.Raghavan Former Chief Justice
Justice K.Sreedharan Former Chief Justice
Justice Mrs K.K.Usha Former Chief Justice
Justice Sadashivan
Justice K.Sukumaran
Justice D.Sreedevi
Justice A.Lakshmikutty
Justice K.K.Narendran
Justice R. Rajendra Babu
Justice G.Sasidharan
Justice G.Sivarajan
Justice K.Hema
Justice K.R.Udayabhanu
Justice S. Siri Jagan
Justice S.Padbhnabhan
Justice T.V.Ramakrishnan
Justice C.S.Rajan
Ministers in New Assembly
--------------------------------
Shri V.S.Achuthanandan
Shri P.K.Gurudasan
Shri K.P.Rajendran
Shri Mullakkara Rathnakaran
Shri C.Divakaran
Shri Binoy Viswam
Shri E.Valsaraj - Health Minister, Puducherry
रैगर समाज
रैगर समाज का इतिहास का महत्व
(https://sites.google.com/site/wwwreigarsamajtodacom/political-aptitude)
इतिहास किसी भी देश और जाति के उत्थान की कुंजी है । किसी भी देश तथा समाज के उत्थान व पतन तथा वहाँ के ज्ञान-विज्ञान, कला-साहित्य, एवं संस्कृति का ज्ञान हमें इतिहास के द्वारा ही मिल सकता है । हमें अपने पूर्वजों के श्रेष्ठ कार्यों की जानकारी इतिहास के माध्यम से ही मिल सकती है । जिस जाति के पास अपने पूर्वजों का इतिहास नहीं उसे प्राय: मृत समझा जाता है । अर्थात् जिस व्यक्ति को अपने इतिहास की जानकारी नहीं वो इतिहास का निर्माण नहीं कर सकता । वास्तव में इतिहास ही ज्ञान की कुंजी व ज्ञान का विशाल भंडार होता है । इतिहास वह पवित्र धरोहर है जो जाति को अंधकार से निकाल कर प्रकाश की और ले जाती है । हर व्यक्ति दूसरों से तुलना करके अपने आप को श्रेष्ठ प्रमाणित करने में गौरव महसूस करता है और उसके लिए इतिहास से बढ़कर कोई आधार नहीं हो सकता । किसी जाति को जीवित रखने तथा विकास के पथ पर आगे बढ़ने के लिए इतिहास से अधिक कोई प्रेरणा का स्त्रोत नहीं हो सकता । इसलिए साहित्य जगत् में इतिहास को भारी महत्व दिया गया है । इतिहास पूर्वजों की अमूल्य निधि है और वही भटके हुए मनुष्यों को मार्ग दिखाता है । किसी भी देश या जाति का उत्थान और पतन देखना हो तो उस देश या जाति का इतिहास उठाकर देख लें । यदि किसी देश या जाति को मिटाना है तो उसका इतिहास मिटा दें वह देश या जाति स्वत: मिट जायेगी । इतिहास के अभाव में वह जाति या देश अपना मूल स्वरूप ही खो बैठेगी, वह भटक जायेगी । इतिहास इस बात का साक्षी है कि विजेता देश या जातियों ने किसी को दबाना या कुचलना चाहा तो पहले उसके इतिहास को नष्ट किया जिससे वे वास्तविकता को भूल कर गुलामी की बेड़ियों में कैद हो गये । अंग्रेज जब भारत में आए तो सबसे पहले यहां के इतिहास संस्कृति को नष्ट किया । इतिहास के अभाव में आज बहुत सी जातियों का पता लगाना कठिन हो गया है । भारत में परशुराम के भय से क्षत्रिय लोग कई जातियों में मिल गए । उसके बाद मुगल शासकों के अत्याचार से कई नई जातियाँ बन गई । महाभारत काल में भी कई जातियाँ डगमगा गई और छिन्न-भिन्न हो गई । पहले जहाँ चार वर्ण थे वहाँ भारत में आज लगभग पौन चार हजार जातियाँ हो गई ।
पिछड़ी हुई जातियों का इतिहास नि:सन्देह गौरवशाली रहा है अतीत के पन्नों को बटोर कर पिछड़ी हुई जातियों में मानव की महत्ता, स्वाभिमान तथा स्वगरिमा जागृत करने की आल ज्यादा जरूरत है । पिछड़ी जातियाँ सदियों से शोषित, पीड़ित और उपक्षित रही है । उनमें आत्मविश्वास और विकास की चेतना जागृत करना आवश्यक है तभी उनमें आगे बढ़ने की भावना वेगवती बनेगी । सरकार द्वारा विकास के जो साधन और सुविधाएं उपलब्ध कराई जा रही है उसका लाभ उन्हें तभी मिल पाएगा जब उनमें विकास की चेतना उत्पन्न होगी । इतिहास उनकी सोई महत्ता और अतीत के गौरव को जागृत करेगा तब उनमें स्वविकास की प्रेरणा आएगी ।
इतिहास की आवश्यकता का अनुभव आज के युग में कई जातियाँ कर रही है । सही रूप में देखा जाय तो जो जातियाँ आज पिछड़ी हुई मानी जाती है वे उन्हीं शासक वर्ग के वंशजों में से हैं जो शासन सत्ता के विध्वंश हो जाने से अपने प्राणों को बचाने के लिए इन जातियों में मिल गए और जो नहीं मिले उन्हें गुलाम बनाकर तुर्कों के हाथ बेच डाले गए । शेष जो रहे वे अपने इतिहास और अस्तित्व को ही भूल गए । दूषित वर्ण व्यवस्था के कारण जिन लोगों पर इतिहास और साहित्य रचना का दायित्व था उन लोगों ने भी पिछड़ी जातियों के प्रति कभी भी उदारता का परिचय नहीं दिया । आज हम इतिहास को देखते हैं तो शासकों की नामावली तथा शौर्य गाथाओं के सिवाय कुछ नहीं मिलता । जिन लोगों पर यह दायित्व था उन्हें इतिहास में सभी वर्गों और जातियों को स्थान देना चाहिए था मगर संकीर्णता और पक्षपात बरात । राज्यों के उत्थान और पतन में शासक वर्ग के साथ-साथ अन्य जातियों का भी त्याग और बलिदान रहा है । मगर इतिहास के ठेकेदारों ने उन्हें समुचित स्थान देना ठीक नहीं समझा । आज जब पिछड़ी जातियों के लोग अपने पूर्वजों के गौरवपूर्ण इतिहास को कहीं से भी खोज कर सामने लाते हैं तो उसमें गौरव के साथ-साथ आक्रोश पैदा होता है कि इतने महत्वपूर्ण ऐतिहासिक तथ्यों को इतिहास से क्यों विलोपित किया गया ?
आज भारत विभिन्न जातियों एवं संस्कृतियों की संगम स्थली है । हजारों वर्षों के उतार-चढ़ाव से नए-नए विचारों तथा जीवन-पद्धतियों का प्रभाव यहाँ के निवासियों पर पड़ा है । लेकिन आदमी-आदमी के बीच भेदभाव की जो परम्परा इस देश के ज्ञात इतिहास के प्रारंभ से अब तक देखने को मिलती है, वह अविचल है, स्थिर है । आर्य बाहर से आए और उन्होंने यहाँ के मूलनिवासियों को हराकर अपने आचार-विचारों को उन पर थोप दिया, उनकी उन्नतशील सभ्यता और प्रकृतिवादी संस्कृति को नष्ट-भ्रष्ट करके एक तरह से उन्हें गुलामों की स्थितियों में ला दिया । फिर वर्ण-व्यवस्था को शास्त्र-सम्मत रूप देकर सबसे नीचे की श्रेणी शुद्र बनाकर उसमें रख दिया, जिन्हें केवल ऊपर के तीनों वर्णों (ब्राह्मण, क्षत्रिय, वैश्य) की सेवा का अधिकार दिया गया ।
भारत में जीवन-निर्वाह के बेहतर साधनों की तलाश में आर्य यहाँ आए थे, फिर धीरे-धीरे साम-दण्ड-भेद की नीति से मालिक बन बैठे ओर समस्त मानव जाति को कार्य की दृष्टि से चार वर्णों में विभाजित कर दिया । यह विभाजन जाति विभेद के आधार पर नहीं किया गया यह चार वर्ण इस प्रकार है : ब्राह्मण, क्षत्रिय, वैश्य, शूद्र । वेदों में कहा गया है की उस विरट पुरुष के मुख से ब्राह्मण, भुजा से क्षत्रिये, सिने से वैश्य, और कमर से नीचे के भाग से शुद्र उत्पन्न हुए
जहाँ तक कथित शूद्र वर्ग की जाति रैगर का प्रश्न है, उसको तो सीधे-सादे चमड़े के पेशे में जोड़ कर घृणास्पद स्थिति में स्थापित कर दिया । जो कार्य कला का था, कौशल का था, उसे नफरत का आवरण पहना दिया । यह कैसी विडम्बना है कि जब यही कार्य विप्र वर्ग अपने हाथों से करते थे, चमड़ा अपने घर ले जाते थे और उसे साफ करके उपयोग में लाते थे, तब किसी प्रकार के भेदभाव की कल्पना नहीं की जा सकती थी, परन्तु कालान्तर में जब चमड़ा घरेलू उपयोग में कम हो गया, तब यह काम चौंथे वर्ग के इस क्षेत्र के प्रवीण लोगों को सौंप दिया गया, तो यह कार्य और उसके करने वाले घृणा के पात्र समझे जाने लगे और हजारों वर्षों की अवधि बीत जाने के बाद भी उनकी स्थिति में कोई विशेष अन्तर नहीं आया । स्वामी अछूतानन्द के शब्दों में :-
सभ्य सबसे हिन्द के, प्राचीन है हकदार हम ।
बा बनाया शुद्र हमको, थे कभी सरदार हम ।।
इतिहास में रैगर राजाओं का उल्लेख जानबूझकर नहीं किया गया । इसलिए रैगर जाति के इतिहास का मूल स्वरूप और सामाजिक-आर्थिक स्थिति का विश्लेषण जहाँ जरूरी है, वहीं बराबरी की हैसियत प्राप्त करने के लिए क्या किया जाना चाहिए, इस पर भी गहरे चिन्तन-मनन करने की आवश्यकता है । हमारे महापुरूषों ने जो रास्ता दिखाया है, उस पर दृढ़ प्रतिज्ञ होकर चले बिना अस्तित्व को बरकरार रखना संभव नहीं हो पाएगा । रैगर जाति के गौरवशाली इतिहास से सबक लेकर बदलते विश्व परिदृश्य में सामूहिक प्रयासों से किस प्रकार सामाजिक प्रतिष्ठा और आर्थिक मजबूती प्राप्त करें, यह हमारी विवेचना का केन्द्र बिन्दु बने, तो मंजिल की ओर महत्वपूर्ण कदम होगा । हमें दूसरों से भी सिखने की जरूरत है कि कम संसाधनों के बावजूद कैसे आगे बढ़ रहे हैं । दुसरों की मानसिकता बदलने के साथ-साथ अपनी कमजोरी को भी दूर करने कर ध्यान दिए बिना (मतलब उन्हे दूर किए बिना) सार्थक परिणामों की आशा नहीं की जा सकती ।
बौद्धिक कौशल और त्याग की अद्भुत मिसाल है रैगर समाज । अर्वाचीन काल से ही इस माज के लोगों ने सांस्कृतिक, राजनैतिक, सामाजिक और आर्थिक क्षेत्र में अपनी अमीट छाप छोड़ी है । दुर्भावनावश जिस चमड़े के पेशे से को दुष्ति कार्य माना गया । इस शिल्प को भी आकर्षक रूप देकर सारी दुनिया में प्रसिद्धि के उच्चतम शिखर पर पहुँचाने वाला समाज भी हमारा ही है । पूर देश में अपनी छाप छोड़ने वाले साधु-संत और समाज को नई दिशा देने वाले क्रांतिकारी विचारक इस समाज की अमूल्य निधि है । यह कैसी बिडम्बना है कि रैगर के प्रति स्वर्णों की विद्वेष की जो भावना छिपी है, वह अभी तक बरकरार है । यह कटु सत्य है कि करोड़ों लोगों में कितने लोग इस पेशे से जुड़े होंगें, फिर यह पेशा अब इस समय शिल्प का रूप ले चुका है और किसी भी रूप में घृणित नहीं है । टाटा जैसे प्रसिद्ध उद्योगपति इसे परिष्कृत रूप देकर देश में ही नहीं, विदेश में निर्यात कर विदेशी मुद्रा अर्तित कर रहे हैं । फिर भी पूर समाज के प्रति मानसिकता में कोई बदलाव नहीं आया है । उससे स्पष्ट है कि इस माज की बढ़ती प्रतिष्ठा और आर्थिक सम्पन्नता, सम्पन्न वर्गों को बर्दास्त नहीं हो रही है । जबकि समाज की दो से अधिक आबादी कृषि कार्य में जुड़ी हुई है ।
यह मानव सभ्यता के विकास क्रम से स्पष्ट है कि वह पहले जानवरों से बहुत अलग नहीं था और जंगल के कंदमूल-फल और पशु-पक्षियों का कच्चा मांस ही उसका भोजन था । फिर जब उसे अग्नि का ज्ञान हुआ, तो मांस को भूनकर खाने लगा । शिकारी होने के साथ-साथ मनुष्य को समूह के रूप में भी रहने की जरूरत महसूस हुई, क्योंकि सभी पशुओं का शिकार अकेले नहीं हो सकता था, रोज शिकार मिलना जरूरी नहीं था, इसलिए पशु पालन की दिशा में कदम रखा । धीरे-धीरे मनुष्य को खेती का ज्ञान हुआ और वह घुमक्कड़ जवीन छोड़कर स्थायी रूप से बसने लगा । उस समय तक शरीर ढ़कने के लिए उसके पास वस्त्र जैसी कोई चीज नहीं थी और वह पेड़ों के पत्तों और छालों से ही इस कमी की पूर्ति करता था, जिससे शीतकाल में उसे बहुत कष्ट होता था, जिसका समाधान जानवरों की खाल से हुआ, जो पहले शिकार किए गए पशुओं का माँस इस्तेमाल में लाने के बाद फेंक दी जाती थी । उसमें से कुछ बुद्धिमान लोग इन खालों को साफ करने लगे और इन्हें थोड़ा बेहतर रूप प्रदान कर दिया । उन्हें ही बाद में इन्होंने इसे इस पेशे से जोड़ दिया ।
ऐतिहासिक खोज से यह पता चला है कि आर्यों में 'खालपा' था, चर्मकार नाम की कोई अलग से जाति नहीं थी । आर्य पुरोहित ही अग्नि कुण्ड के सामने स्वयं पशुवध करता था, उसकी खाल निकालकर स्वयं ले लेता था और उसका मांस हवन तथा पकाने-खाने में काम आता था । इस आधार पर निश्चित रूप से कहा जा सकता है कि पहले की इस पेशे से कोई जाति विशेष का ताल्लुक नहीं था और न ही इसे हेय माना जाता था और आज की लगभग वही स्थिति है । पेशे की दृष्टि से यदि देखा जाए, तो अपने विकास की प्रारंभिक अवस्था का सारा मानव समूह ही यही घृणित कहा जाने वाला कार्य करता था ।
रैगर जाति को इतिहास की आवश्यकता अन्य पिछड़ी जातियों की तुलना में ज्यादा है । अन्य पिछड़ी जातियों का वर्णन तो फिर भी इतिहास में कहीं न कहीं किसी रूप में आया है मगर रैगर जाति को इतिहास में आज दिन तक कहीं स्थान नहीं दिया गया । इतिहास के अभाव में रैगर जाति न तो संगठित हो सकी और न तेज गति से विकास कर सकी । रैगर जाति का इतिहास सदैव गौरवशाली रहा है । रैगर जाति में हेमाजी उजिपुरिया तथा वेणाजी कुंवरिया जैसे दानी हुए हैं जिन्होंने भीषण अकाल में गरीबों की मदद करके हजारों लोगों की जानें बचाई । रैगर जाति में नानकजी जाटोलिया जैसे भामाशाह हुए हैं जिन्होंने मुगलों के खिलाफ लड़ने के लिए जोधपुर दरबार अजीतसिंहजी को सोने की मोहरें तथा 80,000 रूपये दिए । विश्व-विख्यात पुष्करराज में प्रसिद्ध गऊघाट बद्री बाकोलिया ने बनवाया । इस जाति में हजारों शूरमा हुए हैं जिन्होंने युद्ध क्षेत्र में लड़ते हुए वीरगति प्राप्त की । रैगरों की उत्पत्ति क्षत्रियों से हुई है तथा रैगर सगरवंशी क्षत्रिय हैं । इनमें क्षत्रियों के गुण आज भी विद्यमान है । देश की आजादी के लिए अनेकों रैगर जेल गए हैं तथा कठोर यातनाएं सही हैं । इस जाति में विद्वान संत महात्मा तथा समाज सुधारक हुए हैं । रैगर जाति की आदर्श परम्पराएं रही हैं । वर्तमान और भावी पीढ़ि को इन सब बातों की जानकारी देना नितान्त आवश्यक है । इनमें जब तक आत्म गौरव पैदा नहीं होगा तब तक यह जाति विकास की दौड़ में पीछे रहेगी । इसलिए एक सुव्यवस्थित और गौरवशाली इतिहास का होना रैगर जाति के उत्थान के लिए अत्यावश्यक है । इस वेबसाईट में संक्षिप्त रैगर समाज के गौरवशाली इतिहास का वर्णन दिया जा रहा है जिसका आप सभी महानुभावों को ज्ञान होना अत्यावश्यक है ।
हमारा समाज
समाज की उत्पत्ति : आदिकाल का मानव ही हमारे समाज का जन्मदाता है । समाज शब्द 'सभ्य मानव जगत' का सूक्ष्म स्वरूप एवं सार है । सभ्य का प्रथम अक्षर 'स' मानव का प्रथम अक्षर 'मा' जगत का प्रथम अक्षर 'ज' इन तीनों प्रथम अक्षरों के सम्मिश्रण से समाज शब्द की उत्पत्ति हुई, जो सभ्य मानव जगत का प्रतिनिधित्व एवं प्रतीकात्मक शब्द है ।
समाज की संज्ञा : एक से अनेक व्यक्तियों के समूह को परिवार तथा एक परिवार से अनेक परिवारों के समूह प्रतिनिधित्व को समाज की संज्ञा दी गई है ।
समाज का निर्माता : बन्धु ही समाज का सच्चा निर्माता, सतम्भ एवं अभिन्न अंग है । बन्धु, समाज का सूक्ष्म स्वरूप और समाज, बन्धु का विशाल स्वरूप है । अत: बन्धु और समाज एक-दूसरे के पूरक तथा विशेष महात्वाकांक्षी है ।
''जिसको न निज गौरव तथा निज जाति पर अभिमान है ।
