The Ugly Reality of Caste Violence and Discrimination in Urban India
Data on caste-based violence in metropolitan cities confirms the grim reality that sits at odds with the narrative of an aspiring global superpower.
by Ashwini Deshpande
A mention of violence against Dalits on account of their caste readily bring forth images from rural or small-town India; depending on our vintage these could be from late 1970s’ horrific Belchi and Pipra massacres, or of the more recent public flogging of Dalits in Una, Gujarat. We would rarely imagine metropolitan cities, supposedly melting pots, as being sites of caste-based crimes, as the urban arena is expected to dissolve and obliterate caste distinctions. Caste is prima facie anonymous in urban India; urban (upper-caste) Indians would forcefully insist that caste is either dead or dying, as forces of urbanisation, globalisation and modernisation are sweeping away antiquated social distinctions, and fostering a climate of meritocracy, which recognises and rewards individual merit or ability on a level playing field.
In this context, the 2016 report of the National Crimes Record Bureau (NCRB) which, for the first time, has released separate figures for 19 metropolitan cities on crimes against Scheduled Castes and Tribes (SC/ST), is enlightening. It provides data for three years (2014-2016) for these 19 cities. These are large cities, with populations of over 20 lakhs (two million), and if it were at all possible for caste to be anonymous, it would be in cities such as these. To clarify, the crimes against SC/ST are those registered under SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act (PoA Act). The original Act was passed in 1989, and was amended in 2015 to expand the scope of offences committed against Dalits and Adivasis specifically targeting their caste or tribal background.
We will return to what kinds of offences are included under this Act later; for now, let us focus a bit more on the crime numbers released by NCRB.
Crime figures: what can we understand from them?
The data released by NCRB is compiled from statistics given by the state/union territory police departments and central law enforcement agencies. In other words, these are crimes that are reported and recorded. Thus, any comparison of change or levels needs to be made with caution, as it might reflect differences in reporting, and not in the actual incidence of crime. Imagine a fictitious city, say Shahbad, notorious for atrocities against Dalits. If nobody filed a complaint, the police records of Shahbad would show zero atrocities, but that would be a reporting issue, not the actual absence of atrocities. And if one person filed a complaint with the police, the crime incidence in Shahbad would show an “increase” from zero to one, i.e. a 100% increase, but that would reflect an increase in reporting, rather than a worsening in Shahbad’s upper-castes’ proclivity to commit atrocities.
In this fictitious example, we can tell if the 100% rise indicates an actual increase in atrocities, or an increase in reporting. In the NCRB data, we cannot distinguish if the variation reflects differences in incidence or in reporting, or a bit of both. Does this mean then that these numbers are not indicative at all? Of course, not. We need to be aware of the caveats related to this data, of which there are several, and be very careful with interpretation.
Having said all this, we can actually note some inescapable conclusions. What is noteworthy about the caste violence data from the metropolitan cities is that it is not negligible, indicating very clearly that caste consciousness is far from dead in urban India. For instance, India’s “Silicon Valley” cities, poster children of modern, globalising India, temples of cutting-edge information technology, Bengaluru and Hyderabad, reported 207 and 139 incidents respectively in 2016. Accompanying these cities were the usual suspects, the BIMARU capitals, Lucknow and Patna, with 262 and 241 cases respectively, at number 1 and number 2 spots in the incidence/reporting ranking, respectively.
Second, it would reasonable to view these figures as the tip of the iceberg, which means that these numbers hide more than they reveal, as several caste-based crimes and atrocities would never get reported. The behemoth establishments of police and law enforcement appear daunting even to the well-heeled, and pose almost insurmountable multi-faceted challenges for the poor, poorly educated, stigmatised, marginalised and those without powerful and influential connections. Dalits and Adivasis combine all of these disadvantages and more. Additionally, given that crimes covered under PoA are specific caste-based hate crimes, victims often under-report because of fear or reprisal, and/or to avoid added humiliation that would invariably accompany a scrutiny of their complaints.
What kinds of crimes and atrocities do these numbers reveal?
To fully appreciate what these figures reveal about caste consciousness in urban India, it is useful to understand the kinds of crimes covered under the PoA Act. The full list is too long to reproduce, and goes well beyond the obvious and routine crimes consisting of murders, assault and robberies. The crimes reported under PoA are those where the perpetrators are not Dalit-Adivasis, and the victims are. Some examples of such crimes are: forcing victims to eat or drink obnoxious substances; dump excreta, sewage, carcasses into their homes or compounds; land grabbing; humiliation; sexual abuse. These are glaring, flagrant and egregious actions. The Act also covers a series of actions, which might appear more benign, but are equally harmful, as these prevent Dalit-Adivasis from being able to carry on with their lives in a routine manner, such as preventing them entering temples, or hospitals, or contesting elections, take out wedding processions, wear nice clothes, attend school or college without being harassed and humiliated, work in an occupation of their choice and so on.
Keeping these examples in mind, we can now return to what these numbers tell us. Regardless of whether the inter-city and/or yearly differences in these numbers reflect a change reporting or actual incidence – in other words, whether Bengaluru and Hyderabad actually have a higher incidence of these offences, or have heightened awareness and consciousness – with possibly more responsive police – that gives Dalits-Adivasis the confidence to report such crimes – the fact remains that such horrific and often gruesome expressions of hatred, against those who are regarded as untouchable and marginalised, continue to happen in 2016, despite the existence of Article 17 of the Indian constitution forbidding untouchability explicitly, and punishable under the law.
It is tempting to suggest that the most vulnerable in any society are often targets of violence, and therefore, while the violence is abhorrent, it is a reflection of the victims’ marginalisation, i.e. if their conditions were better, they would be targeted less. Unfortunately, that is not true for India. In her comprehensive analysis of district-level crime data from NCRB covering the decade of 2001-2010, Smriti Sharma finds that a rise in crimes against Dalits and Adivasis is directly related to a lowering of gaps in their material standard-of-living (as measured by monthly per capita consumption expenditure) vis-à-vis upper castes. That is, districts with lower gaps between SC-ST and upper castes witness higher crimes against SC-ST, accounting for several other factors that might explain these crimes. This empirical analysis resonates with qualitative accounts of Dalits being attacked for their upward mobility, real or presumed. This is a clear indication of dominant castes wanting to protect their privilege over what they consider their turf.