वह नर नहीं नर पशु निरा है और मृतक समान ।।''
हमारा भारत देश 22 प्रदेशों और 7 केन्द्र शासित क्षेत्रों में बंटा हुआ है । देश के विभिन्न क्षेत्रों में अलग-अलग जाति धर्मों और जातियों के लोग अनेक संस्कृतियों को संजोए हुए इस देश में रहते हैं, लेकिन जनसंख्या के आधार पर देखें, तो हमारी रैगर जाति देश की संख्या लगभग 3 करोड़ है जोकि देश की आबादी की लगभग 2.5 प्रतिशत है और इसमें भी खास़ विशेषता यह है कि रैगर जाति के लोग जिला, तहसील या ब्लाक स्तर पर ही नहीं, अपितु प्रत्येक गाँव में मिलेंगे, विशेष कर राजस्थान में, आमतौर पर इनकी आबादी गांव के बाहर अर्थात् आखरी में एक बस्ती या मौहल्ले के रूप में बसी होती है । ओर इस मौहल्ले या बस्ती को जाति के नाम से ही पुकारा जाता है जैसे कि 'रैगर मौहल्ला' । अभी भी गाँवों में हमारी जाति के लोग अधिकतर कच्चे मकानों में रहते हैं । कही कही पर आज भी दूसरी जाति के कुँओं पर पानी भरना और मंदिर में प्रवेश करना प्रतिबंधित हैं । शहरों की बात छोड़ दें, तो ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों में शोषण और उत्पीड़न में कोई खास़ कमी नहीं आई है । आज भी बारात में दूल्हा घोड़े पर बैठकर नहीं चल पाता उसे ठाकुरों और जमीदारों के घर या मंदिर के सामने घोड़े से नीचे उतरकर उनके पेर पड़कर आर्शिवाद लेने का ढोंग करना पड़ता है ।
हमारी रैगर जाति को पुरे भारत में विभिन्न नामों से सम्बोधित किया जाता है वे इस प्रकार है - रैगर, रेगर, रेहगर, रेगड़, रेगढ़, रेयगर, रायगर, जटिया, सिंधी जटिया, बोला, जात-गंगा, एवं लस्करिया रैगर । लेकिन जाति का वास्तविक एवं मूल नाम '' रैगर '' है । ‘रैगर समाज’ को रंघड़ राजपूत के नाम से भी जाना जाता था । राजस्थान के कई क्षेत्रों मे रैगर समाज को रैगर जटिया व जटिया समाज के नाम से भी पुकारा जाता है, लेकिन इतने तरह के नामों के बाद भी हमारा रैगर समाज एक है ।
रैगर समाज के लोग आपस मे मारवाड़ी में बातचीत करते है एवं दूसरों के साथ बात करने के लिये हिन्दी भाषा का उपयोग करते है । भोजन मे ये शाकाहारी एवं मांसाहारी दोनों ही प्रकार के होते है । खाने मे यह समाज गैहु, बाजरा, जौ, चावल एवं चना का मुख्य रूप से उपयोग करते है लेकिन मुख्य तोर पर गेहूं प्रधान आहार लेते है । कुछ लोगों ने आर्य समाज एवं राधा स्वामी जी के विचारों से प्रेरित हो कर पूर्ण रूप से शाकाहारी बन गये है । आज के आधुनिक युग में रहन-सहन साधारण स्तर का है और पहनावे में धोती-कुर्ता, बगतरी साफा तथा पावों में कड़े का प्रयोग करते हैं ।
रैगरों में शिक्षा के क्षेत्र में अभूतपूर्व जागृति आई है, और इसी कारण इस जाति के काफी लोग केन्द्र और राज्य सरकारों की सेवाओं में हैं । लेकिन फिर भी अधिकांश आबादी खेत-मजदूरों के रूप में ही कार्य करती है । डॉ. भीमराव अम्बेडकर के विचारों से प्रभावित होकर लाखों लोगों ने बुद्ध धर्म की दीक्षा ली है, लेकिन हिन्दू धर्म के कर्मकाण्डों से अपने आपको अभी तक मूक्त नहीं कर पाए है । बुद्ध और अम्बेडकर को तो मानते हैं, परन्तु उनके उपदेशों को जीवन में नहीं उतार पाए है । जहाँ तक पूजा-पाठ की बात है, वे हिन्दू पद्धति से ही इन दोनों महापुरूषों के चित्रों के सामने मोमबत्ती जलाते हैं और फूलों की माला पहनाते हैं । विवाह एवं अन्य शुभ अवसरों पर ब्राह्मणों को तो आमंत्रित किया जाता है और वैदिक परम्परा का निर्वाह करते हुए वैदिक मंत्रों का उच्चारण के साथ इन अवसरों का समापन होता है । हिन्दू धर्म के अनुसार ही सारी परम्पराओं का निर्वाह करते हैं । गंगा माता व बाबा रामदेव की असाध्य देव के रूप में उपासना व पूजा की जाती है और साथ ही जहां पर भी रैगर जाति के लोग निवास करते हैं वहां पर आपको बाबा रामदेव जी व गंगा माता के मंदिर अवश्य मिल जाएंगे । शादी-ब्याह-विवाह, पूजा-पाठ आदि अवसरों पर अथवा देवी-देवताओं को खुश करने के लिए पशुबली की प्रभा चली आ रही है जो अभी भी समाज में व्याप्त है । यंत्र, मंत्र, तंत्र में बराबर इनकी आस्था बनी हुई है । जहाँ चिकित्सा सुविधा उपलब्ध नहीं है, वहाँ इलाज के नाम पर टोना-टोटका और झाड़-फूंक बराबर चल रहे हैं ।
रैगरों में विवाह सम्बंध करते समय अपने दादा, दादी, नाना, नानी, आदि के गोत्रों को छोड़कर विवाह किया जाता है । गॉवों मे सगाई (रिश्ता तय) बचपन मे ही 10-12 वर्ष की उम्र मे ही कर दिया जाता है, समाज में बाल विवाह की भी प्रथा अभी भी प्रचलित है लेकिन कम उम्र में शादी कर देने के बावजूद वे अपनी बेटी को बालिग हो जाने पर ही उसे गोना कर ससुराल भेजते है । लेकिन अब नई पीढ़ि के द्वारा इस प्रथा का विरोध किया जाने लगा है एवं जागरूकता के चलते अब विवाह बालिग होने पर ही किया जाने लगा है । शादी दुलहन के घर पर हिन्दू रिति-रिवाजों से होती है । दहेज के रूप मे इलेक्ट्रानिक उपकरण, घर मे काम आने वाले बर्तन, पलंग, बिस्तर, एक पितल की बडी थाली, काशी की थाली और लोठा मुख्य रूप से दिया जाता है । शादी हो जाने के पश्चात् वर-वधू कुल के देवी देवताओं की पूजा करवायी जाती है इस प्रकार शादी की मुख्य रसमे निभाई जाती है । कही-कही पर समाज के सक्रिय बुद्धिजीवियों द्वारा सामुहिक विवाह सम्मेलन का आयोजन भी समय-समय पर किया जाता है जिसमे अनाथ बच्चों की शादी बिना कोई शुल्क लिये की जाती है ।
रैगर समाज मे कूल के देवी-देवता जैसे पुरवज बावजी, भेरू बावजी, ड्याडी माता (कुल देवी) एवं झूणजी बावजी की पुजा मुख्य तोर से की जाती है एवं हिन्दू पूजा पाठ के अनुसार मुर्तिं पुजा दैनिक रूप से की जाती एवं साथ ही साथ सभी हिन्दू देवी देवताओं को माना जाता है एवं गंगा माता एवम् भगवान श्री रामदेव बाबा (रूणिचा वाले) के गॉव-गॉव मे मंदिर है मंदिर मे पूजा-पाठ पंडित रखवा कर किया जाता है, संत रविदास, कबीर दास के भजन गाये जाते है, इन सभी को विशेष तोर से माना एवं पूजा जाता है एवं इन देवताओं संबंधित त्यौहारों पर भजन-किर्तन आयोजन कर विशेष रूप से हर्षों उल्लास के साथ मनाया जाता है, समाज मे यज्ञ, हवन, कथा, भजन मंडली का आयोजन भी किया जाता है हिन्दू समाज के सारे धार्मिक त्यौहार जैसे मकर सकरांती, होली, रक्षाबंधन, जन्माष्टमी, गणेश जन्मोत्सव, नवरात्री, दशहरा, दीवाली, गंरगोर की तीज, शिवरात्री, आदि त्यौहारों को विशेष तोर से मनाया जाता है । समाज के बंधुओं का अपने पूर्ण जीवनकाल मे एक बार जरूर चार धाम की यात्रा करने का महत्व मानते है ।
मृत्यु के संदर्भ मे लेख है कि मृत्यु होने के पश्चात् उसका दाह संस्कार हिन्दू रीति-रिवाज़ों से किया जाता है एवं दाह संस्कार के तीन दिन बाद बची हुई हड्डियों को इकठ्ठा कर गंगा नदी मे विसर्जित किये जाने की मान्यता है । मृत्यु के बारह दिन पश्चात् जाति भोज रखा जाता है जिसे मौसर या घाटा कहा जाता है लेकिन अभी कुछ वर्षों पूर्व शासन के निर्देशानुसार मौसर पर कानूनी तोर पर प्रतिबंध लगा दिया गया है । लेकिन अभी भी कही-कही मौसर हो रहे है ।
रैगर समाज में पुरानी परम्पराओं, मान्यताओं, कुरीतियों और विशवासों ने अभी भी ऐसी पकड़ बना रखी हैं, जिस पर बुद्धिजीवी और प्रगतिशील लोगों का कोई असर नहीं हो रहा है । यह शिक्षा की कमी ही समझिए कि ऐसे लोगों से द्वेषभाव रखने वालों की संख्या ज्यादा है, और ऐसे लोगों को समाज के रूढ़िवादी लोगों का विरोध बराबर झेलना पड़ता है, क्योंकि उसे अपना जैसा बनाने में ही ये अपनी सारी ताकत लगा देते हैं, और विकास की गतिविधियां आगे नहीं बढ़ पाती । बहुत छोटी-छोटी सोच और लालच, उनकी अपने तक सीमित सोच ही समाज की राह में भी बहुत बड़ी बाधा है । शराब आदि नशीले प्रदार्थों का सेवन करने वालों की संख्या बढ़ती जा रहीं हैं । जिसका फायदा दूसरे लोग उठातें हैं और इनका जमकर शोषण करते हैं ।
आर्थिक दृष्टि से 10 प्रतिशत से भी कम लोग ठीक-ठाक कहे जा सकते हैं और लगभग 30 प्रतिशत को बीच की श्रेणी में रखा जाता है और 60 प्रतिशत शेष बचते हैं, उन्हे सराकरी भाषा में कहे तो गरीबी रेखा से नीचे की श्रेणी में ही रखा जा सकता है ।
प्राय: यह देखने में आता है कि रैगर जाति के अधिकांश लोग अपनी जाति को छिपाकर रहते हैं और रखते हैं और अगर कहीं जाति बताने का प्रश्न आता है तो जाति को बताने में बहुत ही दुविधा महसूस करते है और अगर बताते भी है तो, वो भी हिचकिचाहट के साथ आधी-अधुरी ही बातते है टालमटोल के साथ । तब दूसरे लोग इसे आपकी कमजोरी ही समझते हैं । यह प्रवृति शिक्षित और धनी लोगों में अधिक पाई जाती है, जबकि हमारी रैगर जाति संस्कृति, इतिहास, तर्कशीलता, बुद्धिमतता, तर्कशीलता, ईमानदारी व कर्मठता की दृष्टि से अन्य जातियों की तुलना में किसी भी रूप से कम नहीं है, फिर जाति को स्पष्ट रूप से बताने में लज्जा किस बात की, गर्व क्यों नहीं ? जब भी कोई जाति पुछे तो आप गर्व से कहे की ''मैं रैगर हुँ!'' और अपनी इस हीन भावना का परित्याग कर देंवे । स्वयं को रैगर बताने में गौरव का ही अनुभव करे ।
वैसे तो रैगर समाज के लोगों में डॉक्टर, इंजीनियर, समाज-सुधारक, लेखक, पत्रकार, अधिकारी, कर्मचारी, वक्ता, अधिवक्ता, नेता, शिक्षक, कलाकार, साहित्यकार, चिन्तक, विचारक, व्यापारी, उद्योगपति आदि भरपूर मात्रा में विद्यमान है, जो शैक्षिक और आर्थिक रूप से परिपूर्ण होने के कारण बड़े लोगों में शामिल माने जाते हैं, लेकिन अधिकांश संख्या तो गरीबों की है, जो अभी भी अपने बच्चों को शिक्षा नहीं दिला पाए और अभावों से भरी जिन्दगी जीने को विवश हैं, वे दूसरों की नजर में ही नहीं अपनी नजर में भी छोटे हैं । उनको भी आगे बढ़ाने के लिए तथाकथित बड़े लोगों को अवश्य प्रयास करने चाहिए, जिससे समाजिक दृष्टि से उन्हें भी बाराबरी का आभास हो सके ।
डॉ. भीमराव अम्बेडकर ने मानवीय आधार पर समता, बंधुता और न्याय से ओत-प्रोत जीवन की नई परिभाषा गढ़ी और उनके अथक प्रयासों से लाखों लोग इस स्थिति में आ गए हैं कि यदि वे अपने सामाजिक दायित्व को थोड़ा भी वहन करें, तो हजारों लोगों को बेहतर स्थिति में ला सकते हैं । तात्पर्य यह है कि सामाजिक और आर्थिक बराबरी का दिवास्वप्न साकार हो सकता है । शिक्षा और रोजगार के समानान्तर विकल्प विकसित करने होंगे, शिक्षा अर्थतन्त्र का आधार है, इस पर सबसे ज्याता तवज्जों देने की जरूरत है । तथा गत गौतम बुद्ध ने हजारों साल पहले कहा था - ''अपना दीपक आप बनो'', इस पर अमल किये बिना बात बनने वाली नही है । अगर आप ने उच्च शिक्षा को प्राप्त कर लिया तो आपको मान-सम्मान भी अलग से मिलगा, बस जरूरत है थोड़े से साहस की और समाज के प्रति संवेदना की । हजारों लोग प्रतिवर्ष सेवानिवृत हो रहे हैं, यदि वे अपने अर्जित ज्ञान और अर्थ का समुचित उपयोग करने की ओर अग्रसर हों तो वे न केवल सामाजिक ऋण से मुक्त होंगे, बल्कि उनका शेष जीवन स्वस्थ, आनन्द, सम्मान से भरपूर होगा, जो सार्थकता की वास्तविक कसौटी है और शिक्षित तथा सम्पन्न होने की असली पहचान है ।
रैगर गोत्रों की सूची
प्रस्तुत रैगर गौत्र वंशावली ग्राम फागी के जागा तथा हरिद्वार के पं. गंगाराम जी पुरोहित एवं काशी निवासी गंगा गुरू श्री जयराम जी गौड ब्राह्मण की पुरानी हस्तलिखित (पाण्डूलिपि) बही से सन् 1940 ई. में प्राप्त सामग्री है एवं साथ ही रैगर जाति पर अब तक प्रकाशित कई पुस्तकों में रैगर गोत्रो के बारे में परिचय दिया जा चुका है, जिनमें से प्रमुख श्री रूपचन्द जलूथरिया कृत रैगर जाति का इतिहास, श्री जीवन राम गुसाईवाल कृत प्राचीन रैगर इतिहास, श्री चन्दनमल नवल कृत रैगर जाति का इतिहास व रमेश जलूथरिया कृत गंगा, भागीरथ और रैगर है । गोत्रों की सूंची विभिन्न स्त्रोतों से प्राप्त की गई है अत: संभावना है कि कुछ गोत्रों के नाम यहां पर छूट गए हो । कुछ गोत्रों का नाम सही न लिखा गया हो एवं कुछ गोत्र न होते हुए भी लिख दिए गए हो इस त्रुटि के क्षमाप्रार्थी है और अपेक्षा करते हैं कि सही नाम एवं छूटे हुए नामों से अवगत करायेंगे ।
रैगर जाति का इतिहास >
रैगर जाति का विस्तार
रैगर जाति का विस्तार राजस्थान के पूर्वी भाग यानी भरतपुर, धौलपुर, करौली व सवाई माधोपुर, अलवर, दौसा का निकटवर्ती क्षेत्र अर्थात मथुरा से लेकर चम्बल नदी के पास का डांग क्षेत्र तथा इनसे सटा हुआ उत्तर प्रदेश व मध्य प्रदेश के सिमावर्ती भाग से हुआ है । यह भी पूर्ण रूप से स्पष्ट है कि इस क्षेत्र व जाति का मुख्य कार्य रंगत अर्थात् रेणी ही था । अब प्रशन यह उठता है कि ये जाति अपने मूल क्षेत्र को छोड़कर राजस्थान के अन्य भागों में सुदूर तक कैसे गई । इसके सम्भावित मूल कारण निम्न हैं -
1. भौगोलिक -- आगरा, मथुरा व भरतपुर आदि क्षेत्रों में वर्षा अत्यधिक होती है जिसके कारण यमुना व उसकी सहायक बाणगंगा, चम्बल, गंभीर आदि नदियों में बाढ़ आती रहती है, इसके अतिरिक्त धौलपुर से सवाई माधोपुर तक का डांग क्षेत्र चम्बल के बीहड़ों का क्षेत्र है । हो सकता है सुरक्षा की दृष्टि से ये उधर से चल दिये हो ।
2. सामाजिक कारण -- भरतपुर क्षेत्र में जाट जाटव संघर्ष बहुत पहले से ही चला आ रहा है । इसमें रैगर भी पिसते ही होंगे । इसके अतिरिक्त डांग क्षेत्र भी मीणा गूजर बाहुल्य है । ये अब तक भी प्राय: दलितों पर अत्याचार करते रहते हैं । इसके अतिरिक्त यह क्षेत्र डाकुओं की शरणस्थली है । अत: सुरक्षा हेतु ये अन्यत्र चल दिये हों ।
3. आर्थिक कारण -- रैगर जाति का अपने मूल क्षेत्र में पलायन का सबसे मुख्य कारण आर्थिक ही है । रोजगार की तलाश में राजस्थान के मरु प्रदेश के लोग देश के विभिन्न क्षेत्रों तथा विदेशों में जाकर धनोपार्जन कर रहे हैं । इसी प्रकार रैगर जाति भी आई है । रैगरों का मुख्य कार्य रंगत करना है और इस रंगत से वे चरसों का उत्पादन बहुत करते थे । चरस व चमड़े के अन्य सामान कृषि कार्य के लिये बहुत उपयोगी व अत्यावश्यक होते हैं । कृषि विस्तार के कारण कुवों की खुदाई अधिक होने लगी और कुवों के विस्तार से चरसों की मांग भी बढ़ने लग गई । इससे इन लोगों का उद्योग व्यापार बढ़ने लगा और जिस क्षेत्र में अधिक माँग होती उसकी पूर्ति करेन के लिये ये उधर ही जाकर बसने लग गये । अत: इनका मूल निवास से इधर दूर-दूर तक बसने का मुख्य कारण यही आर्थिक ही है ।