Urban India: caste discrimination is alive and well
Underneath the twin myths of caste anonymity and meritocracy in urban India, lies the ugly reality of caste discrimination, which takes the form of residential segregation, discrimination in labour markets, educational disparities, overt and covert instances of untouchability, resulting in caste manifesting its vicious hold in all these arenas. The recent India Human Development Survey data for 2011-12 shows that over 27% of Indians admit to practicing untouchability, despite the practice being illegal. This proportion is highly likely to be an underestimate. The absolutely abhorrent and abominable practice of manual scavenging continues to be widespread, leaving more than 160 million individuals stigmatised for life.
The figures of caste-based violence in metropolitan cities further confirm the grim reality that sits at odds with the narrative of an aspiring global superpower, ready to forge ahead. For this narrative to turn real, India needs to break the shackles of prejudice, discrimination and violence that keep more than one-quarter of India’s population at the bottom of socio-economic hierarchy and targets of hate crimes.
Ashwini Deshpande is a professor of economics at the University of Delhi.
THE CASTES AND DALITS IN INDIA
The word Caste, originates from the Portugese and Spanish
Casta, meaning "race," "breed," or
"lineage." It was first applied to the
jatis of Indian Society by the
Portugese Travelers in the 16th Century.
This has a strong Racial base, Ethnic foundation and a Cultural bias.
Although, now the superstition and belief
created by the Caste System appear to have started to deteriorate and change,
the unjust social structure and unfair recognition of individuals groups and
their contributions, that was created by the Castes is still very much in place,
especially in Rural Areas. There are
about 3,000 jatis or Castes and more than 25,000 sub-Castes in India. India's 3,000 Castes are grouped loosely into
four varnas.
The word varna
is Sankrit for colour, which later came to also mean classification and
grouping. The varnas or classes, traditionally
determined the occupations of the People.
Those at the top had reserved for
themselves the purest, most sanctified and lightest or easy occupations, and
those at the bottom were coerced and forced to deal with things that were
taxing, heavy, risky, dangerous, difficult, uncomfortable and impure. Thus Classes based on varnas, do not depend upon any ones
education, intelligence, occupation, suitability, capablities, achievements,
income, wealth and potentials; but the varna determines the Class of a whole
Segment of the Society, the Group, the People, and the education one born there
in can have, the occupation one can take inspite of education intelligence
knowledge suitability skill capacity capablity potential, the income they can
have, the heights to which they can grow, and the wealth they can acquire retain
hold and own. Hence, in this Country,
Caste is varna based determinant of
Class, and Class in the Indian Society is dependant on the varna based Occupational Caste! And it holds good even today, inspite of some
exceptions. Exceptions they are, not a
measure of the changes taking place in the Indian Society. This is true, not only in India, but anywhere
in the World amongst the Indian Society, be it in USA or Canada, or Britain and
Europe, Asustralia or Russia, South East or Middle East, Ceylon or
Burma!
In traditional terms, the four main varnas and their occupations were, in
descending order:
Brahmans:
priests and vedic
scholars
Kshatriyas:
warriors and rulers
Vaisyas:
merchants and traders
Shudras: artisans, labourers and
servants
These are the visible mainstream, and hence recognised and
acceptable part of the Indian Society, that is directly dominated by the brahmins.
The occupations indicated against each of them are what generally is
attributed to them. But don't ever ask what the brahmins as
scholars were doing, why they were said to be scholars, whether they were
students and teachers, what they were learning or teaching anything, what they
were teaching, whom they were teaching!
And don't question as to what developments and progress did the prayers
and scholarship of brahmins ever led this ancient Nation, large Society in this
Country and the invariably hard working but poor people!!
A very very small Part of this
mainstream Indian Society, is the exclsively closed small numbers of brahmanic society, believing in their
original god Brahma - with the brahmins his original followers! They are at the Center, on an average only
about 3 to 5% of any region in the Country!
But they always, even if poor or illiterate, are at the top of the
visible Indian Society.
The immediate bigger circle, which
is also relatively small - being only about 15% including the brahmins with a National presence of
about of 3% of the Indian Society, is the core of the 'Sanathan Dharm' of dominant caste hindus, the DCH -
BKVs. The larger outer circle, of the
mainstream brahmin controlled Indian
Society, is of the 'caste hindus' of the 'chatur varnas' or four varnas.
That is based on the Varnavavastha or Varnashram System of four basic castes
of the Religion - Sanathana Dharma. This is the fourfold 'hindu system' of the
BKVSs. It is slightly less than 50% of
the total Indian Society.
Outside this brahmin controlled hindu system exist, a very
large section of People, who are by and large still invisible or kept
invisible. They are the marginalised and
neglected Indian Society. They are the
non-hindus. They were originally the
non-caste people or casteless people.
They were the original Indegenous People of the Country, of the Indus
Valley Civilisation. They were the Ati-Shudras. And these Ati-Shudras form the backbone of the
Indian Society, and are the prime movers of the Nation's Economy!
The Ati-Shudras were treated at different
points of time of the Indian Social Evolution, as being the unseeables,
unhearables, and Unapproachables of the Indian Society. They were confined to exclusive areas outside
the specific main hindu habitations.
Some of them remained totally unknown even to the rest of the Indian
Society till British Times. They were
driven out and banished or distanced themselves safely that far, and hence were
forgotten completely and totally. The
rest had to keep safe non-polluting distances.
Today they are still the Untouchables and or the unwanted
Unacceptables! All Social Assurances,
Political Promises, Legal Safe Guards and Constitutional Guarantees to them have
really no meanings! The only difference
is that most of them now have a new Constitutional Identity as the SCs and
STs. And they have their own identity, a
single identity as Dalits, cutting across all Parties, Regions, Languages,
Ideologies, philosophies, faiths, castes, sub-castes, tribes, sub-tribes and
Religions! That is the reason, why
inspite of the great historic ancient Indus Valley Civilisation, temperate
weather conditions suitable for agriculture, settled habitation, development and
growth, India could not develop into a really vibrant and progressive society,
or develop to be a great Nation. Till
today this Country could not evolve an Indian Society! Even now the Indians, their Govts and
Scholars are chasing the mirage of a hindu society, in a Nation of brahmins
baniyas kshatriyas kayasths and shudras, surrounded from all sides by the
SC&ST Dalits believing in Buddhism, Christianity and Islam! Then there are
also others who are non SC&ST Buddhists, Christians, Jains, Jews, Muslims
etc.
The Ati-Shudras are basically agricultural
workers, miners and settled specilist skilled workers. For, tilling the land for
agriculture and digging the earth for mining, were considered to be defiling
mother goddess earth, and amounted to molestation, unforgivable and unpardonable
grievious violation of her body, and was nothing but rape! But there was never any prohibitary measure
on the part of the caste hindus to prevent agriculture and mining, since they
were necessary for the survival growth wealth and good living of the dominant
caste hindus. But they were used as one
of the ploys to keep ot the Ati-Shudras,
experts in agriculture and suitable for hard dangerous taxing work of
mining, from the main stream society.
Therefore, tilling or mining the
land was basically left to the Untouchables!
And anyone touching the plough even by mistake, would loose caste and
declared an Untouchable and ex-communicated from the orthodox hindu
society.
The Ati-Shudras, were and are, and hence
will always be a different people! They
were and are still different racially, culturally, ethnically, and in their
habitation and social practices. They
are generally strong stocky well-built black stub-nosed and curly haired, with
the women having thick long curly hairs of immense personal value and to the
jealousy of others. The women are
socially equal in almost all respects, enjoying nearly all the rights of their
menfolk. They are, in fact socially free
and are equal partners with men - whether it is at the work place or in cooking
at home, or drinking and smoking at home or in public, or marriage divorce and
or remarriage. Specifically, these are
some of the charecteristics that set Ati-Shudras apart, ethnically and
culturally as a class different, distinct and far away from the dominant caste
hindus.
The Ati-Shudras
have their own gods and goddesses even today, starting from that Paraya god Shiva, and his consort that Parachi - the Jungli goddess Kali.
The gods of the Ati-Shudras
have their own temples. What is
more, even their goddesses have their own independant and exclusive temples -
free from their consorts.
These Temples have their own
distinct but simple constructions, with bright colourful architecture, and with
very little restrictions. Ati-Shudras follow distinctly different
but simple ritualistic practices of worship, that include offerings of meat,
blood, and intoxicating home-made or community brewed liquor. Ceremonial occassions, invariably involve
serving of food in public to the whole community. And the unique fact is that these Temples did
not have any Priests. Anyone and
everyone praying and or making offerings is at that time a Priest himself or
herself. It is not that this is because
the Ati-Shudras did not have the
benefit of brahmin priests.
The brahmins and Ati-Shudras in a traditional society or
in an orthodox setting, never ever came
anywhere near. The only persons who came
into contact with the Ati-Shudras
were the Slaves of the brahmanic society - the Shudras, and the traders and merchants -
the vaishyas or baniyas. Hence the question of the brahmins and their
priests serving the Ati-Shudras or Ati-Shudra Temples and the Ati-Shudra gods and godesses does not
arise at all, even today in most parts of the Country. Well,
that becomes a problem in Ati-Shudra
Christian Churches, where the dilema crops up as the Church as an
International Institution or Theology or Ideology is a stranger to the Castes,
and the Dangers Evils and Trauma of Castes; where is it is a reality in India,
in the whole Indian Society including the Indian Christian Society; and very
much exists and is practiced within the Church, along with the attendant dangers
evils and trauma; even though the Official Church does not accept or discuss
this that openly, and in reality does not know till date how to handle
this. So the Official Church does not
accept the existance of castes within the Church, or the discriminations of the
Ati-Shudras within the Church, and
refuses to face the Castes squarely within the Church and Christian
Communities. Therefore, often the
Problem arises today, as to which priest(s) will go to the Ati-Shudra Churches, when and at what
cost to the Ati-Shudras Christians. For, in the Indian Church, though there
are no hierarchic Priesthood as amongst the caste hindus, most of the Christian
Priests are by and large are of caste hindu origin, still carrying with them in
their heart caste hindu biases, specifically the discrimination of the Ati-Shudras.
The Problem of a caste hindu Priest does not arise in the
traditional Ati-Shudras' Temples, as
there is generally no priestly-intervention or priest-intermediary between the
praying Ati-Shudra and the god or
goddess. Every Ati-Shudra can by himself or herself
directly communicate with his or her god or goddess, casually in passing; or
seriously with offerings and sacrifices, touching his or her god and or goddess
personally and physically.
But this does not mean that the Ati-Shudras did not or do not have any
Priests. They always had and even now
have their own Priests, who step-in on special occassions. But they were and still are uniquesly
different and distinct from those of other Religions and Communities. They were highly proffessional, great masters
in their art and knowledge of rituals prayers and songs. The prayers and prayer songs etc were and
still are in local languages, but chaste and pure, within the knowledge
understanding and grasp of the common man of the community. These were professionals alright, but were
not professional priests! They were and
still are, ordinary members of the Ati-Shudra Community, attending to
normal household and professional works like anyother individual. But they were and are called, in only for
formal ceremonies - such as those associated with death and organised
marriages. This again, even though a man
and a woman, on their own choice secretively by themselves, or exclusively with
only their close friends and confidents, without others knowledge can go to any
of their own or chosen god or goddess for the occassion - anywhere in the
Village, or on the roadside, or in the fields, or even in the jungles - to get
married as per the custom they know or choose to adopt. This they may declare to the community, or
may keep it as a secret till they choose to declare at a later date. That is perfectly valid, as for as the Ati-Shudras are concerned with-in their
communities, whether there were any witnesses for the marriage or not, or
whether such a marriage proposal had the approval and sanction of the community,
or was opposed by anyone else.
The Ati-Shudras
as Untouchables were treated as special servants of the hindu society, meant
for exclusively reserved unwanted tasks.
They were the Slaves of the Indian Society, freely available to anyone
and everyone in the hindu society, for exploitation. They were destined
to do all difficult dangerous risky dirty or filthy works. But no-one in the hindu society were
responsible for their welfare and well being.
Manytimes, no one was responsible to even pay for the actual works done
for the hindu society. Often times, and
even today, they are expected to work free, merely on getting a general
information, without anyone calling any particular one of them
specifically. They were to work for the
general good and public upkeep of the hindu society, just in return for some
leftover food that someone may give, or manytimes not even that. They are generally expected to fend for
themselves, and be on their own. But
they should always be available, and be ready at the beg and call of the
brahmanic society.