राजस्थान में रैगर जाति का विस्तार --
हमारे पूर्वज जो रंगिया थे पूर्वी राजस्थान व डांग क्षेत्र से आगे बढ़ कर पहले ढूंढाड़ क्षेत्र, टोंक, अजमेर, मेरवाड़ा, तोरावाटी, शेखावटी आदि क्षेत्रों में घने रूप में बस गये । इस क्षेत्र में हर छोटे बड़े गाँव, कस्बे व शहर में रैगर बस्ती है । यहाँ किधर भी दस कोस क्षेत्र में बीस रैगर बस्ती मिल जायेगी जिनमें 50 से लेकर 500 परिवार तक एक जगह बसे होंगे ।
इनकी आबादी कस्बाई क्षेत्र में अधिक है तथा छोटे गाँव ढाणियों में कुछ कम है । इसी प्रकार सम्भवत: डांग व इसके पास वाले दक्षिण पूर्वी क्षेत्र (मध्य प्रदेश) से ये लोग हाडोती (कोटा, बूंदी, झालावाड़) तथा मेवाड़ क्षेत्र में भी फैल गये हों । इधर बांसवाड़ा, डूंगरपुर आदि कुछ क्षेत्र को छोड़कर लगभग दक्षिण पूर्वी राजस्थान में सभी जगह रैगर जाति का पूर्ण विस्तार है । अब रैगर लोग अपने मूल स्थान में से डीग में ही अधिक आबाद है, भरतपुर में कुछ नाम मात्र के हैं इसके अलावा समस्त उत्पत्ति क्षेत्र को छोड़ आये हैं । अब हमारा क्षेत्र अलवर का दक्षिण पश्चिमी कुछ भाग फिर बसवा, भांडारेज, गंगापुर, लालसोट, बोली व सवाई माधोपुर व उसके इधर के क्षेत्र ही है इससे उधर नहीं । इधर गंगापुर हिण्डौन साइड में अब भी कुछ स्थानों पर रैगर जाटव पास-पास में रहते हैं । उनमें भाईचारा भी है तथा अब से एक दो पीढ़ी पहले तक रिश्तेदरियाँ भी होती थी जिनके वंशज बेटे पोते मौजूद हैं । रैगरों का इधर विस्तार होने से अब वे अपनी रैगर जाति में ही रिश्ता करने लग गये ।
फिर जैसे-जैसे इनका कार्य व्यवसाय बढ़ता गया और चरस की माँग बढ़ती गई तो ये अरावली पर्व के उस पार उत्तरी पश्चिमी राजस्थान में भी चले गये और उधर भी बस गये । किन्तु उधर इनकी आबादी कम व बहुत सीमित स्थानों पर ही है । यहाँ पर बड़े कस्बों में ही इन्होंने अपने रंगत के कारखाने कायम किये । झुंझुनू जिले के कुछ स्थानों पर तो ठीक ठाक है फिर चूरू में कम होते चले, चरू रतनगढ़, राजगढ़, सुजानगढ़ में, हनुमानगढ़, जिले में नोहर भादरा आदि में, गंगानगर जिले में गंगानगर व एक दो अन्य स्थानों पर बीकानेर जिले में नोखा, लूणकरणसर, शिवबाड़ी, डूंगरगढ़, कोलायत आदि मुख्य स्थानों पर, नागौर में भी नागौर नावां, लूंणवा, मारोठ, खाटड़ी, छोटी बड़ी खाटू, मेड़ता, पर्वतसर आदि कुछ गाँवों में ही है, पाली में पीपाड़, सोजत जेतारण आदि मुख्य-मुख्य स्थानों पर जोधपुर में भी कुछ ग्रामीण स्थानों पर ही बाड़मेर में बाड़मेर बालोतरा आदि में व आसपास तथा भीनमाल आबू आदि कुछ सीमित स्थानों पर ही आबाद है । जोधपुर व बीकानेर शहरों में तो शायद पहले रैगर बस्तियाँ भी नहीं थीं । अब शिवबाड़ी नगर परिषद में आने व जोधपुर में सिंध से आकर नागोरी गेट पर जटिया बस्ती बसने से रैगर आबाद हुए है । कहने का तात्पर्य यह है कि अरावली के पूर्वी क्षेत्र में आबादी का घनत्व बहुत अधिक तथा पश्चिमी क्षेत्र में कम होता हुआ चला गया । जैसलमेर जिले में तो शायद रैगर बस्तियाँ हैं ही नहीं बाड़मेर, जालोर व सिरोही जिलों में भी बहुत ही सीमित जगहों पर रैगर जाति की आबादी है ।
राजस्थान के बाहर रैगर जाति का विस्तार --
रैगर बन्धु सबसे पहले जयपुर अलवर जिलों की सीमा के आसपास से यानी बाल-सताईसा व कुंडला अर्थात् बसवा धीरोडा, बल्देवगढ़, राजगढं, प्रतापगढ़, जमवारामगढ़, ओधी थौलाई, मैड़, अचरोल, मनोहरपुर आदि स्थानों से देहली की तरफ गये । वहाँ देहली में बसे सभी रैगर बंधुओं की बोली भाषा वेशभूषा व आचार विचार आज भी वहीं के मिलते हैं । किन्तु अब परिवर्तन हो गया है । इसके पश्चात् देहली के आसपास हरियाणा व पंजाब में, देहली और जयपुर क्षेत्र से अमृतसर, भटिण्डा, हिसार, कोटकपुरा, अबोहर, डबेवाली, लुधियाना व उससे आगे जम्मू व हिमाचल प्रदेश में भी कई जगह जाकर बस गये । आजादी से पहले हजारों परिवार लाहौर में भी रहते थे जो बाद में देहली व अन्य स्थानों पर आ गये । पंजाब, हरियाणा में बसे कई परिवार तो वर्षा ऋतु में इधर जयपुर, सीकर साईड के अपने गाँवों में आकर सगाई-विवाह जामणां, पेहरावणी व पुराने नुकते तक करके जाते हैं ।
पश्चिमी क्षेत्र में विस्तार --
अजमेर (मेरवाड़ा) व मारवाड़ साईड के लोग सिंध प्रदेश की ओर गये और हैदराबाद ठंडू नवाबशाह व आसपास में बस गये । कुछ लोग करांची में भी थे । श्री भोलाराम जी तोणगरिया तो हैदराबाद नगर पालिका के कौन्सलर भी रहे थे तथा श्री ज्ञानस्वरूप जी महाराज का आश्रम भी ठंडू में ही था किन्तु पाकिस्तान बन जाने के कारण ये लोग भारत में वापिस आ गये और जोधपुर, ब्यावर, अजमेर, देहली तथा मुम्बई में ठक्कर बापा कालोनी में विस्थापित हो गये ।
दक्षिण में विस्तार --
दक्षिण में गुजरात में अहमदाबाद, महसाणा, पालनपुर, कलोल सिद्धपुर, सूरत व बड़ोदा तक में ये चले गये । ये अधिकतर मेवाड़ व मारवाड़ से ही गये हैं कुछ लोग जयपुर साईड से भी गये हैं । इसी प्रकार नीमच, मन्दसौर, उज्जैन, शिवपुरी, इन्दौर आदि मध्यप्रदेश के कुछ स्थानों पर जाकर बस गये हैं । ये मेवाड़ व हाड़ौती क्षेत्र के हैं कुछ जयपुर क्षेत्र के व दौसा के भी गये हैं ।
पूर्वी क्षेत्र में विस्तार --
पूर्व की ओर रैगरों की काई विशष बढ़ोतरी नहीं हुई हैं । कुछ लोग बरेली व फरुखाबाद आगरा में रोजगार हेतु गये हैं । हाँ अब कुछ नौकरी पेशा लोग अवश्य गये हैं जो अस्थाई हैं ।
इन उपरोक्त क्षेत्रों के अतिरिक्त महाराष्ट्र में मुम्बई में ठक्करबापा कॉलोनी (चिम्बूर) में सिंध से आये हुए रैगर बन्धु बस गये है । इनके अतिरिक्त कुछ लोग झुंझुनू जिले के कुछ गाँवों के व बीकानेर के कुछ परिवार एवं कुछ अजमेर साईड के तथा कुछ परिवार कोटा जयपुर साईड के भी आकर स्थाई रूप से बस गये हैं ।
इनके आलावा रैगर जाति की कहीं भी कोई बस्ती नहीं है वैसे नोकरी के कारण व रोजगार सम्बन्धी अन्य कार्यों से कुछ इक्के-दुक्के लोग भारत के कुछ श्हरों में चले गये हैं और कुछ स्थाई रूप से भी रहने लग गये हैं । अब तो आपको मुम्बई के अतिरिक्त कलकत्ता, चैन्नई, बैंगलोर, हैदराबाद, कानपुर आदि महानगरों में भी रैगर भाई मिल जायेंगे । कुछ तो अब इंगलैण्ड, अमेरिका, जापान, ऑस्ट्रेलिया, कनाड़ा आदि विदेशों में भी पहुँच गये हैं । श्री भँवरलाल जी खटनावलिया छोटी खाटू (नागोर) निवासी अमेरिका के न्यूयॉर्क शहर में स्थाई रूप से बसे हुए है जो अरबपति हैं ।
रेगर समाज के गोरव
रैगर समाज की गौरवगाथा बहुत लम्बी है । हमारे समाज में अनेकों मनिषियों का जन्म हुआ जिन्होंने हमारे समाज के गौरव को चार चाँद लगाए और समाज को गौरवान्वित किया है । उनकी यशो गाथाऐं सदा-सदा के लिए अमर रहती है, अतीत के सुनहरे कल को आज जिन्होने प्रेरणा स्त्रोत के रूप में दिखाया, ऐसी महानआत्माओं को हम कोटी-कोटी प्रणाम करते है जिनके सदकर्मों से समाज गोरवान्वित हुआ है । ऐसे हमारे समाज के महात्माओं ने हमारी आने वाली पीढ़ि के मार्गदर्शन एवं प्रेरणा स्त्रोत बनकर समाज को और गौरवशाली बनाते हुए एक आदर्श व अनुपम उदाहरण प्रस्तुत किया है । हमारे समाज में अनेको ऐसी विभुतियों हुई है जिन्होंने समाज के साथ-साथ देश के लिए भी अपना बलिदान दिया है । हमारे समाज के बन्धुओं ने ऐतिहासीक कार्य किए जिन्हें आज मिसाल के तोर पर देखा जाता है । हमारे समाज में समाज सुधारक ऐसे कई संत महात्मा हुए है उनमें अनुभव के आलोक, आदर्श जीवन की प्रतिभा धर्मगुरू स्वामी ज्ञानस्वरूपजी महाराज और आदर्श प्रतिभा के धनी त्यागमूर्ति स्वामी आत्मारामजी लक्ष्य ने अपना पूरा जीवन सम्पर्पित कर दिया । रैगर बन्धुओं ने अपने क्षत्रिय होने का प्रमाण देते हुए स्वतन्त्रता संग्राम की लड़ाई में अग्रेजों से लोहा लिया ओर देश की आजादी में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई ओर अपना जीवन देश के लिए बलिदान कर दिया ओर समय आने पर स्वतन्त्रता सेनानीयों ने समाज की सेवा भी की ओर समाज हीत में भी अपना योगदान दिया । समाज के राजनीतिज्ञों ने समाज को राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर एक नई पहचान दिलाते हुए देश की सेवा की है और समाज ने राजनीति में भी अपनी महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाते हुए मंत्री, सांसद, विधायक, पार्षद दिये है जिनसे समाज का गौरव बढ़ाया है । हमारे समाज के उदार हृदय, सरलता की प्रतिमूर्ति श्री धर्मदास जी शास्त्री, दानवीर धर्मनिष्ठ भामाशाह सेठ श्री भंवर लाल जी नवल, श्री हजारीलाल जाटोलिया एवं श्री एस.के. दास साहब हमारे समाज के ऐसे रत्न है जिनका समाज हमेशा आभारी रहेगा इनके सदकर्मों एवम् महान कार्यों ने समाज का मान-सम्मान बढ़ाया है ओर समाज को एक नई दिशा और गति प्रदान की है धर्मदास जी शास्त्री ने चतुर्थ अखिल भारतीय रैगर महासम्मेलन, जयपुर में इन्दिरा गांधी को समाज के बीच लाकर खड़ा किया यह रैगर समाज के इतिहास में बहुत ही सुनेहरा अवसर था, सेठ भंवर लाल जी नवल ने समाज में सेकडो विवाह सम्मेलन निशुल्क करवाकर नया र्कितीमान बनाकर रैगर समाज का गौरव बढाया तथा समाज के लिए अनकों छात्रावास बनवाये है ओर समाज के विकास में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका अदा की है ओर कर रहे है । एस.के. दास जी ने अपनी उच्च शासकीय सेवाओं से समाज के गौरव में अदभूत प्रतिभा का परिचय दिया है कर्तव्य निष्ठ, निडर, ईमानदार व सेवा में समर्पित श्री दास ने मध्य प्रदेश में कई कुख्यात तस्कर एवं उग्रवादी की धर पकड़कर महत्वपूर्ण उपलब्धि हासिल कर रैगर समाज का नाम रोशन किया है जो समाज के लिए गर्व की बात हैं । ऐसी हमारे समाज की महान आत्माओं एवं महात्माओं ने हमारी आने वाली पीढ़ि के मार्गदर्शन एवं प्रेरणा स्त्रोत बनकर समाज को और गौरवशाली बनाते हुए एक आदर्श व अनुपम उदाहरण प्रस्तुत किया है ।
रेगर समाज के ऊपर हुए अत्याचर
प्रथम एवं द्वितीय अखिल भारतीय रैगर महासम्मेलन में जातिय सुधारों से सम्बंधी प्रस्तावों को पारित किया गया । इन प्रस्तावों पर जैसे ही रैगर बंधुओं ने अमल करना प्रारम्भ किया । तो स्वर्ण हिन्दू बोखला गए ओर रैगर बंधुओं पर नाना प्रकार के अत्याचार करने लगे । उनके पास अधिकार एवं शक्ति थी इसलिए रैगर बंधुओं के सुधार वादी कार्यों के प्रतिरोध स्परूप उनको कुचलने के लिए तत्पर हो गयेरैगरों पर हुए इन अत्याचारों का विवरण इस प्रकार है
हम सब जरा उन परिस्थितियों पर विचार करेंगे जो दौसा सम्मेलन के पारित प्रस्तावों के कारण उत्पन्न हुई । दौसा सम्मेलन के पारित प्रस्तावों के अनुसार कोई भी रैगर बंधु बैगार नहीं देगा, बड़े के माँस का भक्षण नहीं करेगा, मरे हुए पशु की खाल नहीं उतारेगा आदि । परन्तु इन्हीं कार्यों के कारण जो कि जाति की भलाई के विपरीत थे जिनके कारण गाँव के लोग इन से अत्यधिक घृणा करते थे । जाति के स्वाभिमान पर आघात पहुँचा था । जब रैगर जाति ने एकत्रित होकर एक आवाज में ऐसे कामों को न करने की ठानी तो तथाकथित धर्म के ठेकेदारों ने हिन्दू समाज के उन तथाकथित नेताओं ने बुरा समझा । वह इसके विपरीत थे कि ये अपनी बुराईयों से दूर हों एवं बुराई दूर करने में सहायक होने के स्थान पर मार्ग में रोड़े बन कर खड़े हो गये । क्यों न होते, इससे उनके स्वार्थों पर आघात पड़ता था । बिना बेगार के इनकी खेती-बाड़ी आदि कार्यों को मुफ्त में कौन करता । प्रतिक्रिया स्वरूप इन्होंने रैगर जाति पर अपने अत्याचारों का एक चक्र चलाया ताकि रैगर जनता इससे घबरा कर पुन: वह कार्य करने लगे । परन्तु ऐसा हुआ नहीं और कई स्थानों पर कई दर्दनाक घटनायें हुई जो आज हमारी जाति में विभिन्न काण्डों के नाम से जानी जाती है ।कि रैगर बन्धुओं पर जाट, जागीरदार आदि स्वर्ण हिन्दुओं के नृशंष एवं पाशविक अत्याचार की सीमा कहाँ तक बढ़ गई थी ।
यहाँ यह बता देना सर्वथा उपयुक्त ही होगा । दौसा महासम्मेलन के पारित प्रस्तावों के प्रचार के लिये श्री स्वामी 108 महाराज ज्ञानस्वरूप जी का बहुत बड़ा सक्रिय सहयोग रहा है उन्होंने सतसंगों के माध्यम से समाज को कुरीतियों से दूर रहने एवं सदमार्गों पर चलने के लिये रैगर जनता को प्रेरित किया । राजस्थान के गांव-गांव में सतसंगों के माध्यमों से निरन्तर रैगर नवयुवकों को समाज सुधार कार्यों के लिए प्रोत्साहित करते थे । उदाहरण स्वरूप जोधपुर (मारवाड़) सम्मेलन का उल्लेख कराना पर्याप्त होगा । श्री नोनाराम एवं अन्य साथियों के शुभ प्रयत्नों से एक महती सतसंग सभा स्वामी ज्ञानस्वरूपजी महाराज की अध्यक्षता में हुई जिसमें हजारों की संख्या में सजातीय बन्धु पहुँचें । धार्मिक आचार-विचार पर सुन्दर उपदेशों के साथ-साथ समाज सुधार एवं जातीय चेतना पर विभिन्न महानुभावों द्वारा प्रवचन हुए । दौसा में पारित प्रस्तावों का पूर्णतया समर्थन किया गया । और बहुत से रैगर भाईयों को घृणित कार्य न करने की प्रतिज्ञा कराई गई । इस अवसर पर स्वामी जी के भाषण के अतिरिक्त अखिल भारतीय रैगर महासभा के प्रचारमंत्री श्री कंवरसेन मौर्य ने ओजस्वी भाषण दिया ।
इस प्रथम अखिल भारतीय रैगर महासम्मेलन दौसा जिसके होने का एक मात्र श्रेय त्यागमूर्ति स्वामी आत्मारामजी लक्ष्य को ही है जिन्होंने अंधकार रूढ़ि वादी एवं कुरीतियों में फंसी हुई इस जाति को एक प्रकाश दिया जिससे कि यह शोषित दलित रैगर समाज अपने बारे में भी विचार कर सके । दौसा महासम्मेलन से तो नवयुवकों को प्रेरणा एवं चेतना प्राप्त हुई । जिस से वशीभूत होकर अपने गांवों-गांवों में जाति सुधार कार्यों में प्रवृत हो गये । परिणाम स्वरूप स्वर्णों के अत्याचार अधिक होने शुरू हो गए । लेकिन उनका डटकर सामना किया गया । इन कार्यों में अखिल भारतीय रैगर महासभा का कार्य वस्तुत: सराहनीय रहा जिस में जहाँ भी रैगरों पर मुसीबतें आई उन के निवारणार्थ शिष्टमण्डल भेजे जिनसे उन्हें धैर्य एवं साहस प्राप्त हुआ । इस समय तक महासभा की ओर से इन कार्यों में एवं काण्डों में सर्व श्री स्वामी आत्मारामजी लक्ष्य, श्री नवल प्रभाकर, श्री कंवरसेन मौर्य, डॉ. खूबराम जाजोरिया, भोलाराम तौणगरिया प्रभृति का कार्य विशेष रूप से सराहनीय है ।
रैगर समाज एक नजर ...............................................................
रैगर (Raigar), रैगेर (Raiger), रेगर (Regar) एवं रैंजर (Rangar) इन सभी नामों से रैगर समाज को जाना जाता है, सम्वत् 1408 के समय में रैगर समाज को रंघड़ राजपूत के नाम से भी जाना जाता था, राजस्थान के कई क्षेत्रों मे रैगर समाज को रैगर जटिया समाज के नाम से भी पुकारा जाता है, लेकिन इतने तरह के नामों के बाद भी हमारा रैगर समाज एक है , इसलिये ''गर्व से कहो, हम रैगर है ।'' रैगर समाज चमार वर्ग के अंतर्गत आता है यह इसकी एक उपजाति है इसी प्रकार से रैदास, जटिया, रंगया, मेहरा समाज भी चमार वर्ग के अंतर्गत आते है अत: ये सब जातियॉ चमार वर्ग के अंतर्गत, रैगर समाज की सहजाति है। समाज के लोग एक विशेष स्थान पर ही एक साथ रहना पसंद करते है तथा रूढी़वादिताओं की मान्यताओं को छोडना पसंद नही करते है जिसके चलते समय और व्यय अधिक करना पडता है। रैगर समाज के लोग आपस मे मारवाडी में बातचीत करते है एवं दूसरों के साथ बात करने के लिये हिन्दी भाषा का उपयोग करते है एवं भोजन मे ये शाकाहारी एवं मांसाहारी दोनों ही प्रकार के होते है खाने मे यह समाज गैहु, बाजरा, जौ, चावल एवं चना का मुख्य रूप से उपयोग करते है लेकिन मुख्य तोर पर गेहूं प्रधान आहार लेते है कुछ लोगों ने आर्य समाज एवं राधा स्वामी जी के विचारों से प्रेरित हो कर पूर्ण रूप से शाकाहारी बन गये है विवाह के लिय रैगर समाज मे अपने परिवार के परिजनो जैसे दादा, दादी, नाना, नानी, आदि परिवारों के गोत्र को छोडकर विवाह किया जाता है एवं विवाह के लिये अपने आस पास के लोगों की सहायता से निकट स्थान पर ही विवाह के प्रयास किये जाते है एवं गॉवों मे सगाई (रिश्ता तय) बचपन मे ही 10-12 वर्ष की उम्र मे ही कर दिया जाता है, समाज में बाल विवाह की भी प्रथा है लेकिन दुलहन को बालिग हो जाने पर ही उसे गोना कर ससुराल भेजा जाता है, लेकिन अब नई पीडी के द्वारा इसका विरोध किया जाने लगा है एवं जागरूकता के चलते अब विवाह बालिग हो ने पर ही किया जाने लगा है शादी दुलहन के घर पर हिन्दू रिति-रिवाजों से होती है, दहेज के रूप मे इलेक्ट्रानिक उपकरण, घर मे काम आने वाले बर्तन, पलंग, बिस्तर, एक पितल की बडी थाली, काशी की थाली और लोठा मुख्य रूप से दिया जाता है, शादी हो जाने के पश्चात् वर-वधू कुल के देवी देवताओं की पूजा करवायी जाती है इस प्रकार शादी की मुख्य रसमे निभाई जाती है। कही कही पर समाज के सक्रिय लोगो द्वारा सामुहिक विवाह सम्मेलन का आयोजन भी समय समय पर किया जाता है जिसमे अनाथ बच्चों की शादी बिना कोई शुल्क लिये कि जाती है। मृत्यु के संदर्भ मे लेख है कि मृत्यु होने के पश्चात् उसका दाह संसकार हिन्दू रिति से किया जाता है एवं दाह संसकार के तीन दिन बाद बची हुई हड्डियों को इकठ्ठा कर गंगा नदी मे विसर्जित किये जाने की मान्यता है एवं मृत्यु के बारह दिन पश्चात् जाति भोज रखा जाता है जिसे मौसर या घाटा कहा जाता है लेकिन अभी कुछ वर्षों पूर्व शासन के निर्देशानुसार मौसर पर कानूनी तोर पर प्रतिबंध लगा दिया गया है लेकिन अभी भी कही कही मौसर हो रहे है। रैगर समाज मे कूल के देवी देवता जैसे पुरवज बावजी, भेरू बावजी, सती माता, ड्याडी माता (कुल देवी) एवं झूणजी बावजी की पुजा मुख्य तोर से की जाती है एवं हिन्दू पूजा पाठ के अनुसार मुर्तिं पुजा दैनिक रूप से की जाती एवं साथ ही साथ सभी हिन्दू देवी देवताओं को माना जाता है एवं भगवान रामदेव बाबा (रूणिजा वाले) के गॉव-गॉव मे मंदिर है मंदिर मे पूजा-पाठ पंडित रखवा कर किया जाता है, संत रविदास, कबीर दास के भजन गाये जाते है, इन सभी को विशेष तोर से माना एवं पूजा जाता है एवं इन देवताओं संबंधित त्यौहारों पर भजन-किर्तन आयोजन कर विशेष रूप से हर्षों उल्लास के साथ मनाया जाता है, समाज मे यज्ञ, हवन, कथा, भजन मंडली का आयोजन भी किया जाता है हिन्दू समाज के सारे धार्मिक त्यौहार जैसे मकर सकरांती, होली, रक्षाबंधन, जन्माष्टमी, गणेश जन्मोत्सव, नवरात्री, दशहरा, दीवाली, गंरगोर की तीज, शिवरात्री, आदि त्यौहारों को विशेष तोर से मनाया जाता है एवं समाज मे अपने पूर्ण जीवनकाल मे एक बार जरूर चार धाम की यात्रा करने का महत्व है। रैगर समाज का पारंपरिक पेशा चमडे की रंगाई, खेती करना है पर वर्तमान मे चमडे के कार्य करने पर म.प्र. मे पूर्ण रूप से समाज ने प्रतिबंध लगा दिया है इनमे से कई लोग मजदूरी करते है लेकिन अब यह चमडे कार्य धीरे-धीरे समाज के लोगों द्वारा बंद किया जाने लगा है, कुछ समाज के धनी व्यक्तियों द्वारा इसे बडे स्तर पर अभी भी किया जा रहा है एवं ग्रामीण इलाकों मे अब इस कार्य को छोडकर खेती को विशेष महत्व दिया जा रहा है तथा कुछ मकान बनाने (मिस्त्री) का कार्य करने लगे है अब समाज के लोग राजनिति मे भी भाग ले रहे है, आधुनिकता के दोर मे समाज के कई लोग उच्च वर्ग मे सरकारी एवं गैर सरकारी संस्थानों मे कार्यरत है कई शहरों मे अब रैगर समाज महासभाओं एवं रैगर पंचायतो का आयोजन भी किया जाने लगा है और इन सभाओं मे समाज की समस्याओं, कुरितियों, एवं मुख्य मुद्दो पर चर्चा कर निर्णय लिये जाते है तथा कोर्ट-कचहरी की झंझटों से बचने के लिये समाज के प्रमुख पंचों द्वारा प्रतिबंध लगा कर बैठक मे निर्णय ले लिये जाते है एवं सहमति बनने पर नियम बद्ध रूप से लागू भी किया जाता है इन सबसे अलग गॉव मे आज भी रैगर समाज के साथ छुआछुत का खेल उच्च वर्ग के लोगों द्वारा जारी है एवं समाज आज भी ग्रामीण इलाकों मे अपने अस्तित्व की लडाई लड रहा है लेकिन शहरों मे अब धीरे धीरे छुआछुत खत्म होती तो नज़र आ रही है लेकिन पूर्ण रूप से नहीं। कही ना कही किसी ना किसी रूप मे भेदभाव देखने को मिल ही जाता है। लेकिन इन सब के चलते हम आशा करते है कि सरकार ओर कानून इन भेदभाव के मुद्दो पर संज्ञान लेगा ओर इनमें कमी आयेगी।
आईये हम सब एक प्रतिज्ञा ले कि हम अपने समाज मे व्याप्त कुरितियों, भेदभाव एवं छुआछुत से लडेनें के लिये प्रतिबध होवेंगें ओर इनका पूरजोर विरोध करेंगें ओर देश और समाज की प्रगति मे विशेष भागीदारी निभाने के लिये प्रयास करेंगें, तो समाज इस विकास की दौड में सम्मिलित हो सकेगा। समाज के हर नागरिक का कर्तव्य है कि सब मिलकर अपनी भागीदारी निभायें तो प्रगति की राह समाज को जल्द मिल सकेगी। कुछ समाज के लोग शासकीय नोकरियों मे लग गये है पर वो समाज से हट कर चलने लगे है जैसे नोकरी वाले नोकरी वालों के यहॉ ही सम्बंध करना पसन्द करते है तथा अन्य समाजों मे भी अपने बच्चों का संबंध करने लगे है इस प्रकार की मानसिकता से हमे बचना पडेगा। समाज के पिछे छुटे गरीब वर्ग को आगे बढाने का प्रयास करना होगा। एवं साथ ही साथ समाज की एकता अखण्डता और देश को साथ लेकर चलने का प्रयास करे ताकि रैगर समाज गौरव महसूस कर सकें आज हमारे समाज को विद्वान, बुद्धिजीवी, अनुभवी और समाज सेवा वाले व्यक्तियों की जरूरत है हमे अपने समाज को आपस मे मिल कर बांधकर रखना होगा नहीं तो समाज दिशाहीन होकर लुप्त हो सकता है। जिस प्रकार एक व्यक्ति अपने परिवार की पूर्ण जिम्मेदारी उठाता है उसी प्रकार उसे इस बात को भी समझना होगा की परिवार समाज का ही एक हिस्सा है ओर जितनी जिम्मेदारी उसकी अपने परिवार के प्रति है उतनी ही अपने समाज के प्रति भी होना चाहिये। आज के युवा वर्ग द्वारा इस महत्वपूर्ण जिम्मेदारी को ईमानदारी से निभाना होगा। आईये हम सब मिलकर समाज की बुराईयों, कुरितियों, रूडिवादिताओं से उबारतें हुए समाज को नई राह दिखाये, ओर समाज के प्रति अपने कर्त्तव्य का निर्वाह करने का सफल प्रयास करें।
लेखक
ब्रजेश आर्य (हंजावलियॉ)
99933389
Bhuyar Samaaj
Bhuiyar or Bhuiyar is a community or caste residing in India, which mainly resides in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Bihar, Haryana, Delhi, Punjab, Rajasthan etc. The Bhuiyar caste also resides in Pakistan and Bangladesh. Bhuiyar caste has been notified as Scheduled Caste by Order No. 1442 / 25-10-1957 dated 22-05-1957 of High Court, Allahabad. The Bhuiyar caste was mainly used to weave cloths, for this reason, in the village-countryside, this caste is known by the names Bhanyar Julaha, Kori, Kabir Panthi, etc.
Delhi and BhuiyarDifference between Delhi and Bhuiyar
Delhi Vs. Bhuyar
Delhi (IPA), officially the National Capital Territory of Delhi (English: National Capital Territory of Delhi) is a union territory and metropolis of India. It includes New Delhi which is the capital of India. Being the capital of Delhi, the headquarters of the three central government units - Executive, Parliament and Judiciary are established in New Delhi and Delhi. Delhi is the second largest metropolis in India as a population spread over 163 sq km. The population here is about 10 million 40 lakhs. The main languages spoken here are: Hindi, Punjabi, Urdu and English. Delhi has historical significance in India. To its southwest are the Aravalli Hills and the Yamuna River in the east, On whose side it is located. This was the main stop in the ancient times in the path of the commercial paths going through the Gangetic plain. Situated on the banks of river Yamuna, this city has a glorious mythological history. It is the oldest city of India. The beginning of its history is associated with the Indus Valley Civilization. The excavations in the surrounding areas of Haryana have provided evidence of this fact. Its name was Indraprastha in Mahabharata period. With the rise of the Delhi Sultanate, Delhi became a major political, Emerged as a cultural and commercial city. Many ancient and medieval buildings and their remains can be seen here. In 1739, the Mughal emperor Shah Jahan built a boundary wall surrounded by Delhi, which was the capital of the Mughal Empire from 149 to 1858. In the 16th and 19th centuries, the British East India Company captured almost the whole of India. These people made Kolkata their capital. In 1911, the British government decided to bring the capital back to Delhi. For this, construction of a new city New Delhi to the south of Old Delhi started. New Delhi was declared the capital of India after gaining independence from the British in 1949.
After the independence, there was a migration of people from different areas in Delhi, this led to a complete change in the appearance of Delhi. Different provinces, Due to the people of religions and castes settling in Delhi, Delhi was urbanized and at the same time a mixed culture was also born here. Today Delhi is a major political, cultural and commercial center of India. . Bhuiyar or Bhuiyar is a community or caste residing in India, which mainly resides in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Bihar, Haryana, Delhi, Punjab, Rajasthan etc. The Bhuiyar caste also resides in Pakistan and Bangladesh. Bhuiyar caste has been notified as Scheduled Caste by Order No. 1442 / 25-10-1957 dated 22-05-1957 of High Court, Allahabad. The Bhuiyar caste was mainly used to weave cloths, for this reason, in the village-countryside, this caste is known by the names Bhanyar Julaha, Kori, Kabir Panthi, etc. . It is a cultural and commercial center. . Bhuiyar or Bhuiyar is a community or caste residing in India, which mainly resides in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Bihar, Haryana, Delhi, Punjab, Rajasthan etc. The Bhuiyar caste also resides in Pakistan and Bangladesh. The Bhuiyar caste was mainly used to weave cloths, for this reason, in the village-countryside, this caste is known by the names Bhanyar Julaha, Kori, Kabir Panthi, etc. .
Bhuiyar Caste clans (गौत्र)
Bhamra (भामड़ा), Narwal (नरवाल), Katariyan (कटारियान), Kankarwal (कंकरवाल), Agrawal (अग्रवाल), Bagwal (बगवाल), Gondwal (गोंदवाल), Uparwal (उप्परवाल), Jag (जाग), Doodhwal (दूधवाल), Mahetiyan (महेतियान/मेतियान), Khagaran (खागरान), Khapriyan (खपर्यान), Vashiyan (वैशियान), Mukaryan (मुखर्यान), Kakran (काकरान), Bharwan (भारवान), Baliyan (बाल्यान/बालियान), Taryan (तर्यान), Taharyan (तहरियान), Ashiyan (आशियान), Tedewal (टेड्वाल), Kait (कैत), Dharwal (धारवाल), Deshwal (देशवाल), Bhagwal (भागवाल), Peetwal (पीतवाल), Jayashwal (जशवाल), Jurwal (जुड्वाल), Granthiwal (ग्रंथीवाल), Kachhwal (काचवाल), Teetwal (टीट्वाल), Galyan/Dalyaan(गाल्यान/दाल्यान) , Taharan (तहरान), Adayan (आदियान), Jaityan (जैतियान), Fariyan (फरियान), Loeewal (लोईवाल), Vojyan (वोजियान), Kritiyan (क्रतियान), Amyan (आम्यान), Chaudhran (चौधरान), Gurjarvan (गुजरवान), Kadyan(कादियान), Dhidival (ढिडिवाल), Bhal (भाल), Maithyan (मैथयान), Puniyan (पुनियान), Charvahan (चर्वाहन), Badgujar/Bangujjar (बड्गुज्जर/बनगुजर), Metram (मेत्रम), Bhagla (भागला), Kashyap (कश्यप), Vaijran वैजरान), Jagpal (जगपाल), Katariya (कटारिया), Dahiya (दहिया), Kankhana (कंखना), Saroha (सिरोहा), Kankarwal (कंकर्वाल), Muwal (मुवल), Dhangad (धनगड), Sidhauliya (सिधौलिया), Doniyal (दौनियाल), Narwal (नरवाल), Mahalwan (महल्वान), Monchhwal (मोछवाल), Panwar/Parwar (पंवार/परवार),,Kachhwaha (कछवाह), Rathee (राठी), Bhadbhujar (बड्भुजर), Bagala (बागला), Gaud (गौड), Bhadbhuja (बड्भुजा), Fariyan (फरियान), Dulaniya दुलानिया),Dhilwania (दिल्वानिया), Tomar (तोमर), Karne (कर्ने), Dhhakran (ढ्करान), Sadhiyan (साधियान), Gogyan (गोदवान), Roliyan (रोलियान), Chhajara (छाजरा), Gogwal (गौदवाल), Chaupra (चौपर), Bhahal (भाहल), Barne भारने)Chauhan,Rathore,Gehlot,ketwal,kathyan, Motwal,Dullyan,Siras Dulyani.
Traditional tools of Bhuiyar
Traditional tools of Bhuiyar community(http://bhuiyar.blogspot.com/2017/06/traditional-tools-of-bhuiyar.html)
Shuttles with Bobin
Loom (करघा)
Shuttle (weaving) (नाल)
Spinning Wheel (चरखा)
Heddles (हत्था)
Beaters Combs (पंजा)
Bobin (नली)
Hajara (हजारा)
Koonch (Brush) (कूँच)
Spindle (तकुआ)
Paddle (पावडे)
Tur (तुर)
Gardana (गरदाना)
Raach (राच)
Ghidi (घिड़ी)
Stick (खुँमड़ी / लाठी)
Rope (रस्सी)
MADIGA Samaaj
by v ramchandra rao
One of the largest scheduled caste grouping in India, the Madigas have a very ancient presence . They are today mainly poor leather workers and agricultural labourers, although there are references in ancient literature and stories which allude to their important role. The Madiga community is known as the Mang in Maharastra, the Chakkaliya in Tamil nadu and possibly the Matang in North India.
They are called Chamar / chambhar and the Mochi/Muchi in other states, all traditionally leather workers. While the Madigas in medieval times and recently too were very low down in the social scale, in ancient times--really ancient times--they were a large hunting food gathering tribe.
* Note: the ancient people of the same name may not have any "genetic" connection to present day people: the link is mainly cultural. This applies to ALL communities.
They probably had the elephant for their totem or symbol. The tribal deity of a section of the Madigas or the Mangs, Matangi devi, became one of the aspects of the greater goddess of nature : some early tribal priest or culture hero became Matanga rishi and entered the brahminical legend. It is also very likely the priests or medicine men of the Madigas merged with the priests of the settled communities, a feature of the assimilatory nature of Indian society. In this sense the madigas share some upper caste affiliations, which the Malas dont seem to do so.
Madigas seem to be a far-flung tribe with similar sounding names like Mandinga noticed in Africa and Southeast asia too. Since they are connected with the elephant from the earliest, presumably they lived in roughly the same habitat.
The Matangas and Ibhyas are mentioned in many old Indian books, and from owners of domesticated elephants they become keepers (mahouts) and finally menials.
Now with modern society and " affirmative action" the Madigas are rising rapidly, though not to the extent some other scheduled castes are. This has led to a curious rivalry between the scheduled caste communitiesfor government benefits.
The rivalry is legendary and traditional , going back to tribal times and manifested clearly in national and regional politics. It used to be called the division between right hand and left hand communities: seems to be based on occupational artisan castes vs. agricultural labour basically. Unfortunately this is also very useful for the exploiting groups to keep down both the scheduled communities. Some of the Madigas turned to christianity, protestantism, and after noting further extension of caste based games, shifted away to other denominations, for instance preferring the Baptist.
The Madigas are light brown to dark complexioned, usually slim and smooth-featured, in some cases delicately built --the girls are said to be of padmini -jati as the old indian saying goes---physically quite different from the Malas. The Madigas are mentioned in very old indian books so they've been in these parts from a long time.
The Madigas have a very old tradition of dedicating a couple of girls to a deity, the girls are then called yogin or basavi. While the origin seems to be a ceremony of initiation of female priests (priestesses) and a reflection of matriarchial society, it degenerated by late buddhist and hindu times into nothing more than dancing girls and worse, prostitution.
The madigas are said to be backers of the Telugu Desam, mainly because their Mala SC rivals support the Congress. Wonder what these equations will look like in a few years time. The bjp in north India has a tie up with the bsp (who have a chamar -madiga orientation, and are not very keen when ambedkar/buddhism are used as 'political icons' by their rivals ie mala- mahar)
In recent times several young people of Madiga origin have taken enthusiastically to computers and machines, which don't care about "social status". All the same the perceptive members of the madiga are particular about retaining their traditional histories and legends, of which only a fraction have ever been written. For instance there is some evidence linking the Madigas to the fabled Indus valley civilisation. There is a wealth of oral tradition which is only now being written down. I'll shortly post more of these interesting stories which throw light on the ancient history.
Chuhra Samaaj
Population : 2,302,000
Main Language : Punjabi, Eastern
Evangelical : Unknown
Progress
Subgroup NamePopulation ▼
Chohra 5,100
Khakrob 700
Profile
Introduction / History
The Chura are one of the poorest peoples and most discriminated against peoples of India. The other castes of India including the Muslims and Sikhs consider them to be Dalits or untouchables. The main occupations of the Churas have been sweeping the streets, cleaning up excrement and disposing of dead animals. They are frequently denied entrance into Hindu temples and Muslim mosques. Less than half of Churas can read and write.
The Churas are a Scheduled people in India. The government provides special places for them in public jobs and education due to the past discrimination. The Churas are now legally referred to as Balmiki.
As Churas move into the cities, their young people now have the opportunity to attend schools and hope to better their position in life. Chura unions have secured better salaries and working conditions.
Where Are they Located? The large majority of the Churas live in the Indian states of Punjab and Haryana. Others live in other north and west regions of India.
What Are Their Lives Like? Even with the help of the Indian government, the Churas or Balmiki live very challenging lives. Although the caste system has been officially eliminated, the Churas experience daily discrimination by higher castes particularly in the rural areas. They must live outside of villages in mud huts without electricity and plumbing. Only the lowest jobs are open to the Churas. Basket weaving is a source of income to Chura women. In the cities, Chura men often work in sewers and unclog drains and pipes. In rural areas, they often work as day laborers.
The Churas marr
y within their clan. Families arrange marriages. Girls are often married before they reach puberty. Sons inherit what little property families own.
The Churas are non-vegetarians but can often afford only the simplest foods of rice, millet and seasonal vegetables. Churas must frequently walk long distances for clean water because villagers do not allow them to use the village well.
Alcoholism and opium use is a problem among the Churas.
What Are Their Beliefs?
The Churas seems flexible in their beliefs. Although most consider themselves Hindus, they adopt the religious practices of the villages where they live whether Hindu, Muslim or Sikh.
The Churas often believe in evil spirits and ghosts. They employ shaman, priests and charms to drive them away.
Since the Churas are not allowed into temples and mosques, they build their own shrines and altars out of brick or mud.
What Are Their Needs?
The Churas need to hear and believe in the gospel of Jesus Christ. They need to see themselves as valuable in God's eyes and that His Son dies for them. Young Chura people need education so they can begin to break out of the extreme poverty, which plagues their people.
Prayer Points
* Scripture Prayers for the Chuhra in India.
* Pray the Lord would send loving Christian workers to help the Churas in both their spiritual and physical needs.
* Pray the Christian Churas of Pakistan would reach out to share the gospel and disciple their brothers and sisters in India.
* Pray the Lord provides Christian schools and teachers to help educate the Churas.
References www.indianetzone.com/56/chura.htm
Profile Source: David Kugel
Chuhra
From Wikipedia
For the Islamic principle, see Shura.Chura, also known as Bhanghi and Balmiki, is a caste in India and a tribe in Pakistan. Populated regions include the Punjab region. Their traditional occupation is sweeping, a "polluting" occupation that caused them to be considered untouchables in the Hindu caste system.
Churas in Indian Punjab are largely followers of Sikhism. A small minority practice Valmikism, an offshoot form of mainstream Hinduism which still incorporates elements of Sikhism in its practices. In Pakistani Punjab 90-95% of its Christian population are from the Chura caste.
In Christianity
There were waves of Chuhra conversions to Christianity between the 1870s and 1930s. The British Raj censuses became increasingly confused regarding Chuhra religious beliefs because the respondents were allowed to choose their designation. Jeffrey Cox says that in the 1920s and 1930s they described themselves variously as
Chuhra, "Hindu" Chuhra, Musali (Muslim Chuhra), Mazhabi (Sikh Chuhra), Ad-Dharmi, Christian Chuhra, or simply Christian ... It is certain that a large majority of the 391,270 Indian Christians enumerated in Punjab were Chuhras - that is, the most stigmatized minority in the province.
In Islam
Despite placing great emphasis on social equality and brotherhood among all Muslims, early South Asian Muslims did not address the problem of untouchability for the Chuhras or Bhangis. As a result, only a very few members from this community ever embraced Islam, most converting to Christianity. Chuhras adopted the externals of Islam by keeping Muslim names, observing Ramadan and burial of the dead. However they never underwent circumcision. Only a few cases of circumcision have ever been recorded for Chuhras or Bhangis and these were Chuhras who lived very near Jama Masjid. The Chuhras did not accept Mohammed as their prophet and also continued observing traditional Hindu festivals, such as Diwali, Rakhi and Holi. Just like their Hindu brethren they continued with their traditional caste work. In India the caste system was fully observed by Muslims. Untouchability was fully accepted and justified by the Muslim Orthodoxy in India and the caste system was fully observed by Muslim society. In the same way that Hindu Chuhras who were barred from entrance to temples in historical times, Muslim Chuhras are still today barred from entrance to mosques and never allowed to go past the outside steps to Muslim religious places. Untouchability in Islam even extended after death; Chuhras were to bury their dead in separate graveyards away from other Muslims.