Today, for various historic and political reasons,
particularly to keep the Scheduled Dalits away from the Muslims, and also the
Christians and Sikhs, particularly the anti-hindu Sikhs otherwise referred to as
militant Sikhs, they are being referred to as 'Panchamas' of the hindus or the fifth
varna.
Thus they were never, and even today are not part of the hindu society.
Yet, today the Scheduled Dalits are considered
an appendage or extension of the hindu society.
And in common parlance, they are loosely referred to as hindus, even when
they are not, and are actualy outsiders, living outside and away from chaturvarna hindus of
four-caste-brahmanic system! The
Scheduled Dalits are outside, and still not openly and publicly stated so, for
political and intra-religious reasons today, as being outside! The Scheduled Dalits are said to be inside,
but really not treated so, and honestly not accepted as being inside. This crude fact, has been repeatedly stated
publicly by jagatguru (world teacher) Sankaracharya of Puri, and frequently
reported in the Press - Print and Electronic Media, to the great discomfort and
ebarassment of the Govts! The Dalit being a hindu is great fraud and
illusion played on the Dalits, created deliberately and sustained at a very big
cost and social tension in the recent decades.
Affected are not only the SC&ST Dalits, but also the whole Church in
India, Christianity in the World totally confused and not knowing what to do and
how to deal with the double-dealing Indians and Indian Leadership, and the whole
Indian Muslim Community that is
The Dalits were also called as the 'Mlechas' that means foreigners from
beyond big turbulent rivers, seas and oceans, the hills, and the hill
people. Infact all Persians, Greeks,
Romans, Afghans, Arabs, Burmese, Ceylonese, Chinese, Tibetans, Turks, Mongols,
Moghuls, Europeans including the British Colonial Rulers, the Black Africans
etc, irrespective of the fact whether they were just travellors, visitors,
settlers, invaders, crude conquerors and all powerful rulers, and even deciders or determinators of the
destiny of all caste hindus, were referred to by the single term 'Mlechas'. This,
even when the foreignerswere infact were the deciders or determinators of the
destiny of all caste hindus. They were
all considered actually as Untouchables only, irrespective of their position
status and power! The brahmins had a
knack of treating and saying so, or making it clear to the lesser caste hindus
without offending the foreigners and getting into trouble themselves. The last publicly known case of such a
discriminative treatment and public humiliation was that of Lord Mountbatten,
the last and said to be the most influential and powerful Viceroy of India with
plenipotent powers, after he visited a Temple in South India. Today, the non-hindus of the Indian
Society are actually in majority, but are mortally weakened by extreme
fragmentations and mutual suspicions and distrust. They are very badly divided and refuse to
come together, even to face the crafty caste hindus for their own survival. A good number of them are other Religious
Settlers from outside the Country, converts to Islam and Christianity from
mostly the Shudra and Ati-Shudra Communities, and perhaps a few outcasted caste
hindu families. In fact, the biggest
punishment and fear or humiliation for a caste hindu, always had been being
outcasted, loosing the caste, and ex-communication from the caste hindu society.
The division, differentiation, marginalisation or basic
stratification of the Indian Society is as -
brahmins and
non-brahmins,
dominant caste
hindus and non-DCHs,
caste hindus and
casteless people,
and finally as,
hindus and
non-hindus.
The SC&ST Dalits always and everywhere were pushed
down to the very bottom of the whole Indian Society - inclusive of the caste
hindus and non-caste hindus. The
practices and methodologies may vary from place to place, but the end results
remained always to be the same. To the
Dalits were left the occupations that involve the most undesirable and impure
work and occupations, such as that of
midwives, leatherwork, slaughter, scavenging, disposal of the dead, including
the humans and the brahmins' own sacred cows, etc. Even today there are not much changes, though
the form and actuals jobs might have undergone some modifications, such as -
nursing in addition to midwifery, and to work as poorly paid rural teachers in
uknown places where no body wants to go, attendants in very dangerous places in
mines, power plants, nuclear stations, etc.
They having been condemned to the bottom of the Indian Society, had to
always remain there permanently at the bottom.
They are said to be impure, and always retain their impurities. They could even transmit the impurities of
their birth as Ati-Shudras, to others through physical contact, use of the same
physical facilities, or even by having their shadow cast on any of the caste
hindus, however dirty polluted and mean the latter might be! This, even if their present occupatios may
be modern, respectable, professional and much more superior to that of the
brahmins and other caste hindus. This
lead to the literal practice of people being segregated as untouchables. This happens, and such meaningless and
thoughtless untouchability, much worse than Apartheid, is being practiced today
at the end of the Twentieth Century in this Country, even in the highest Govt
Offices Universities and other big and higher centers of learning - though such
incidents are rarely reported in public and carried by the caste hindu press and
electronic media, or investigated. Officially, the practice of Untouchability
was outlawed by Article 17 of the Indian Constitution, and made a punishable
criminal offence. In reality, however,
it is still a very real debilitating painful practice that actully pulls down
not only the Ati-Shudras, but also
the progress and development of the entire Nation.
A Population, slightly larger than the entire size of the
United States of America suffers daily from a level of discrimination, similar
in many respects but more harmful and evil than the Racial Discriminations of
the African-Americans in the United States, and the Blacks in South Africa under
Apartheid. These discriminations range from discriminations in
admission to schools to being forbidden to share public facilities with caste
hindus, to lethal violence. The Violence against the Ati-Shudras are carried out by various
hindu groups, the most well known being the hindu ultra-conservative RSS
militia. The later always attack the
Muslims and others for liberating, by enmass Conversion, the Untouchable SC
Dalits and invisible ST Dalits. They
have now specifically turned their fury against the Christian Missionaries for
the past Conversions, particularly the distant still to be recognised Tribal
Dalits.
The name Dalit, a self-adopted one, has come to replace
the term “untouchable," and the derogatory term harijan of Gandhi, and the denigrating
name girijans of the Govts. Dalit, literally means “broken” or “crushed
under foot.” And this today is preferred
to other terms, as it is thought to represent the true conditions of the
people. And what is important, it is not
demeaning or condescending in any way.