Paraiyar Samaaj
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Adi Dravida/ParaiyarRegions with significant populations
Languages
Religion
Related ethnic groups
Paraiyar or Parayar[ (formerly anglicised as Pariah and Paree) is a caste group found in Sri Lanka and the Indian state of Tamil Nadu. They are also known as Adi Dravida ("Ancient Dravidians"), which was a title encouraged by the British Raj as a substitute for Paraiyar because the British believed that their colonising of the country had ended slavery in India.
The 2001 Census of India reported that in Tamil Nadu the Adi Dravida population was 5,402,755 and the Paraiyar population was 1,860,519, giving a total of 7,263,274. The combined total was 11.63 percent of the state's population. They are numerically the largest Scheduled Caste in Tamil Nadu, accounting for about 59 per cent of the total.
Etymology
Robert Caldwell and several other writers derive the name of the community from the Tamil word parai("drum"). According to this hypothesis, the Paraiyars were originally a community of drummers who performed during flood time, war, auspicious events like festivals, weddings and also funerals. As their population increased, they were forced to take up occupations that were considered unclean, such as burial of corpses and scavenging. Because of this, they came to be considered as an untouchable caste. M. Srinivasa Aiyangar finds this etymology unsatisfactory, arguing that beating of drums could not have been an occupation of a large number of people. Some other writers, such as Gustav Solomon Oppert, derive the name from poraian, the name of a regional subdivision mentioned by ancient Tamil grammarians.
History
Pre-British period
The Sangam literature (c. 300 BCE–300 CE) contains references to the caste system of Tamil culture, which contained certain "low-born" groups referred to as Pulaiyar. They were believed to be associated with magical power and kept at a distance, made to live in separate hamlets outside villages. However, their magical power was believed to sustain the king, who had the ability to transform it into auspicious power. Thus the pulaiyarperformed a ritual function by composing and singing songs in the king's favour and beating drums. They were divided into subgroups based on the instruments they played. George L. Hart believes that one of the drums called kiṇai later came to be called paṟai and the people that played the drum were paṟaiyar (plural of paṟaiyan).
The earliest extant reference to the term Paraiyar (as an occupational term for drummers) occurs in a poem by the Sangam poet Mangudi Kilar (2nd century CE). But the earliest mention of the term as a caste does not occur until the reign of Rajaraja Chola (11th century CE). From this period onwards, the word occurs in different contexts in the various pre-British sources:
Inscriptions, especially those from the Thanjavur district, mention paraicceris, which were separate hamlets of the Paraiyars. Also living in separate hamlets were the artisans such as goldsmiths and cobblers, who were also accorded low status in the Sangam literature.
In a few inscriptions (all of them from outside Thanjavur district), Paraiyars are described as temple patrons.
There are also references to "Paraiya chieftainships" in the 8th and 10th centuries, but it is not known what these were and how they were integrated into the Chola political system.
According to the Later Chola inscriptions, someone who breaks the terms of an endowment is to be considered as degraded as a man who gives his wife to a Paraiyar.
Burton Stein describes an essentially continuous process of expansion of the nuclear areas of the caste society into forest and upland areas of tribal and warrior people, and their integration into the caste society at the lowest levels. Many of the forest groups were incorporated as Paraiyar either by association with the parai drum or by integration into the low-status labouring groups who were generically called Paraiyar. Thus, it is thought that Paraiyar came to have many subcastes.
During the Bhakti movement (c. 7th–9th centuries CE), the saints - Shaivite Nayanars and the Vaishnavite Alvars - contained one saint each from the untouchable communities. The Nayanar saint Nandanar was born, according to Periya Puranam, in a "threshold of the huts covered with strips of leather", with mango trees from whose branches were hung drums. "In this abode of the people of the lowest caste (kadainar), there arose a man with a feeling of true devotion to the feet of Siva." Nandanar was described as a temple servant and leather worker, who supplied straps for drums and gut-string for stringed instruments used in the Chidambaram temple, but he was himself not allowed to enter the temple. The Paraiyar regard Nandanar as one of their own caste.
Scholars such as Burchett and Moffatt state that the Bhakti devotationalism did not undermine Brahmin ritual dominance. Instead, it might have strengthened it by warding off challenges from Jainism and Buddhism.
British colonial era
By the early 19th century, the Paraiyars had a degraded status in the Tamil society. Francis Buchanan's report on socio-economic condition of South Indians described them ("Pariar") as inferior caste slaves, who cultivated the lands held by Brahmins. This report largely shaped the perceptions of the British officials about the contemporary society. They regarded Pariyars as an outcaste, untouchable community. In the second half of the 19th century, there were frequent descriptions of the Paraiyars in official documents and reformist tracts as being "disinherited sons of the earth". The first reference to the idea may be that written by Francis Whyte Ellisin 1818, where he writes that the Paraiyars "affect to consider themselves as the real proprietors of the soil". In 1894, William Goudie, a Weslyan missionary, said that the Paraiyars were self-evidently the "disinherited children of the soil". English officials such as Ellis believed that the Paraiyars were serfs toiling under a system of bonded labour that resembled the European villeinage. However, scholars such as Burton Stein argue that the agricultural bondage in the Tamil society was different from the contemporary British ideas of slavery.
Historians such as David Washbrook have argued that the socio-economic status of the Paraiyars rose greatly in the 18th century during the Company rule in India; Washbrook calls it the "Golden Age of the Pariah". Raj Sekhar Basu disagrees with this narrative, although he agrees that there were "certain important economic developments".
The Church Mission Society converted a large number of Paraiyars to Christianity by the early 19th century.[29] During the British Raj, the missionary schools and colleges admitted Paraiyar students amid opposition from the upper-caste students. In 1893, the colonial government sanctioned an additional stipend for the Paraiyar students. The colonial officials, scholars and missionaries attempted to rewrite the history of the Paraiyars, characterising them as a community that enjoyed a high status in the past. Edgar Thurston (1855-1935), for example, claimed that their status was nearly equal to that of the Brahmins in the past. H. A. Stuart, in his Census Report of 1891, claimed that Valluvans were a priestly class among the Paraiyars, and served as priests during Pallava reign. Robert Caldwell, J. H. A. Tremenheere and Edward Jewitt Robinson claimed that the ancient poet-philosopher Thiruvalluvar was a Paraiyar.
Buddhist advocacy by Iyothee Thass
Iyothee Thass, a Siddha doctor by occupation, belonged to a Paraiyar elite. In 1892, he demanded access for Paraiyars to Hindu temples, but faced resistance from upper-caste Brahmins and Vellalars. This experience led him to believe that it was impossible to emancipate the community within the Hindu fold. In 1893, he also rejected Christianity and Islam as the alternatives to Hinduism, because caste differences had persisted among Indian Christians, while the backwardness of contemporary local Muslims made Islam unappealing.
Thass subsequently attempted a Buddhist reconstruction of the Tamil religious history. He argued that the Paraiyars were originally followers of Buddhism and constituted the original population of India. According to him, the Brahmanical invaders from Persia defeated them and destroyed Buddhism in southern India; as a result, the Paraiyars lost their culture, religion, wealth and status in the society and become destitute. In 1898, Thass and a large number of his followers converted to Buddhism and founded the Sakya Buddha Society (cākkaiya putta caṅkam) with the influential mediation of Henry Steel Olcott of the Theosophical Society. Olcott subsequently and greatly supported the Tamil Paraiyar Buddhists.
Controversy over the community's name
Iyothee Thass felt that Paraiyar was a slur, and campaigned against its usage. During the 1881 census of India, he requested the government to record the community members under the name Aboriginal Tamils. He later suggested Dravidian as an alternative term, and formed the Dhraavidar Mahajana Sabhai (Dravidian Mahajana Assembly) in 1891. Another Paraiyar leader, Rettamalai Srinivasan, however, advocated using the term Paraiyar with pride. In 1892, he formed the Parayar Mahajana Sabha (Paraiyar Mahajana Assembly), and also started a news publication titled Paraiyan.
Thass continued his campaign against the term, and petitioned the government to discontinue its usage, demanding punishment for those who used the term. He incorrectly claimed that the term Paraiyar was not found in any ancient records (it has been, in fact, found in the 10th century Chola stone inscriptions from Kolar district). Thass subsequently advocated the term Adi Dravida (Original Dravidians) to describe the community. In 1892, he used the term Adidravida Jana Sabhai to describe an organisation, which was probably Srinivasan's Parayar Mahajana Sabha. In 1895, he established the People’s Assembly of Urdravidians (Adidravida Jana Sabha), which probably split off from Srinivasan's organisation. According to Michael Bergunder, Thass was thus the first person to introduce the concept of Adi Dravida into political discussion.
Another Paraiyar leader, M. C. Rajah — a Madras councillor — made successful efforts for adoption of the term Adi-Dravidar in the government records. In 1914, the Madras Legislative Council passed a resolution that officially censured the usage of the term Paraiyar to refer to a specific community, and recommended Adi Dravidar as an alternative. In the 1920s and 1930s, Periyar E. V. Ramasamy ensured the wider dissemination of the term Adi Dravida.
Right-hand caste faction
Paraiyars belong to the Valangai ("Right-hand caste faction"). Some of them assume the title Valangamattan ("people of the right-hand division"). The Valangai comprised castes with an agricultural basis while the Idangai consisted of castes involved in manufacturing. Valangai, which was better organised politically.
Matang Samaaj
Matang Name Meaning
Historically, surnames evolved as a way to sort people into groups - by occupation, place of origin, clan affiliation, patronage, parentage, adoption, and even physical characteristics (like red hair). Many of the modern surnames in the dictionary can be traced back to Britain and Ireland.
Similar surnames: Tang, Stang, Catano, Narang, Patane, Galang, Harang, Wang, Yang, Tong
In 1880, the most common Matang occupation in the USA was Laborer. 100% of Matang's were Laborers.
An unusually short lifespan might indicate that your Matang ancestors lived in harsh conditions. A short lifespan might also indicate health problems that were once prevalent in your family. The SSDI is a searchable database of more than 70 million names. You can find birthdates, death dates, addresses and more.
मातंग समाजWhat is Matang Cast:-
What is Matang Cast:
Matang is a Dalit caste in the Indian states of Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, and Karnataka. Matangs or Mangs are known as Madigas in Andhra Pradesh.
Matangs originally belong to Nagvansh, an ancient race of North India. This race was staunch follower of Shramanic religions like Jainism and Buddhism. We can trace the origin of Matangs in Indus valley civilization.
References to Matang can be found in ancient Jain literature. According to Jain literature, Vinami, the great grandson of Rishabh the first Teerthankar of Jainism, was the founder of Matang race. Suparshvanath, the 7th Teerthankar of Jainism himself was a Matang. His Yaksha (attendant god) was also a Matang. The Yaksha of Mahavir the 24th Teerthankar was also a Matang.
Matang Yaksha is Jain God of Prosperity.(see matang yaksha sitting on elephant sculpture at Ellora cave no 32)
In Buddhism Matang is the name of Boddhisatva(protagonist of the Matanga Jataka), also the name of Pratyekabuddha, and Matangi is the godess mentioned in Buddhist text Divyavadana.
According to Ramayan, Hanuman, Vali, Sugreev, Jambvant were Matangs. And there was the rishi Matang or Jambmuni residing on rishyamukh parvat in kishkindha, he was guru of shabhari. Ram and laxman also visited his ashram and hanuman,sugreev also reside on these mountain during there exile.
Totem they probably had the elephant for their totem or symbol as word for elephant in sanskrit is matang.
Religion
In ancient times, they were staunch followers of Jainism.At present day, they are divided in following religions:
Hinduism
Christianity
Buddhism
A small number of people from this community in Karnataka follow Veershaivism and Jainism.
Notable personalities
Sages
Acharya Harikeshi, a Jain Achraya of ancient India
Muni Chitta-Sambhuti Vijay, two brothers who were disciple monks of Teerthankar Mahaveer
Mythical
Hanuman (Maruti) who helped Raam in his mission
Historical
Yampal Matang, a famous lay follower of Jainism mentioned in ancient Jain Literature
Revolutionaries
Lahuji Raghoji Salve (Lahuji Ustad), Activist, Thinker,Social Reformer and Revolutionary from Maharashtra.
Mukta Salve
Writers
Anna Bhau Sathe, Marathi Novelist, Social Reformer
Singers
Shahir Vitthal Umap, A famous Marathi folk singer. Also, known for his songs on Dr. B. R. Ambedkar.
Shahir Nangare
Mang (caste)
From Wikipedia
Māng musicians with drums (Russell, 1916)
Mangs in western India (c. 1855-1862).
The Mang or Matang community is an Indian caste mainly residing in the state of Maharashtra. The community was historically believed to be associated with Village security or professions such as rope making, broom making, village musicians, cattle castration, leather curing, midwifery, hangmen, and undertaking. In modern day India, they are listed as a Scheduled Caste, Their origins lie in the Narmada Valley of India, and they were formerly classified as a criminal tribe under the Criminal Tribes Acts of the British Raj.
Distribution
Per the 1981 census, the majority of Mang lived in Maharashtra (1,211,335), with much smaller numbers in Gujarat (2,765); Goa, Daman, and Diu (702) and Rajasthan (241).
Social status
In the early 20th century, the Mang began to form caste associations to advocate their cause, such as the Matang Samaj (1932) and Matang Society (1923).
CHAPTER - I
MATANG COMMUNITY: AN INTRODUCTION
1.1 Introduction
Matang (Mang) is one of the most important castes among a l the untouchable castes in Maharashtra. Even today this caste holds an important place in the affairs of village. ‘Mang’ has an important place in the ‘Balutedar’ system of village. This caste is one of the most suppressed and neglected castes in the state. Its status is considered to be the lowest among all. Even so, the caste is immensely important from the cultural point of view (Somawanshi, B.C. 1989: 7 ).
This chapter attempts to have introductory information about the Matang community. The word ‘Mang’ or ‘Matang’ denotes a caste or creed or it attempts to denote the class or a concept has been made clear in this chapter. It also touches the Matang community at the time of Shivaji Maharaj, Peshwa period and British period. The chapter tries to establish identity of the Matang community during the period of Shahu Maharaj. In order to deal with the Matang community of Marathwada it takes into account the community that existed during the period of Nizam. It tries to establish a fact and searches in the quest to know who are the original inhabitants of Maharashtra. Matang community has been seen in the light of ‘Vethbigar’ Balutedar, and Vatandar system that prevailed in the society which means that the chapter tries to explore the Matang community through social and historical perspectives.
1.2 The Origin of Word ‘Mang’:
The word ‘Mang’ is prevalent since 13th century in the Marathi region. Before this, however, the caste was referred to as ‘Matang’ (Khadase, B.K., 1990: 25). The reference to the word ‘Matang’ is not made in respect to caste or creed but it is found as ‘Rishi naam’ (name of the Rishi). We get references to the term ‘Matang’ in Ramayan and Kathasaritsaagar which are the stories of ‘Rishis.’ During that period ‘Rishis’were denoted and were belonging to the lower strata. In a book titled ‘Soot Nippat’ in pali literature ‘Matang’ and ‘Chandal’ are the words synonymous with each other. The Marathi word ‘Mang’ is derived from the sanskrit word ‘Matang’ (Somawanshi, B.C, 1989: 27).
In sanskrit ‘Mang’ is even called an ‘swapach’ or ‘shwapak,' however, ‘Matang’ is the culturelization. According to Maharshi V.R. Shinde the original word is ‘Mang’, ( _§J ), ‘Mang’ ( _m±J ) or ‘Mang’ ( _m§J ) (Shinde, V.R. 1976: 105).
1.3 The meaning of word Mang-Matang
The word ‘Matang’ is the sanskrit version of the word ‘Mang’. The scholars have used the word ‘Mang’ and have arrived at different meanings of the word- Mat + atank means the great ones who show remarkable feats. Mat +.Ang means those who possess the great strength (Khadase, B.K , 1990: 26). Linguistically the meaning and origin of the word ‘Mang’ can be said to be ‘the one who creates terror without weapons’. Prabhakar Mande holds this view. Matang – the word Maat means the one who has a strength and ang means body ; the united meaning of these words may be –‘a person who has a power’(Mande Prabhakar, 1983: 4). The word Matang means the one who traces out the way or the one who shows a way or it even means the one who feeds himself by begging for food. In the earlier sense the word Mang means (the one who traces out the clues to crime and the criminal and in the later period it meant one who asks for food and lives on.) These are the various meanings of the word Matang according to Chavan Ramnath (Chavan Ramnath, 1989: 160).In Sanskrit ‘Mang’ is called ‘shwapach’ or ‘shwapak’ the meaning of the word shwapak is ‘one who eats the meat of dog’.These creeds can be traced in Assam region even today. The reference to ‘Mang’ is made four times as ‘Pratimaan’in the ‘Tukaram Gatha’. The meaning there is ‘the one who indulgesinto misdeeds’ (Khadase B.K , 1990: 25).
‘Matang’ is the sophisticated use of the original word Mang,
( _§J ) Maang ( _±mJ )and Mang( _m§J ). This is the real word. This word ought to have been used, meaning ‘human’ or ‘brother’. As Mr .is prefixed before the name in English so in ‘Brahmi’ language the word ‘mang’ is used before the name. The suffix ‘gal’ is used in plural sense. It is a ‘Dravid’ word ‘Mangal’ that denotes a country. Mang also means monkey (Vanar) in Kannada and even Dravid word which is present even in English word ‘monkey.’ In Sanskrit and purana litrature the word ‘Matang’ is used as a common name and ‘Rishiname’. We do not find reference to the word ‘Matang’ denoting the caste and if found it is a recent one (Khadase B. K., 1990: 25). Many scholars have arrived at different meanings of the words ‘Mang’ or ‘Matang’. The whole episode seems to be like the description of the elephant by the blinds. The researcher would like to split the word ‘Mang’ like this : Ma- means mother and Ang means body the mother earth is called Ma. Thus to the researcher word 'Matang' means the one who is the child of mother earth or son of soil. Mata + Ang = Matang means the one who is born out of soil. Again the meaning comes to be, the one who is the son of earth i.e 'Bhoomiputra'. The real meaning of the term Matang, according to researecher is the son of the earth – the one who is brave and powerful. However, with the passage of time the meaning is degraded and Mang is taken to be the one who indulges into unfair deeds and the one who asks for food.
1.4 Origin of Matang : Vitthal Ramji Shinde has asserted that, orignally Matangs must have been belonging to the kol (Koli) origin. Whereas Gautam rishi has put forth his view that ‘Chandal’ i.e. Matang must have come into being with the union between a Brahmin lady and a Shudra Man. A myth goes like this, when the lord Brahma started creating the universe, his work was hampered by the winged horses. Consequently the making of universe was impeded. By that time the Lord Mahadeo created the first ‘Mang.’ He was ‘Madhya’( _mÜ` ) after which the whole universe was created. In short, the Mangs have contributed in the creation of universe and he was created by the Lord Mahadeo himself. Devotion to the Lord Mahadeo among the Mangs is well-known (Khadase B.K., 1990: 28).
Jambuwant is considered to be the foremost ancester of monkeys and Matangs claim to be the descendents of Jambuwant (Somawanshi, B. C., 1989: 32). Considering the foregoing discussion and the assertations it becomes difficult to make a firm statement about the origin of
Matnags and even a concrete statement cannot be made about their race. We have stated that ‘Chandal’ is not a race. Shinde considers the Matangs in Gujarat are in the occupation of fishing, perhaps this must have led Shinde to come to his conclusion. Kathale Nanasaheb has made a reference to eight states of the Matangs (Wankhede Chandrakant, 2007: 145), which means, Matangs had established their own kingdoms and had riches by defeating others but because of the dominance of Brahmins they must have surrendered to Brahmins. (Mande Prabhakar, 1983:4). This fact leads us to conclude that the Matangs must have been the kings, which means they must have been belonging to the ‘Kshatriya’ race. In this connection Dakkalwar says in his bani ‘Mangacha vital kheri vittal’ (the rituals of Mangs related to shatriya Varna) even this highlights the thought of ‘Mangs’ being ‘Kshatriya.’