Originally, the term Dalit applied
only to those formerly Untouchables, but it has been expanded in many places
today to include the Tribal Peoples, who being nature worshipping anemists like
the SC Dalits, are also not a part of the hindu caste structure. Other terminologies for peoples in this
condition include Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, or simply SCs&STs,
which derive their origin from the Indian Constitution’s “scheduling” of those
castes and tribes that are disadvantaged.
All of these terminologies tend to be rather amorphous, and are used
still interchangeably. SCs&STs are
still part of the overall group of Weaker Sections of the Indian Society. Being non-hindus living outside the caste
fold, they were also considered earlier as one of the non-hindu Minorities. And being poor and backward, SCs&STs were
part of the large number of Backward Classes.
But, with the Govt having specifically taken them out of the Backward
Classes, away from the Shudra Backward Castes and other Minorities, and declared
them to be the SCs&STs, the rest of the Backwards, minus those who follow
major non-hindu Religious Minorities are now classified as the Other Backward
Classes.
Today, some progress in upward mobility of Dalits appear
to have been made in metropolitan areas.
However, most rural areas still remain mired in the social traditions of
caste, which hold lower and non-caste peoples down. It is also important to note that while
casteism is declining in some areas, as a determinate of occupational and
economic status; it remains a formidable tool in forming political groups and
support. Both the President of India and the recently appointed
President of the governing coalition leader Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) are
Dalits. It should be however noted that both are largely symbolic
appointments. They are infact proving to
be the uncomfortable cause of many legal political and social frictions, even at
those highest levels.
MEDIA AND
DALITS
As the experience of groups from around the World have
shown, a major key to overcoming Oppression is access to Media, and uncontrolled
mediums which allow free and open discussion of all issues. This
report provides an examination of whether or not this is true as for as the
Dalit Community in India is concerned, and if not, what can be done to take
steps in that direction.
OVERVIEW OF INDIAN MEDIA
In India Media is reasonably well developed And the Media today has a wider reach, in
urban and semi-urban areas, and urbanised rural areas nearer to State Capitals,
business centers etc. It has a powerful
role to play in business promotion, and political life of the Parties and their
Leaders. It is for these specific
reasons that big industrial and business houses are running many of the News
Papers, and are also branching off to the now powerful visual
media.
A. PAINTINGS
apart from Paintings this includes
Drawings, Line Sketches also. The
painters in early days were generally Dalits.
They used their artistic skills in paintings and drawings to show their
resentments against the brahmins and brahmanic gods and goddesses. Hence, they always included an unusual animal
with various gods and goddesses to depict their inhuman nature and animal
qualities! They also invariably painted
them with crude aggressive weapons in their hands and on their person, to tell
their People, the Dalit Communities and the World that they are not godly but
are cruel killers, and one has to keep away from them. That is the reason that unlike the brahmins,
Dalits as a People are not close to the exploitative demanding and bribe taking
gods and goddesses, who act only on getting their considerations! These gods and goddesses are that way worse
than the corrupt caste hindu officials, both in the private and Govt
Sectors.
B. SCULPTURES
Except for the modern day high
flying caste hindu cultural ambassadors casually working as Sculpters to rake in
money, the Sculpters who have produced millions and millions of innumerable
statues in different media are the SC&ST Dalits. For various reasons those who have been
working on gods and goddesses have been included as some lowly caste
hindus. But the patterns and norms laid
out by the Dalit Painters have struck, and they always followed them while
producing the gods and goddesses, providing killer weapons in their hands. Added to that, they often went one step
ahead, showing these gods and goddesses as cheap perverted creatures indulging
shamelessly in public fornication. As
result any rational unbiased analysis of these gods and goddesses, as done by
Baba Saheb in his Riddles, or by Annadurai Karunanidhi etc in the South would
show how third rate they were unfit toeven be considered as human
beings!
C. FOLKLORE
The Folklore alive particularly in
the Rural Areas is always of the Dalits.
They are in the form of Stories, Childrens Stories, Fairy Tales, Legends,
Lullabies, Poems, Songs, Bhajans
etc. They are rich with many interesting
and useful anecdotes, historical accounts, witty sarcasm and sensible
irony. They effectively convey the
seathing anger and silent protest of the Dalit People, against all the social
cultural ritualistic and religious practices of the brahminic society. They reflect the peoples animosity and
general antagonism against the brahmins, other dominant caste hindus, their gods
and goddesses. They are clearly
understood by the masses, unlike the ununderstandable meaningless Sanskritic
Sloghas, which are not often clear to the brahmins themselves, who had only
mugged them up blindly from oral recitations by some one else. They are therefore varying, and are
invariably not reliable hearsays!
It is for the above reasons that the
huge colossal white elephant of irrelevant Indian Education System in the
brahminic hands, including the rare few Dalits who had managed to worm their way
in, are very systematically consciously and carefully avoiding any collection
compilation documentation preservation study and research of local and regional
folklores. Instead, the whole dominant
caste hindu Govts and the brahminic controlled Media, are always working
overtime to hoist the literatures beneficial to the brahmins like Ramayana and
Maha-Baratha as National and Religious Indian Epics. This inspite of many meaningless irrelevant
immoral evil anti-people, anti-social, anti-development and pornographic
references in them. Studies and
publication of the Folklore like the Kannada Grama-Devathalu or Village Deities and such other works
by Siddha-Lingaiya in Karnataka had crudely shaken the brahmins. And as usual they could effectively silence
them by buying him out for his silence!
No such publicly known contributions to highlights the Works of our Dalit
Forefathers specifically denied formal education by the brahmins and other DCHs
had been done by any of the Dalits elsewhere in the Country.
D. FOLKSONGS AND BHAJANS
Folk Songs and Bhajans are also
infact part of the Folklore of the People.
Most of the Folklore are, except some of the the Folk Stories are in the
form of Folk Songs and Bhajans
composed and sung in praise of dalit gods and goddesses. They were the easiest form of handing over
socially relevant messages, particularly protests against the corrupt, evil and
the wrong doers in the society, authority and at the higher levels of Govt and
Religious Institutions like the Temples.
In fact these were the most popular form of Mass-Media of the People from
time immemorial. It is sad that today
the Dalits have invariably lost their faith and their capacity to use
these. Instead the Dalits, particularly
the educated urbanised ones even from the Rural Areas and Villages, have become
more dependant on the evil brahmins, their advice, and their media, and have
developed implicit and deep faith in all their doings.