1.5 What is the origin of Matang’s race?
Russel and Hiralal (1975 : 184) have assumed that the caste of Mang should have been originated form the adivasis. However they have agreed that it is very difficult to go for the origin of Mang caste. Mande Prabhakar (1983: 2-3) asserts that when the tribal people gradually started settling and their transformation was taking place from adivasis to villagers, a set of a people who were originally adivasis but could not belong to both, wandered in search of work were declared by Britishers as the criminals and their creed was regarded as the Criminal creed and so the caste and creed like Banjara, Berad, Bhamta, Rajput, Bhil, Chaparband, Kaikadi, Katkari, Koli, Mang – Mang Garudi, Pardhi, Ramoshi, Vaghari, Vadar were declared as criminal caste and creeds. They were stamped as criminals right from their births, however some of these castes and creeds were gradually got entrance in the Gaon Gada. Even then they not assimilated into it completely. From the above list, the Mangs who were adivasis earlier and who lived a tribal life quite for sometime and who were settled at the outskirts of the villages were incorporated in the list of Scheduled Castes in 1961. According to (Shinde V.R., 1933 : 125) Madig, Mang, Mangele were one and the same. He assumes that they must have been originally belonging to Kol (Koli) origin. The study of above opinion brings forth three important points. 1) Mangs must have been originally the adivais. 2) They must have been living a tribal life for some time. 3) These days they have settled in their settlement at the outskirts of the villages. Some of the important points that support the assertion that the Mangs must have been original the adivasis are :
1. We get a note that the Mangs had no concern with the 52 Rights of Mahars who were untouchables then. However, they were incorporated as the village workers in due course of time.
2. The settlement of Mang is at the outskirts of the village which separates them from other castes and creeds.
3. The traditional occupation of the Mangs is related with bamboo, preparing different articles from the leaves of trees, to prepare the strings and ropes and hunting etc. which asserts that they were related to the jungles.
4. Their interest in playing musical instruments (Dafade) and other instruments, their liking for the songs and dance shows their closeness to adivasi life.
5. The various practises and beliefs in deities, Bhagat, impact of magic, method of sacrifice, method of last rights after the death, all this goes very close to adivasi life style.
6. Among the Mangs the worship of Mari Aai is given a top priority and hence we find the temples of Mari Aai in and around their settlements. The deity Mari Amma is a slang of Mari Aai this shows that the Mangs should have been belonged to Andhra and Karnataka form where they spread over to the different parts of Maharashtra. 7. The Dakkalwars of Mangs speak Telgu language; they know “parsi” which is the secret language of Mangs. The thinkers quoted above have opined that, the Mangs must have been the ‘adivasis’.
All the castes and creeds in India must have been the ‘adivasis’ at a particular point of time. This is the truth in the social life of human civilization. This means that, the castes like Maratha, Mali, Dhanagar, Vanjari, Mahar, Chambhar etc. must have been adivasis some time ago. The first ever settlements have been established, in the jungles which itself proves that all the human life was never around the city. It is in the jungles that the initial settlements have been established, which itself proves that all the human beings were the adivasis intially. As the time passed they moved out of jungles and became villagers and lateron the city people. With the invention of agriculture, originally the tribal man, settled. The farming itself has developed grudually but the man settled in a real sense when the oxes were used for farming. The Mangs were the first one to use the oxes. Today the work of taming the oxen by putting the string through their nose, castrating the oxeny and such work is done by the Mangs that has come to them traditionally. In the Indian social context the importance of oxen is undeniable. Even today the festival of Bendur or Bailpola is celebrated in almost all the parts of Maharashtra, which marks the importantance of oxen. During Sindhu culture oxen were regarded as the holy animal. ‘Baliraja’ was the great and the brave king in Sindhu culture and the Indian society shows a great respect to this king. The saying like- ‘Ida pida talu de – Balirajacha Rajya yeu de’ meaning, let all the evils expell and good time of ‘Baliraja come, is very much prevalent in all the parts of Maharashatra. In the cultural life of Maharashtra, the Mangs in dawn hours on Diwali go to the house of the village head (Patil) and pray with the above words. This tradition is on even today in western Maharashtra. The importance of ox in the Indian social life is undeniable right from the Sindhu culture, the pray that Mangs do in the name of Baliraja talks as lot about the relationship between them and the Baliraja. Sindhu culture was an agrarian society and the foundation of this culture was laid down by the Mangs. By taming the animal like ox, Mangs have pioneered the morden agriculture. This act of Mang has made Baliraja happy and that is why Mang must be a pious to them. There is a saying “Bhetla Mang, Phitla Pang” ( When the Mang is met, happiness is ahead ) which is prevalent in all over Maharastra. The reason for this is that, the contribustion of Mang in the Indian agriculture is immense that is why we find the settlements of Mangs nearby the villages and all other untouchable castes settlements are found beyond that. In short, their profession is not of adivasis whereas their occupation is very close to the agricultural social structure. In the balutedari system of Indian society the Mang are considered as balutedar’s of the first lane, this itself endorses the importance of Mangs in the Indian social structure. The villages were established by Bali who was helped in a great deal by the Mang is a social truth. So the points Khadse B. K. had made about the origin of Mangs prove to be unsupportive.
1. Khadse says that there is no relation of Mangs to the 52 rights of Mahars. The effort have been made to suppress the Mang by the Mahars [Shinde], the Badshah of Bidar and Brahmin Pandits of Paithan have helped the Mahars in this context.
2. It is not only the habitats of Mangs alone, are at the outskirts of the village but along with them the castes like Mahar, Chambhar, Holar too have settled at the outskirts of the village.
3. The interest of playing Dafade and other musical instrument is not only found among the Mangs but it is seen even among Mahar and Holar.
4. The features of adivasi life style such as worship of various deities, bhagat, the impact of black Magic, the method of sacrifice, method of last rights are even found among the other castes like Maratha, Mali, Mahar and Dhangar etc.
5. The worship of Mari Aai is given a top priority by the Mangs. It is true that the alters of this deity are found in and around the Matang settlement. However, the Mahars too worship Mari Aai, not only this, the priest of Mari Aai who is called Potraj is even found among Mahar, Holar etc.
Thus, Mang is a brave, mighty, honest and intelligent caste. It always hold up its image. In the word Mang itself all the characteristics of the caste are hidden. Mang is a pure native group. Mang is a Bhoomiputra. The original inhabitants of Maharashtra are Mangs but in power politics, the Mahars have always tried to suppress them. Mangs had colonies in Maharashtra prior to Mahars. It is said and believed that Mahars are of elders house ( Thoralya Gharache ) meaning they were here before kunabi but Mangs were residing here before Mahars means that they were to be called as ‘Mhoralya Gharache’. There should not be any problem to accept Mangs as the original inhabitants of Maharashtra. Mangs were belonging to ‘Naag’ race because they worship ‘Naag’ (Cobra). The word Naak of Naag that is prefixed to their name itself talks about their belonging to ‘Naag’ race. The god of Naag – is Lord Shankar or Mahadeo and Mangs perform the pooja of Lord Shankar. Mangs were Buddhists too. “The soldiers of Mahars were ready to oppose Buddha at the time of his enlightenment. These soldiers of ‘Maar’ could be Mahars” (Ganaveer Ratnakar, 1991: 6). This proves that the Mahars were opposing Buddha while Mangs were his followers. But Buddha transformed the mind of Maar’s or Mahars with his teaching and thus ‘maar’s’ or Mahars became the first followers of Buddha (Ganaveer p.6). But in reality, Mangs were the followers of Buddha before Mahars became his followers. When Mahars embrassed Boudha religion the Mangs turned back to it and entered the Hindu religion. The enemity of Mang-Mahar is on since ancient times. H. L. Kosare had written a thesis entitled ‘Prachin Bharatatil Naag.’ He has been written about the relation between Mahar and Mang in Maharashtra by S. V. Ketakar, John Wilson, Karmaveer V. R. Shinde, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, Kosare has cited the references from these books. Apart from this, he has used the references from Ramkrishna Bhandarkar, C. V. Vaidh, V. K. Rajwade Alexander Robertson, R. C. Dhere, Irawati Karve, Dharmanand Kosambi; V. T. Jadhav. There could be differences between the scholors about conclusions but he had tried to find the origin of Mang caste. According to Kosare, Mahars were the ancient people. The Mahar Naags developed their ‘Maharashtra’ culture by 1000 B.C.
The people belonging to ‘Mahashma’ culture and those who developed the ‘Lohayug’ were the same. Those were the Naags and ancient Naags too were Naags. The Mahar Naags of ‘Mahashma’ culture did settle initially in the regions of Nagpur-Vidharbha. Making their centre at Nagpur they spread all over Maharashtra and expanded the ‘ Nag ’ culture and established their supremacy. Initially the society was dominated by matriarchy and the pioneers of culture of Maharashtra were Mahar Naag (Kosare H. L., 1992: 247). The pioneers of Maharashtiran culture were the Mahar and Bhoj to Satvahan state. ‘Maharathi’ and ‘Mahabhoj’ were the part of the Satvahan dynasty. Acoording to their constitution Mahar and Maratha that is Maharathi and Bhoj were considered to be the equal and having brotherhood among them. There was no casteism among them, they all belonged to the same caste, same origin of Naag, same culture and tradition (Kosare H. L., 1992: 249).
Kosare has further said that “the Naag culture has given birth to the great men like Parshwanath and Buddha”. The principles of equality in the culture of Naag and their social structure based on these principles are one and the same like that of Buddha’s propagation of religious based on equality. The basic principles of Naag culture governed by principles of equality are apt to establish an ideal society were considered by Buddha as Buddhism was favourite to Naagas. (Kosare H. L., 1992: 269). The Mahar of Maharashtra was a part of this Naag culture (Kosare H. L., 1992: 267).
Kosare comes to conclusion that the Maharashtrian culture is the product of Mahars and Marathas. However we did not find objectivity in his thesis neither we find comprehensiveness. The whole study seems to be one sided and of ‘one caste’, even so his pride about his caste, is worth appreciating. Kosare has not only related his caste that is Mahar to Buddha but he has assimilated Buddha and Mahaveer in his caste. He makes a statement ‘Mahars’ were Naags, he further says that, the Naag culture has given birth to the great men like Parshwanath, Mahaveer and Buddha. If we replace the word Mahar in place of Naag, we can make a statement that the Mahar culture has given birth to the great men like Parshwanath Mahaveer and Buddha. Such a statement in the research is bold and even comical. Kosare, while doing his research study has even tried to prove Dr. Ambedkar a mean minded person. In reality, Dr. Ambedkar has always taken a comprehensive stand in all the issues he has dealt with. Through his speeches and movements, he did not think only of his own caste but thought of betterment of overall Dalits. In every stand he took, he had a ‘Nationalistic’ and broad perspective, while writing he did it with a responsibility especially in his writing ‘Who were the Shudras’ and ‘The untouchables’, one can experience the above facts. Both these works are the best examples of sociological studies. Through these book, he has done the scientific analysis of overall untouchables and the Shudras. However Kosare has related the statements and conclusions of Dr. Ambedkar only to the Mahar community and demanded him. For example Dr. Ambedkar calls Mahar caste as ‘Broken men.’ In a real sense Dr. Ambedkar has used this word for all the untouchables which includes Mang,
Chambhar and many other untouchable castes along with the Mahars. This means that Mahars alone were not only the ‘Broken men’ but all the untouchables were ‘Broken men’. Dr. Ambedkar has proved that ‘Once upon a time whole of the country was following Buddhism however under the growing influence of Buddhism, the separated gave up the Buddhism. The untouchables did not give up the Buddhism and remained into it till last and were left alone. As they remained clinged to Buddhism till last they became the ‘Broken men.’ It means those who remained untouchables were once upon a time were Buddists and as they were Buddist, they remained untouchables. In short in the concept of ‘Broken man’ Dr. Ambedkar has used for all the untouchables. However, Kosare has delimited it to the Mahars alone. In a real sense the Mangs also remain to be ‘Broken men’ like those of Mahars.
Kosare tried his best to prove that Mahars were of the Naags origin. He has somehow managed to prove that ‘the Mahars’ were the Naagas.’ In a real sense, scientifically no race in the world has remained of pure blood or pure origin. Eventhen when we try to search about the origin of castes and subcastes we cannot say that only the Mahars were of Naag origin. Overall all the untouchable community of India was of Naag origin is a reality. Kosare sates that ‘there were many ‘Kuls’ of Naag’s. such as Rathi and Bhoj which were dissimilated in Mahars. The group of these two castes was referred on ‘Mahargan’ became ‘gan means state’ and that is why the state of Mahars is nothing but ‘Maharashtra’ (Kosare H. L., 1992: 249).
1.6 Who are the Chandals?
The caste Chandal is considered to be the lowest and untouchable. There is no unanimity about the origin and the exact meaning of the word ‘Chandal.’ In ‘Manusmruti’ three kinds of ‘Chandals’ are described, however in the ‘Scriptures’ they are taken to be of five kinds (Somawanshi B.C. 1989: 27).
1) The offsprings of ‘Shudra’ father and ‘Brahmin’ mother are Chandal.
2) The child born to unmarried lady is Chandal.
3) The child born to the blood related couple is Chandal.
4) The children born to the one who initially accepted ascetic way of life and then entered into the ‘Grahasthashram’ is Chandal.
5) The child born to a Barber father and Brahmin mother is Chandal.
Apart from the above five origins of ‘Chandal’ in ‘Shudra Kamalakar’ vaidaesh man and ‘Ambashta’ lady produce Chandal. Out of the five origins of ‘Chandal’ Gautam, Vashistna, Boddhayan and Manu have agreed upon the first kind. If one has to peep into this question of, who is Chandal, one has to take into acccount the above points that have been suggested in the ‘Smritis’ and religious scriptures because at many places, the ‘Matangs’ have been called ‘Chandals.’ ‘Shambuk’ in Ramayana was a ‘Chandal’ and a ‘Matang.’ Lord Krishna had married ‘Jambavati’ who was a non-aryan lady, not only this but she was a ‘Chandal’ too. We find a reference that the ‘Matangs’ were born in ‘chandal’ ‘kul’ (clan). In ancient country ‘Kishkindha’ was on the bank of river ‘Tungbhadra’ where Mangs, use to inhabit. In Ramayana those are counted among the monkies because the word Mang means monkey in Kannada. This leads one to think that the ‘Mangs’ were belonging to ‘Chandal’ clan. In a Sootnipat pali literature the word ‘Chandal’ and ‘Matang’ have been used as alternate to each other. According to B.C. Somawanshi ‘Chandal’ is ‘Matang’. However, the real meaning of ‘Chandal’ remains unravelled.
Whether it refers to illicit children, caste, race or country?
If we believe in the origin of the word ‘Chandal’ as per the religious scriptures and ‘Manusmriti,’ then Sant Gyaneshwar, Sant Sopan, Sant Muktabai, Sant Nivruti all of them would be ‘Chandals,’ however, they were not the Matangs. If we believe in the second ‘Karna’ in Mahabharata becomes ‘Chandal’ but he was not a Matang which means according to ‘Smriti’ a person or the whole family can be a ‘Chandal’. How can a ethnic group or a caste be a ‘Chandal’? Manu has mentioned that the ‘Chandals’ should live on the outskirts of village or town. They are not supposed to be the part of village or town, however, we see the other castes like Mahar,
Chambhar, Dhor, Bhangi etc. too live on the outskirts of the village or town, even the nomadic tribes also live in the same fashion, then the question arises as to why is it then the word ‘Chandal’ used for Matangs alone? Are the houses of the ‘Chandals’ defined by ‘Dharmashastra’ on the outskirts of the village or town? It is unbelivable that all the ethnic groups who lived on the outskirts of village were called Chandals. It does not make clear sense whether ‘chandal’ is a caste, occupation or race? The question remains ‘who are the Chandals?’ Vitthal Ramji Shinde’s assertion is that, the ‘Chandal’ was an ancient nation seem to be more appropriate.Chand, Mund and Gond were the Monghal countries. The word ‘Aal’ was suffixed to it and chand became ‘Chandal’, Maung became Maungal. ‘Aal’ is a Dravid word which meant ‘country’ or nation (Shinde V. R., 1976: 112).
In sanskrit ‘Chand’ ¼paM½ means an act of great courage. Even we find similar kind of words like ‘Chand’, Chundi, ‘chamundi’ for daities in ‘purana.’ Even that asserts chandal, mundal must be the very ancient countries but in course of time due to political turmoils these countries must have been vanished (Shinde V. R., 1976: 113).
Apart from this in Krishna Yajurveda, Kshatriya, Brahmin Third Kand the reference to the countries of chandal and poulkas is made. This means Chandal is not the name of any one caste, creed or race but it is the country. In Ramayana, Shambuk is Matang chandal which means he belonged to Chandal country. Lord Krishna’s beloved wife Jambuwati was not of chandal caste but of that country. The people of ‘Kishkindha’ city on the banks of river Tungbhadra were not of chandal race but, they all belonged to the Chandal country. In short the word chandal refers to the country, the country of brave people that is the Mangs. They had many provinces and the name ‘Chandal’ is one of the name of their provinces.
1.7 Matang Community in Ancient Period
Matang community has a very glorious history. Although Hindu religious scriptures have stated the Matang as untouchables, they were the rulers and kings once upon a time. They had their own kingdoms. There are numerous references about the Matang community in the ancient scriptures that this community was the ruling community.
The history of Matangs is the history of braveness and might. Matangs are called Chandals which has the connotation of nationality.
1) The Chandal king ‘Trishanku’ of ‘Ishwaku’ origin was Matang. He had a serious conflict with the supporters of Brahminism and discrimination system since ancient times.
2) Rahu and Ketu were the two brave Matang king. The kings belonging to sun and the moon origin too faded before them. Such Matang kings are truly the original inhabitants of this country. They were the protectors of the people here. However, these kings were called the Rakshasa and Danava. The aggressors defeated and made them untouchables.
3) In Pre-Mourya period, i.e. in 6th century B.C.
India had 16 states and the states of Kosal, Ang, Avanti, Vatsa, Magadh were the most powerful. Most of these states were ruled by Matangs. Region of today’s Madhya-malva was the Avanti-state then. This state was one of the most powerful states of that period. The capital of the state was Ujjain. Maha Sen, Chand, Pradhyota were ruling the state. Maha Sen was a Matang. His daughter Vasavdatta was married to the Vatsa king, Udayan. His daughter Shoor Sena was married to Subahu the Matang king. Chand pradhyota, the Matang king was a contemporary of Lord Buddha. He had a great reverence for Lord Buddha, out of this respect he accepted Buddhism. Avanti was the centre of Buddhism at that time. The king of state Vatsa and the son-in-law of the king Chanda pradhyot, Udayan had followed his footsteps and declared Buddhism as the state religion of Vatsa. The region of today’s Lucknow and Faizabad was the state of Kosal then. Shrawasti was the capital city of the state. Alongwith Shrawasti, Saket was another important city in the state of Kosal. Saket city is today’s ‘Ayodhya.’ The state of Kosal was ruled by king Prasenjeet who was a Matang. ‘Prasenjeet’ is even called ‘Pasenadi’. He was learned , highly educated in the most popular university of Takshasheela then. He was a great statesman and a general. He had won the state of Kashi during this period.
1.7.1 The State of Magadh : Initially the state of Magadh was a small but powerful state. It was about one eighth of the state of Kosal state of Prasenjeet. Rajgraha was the capital of Magadh. The state of Magadh was spread over today’s Bihar, Patna and Gaya. The throne of the state of Magadh was ascended by Bimbisar before 544 B.C. He was well versed with the political philosophy and was brave in nature. Prasenjeet had arranged the marriage of his sister Kosaladevi to him and had presented Kashi to Bimbisar. Ajatshatru was the son of a Matang lady ‘Kosaladevi’ who, ascended the throne of Magadh after Bimbisar. After the death of Ajatshatru, Shishunag became the king of Magadh and he expanded his state. However, Shishunag’s son Kakvarna who was killed by his own wife by 423 B.C. proved to be the end of Shishunags dynesty after which the state of Magadh was ascended by ‘Nand Family’.
1.7.2 The State of Chandal:
Matang had one more state near Avanti city. The name of that state is not known but the said state was ruled by a king called Chandapak. Owing to the name of the king the state must have been called Chandal. Sage Matang Shambuk and Krishna’s wife Jambavati might have been belonging to the same state. Vidhyadhan ruled in the Chakravati nagari and he was a Matang.