E. POETRY
Poems and artistic expressions are
by deep thinkers, disturbed minds worried about the unfair and unjust happenings
all around them in the Society, Educational Academic and Research Institutions,
Govt Offices, Religious Bodies etc. They
quickly effectively and in short few sweet couplets could deliver their messages
strongly and with due focus. Poems by
Great Dalit protest Poets like Joshua and other nameless millions of conscious
and concerned Dalits can shake the berahmins and drive them to suicide and death
if only they have any shame and conscience!
This is a powerful Media which the modern Dalits should again make use
of. Here is one great literary medium in
which even illiterate unlettered Dalits have traditionally been masters. And many great Poetic Literary Works are by
such great immortal legendary Dalits, whose Dalit origins and backgrounds are
systematically being concealed and denied even today! This inspite of the facts that the existance
name background and origins of many Dalit Authors, and even the Works of
hundreds of Dalit Poets having been suppressed and destroyed by the highly
destructive evil brahmins! Like the
Tamil brahmins who deliberately threw the Palm Leaf Writings of ancient Tamil
Scholars in flooded Cauvery, saying that real good worth preserving works will
flow against the current of the River in Spate and reach the banks, and that
other useless works should left to get washed away! What a scheming evil mindset the brahmins
have!
F. DRAMAS
This include the Street Dramas,
Dramas in Street Corners and Melas, as well as the irony and sarcasm even in
Bakthi Movements. But Drama had not
evolved into a big medium in this country except in some States, like Andhra
Bengal Maharashtra Tamil Nadu etc, to refer a few. The impact of Drama and also Cinema on the
Society and Culture in awakening and throwing out, even the massive wide-spread
oppressive yoke of the brahmins and their extreme social suppressive mechanisms
and injustices, as well as the radical political changes they have brought in
their wake in Tamil Nadu is very well known to recount here in any more
detail.
G. WRITINGS
This includes plain writings,
novels, posters, hand-outs, hand-bills, wall writings publication of books,
etc. But with the all round massive
illiteracy in the Society, and the specific denial of all Education to Dalits
all through the history of this Nation, writing is not very popular amongst the
Dalits. But it is heartening to know
that protest writings are showing up in a big way in States like Andhra,
Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu. But they are
still a long way for these protest Dalit Literature to make an Impact on the
Society in a real big way. The problem
is compounded by the lack of interest in buying books, and non-existant habbit
of reading particularly others writings.
This situation is further hampered by the increasing cost of books, entry
of brahmins and baniyas in printing and publishing, their poor quality and
unattractive printing, effect of inflation, higher costs. And the extent of reading particularly
amongst the target groups of Ati-Shudra
Dalits, Shudra OBCs and other poor is very poor because ofthe still
prevailing massive illiteracy amongst these massive sections of society!
H. CARTOONS
This is another special area where
Dalits have not entered so far to make a mark.
But this a very convenient area to criticise castigate and send a quick
message.
I. RADIO
Radio is perhaps the oldest, and the most available and
reliable form of media. All India Radio (AIR) has 305 Transmitters. AIR claims to provide Radio Coverage for
97.3% of the population(?) over 90% of the country. AIR Stations are the only domestic Radio
available, but there are foreign services such as the Voice of America, BBC
World Service, Radio Ceylon once the most popular in South, Radio Pakistan,
Voice of Bungladesh, Radio China etc from the surrounding Nations. But their availability is not as wide spread
as that of AIR. Everyone with in the
villages visited, had access to a radio and said that they listen to AIR. It was the preferred source of media for very
few people.
J. CINEMA
Cinema is the oldest largest most influential Media in the
Country. It has on any day the farthest
reach and far-fetched reach to reach the unreachable if one desired so. The potentials of Cinema have never been
fully realised, nor have they been tapped and utilised for any positive
development, in the real sense!
Ofcourse, Govts through their News
Reals, Documentaries, Short Films, Clippings with the Media Units and Films
Divisions, had been trying to reach the rural masses, educate the rural people
children and students, and bring about changes in the rural societies. This they have been doing through the
compulsory screening of weekly and monthly News Reels screened in Cinema
Theaters, or by screening them in special shows in schools, rural areas,
festival times and in the fairs.
Missionaries and Church had also been using Cinema and Documantaries to
carry the message of Peace, Life, Brotherhood and Fraternity, the Message of
Jesus and the Spirit of Christianity amongst its folks in the Church and Church
Compounds. But sadly today the social
and educational role of Cinema as an agent of change and medium of good
meaningful and useful message had ceased in this Country long long ago. But it still exercises a great influence in
certain cercumstances particularly in Politics, specially in the Southern
States.
K. PHOTOGRAPHY
This is again another area of
contradictions. While this is basically
a foreign medium evolved as a result of scientific and technological
developments elsewhere in the world, and millions of photographers and
photographic workers are the Ati-Shudra Dalits and Shudras, those who actually
use Photography as a Media of Professional Journalistic Value and rake in
millions and names for themselves are again only the brahmins and other DCHs
promoted patronised and projected by their own ruling classes in Govts and other
offices of power authority and patronage!
Thus the Dalits have by and large could not make much of a mark, though
it has very important and great potentials.
World would not have forgotten the cold blooded blood thirsty trigger
happy Colonial Officer firing to kill a protesting Native in South-East Asia,
with the small-arm right on the temple of the hapless victim. There are many more such historic pictures,
which had rudely shaken the conscience of the World and ultimately brougt down
even even the crude criminal cruel heartless and mindless down to their
knees. Thus Cameras and Photography,
particularly the very Small Detective Cameras, Movie-Cameras, Video Cameras,
Digital Cameras etc have great potentials of capturing the cruelties real
intentions scheming and planning of the brahmins and their petty backward
agents, or the actions and doings of their cold-blooded blood thirsty RSS, VHP
and Bajrang Dal killer operators, against the helpless Dalit Women, Children,
the aged etc etc. These are yet to be
realised and made use of by the Dalits in any effective way, because of their
foreign high technolgy origin as said earlier, as well as lack of exposure,
familiarity, knowledge, experience, confidence and the cost factor!