1.7.3 The State of Kishkindha:
The king of these states were well versed in Vedas, even the women folk of the states use to learn Vedas. They had four varnas but no colour discrimination. The men like Hanuman, Jambuvant, Vali, Sugriv and Angad were the brave men in that society. The Mang community today consider Jambuvant as their real ancester. The region that was ruled by Chalukya initially were the states of Mangs. Chalukya took over these states. The first king of Chalukya vansha was king Jayasingh. After Jaysingh king Ranraag came into power but in real sense, the king who established the Chalukya kingdom was the first Pulkeshi. He came in power in 547 B.C. The capital city of his kingdom was vatapi in Bijapur district hich is todays Badami city. He died in 567 B.C. (Tripathi Ram Shankar, 1977: 9) Then came Mangalish in power because the period between 567 610 B.C. is recorded as his period. All these references lead us to think doubtlessly that there were Matang states in ancient times. The First Power on Maharashtra is a Matang: Almost all the scholars and researchers agree upon the fact that the Mahars share a lot in the establishment of the state of Maharashtra. There was a state of Mahars in the western Indian region and the name Maharashtra is derived from it is what Bedan Powell says. The western scholars Molehus and John Wilson opine that, the name Maharashtra is derived from the ‘Mahar’ caste. They cite a proverb ‘Gao Tethe Maharwada’ ( in every village there is Mahar settlement ). Mahars are the original inhabitants of this country. The people of northern part won over them and gave them their name to this country is what Jadhav V.T. states. However, it seems doubtful that the name of the loosers could be given to the country. The first settlement in Maharashtra happens to be of ‘Mahars.’ The later could be of ‘Bhoi’. Perhaps there had not been
any other caste other than Mahars, spread all over Maharashtra in ancient times. Mahars then would have been calling themselves as Halik and not the Kunabi. The Janpad class of that period was of Mahars is believed upon. Mahars have Marathi as their language. One cannot perhaps trace firmly when this language originated. However, a popular belief goes that Marathi language must have originated by the time of Chalukya dynesty (Jadhav V.T. 1980: 16). Gastrold Apart has related the word ‘Mahar’ and ‘malla’ (_ëb). Maharashtra was called as ‘Mallarashtra’ once upon a time. ‘Mall’ (_ëb) and ‘Mara’ is one and the same. ‘Mara’ gradually became Mahar. Both the words ‘Mallarashtra’ and ‘Maharashtra’ were used earlier. However, with the passage of time the first word remained unused to the next one. The Mahars were defeated. The state of Mall’s and Mahars mean Maharashtra. Jadhav disagrees the contention of Gustav Apart. Kane states that there is no proof to the statement that ‘malls’ were in Maharashtra. Even if Kane and Jadhav disagree with the opinion of Apart, one cannot ignore the reference that, Maharashtra was called as ‘Mallarashtra’ once upon a time. Another fact is also important that Marathi language was known to Mahars and it came into being after the ‘Chalukya’ dynesty. If the above facts can be proved it can be easily believed that the original inhabitants of Maharashtra were the ‘Mahars.’ Jadhav V.T. has a contention that, there must not have been other castes than Mahars in ancient Maharashtra. Moreover all the Janpad of that period must have been the Mahars. The another meaning of Jadhav V.T. contention is that, there were Mahars in Maharashtra and they were not present outside Maharashtra. However, there are many evidences that, in ancient time Mang community was existing in the north, south and central India. However, they had different names at different places. There were Mangs in Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh. Even today they exist in all these states. Then how it could be said that they were not present in Maharashtra? Mangs consider Jambuwant to be their ancestor. Jambuwant
and Hanuman were experts in the art of wrestling. The Mangs had been very sharp in sports like dandpatta, sword fighting, wreslling etc. Since ancient time; even today this art could be seen among Mangs. In 19th century a man called Lahuji Salve was an expert in the art of wrestling. He was a vastad (master) in the area because of which it can be said that the art of wrestling specifically happens to be their art, in which they had achieved mastery. Mangs have been called Madig in Karnataka. Even they are called Mallelu which could lead us to think that Mangs were expert in the art of wrestling. The country inhabitated by Mallellu was the Mallarashtra. The language of Mahars is Marathi but it was adopted after Chalukya’s. It has been a proved fact that there were Matang states existing in Chalukya dynesty. Though Gastav Apart has found relation between the ‘Malla’ and ‘Maara’, they are not one and the same. Maar means Mahar but Mall means Matang. Earlier Maharashtra state was a Mallarashtra which became Maharashtra ateron.
1.9 Matang Community during Chhatrapati Shivaji's Period:
“Historians so far have consciously sided with the great men of Matang comumunity and the histroy has been written without their reference, whatever wars have been fought for this country among all those wars the contribution of Matang valients is immense. They were great warriors and wise people. The Guru of Shivajiraje who taught him the gorila war a Matang guru” says Uttam Bandu Tupe, a well known novelist and philosopher. Chh. Shivaji Maharaj appointed Baji Pasalkar as the first Sarsenapati of Swaraj. By that time the most trusted companion of Baji Pasalkar was Yelya Mang. Yelya Mang was active like a Chitah. Baji Pasalkar had a female horse called ‘Yashwanti’. The two soldiers named Sonu Dalavi and Marakatrao had planned and
decided to steal away ‘Yashwanti’ and give her away to the Badshah of Bijapur but Yelya Mang undid their plan and killed Sonu Dalvi.
Shivaji Maharaj took oath of establishing swaraj in the temple of ‘Rohideshwar’ and tied ‘toran’ to the temple. The ceremony of tying of this ‘toran’ was done by two Matangs named Yelya Mang and senior Lahuji Raut Mang. (Tadakhe Shankar, 2006: 7) This throws light on the place of Mang community among the trusted men of Shivaji Maharaj. Purandar fort was captured by Adilshah and he had appointed a Sardar called ‘Niloji’ to take care of the fort. When Baji Pasalkar marched to take back the fort of Purandar he was assisted by 150 Mangs. Among them senior Lahuji and Yellya Mang were prominent. Both of them along with other men helped ‘Niloji’ to capture the fort of Purandar and then the responsibility to take care of Puranadar fort was given to senior Lahuji by Shivaji Maharaj himself (Tadakhe Shankar, 2006: 8). By seeing the brave nature of Mangs, Shivaji Maharaj had given the responsibility of defence of the forts of Rohideshwar, Torana, Kondhana and Purandar to the Mang warriors. The Mang fighters used to keep watch on these forts (Tadakhe Shankar, 2006: 8). Many Mang people have contributed to the establishment of Swaraj; among them, senior Lahuji Mang had given lessons of ‘Dandpatta’ to the Shivaji Maharaj (Tadakhe Shankar, 2006: 13).Babaji Krishnaji Mang fought for about a year with the sardars of Aurnagzeb, Shahabuddin Khan and Kasim Khan Kiramani and protected the Ramshej fort. The people who took Shivaji Maharaj in the ‘Palkhi’ in the Panhalagad seize were
Mangs. Among them Sadhu Bapu Ballal was the chief Mang. The man who laid his life at Pawankhind along with Baji Prabhu was a Mang named Tanga Dulari More. Apart from this there are a number of unknown Mangs who have lost lives for the sake of swaraj and have become immortal in history. One of the most trusted sardars of Lakhuji Jadhav who was the father of Shivaji’s mother ‘Jijau’ had come to Shahajiraje along with Jijau. This sardar Gomaji Naik was a Hawaldar of Pune in the year 1646. The chief of detective bureau of Shivaji Maharaj was Bahirji Naik who according to Grant Duff was a Mang Ramoshi (Tadakhe Shankar, 2006: 15). There were many Matangs who used to work as detectives at Shivaji Maharaj’s time (Tadakane Shankar, 2006: 9). On August 9, 1648 at Belsar there was a great battle between Mughal Sardar Fattekhan and Maratha Sardar Baji Pasalkar. In this battle Baji Pasalkar lost his life while fighting. In this battle the man who had cut off the head of Raj Sawant who was fighting from Fattehkhan side was Yelya Mang. He was the body guard of Baji Pasalkar. Yelya Mang too lost his life and became a martyer in this battle. Lahuji and Yellya Mang were the most trusted men of Shivaji Maharaj. By seeing their bravery and trustworthiness Shivaji Maharaj had appointed Lahuji as ‘Rakhwaldar’ of the fort Purandar. Raghoji Rauji Raut who was the grandson of senior Lahuji had a son who was named as Lahuji. Junior Lahuji became ‘Vastad’ who is considered to be the great inspiration of Matang community. Raghoji Raoji Raut was a man of massive stature and was a brave man. He had fought with a tiger in the jungles of Purandar and had caught it alive. When the Peshawa of Pune came to know about this great feat of Raghoji he was appointed in the Shikarkhana. The man who caught the tiger was given the responsibility to look after the horses. On November 15, 1817 Raghoji Mang became a myrter while fighting with British in the battle of Khadaki. Lahuji Mang was the great grandson of senior Lahuji and he was the son of Raghoji Mang. Lahuji II was also a mighty person. He had a hobby of wrestling from his childhood. He used to practice horse riding, running for miles, climb a wall with his back, to play with Talwar, Dandpatta, Browhe, Waghnakhya, Khanjir etc. He used to dance by holding an ox on his shoulder. He used to play with sword weighing about 40 kg. for hours together at the festival of Khandoba-Jejuri. To climb a fort at a stretch was a passion of Lahuji (II). In wrestling at Phaltan (Dist-Satara) he had won over well known Afgan wrestler, pleased with this the Maharaja of Phaltan had presented him with a golden bracelet and gold ‘Moharas’ (Tadakhe Shankar, 2006: 16). After the death of his father Raghoji, Lahuji had organised and planned movement against the Britishers. He had opened a Vyayam Shala (gymnasium) at Raste mansion in Pune in 1821 with an intention that, the youth should come forward and expert themselves is the art of war and weapons. In a real sense it was not a ‘Vyayam Shala’ but it was a ‘Kranti Shala’ (School of revolution) (Tadakhe Shankar, 2006: 29). The youth of Mang and Ramoshi community used to take training regarding the war and weapons. In 1826 Lahuji Vastad supplied the trained youth from his centre to Umaji Naik to fight against the Britishers. There were number of Mangs with Umaji Naik. Mahatma Jotiba Phule too took the training of the art of weapons in the same school. The first ever girls school started by Mahatma Jyotiba Phule in 1848 used to assemble at the ‘Talim’ of Lahuji at Ganjpeth, Pune. There were 8 girls in the beginning of the school. The grand daughter of Lahuji Mukta Salve too was one of them. The Brahmins used to throw dung on Savitribai Phule and trouble her a lot. By that time, the Mangs from the Talim of Lahuji used to give her protection.
1.10 Matang Community in Peshawa Period: There are certain castes in Hindu religion, the birth in that caste itself is considered as untouchable, the person whose mere touch makes the Hindu impious. Untouchability is an old and ancient tradition. The meaning of the word untouchable is improper or unfair to touch. The Mang community falls into this category of untouchables and their settlement used to be on the outskirts of village. Mangs were Shudras in the Indian social system. They were untouchables and the slaves. There was much injustice done to the community during the Peshwa period. The first ever serious thinking about untouchable and shudra community was done by Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Maharshi Vitthal Ramaji Shinde and Dr. Babasaheb Ambedker. Till the recent days many scholars and thinkers have studied about Dalits and Shudras. They have analysed the reasons causing their slavey. Among all of them Maharshi Vitthal Ramji Shinde's contribution is immense. “Mangs are the original inhabitants of Maharashtra. However, they have been opperssed by many and Mahars too are the part of that” is what he thinks and had tried to justify it by many evidences. He had tried to study about them in original and persued their questions from the root, at the same time he has maintained a dignified objectivity in his study. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar has also done the basic and original analysis of the problems related to untouchables in his book ‘Who were the Shudras and the untouchables?’ Of course, while doing so he has taken into consideration only the Mahar community, being the largest in terms of population among the untouchables (Gavali, P.A. 1990: 51). That’s why, one finds limitations while studying about the Mang community as a specific community. Even then Dr. Ambedkar’s study would certainly help for the study of Mang community. V.K. Rajwade, Shankarrao Kharat also have thought over the questions related to untouchables. We find the analysis of untouchables in post-independent era in the books of Kharat’s ‘Asprushyancha Muktisangram’ and Dr. Ambedkar’s ‘Dharmantar.’ The untouchability in Maharashtra is related with the castes like, Mang, Mahar and Chambhar. Naturally the study about the topic has taken into consideration the Mahar community primarily. Though Mangs cover the larger section of population among untouchables, they have remained out of focus of the study about the untouchability.
Mang, Mahar and Chambhar are the major untouchable castes. Among these three the Mangs and the Mahars are the traditional neighbours living on the outskirts of the villages. In many references the Mangs and Mahars are referred together. These two communities have continued to lead their life as Shudras and untouchables. However, whenever the study about the untouchability was done in the light of their state, history and future, the Mahars were given prominance, so the study about the issues related to untouchability has outfocussed the Mang community. In other words, no independent, original and serious study about the Mang community has been undertaken so far. It is a historical truth that the Mang community has been depressed more than the Mahar community. There are many glaring examples one can find about the depression and injustice done to Mangs during the Peshawa period which have been recorded in Peshawe diary.
1.11 Matang Women in Peshwa Period : Many ancient practices were regenerated during the Peshwa period, one of such was the practice of slavery. Women who were seized during the war time would be usually turned into the slaves. Those women or the girls would be turned into the Kunabinis or Batiks or Rakhelis. Apart from this the women would be mortged to the money lenders to come out of the debt. The transaction of the slaves was much in vogue during the famine. During this period the immoral women were made slaves. One finds women slaves in abundance during the Pashwai was one of the main reasons that helped the growth of women slaves. The number of young women slaves from the lower castes was more than those of the women slaves of higher castes.
The number of women from the other castes such as Prabhu, Maratha, Koli, Jain, Lingayat, Gujrathi, Muslim, Sonar, Dhanagar, Parit, Sutar, Mali, Lohar, Rajput are noted as the proportion of the ‘Kunabi’ women from these castes is more. Sometimes the Shudra women would be made ‘Batik’ because of poverty. Bajirao Moreshwar used to stay in the ‘vada’ of (mansion) Anandram Gopal Joshi. The Kunbin of Bhave was belonging to Chambhar community this came to be known after four months. During these four months the intereaction that should not have taken place had already taken place (Gavali P. A. 1990: 85), such incidents had happened during Peshwa period. As Mang women were untouchables they were usually not kept as Batik. However, certain examples could be found as exception where Mang or Mahar women were kept as Batik. Such kind of record is found in Peshwe diary. If this had happened during Peshwai, no wonder the women folk which is considered as untouchable had to face the pathetic, hateful life during the period. Mang women would prefer to join the ‘Tamasha’ instead of leading their life as Kunabi. There are reference found about the immoral misdeeds that have taken place with the untouchable women during Peshawa period. At two places the reference is about Mahar women and at one place the reference to Mang woman could be seen. In general the untouchable women were considered impious, whose touch would make the Brahmins impure however, the same Brahmins would have these women to satisfy their sexual desires throws light on the hypocracy of the Brahmin class. While the wolves of lust would run through their nerves they would forget about the untouchability speaks a lot by itself. (Gavali P. V. 1990: 137-138) In the days of elder Madhavrao Peshawe, the sardar of Zanshi, Parolkar had a scholar in Veda called Narayanshastri. Both of them had seduced a young lady belonging to Bhangi community by offering her money and they both had an immoral relation with her. When the matter had become talk of the town sardar Parolkar questioned Narayanshastri about it, on which Narayanshastri boldly replied….. “I am not the only man to have immoral relation with lady. There are several Brahmins in this court…..see these sacred threads of their….. The Bhangi lady had asked for the sacred thread from each of her lovers as present. All these are sacred threads. Your honour you can give any punishment you want to give” (Gavali P. A., 1990: 138). This incident alone could throw light on the condition of women during Peshwai, though she belonged to the lowest caste among untouchables.
1.11.1 Mang – A Vatandar
The social system that was predominating in the social life besides the caste system that was prevelant in middle age Maharashtra was ‘Vatanadari’. The word ‘Vatan’ originates form which means Country. Molsworth defines the word ‘Vatan’ in his encyclopedia as ‘Vatandar’ which means the holder of ‘Vatan’.There are four types of ‘‘Vatandars’ -
1) Paragane Vatandar
2) Gaon Vatandar
3) Patache Vatandar
4)Other Vatandar
(Gavali, P. A., 1990: 48).
‘Patil’ is the most important Vatandar among the gaon Vatandar. The honour and the rights of Patil in ‘Gaoki’ happens to be the most important one. The detailed references are found in the diary of Peshawa according to which Mang is the most important and major ‘Vatandar’ in the village, who has the honour of tying ‘toran’ and to take the procession at holi festival. The reference can be found in the ‘Peshwa’ diary (Gavali P. A. 1990: 52). The rights of ‘12 Vatandar’ are kept reserved. In short it can be said that the ‘Mangs’ have been registered as Vatandars.
Sangram Mahadu Tadlapurkar, Tal. Udgir, Dist. Latur was famous by the name of ‘Kallewala Sangram’. This Mang had a ‘Vatan’ of twelve villages.
1.11.2 Mang- A Balutedar
The ‘Balutedar’ system was prevalent during Maratha period. In Indian social system and econmic system of villages, balutedar hold an important place. The whole system was existing with 12 Balutedar and 18 Alutedars, in which 12 Balutedars were to contribute to the development of villages. Among these 12 Balutedars Mangs take a primary position as per their importance. Atre Trymbak Narayan has noted in his book ‘Gaon Gada’ that, Mang is not a balutedar, which is wrong, because most of the scholars and thinkers have approved Mang as a balutedar and they are equally important like those of Mahars. Sen S.N. has called the Mangs as rope makers and agreed on the fact. Grant Duff has also referred Mang as Balutedar. Oturkar R.V. had noted them as Balutedar not only this but all the Balutedars do not have the equal status. He has classified the Balutedars in three categories depending upon their importance in the villages. According to Oturkar, R. V., Sutar, Chambhar, Mahar and Mang are the class one Balutedars. Kumbhar, Nhavi, Parit, Lohar, pot makers, barber, washerman, Iron smith are second class Balutedars and their contribution is Rs. 5 each. Joshi, Gurav, Sonar and Mulla are the third category Balutedars with their share of Rs.2.5 each. Patil and Kulkarni don’t fall into this catgory as they are the administrators of the village (Gavali P. A. 1990: 68).
Kulkarni A.R. has classified Balutedars in three kinds,
1) Gaon Karagir (Village artisans),
2) Ordinary sevaks,
3) Primary vidhi karar sevakvarga. He has included Mang into the second, that is ordinary sevak category. (Gavali P. A., 1990: 69).
Mang is one such a Balutedar who is a ‘Sevak’ as well as Karagir. However, Mahar works only as sevak Chitnis P.N. has also agreed on Mang as Balutedar. Molsworth has studied on the Balutedars and has agreed upon Mang as Balutedar. However, in Indapur Paragana and Pandharpur region, Mangs have been pushed into the second class Balutedars. Taking into consideration the views of all these scholars. Gavali P. A. says that, Mahars and Mangs come under the class one category of Balutedar and vatandar. They happen to be the first class Balutedars in the system. However, the same castes, were considerd at the lowest strata of the society in the contemporary social system. Their touch was considered impious, even their shadows were avoided thinking that it would make upper class impure (Gavali P. A., 1990: 3). Gavali has raised a question about the services rendered by Balutedars like those of Mahar, Mang and Chambhar, whose services were availed by the whole village but was their service made available for other Balutedars? Do the barbar dress the hair of untouchables? Was the Gurav performing pooja of gods of untouchables? Would the Koli fetch water for the houses of untouchables? The answer to all the above questions is negative. By referring to all these facts Gavali has pointed out that, being the vary important component in the Balutedari system, how the Mangs and Mahars were placed on the lowest strata of the society?
The study of thinkers and scholars in the area leave us no doubt, to consider that Mangs were not only balutedar but the class one balutedars in the social system. Kulkarni A.R. views that Mang was one of the Balutedar like those of Mahars who fall into the category of Sarvasadharan Sevak but Mang apart from being the sevak was belonging to Gaon karagir category too. Hindu society celebrates various festivals according to their traditions and customs. Balutedars have been alloted a fixed duty at the time. The honour given to them was also convetional. The details of such conventions are as follows –
1.11.3 Mang-A Vethbigar-
‘Vethbigar’ is an ancient practice which was in vouge in Medieval ages and is on even today. In general terms, the work without salary is called ‘Vishti.’ ‘Vishti is a sanskrit word. The person who uses to do the ‘vethbigar’ is called as ‘Bigar’. According to Molswarth ‘Vethbigar’ means the person who is compelled to do the work. Of course wherever there is compulsion there is oppression. Mangs were balutedars as well as ‘Vethbigars’, as a consequence, the Mang community is the most exploited community in the Indian social system, as a balutedar and Vethbiger in the middle age Maharashtra. There were three caste system doing ‘Vethbigari’.
They were:
1) Shudra Balutedar and Alutedar class.
2) Ati Shudra
Balutedar class.
3) Other class.