L. EXHIBITIONS
Exhibitions of Paintings, Wall
Writings and Posters etc etc that bring out the suppressed and hidden anger and
simmering dissent and under the surface protest,
M. TELEVISION
Television is the most favored form of media. Television includes shooting and filming TV
Programmes Messages News etc, either in professional well-equipped Studios, make
shift places, in the open field or even in remote and wild araeas. The opportunities for the Dalits to enter
these areas are very limited, even though some break is available to learn the
skills formally in Govt run Film and TV Institutes, thanks to the much
criticised and run down Reservations in admissions.
Through Antenna Reception, only one or two Channels of Doordarshan, the Government of India’s
National TV network, is now available to the common man, though earlier almost
all Channels of Doordarshan were
available for the average TV Viewer without a Cable Connection. This is so,
because for reasons unexplained,
Doordarshan had handed over most of its Channels to local private cable
operators. Thus the common man, with-out
personal Satelite Dish Antena Reception, or the ones accessed through cable
connections, can not access most of the Channels of even Govt run Doordarshan. Yet, Doordarshan claims to have a reach of
about 87% of India’s Population; which given the inaccessible backwardness,
poverty and endless miserable routine in the rural areas and of the massive
large sections of Weaker Sections of the Indian Society, is definitely a
doubtful bogus tall official claim.
In most areas, Doordarshan’s National Programming is
supplemented by State and Regional content from the State Capitals. What can be received through cable and
satellite is an entirely different story.
As said earlier most of Doordarshan's Channelsn are also
available on Satelite Cable. These
Multiple Channels come with more diverse programming. And Satellite Channels such as CNN, BBC World
Service, and StarTV are also available.
These deliver a wide variety of American, Australian, British, and other
Nations' TVs, as well as Indian programming, to those households able to afford
Dish, or have access to Satellite Cable Television. Inspite of these, most Dalits only have
access to Doordarshan through Antenna
Reception, though access to Satellite Cable TV is expanding steadily.
A recent quick small study by some scholars showed that -
In Gangoh, the
largest Village near Delhi, with a Population of 50,000(?) nearly 80% of all
People have access to TV, but only one percent has colour TV. Only 1100 of the
TVs in the Gangoh have a Satellite Connection.
And of these, only 10 or 12 of them are owned by Dalits, providing access
to Cable Satellite Channels for at most 200 Dalits.
In the smaller Villages, with populations below 3000, about 50% of the villagers
have access to TV. But probably only 10%
watch the News on a regular basis.
Access is generally restricted to Antenna Reception, as ownership of
Satellite Dishes is limited by cost.
Some of the small Villages have no Satellite Dish, and in those Villages
where one exists, the owner is invariably a dominant caste hindu, who generally
does not allow others to come anywhere near by.
Thus the Dalits do not have
access to Satellite Cannels.
The most popular programmes on TV
are reported to be religious serials, cricket, movies, and cinema songs. Appearance of Dalits on TV, even as News
Readers is for the most part unknown, and not seen. Rarely do any Dalit Star appear, or is
allowed to come on the TV. Hardly are
there any, for these are profitable and highly paying businesses. Hence, carefully and meticulously Dalits are
being kept out. Hence they are not being
seen. Recently, it was said that a
serial on Doordarshan had a few Dalit Characters in it, though the actors were
not actually the Dalits! The Dalits in
this serial were portrayed to be very submisive subserviant supportive and
working in favour of the caste
hindus. And when one of the Dalits made
a mistake of some kind, the punishment by the caste hindus was quite
severe. This in a TV Serial, a
story! That is the type of Message, a
Value-System the TVs want to build up, sustain and uphold in the Society even
today.
When it comes to TV News Focuses on
the issues of Rural Areas and the happenings there-in, where the most oppressed
Dalits live, the News generally does not deal with them, and skirts them out
very skillfully, unless there had been some grievious or serious sensational
issue. But these days, some other private programmes do take some interest, but
even these are limited to issues of crops and the like. And where Dalit Issues had to be discussed,
they bring in co-opted or co-optable elements, who do all their best to
whitewash the harm being done to the Dalits by others. Otherwise the TVs project some half-backed
upstarts, and even drop-outs from some colleges and universities, only because
they are the hand maidens of those who matter in the ruling circles. Thus, the Dalit Issues fall by default, or are
thearetiacally as an abstract matter casually and indifferently discussed, by
those not at all concerned but make a living out of Dalit Sufferings, like the
Professors and Officials dealing casually with Dalit Matters as their
Profession, or are handling them for the time being as a matter of
course.
N. NEWS PAPERS
News Papers being in private hands, have remained the
exclusive terrain of the dominant communities of the country. Most of them ofcourse are the dominant caste
hindus, specifically the brahmins. They
systematically keep out SC&ST Dalits, and hound out any SC or ST Dalit who
may manage to stray in. That is all to
their credibility and charecteristic merrit and honesty!
News Papers in this Country are not
well developed. And People do not have
an attitude to News Gathering and decimation of the right actual facts and
happenings. That is part of hindu
characteristic of untruth and deciet!
News Papers and Journalistic
practices like writing, editing, proof reading, publication of Journals and News
Letters in Schools, local and neighbourhood Communities are all unknown and
strange to this Country! Hence
handwritten, cyclostyled mimeograph or photocopied publications, private
circulations, informations amongst friends circles, in family or extended
families all do not almost exist in this Country.
Hence Dalits are nowhere near News
Papers and in the business of bringing out Magazines News Letters Journals
etc.
News Papers are the only form of media that Dalits
generally have an easy and reasonable access to, that are able to present a
diversity of opinions. Even in the
smallest Villages, there reach copies of atleast a couple of different
Newspapers. And in larger Villages, nearer to
metropolitan cities and State Capitals, local, regional, and national Papers
could be found.
A small Survey by some Dalit Friends
and Sympathisers showed the following -
In Gangoh, approximately 1900 copies of Newspapers are distributed
daily. Many of the Papers are national
and regional. An, there also reach three
other local Papers. The local Papers do
have a good focus on local issues, but not on the issues of Dalits. About 40% of People in town read a Newspaper,
but of that 40% only 3-4% are women, even though they are approximately 50% of
the population. Of the Dalit
Population, only 20% read any Newspaper.
When considering circulation and
readership, it is helpful to remember that while many people read one copy of a
Newspaper, the Newspapers are often read out to many who don't get a Paper and
to those who are illiterate. So in both
cases, numbers tend to be larger than reported.