The Mang community belong to the second that is ‘Ati shudra balutedar class.’ This system of Vethbigari seems to be existing in middle age Maharashtra from the Muslim to peshwa period (Gavali P. A., 1991: 95). There were Vethbigars prior to Peshwa period (Gavali P. A., p.96). There were Mangs working as Vethbigars like those of Mahars. Many evidence of this kind can be cited out, for example Mahars had to do Vethbigari in the private as well as Govt. offices. Along with them the Chambhar and Mangs too had to present themselves in Hujar pag. It can be said that, in the middle ages as well as pre-Peshwa period Mang was Vatandar, Balutedar and even Vethbigar. This means that the Mang community was exploited and supressed from all the sides. The Mang community had fallen pray to the social, economical and physical exploitation.
1.12 Mangs in Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj Period:
Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj has laid his unique impressions in various fields such as arts, sports, co-operative movement, agriculture, education etc. part from this, Shahu Maharaja’s real contribution happens to be in the educational, social and religious fields. In all these areas impact of religion had been there for ages. No Maharaja is out of the influence of religion. Mostly the impact happens to be of the Vedik or Hindu religion. Obvioubly enough Shahu Maharaj too had a lot of such influence of Vedik Hindu religion. When he had been to the banks of river Panchaganga for bath he came to know that the hymns chanted by a purohit (priest) while he was taking bath were from puranas on which he was shocked. He came to know that, according to Hindu religion even the kings are Shudras.Shahu Maharaj became restless to know this and realised that Brahmins consider all other people except them as Shudras in order to maintain their supremacy. This incident gave a new direction to the work of Shahu Maharaj. He got inspired the Satyashodhak movement pioneered by Mahatma Jyotiba Phule and he replaced the position of Shankaracharya Brahmins to that of Jagatguru for other than Brahmins. The Vedant incident on the banks of river Panchaganga gave a new direction to the social work of Shahu Maharaj. In the year 1902 he kept 50% seats reserved for Dalits. He started the seperate hostels for the students belonging to different creeds and religion and opened an opportunity for them in the field of education. He invited Dr. B. R. Ambedkar for the first Dalit conference held in his sansthan and declared Dr. Ambedkar the leader of Dalits. He suggested Dr. Ambedkar to begin a newspaper in order to awaken the society and supported it financially. He started a hostel
in the name of Miss clerk for all Dalits students. He called Dr. Ambedkar at Nagpur and organised Dalit conference there. In short Shahu Maharaj was the only king in India, who strove hard for the emancipation of Dalits with his futuristic perspective and progressive thoughts in the social movement. There is no difference of opinion that Shahu Maharaj has done a great work for the untouchables, alongwith that he has worked specifically for the Matang community. That is why it becomes necessary to refer to the work done by him for this community. In order to cast away the caste system he had helped a man called Gangaram Kamble to open a restaurant. Shahu Maharaj himself along with his sardars use to have a tea there, because of which the people from other upper community also had to go for tea in that hotel. He had perhaps loved more the Matang community which is the Dalit among the Dalits. There are many examples to prove the belief that Matang community is an auspicious community from the social point of view however, it is one of the most neglected one. Shahu Maharaj put in special efforts and opened those opportuinities for their development. He helped them to get stability and honour. Shahu Maharaj had realised the Matang community so he always took them along with him. There was no specific land for the Matangs in Kolhapur for their settlement. The original Mangwada was near ‘Mirajkar Tikati'. As the city started growing, the Mangwada was shifted for the first time from Mirajkar Tikati to Shivaji Market and then to todays CPR hospital, after that it went on to Mule Vihir. When the ‘Gulachi Peth’ (Jaggery market) was opened in Shahupuri it was further shifted. The contineuous desettlement and shifting of Matangs was thought over by Rajashree and he decided to give a permanent and the rightful place, so he helped to settle the Mangwada in Shahupuri and offered sanad of 10 acre 36 guntha land. Not only this but when he erected Shahu Mill he consciously selected its place near Mangwada, so that the Mangs would get an opportuinity to work in the mill. The purpose behind this was to see that the Mang’s financial status would improve. In short, Shahu Maharaj had done a great work giving Matangs a security Shahu Maharaj was passionate about hunting. He was a great hunter. In order to persue his hobby he was always in need of daring, active and strong people. Shahu Maharaj had noted these traits among the people of Matang community in general, and took them on his hunting expedition. Whenever he would go to Laxmi Mountain (near Kagal) for hunting the people who shout to search out the hunt were mostly the Mangs. He had appointed a Matang man by name Dudhappa Awale as the chief of these people. Shahu Maharaj had appointed the Satyappa Awale as the havaldar and jail police in his Karvir Sansthan. Shahu Maharaj was fond of the sport of tussle of male buffalows and for which the mighty beasts are to be handled, for such a task he had given responsibility to Satyappa Awale. Even the most challenging task of play of elephant in darbar was also given to Satyappa Mang (An Interview of Dalitmitra Shankarrao Awale). Satyappa Awale belonged to a place called Karmar in Kagal taluka. Because of this man Shahu Maharaj had trusted the Matang community, the same trust was continued in Mangs by Rajaram Maharaj. At the time of Rajaram, Shivram Daji Kawale, a Matang was looking after the royal race horses, as the guard. He was a very sharp and active man who used to mount on the running horse. He use to tame any kind of horse. Shivram Kawale who used to massage the horses lateron became member of Legislative Assembly by the name K. Ghatage, who was regarded as ‘Matang Guru.’ Dattu Satappa Awale was the main hunter at the time of Rajaram Maharaj and his brother Shankar Satappa Awale was a first class wrestler and Shivaji Satappa Awale was a driver to the horse cart. These three brothers Dattu, Shivaji and Shankar were the sons of Satappa Awale. Kolhapur is an important historical place. Many palaces, buildings were built with the initiation of Shau Maharaj. The overall development of Kolhapur took place because of Shahu Maharaj. The supervisor who supervised the construction of this infrastructure was from Matang community. His name was Ramchandra Laxman More. He was belonging to a place called Rendal near Hupari and was educated upto IX Standard. Shahu Maharaj made this man supervisor of the construction dept. Ramchandra’s younger brother, Krishna use to be with him while doing his job. Shahu Maharaj inquired about him, and on knowing that he was Ramchandra’s brother admitted him in Arya Samaj Hostel. Krishna educated himself upto L.L.B. and was elected as the first M.P. of Matang community in the general elections of 1952. The same person is well known to Maharashtra with the name K.L.More. The Mang community which was branded as criminal by British officers were recruited in Police force by Shahu Maharaj. Sattappa Awale was a police officer. Parshu Mang and Nana Lokhande from Herle were holding important position in police force. When Shahu Maharaj came to know that a man called Nana Lokhande had education till 4th std, he himself took him in his car, brought him to Sonathal and educated him to XII std. One more example can be cited showing how Shahu Maharaj trusted and loved Matang community. When Shahu Maharaj had a halted at Minache village, the Mangs came to Shahu Maharaj with their problems. ‘Who are you?’ Shahu asked them on which they told him that they were Mangs.Shahu said – ‘Don’t you have any surname?’ to this Mangs replied in negative. In a moment Shahu Maharaj gave them his own surname Ghatage, not only this but he issued an order stating it. In this way the Mangs of Minache village became Ghatages. British government had declared Mang community as criminal and had compelled them to report ‘Hajeri’ to police station every day. Mangs use to go to police patil of the village in the morning, afternoon and in the evening.The life of Mangs had become a difficult one. People who tried to revolt against Britishers were suppressed. But in this issue too, Shahu Maharj came forword and this inhuman tradition of attending police station was stopped by him. In short, Shahu Maharaj worked relentlessly in order to give education, jobs, financial assistance and status to Matang community. Shahu Maharaj loved Mangs so much so that he had given them licence to fetch water from the special well at his palace (Shinde, V.R. 1976: 243).
1.13 Matang Community during the Nizam Period :
The 19th century India was a country of many provinces /sansthans and emperors. There were about 699 sansthans. One of these was the sansthan of Hydrabad which was a vast one geographically (Gaikwad Narendra, 1990: 1).
In the Hydrabad state then, todays Marathawada region was included. There was the practise of untouchability prevalent in India in those days and Marathawada region was not an exception to it. The practise of untochability was so severe that even if a untouchable person by chance touched the earthern piece used to throw away the human waste of Patil , Deshmukh or Bramhin , the earthern piece was needed to be washed away by cow’s urin in order to make it pious, else it was thrown away (Gaikwad Narendra, 1990: 2).
In short, there was the practise of untouchability in Hyderabad state. The hotels, temples, public wells, schools, factories were closed for the untouchables. Their entry in such places was punishable. In Nizam’s regime Jahagirdar, Vatandar, land lord were his slaves and Dalits were the slaves of the slaves (Gaikwad Narendra, 1990: 8).
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar held the first Dalit conference on 30/12/1938 at Makaranpur. Tal-Chalisgaon Dist-East Khandesh. This was his first Dalit conference in the Nizam state. He organised second conference called ‘Vatandar-Mahar Mang Conference’ on 23/2/1941 at Tadawale, Dist. Solapur. (Now in Taluka Kalamb, Dist. Osmanabad) There were number of Mangs who have participated along with Mahars in this conference. There were many organisation active in order to create general awareness about the untouchability in the state of Hyderabad. Among them Karnataka, Telangana and MaharashtraParishad have tried to bring different political currents together and these organisations have formed ‘Hyderabad Subjective League’ in 1934 (Gaikwad Narendra, 1990: 47).
Apart from these organisations there were many other organisations like, Scheduled Castes Federation, Dalit Varga Parishad, Pasta Akham, Hindu Social Service league, Adi Hindu independent league, Independent Scheduled Caste Federation. There was an organisation called ‘Arundhatiya Mahasabha’ which thought exclusively of Matang community. On April. 23, 1946 Nizam consented for the development plan for all the classes. Many organisations demanded political representation for different classes. By that time ‘Arundhatiya Mahasabha’ asked for 5 seats for Madiga or Matang and gave conditional consent to Nizams
developmental plan (Gaikwad Narendra, 1990: 52).
In short the Matangs had active participation in the socio-political movement in Hyderabad state.
In the religious matters too, Mangs were always active. Mang and Mahar communities were the neighbouring communities but in case of religious transformation in those days, the Mangs would
prefer Christianity and Mahars the Islam (Gaikwad Narendra, 1990: 65). Of course the Mahars too have become Christians. B. Shyamsundar has given information in Karnataka legislative assembly on 15th June 1957 that, only in the district of Bidar about 22 thousand untouchables have embarrassed Christianity (Gaikwad Narendra, 1990: 65). Though Mangs had inclined to accept Christianity there are examples where they have transformed to Islam too. At Laghul, Tal-Latur, Dist-Osmanabad, Mangs have accepted Islam (Gaikwad Narendra, 1990: 61). Even though we have several such examples of untouchables accepting other religions, one cannot deny the fact that their religious transformation was out of their economic needs and sometimes out of threat. Many people have converted to other religion because of atrocity and feeling of insecurity from the Hindus (Gaikwad Narendra, 1990: 74).
The Razakar movement led by Razakkar organisation in Hyderabad state happens to be an important one. Razakar organisation was established at Hyderabad in 1940. Raz means small dust particle and the word Razakar means the person who lifts up those fallen down in the dust. Sayyed Mohd. Eshass was the first officer of this organisation who wrote the constitution (Gaikwad Narendra, 1990: 71). The organization had an intense desire to see that the state of Nizam remains an independent one. Because of which, activist belonging to this organization use to torture those who would support Indian government and upheld the assimilation of Nizam state in the republic of India. They use to attack them, loot their property and even rape the women but the Dalits possessing the green card of this organization were given protection by them. The Hydrabad struggle is one such a struggle that gave a completeness to Indian solidarity. The Hyderabad freedom struggle was motivated to give India a national unity. In the last phase the freedom struggle took violent turn because of Nizam’s military and Razakar organisation. However the struggle has become pious with the blood of Mang myrters (Gaikwad Narendra, 1990: 91). The role played by Matangs in this struggle is noteworthy. One of the striking action in Hydrabad freedom struggle was Umari Bank operation. Umari, Tal-Bhokar, Dist-Nanded had a branch of State Bank of Hyderabad. The action was to give a massive blow to the Nizam regime. Police had arrested about 40 Mang-Mahar youth from Nanded and Hadgaon in this action. All the youths were belonging to Nanded district. All these youths agreed to their charges because of the use of third grade degree method by police. They were charged of murders and decoity. At many places untouchables faced the Razakars. They bravely fought against Razakars. Among them Mangs fought against the Razakars. In this freedom struggle Gangya Mang of village Apashinge Tal-Tuljapur played an important role. Among the 15 brave soldiers who tried to seize the police station of Nizam at Bardapur Tal-Ambajogai, Sukhdeo Dhule, Bhagawan Dhule, Rambhau Mang were ahead. The Sathe’s at Bhoom (Dist-Osmanabad) had actively participated in the struggle the Nizam by that time Vishya Vitha Khandare of Malhari Tal-Kalamnoori, Dist- Parabhani was caught by the police while spying and was shot dead on 26/4/1948 (Gaikwad Narendra, 1990: 121). Apart from these, Ganpati Jalaba Mang, of Tiruka, Tal-Udgir and Chanda Saganath Mang of the same village became myrter. Among the border fighting camp Gena Sakharam Mang of Sarola was a soldier and Shankarrao Jogdand was a soldier on Beed camp. Hanumant Vishwasrao Landage (Mang) had been actively involved in the Satyagraha on 24 Dec. 1938. Baburao Sitaram Landage had participated in the Satyagraha of 1938. Keshav Nivruti Landage (Osmanabad), Dhondiba Pandurang Kawale(Beed), Rama Nagoba Khilare (Beed) and many Mangs haveactively participated in the Hydrabad freedom struggle.
Matua Samaaj
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Matua Mahasangha or MMS is a religious reformation movement that originated, around 1860 AD, in what is today Bangladesh, with a considerable number of adherents both in Bangladesh as well as in West Bengal in India. Matua is a sect of folk Hinduism who are Namasudras, a Scheduled Caste group.[1] The movement was launched as a reformation by the followers of Harichand Thakur. Thakur attained atmadarshan at an early age and would subsequently preach his Darshan in Twelve Directives. The teachings of Thakur establish education as preeminently important for the adherent and the upliftment of the population the adherent's duty, while also providing a formula for ending social conflict.
Matua-mahasangha believe in Swayam-Dikshiti ("Self-Realisation"). So anyone who has faith in the Darshan or Philosophy of God Harichand belongs to the Matua-mahasanhga.
After Partition in 1947, many of the Matua migrated to West Bengal in India.
Harichand Thakur was born to a peasant family belonging to the Namahśūdras community. According to historian Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, Thakur "experienced atma darshan or self revelation, and the followers believe that he is the incarnation of God himself, born in this world to bring salvation to the downtrodden". He established the Matua sect of Vaishnavite Hinduism.
The Matua Mahasangha movement was launched as a reformation by the followers of Harichand Thakur.
Organisations
Initially the Matua-mahasangha followers or "matuas" formed an organisation in Orakandi, Faridpur, Bengal Presidency (now in Bangladesh). After 1947, followers formed a second organisation in Thakurnagar, West Bengal, India. At first, it was very difficult to form the temple. The temple was initially looked after by Thakur's family, but as of 2011 it was managed by a trustee chosen by the followers.
Followers may be found throughout India and Bangladesh. In some locations they have established worshipping places. In the beginning Matua-mahasangha followed simplified rituals, but later adopted Vaishnavism.
Kolkata: Matua Mahasangha Activits Participate In A Rally During All India Matua Mahasangha Mega Rally In Kolkata, On Jan 11, 2016.
Kolkata: Matua Mahasangha activits participate in a rally during All India Matua Mahasangha mega rally in Kolkata, on Jan 11, 2016. (Photo: IANS)
Pulayar Samaaj
From Wikipedia
The Pulayar, IPA: [pulɐjɐr], (also Pulaya, Pulayas, Cherumar, Cheramar and Cheraman) is a Dalit (untouchable) caste in Hinduism, forming one of the main social groups in modern-day Kerala and Karnataka as well as in historical Tamil Nadu or Tamilakam.
Traditions
Pulayars are noted for their music, craftsmanship, and for certain dances which include Kōlam-thullal, a mask dance which is part of their exorcism rituals, as well as the Mudi-āttam or hair-dance which has its origins in a fertility ritual.
Demography
According to the 2011 Census, the Pulayan population in Kerala was 1,338,008. They are a Scheduled Caste under India's reservation system in that state and in Tamil Nadu.
Notable people
Ayyankali (1863 - 1941), social reformer
K. P. Vallon (1894 - 1940), social reformer
P. K. Rosy (1903 - 1988), first heroine of Malayalam cinema
Mala Community
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Mala
Religions Hinduism
Languages Telugu
Populated states Andhra Pradesh • Telangana • Karnataka
Ethnicity Telugus
Mala are a Dalit community of agricultural labourers from the Indian states of Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Karnataka. They are considered as Scheduled Castes by the Government of India.
History
Malas are said to be Hill Warriors and they were raiders and warrior for Polygars of Vijayanagara.
In the 12th century, Palanati Brahmanaidu, the minister of Palnadu, adopted Kannamma Dasu, a Mala, who took part in the Battle of Palnadu and got martyred. His descendants were called Mala Dasulus who became head priests of Chennakesava Swamy Temples.
In the 19th century, many Malas, especially in coastal Andhra, converted to Lutheranism after the arrival of Christian missionaries.
In 1917, Bhagya Reddy Varma & Aringe Ramaswamy organised Adi-Andhra movement led Malas alongside Madigas to be part of Dravidian ideology. In the census of 1931, about a lot of them mentioned their castes as Adi Andhra and were officially included into the list list of Depressed Classes in 1935 Govt. of India Acts and later got carried in 1950 Constitution of India.
With the advent of the Green revolution, Kammas, who had bought up lands from the erstwhile Brahmin landlords, had turned to commercialized agriculture and became very prosperous. However, the landless Dalits (mainly Malas) and backward classes still faced dire circumstances. Dalits were unable to obtain land, or quality education. Starting in the 1980s with the political ascendancy of the Kamma community, Malas and other Dalits became the targets of violence with increasing frequency and brutality. After the Karamchedu massacre, during which 6 Dalits were slaughtered by Kammas, the Dalit Mahasabha (DMS) was formed in 1985. Influenced by Ambedkarite and Marxist thought, the Dalit Mahasabha, with charismatic leaders such as Katti Padma Rao and Bhojja Tarakam sought the annihilation of caste and untouchability through social transformation, very different from the Gandhian ideals of "upliftment." Their demands also included true land reform. A boost to their organization occurred after the brutal Tsundur massacre of 1991, where Kamma’s slaughtered 8 Malas. However, the movement was weakened when Rao sought to enter electoral politics.
Politics
When the Bahujan Samaj Party and Samajwadi Party won the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections in 1993, it gave hope to Rao that a similar victory could be achieved in Andhra Pradesh. However, because of this, the movement split: with Rao leading a faction favouring political influence and Tarakam leading a separate faction. Rao's dreams were shattered by the assembly elections of 1994, where the TDP promised a slew of populist schemes to counter the mobilization of subaltern castes and won decisively.
Tarakam opposed the 'Madiga Dandora Movement' in 1990s related to categorisation of the Scheduled Caste quota and denied allegations of snatching major share of caste quotas and established 'Mala Mahanadu' to counter its demands. However, the CBN government, sensing an opportunity to divide the Dalits, established a commission which recommended sub-categorization of SC quota. This infuriated the Malas and inexorably divided the Malas and Madigas, so that a united Dalit movement would be less strong than earlier.
Culture
The Mala of Andhra Pradesh are considered a right-hand community, whilst the Madiga of the region are the left-hand.
Distribution
According to Government of India census data from 2001, Malas constituted 41.6 percent (5,139,305) of the Scheduled Castes (SC) population in the then state of Andhra Pradesh, which has subsequently been bifurcated by the creation of Telangana state.
They are also classified as a Scheduled Caste in Karnataka.
Mala Christians
A significant section of the Mala, and almost all in Coastal Andhra, turned to Christianity but after noticing the similar caste politics in the Telugu Catholic church, shifted to Protestantism instead. They are mainly prominent in the Andhra Evangelical Lutheran Church (AELC) and Church of South India (CSI).
They made good use of the Christian educational programs, elevating some of their social position and now form part of the lower middle class. These Christian Malas are commonly called Merugumala people, who came from Godavari Krishna basin. They falls under, "Backward Classes -C" category with 1% Reservation at state level and at national level they come under Other Backward Class.
They have been demanding central Government to accord them SC status on par with Dalit Buddhists, Dalit Sikhs and not to discriminate them on religious grounds for being Dalit Christians. The case related to their demand is pending with the Supreme Court of India since 2005.