Taking these factors into account, 90% of all of People near the State
Capitals have access to Newspapers. This
percentage of readership seemed to hold true for even the smaller Villages near
by, even though fewer copies of Newspapers reach them.
Mainstream News Papers do some
coverage of Dalit Issues, especially when there are atrocities like murder,
etc. And sometimes, they will run pieces
which consider the situations and lives of Dalits, as The Hindu and The Pioneer have recently done. However, the truly controversial stands are
left to the Dalit's Alternative Media, which consists of many informal private
circulations, some local regional language tabloids and journals - the most
popular one being one English Journal named The Dalit Voice, run by a rich dominant
caste hindu.
O. INTER-NET, WEB PAGES AND WEB
SITES
The Inter-Net, Web Pages and
Web-Sites are still in infant stages even in the cities. They are accessible only by the well to do,
well connected and well placed, better educated, and highly paid employed
sections of the society. Hence,
understandably, Dalits hardly have any access to them. And strangely enough, those well-off and
well-placed Dalits who can afford them, hardly take any interest in general
Dalit Issues, unless that hurts them the most.
Otherwise, they tend to be indifferent, and neglect Dalit Issues of even
their own concern or having a direct impact on them also, leaving them all to
the Govts to resolve, or expect someone else just someone else to comeforward
and take up the task, and to those non-interested Dalit Leaders who are not even
affected by the Problem to deal with! In
the Rural Areas, these are not even heard off!
Thus, these are practically inaccessible to the Dalits and most other
Weaker Sections. And the poor Literacy
Rates, lack of Computer Literacy, prohibitive cost of Computer Education, poor
Knowledge of Inter-Net, non-availability of Computers, very high cost of the
Computers and Lap-Tops, unaffordable cost of Inter-Net Connections, poor quality
of the Connections and Inter-Net Services, too high a cost of Telephone and
other interlinkages, non-appreciation of the Potentials and Uses of Inter-Net in
Dalit Development are not only big obstacles, but even keeps this out of the
focus of the Dalits as an useful tool.
A Western
Scholar on Dalit Issues had recently reported -
After extensive
searching, only one Dalit specific Web Site of Indian Origin could be found,
though other Sites set up by advocacy groups operating from West and OECD
Countries could be found! All parties
interviewed or visited, regarded the Inter-Net as a tool with no reach to the
Dalit Community itself, although One Group stated that it was an effective way
to bring out Information on Dalit Issues in the first place. And, naturally, it is that group that
operates the one Indian-based Dalit-Issue Web-Site.
Inter-Net, Web-Pages and Web-Sites are potentially very
useful spheres, where Dalits have to be brought-in large numbers, and they need
to be watched and encouraged carefully steadily and monitored closely. This then will become a very great and
powerful tool amongst the large Dalit People, particularly if they are properly
guided and appropriately helped and encouraged from time to time till they
take-off by themselves.
III. DALIT
INVOLVEMENT IN MEDIA AND BIASES
Dalit involvement in the local media in Gangoh is
relatively weak compared to the rest of the Nation. Of the
10 Journalists based there, 3 were from Backwards Classes, and only one was an
“untouchable” Dalit. Generally the coverage of Dalits in the
News is always rare, as even Dalit Journalists tend not to report on Dalit
issues. The Reasons given for this
are -
i) The Dalit
Journalists are afraid that if they cover Dalit Issues, they might lose their
jobs
ii) Such
Reportings unless sensational to be of commercial news value are generally
dumped out
iii) The Dalit
Journalists are simply not interested in covering the issues.
Conversations with local Leaders of
a Dalit Party, which had incidentally emerged as the third largest All India
Party after BJP and Congress, advocating the Rights of Dalits and other
disadvantaged peoples also revealed dissatisfaction with the present Indian
Media. They noted that the Media
adequately covers issues such as the murders and sexual harassment of Dalit
individuals - perhaps because of their shock value and sensationalism, does not
do any analysis as to why these Atrocities occur. In regards to bias, he thought that Dalit
Participation in the ownership of mainstream media would have to happen, before
biases of the mainstream media started to disappear. Many others, were in agreement with
thes. Caste hindu ownership and control
of media exists very very strongly. It
actually prevent the entry of formally qualified dalit journalists, even while
accomodating a lrge number of dominant caste hindus of known dubious values and
fraudulent experiences. These all
together create, at best, a negative bias against the Dalits, the real facts
behind Dalit Issues and the truths of the caste hindu dominated Indian Society,
that is still poor and backward in many respects.
Members of the Villages are also
concerned about the geographic bias towards regional centers. Also, if something happens in a village, the
information may pass through several hands before a reporter gets a hold of it,
and this in turn can increase the biases and inaccuracy of the information. One of the small villages recently held
elections, and no media organization covered in any form. When asked if they would be more interested
in the News, if it showed information about events in their village like the
election, the answer was resoundingly in the affirmative.
When asked whether more channels and
competition would help to alleviate biases, many said that it was difficult to
say because of a lack of anything for comparison, especially for TV and
Radio. However, they did say that
ownership or management of Media, if not direct control probably influenced
bias, and said that ownership by Dalits would be a great help. One Dalit gentleman mentioned that, ownership
by well to do members of the Backward Classes, many of whom are very very better
off, would be much more helpful. He felt
that they being as Shudras basically working classes like the Ati-Shudra Dalits,
but being acceptable and recognised members of the caste hindu society, might be
able to bridge many of the differences between the Dalits and the rest of the
society. Though this is an odd comment,
may be influenced by some personal considerations, there still is some truth and
merrit in this, however small that may be.
Dalit alternative Newspapers, play a
crucial role. But that is “not well
ventilated” and it often does not consider issues in their entirety. Its role in transforming the mainstream Media
is limited. Hence it is necessary that
Dalits must become players in the mainstream media, to remove the biases that
exist against the Dalits there-in.
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
As one can see, the Channels of Information that Dalits
have access to are limited, especially in the Rural Areas. Television, Radio, and Newspapers, as well as
Cinema, Photography still and movie, Exhibitions etc - organised and or managed
through Govt, Community and other public and private efforts - suffer from
little involvement of the lower castes, and practically no involvement from
“untouchable” and "invisible" Dalits. In
addition, there are limitations to what can be expressed and discussed on TV and
Radio, since they are centrally controlled by the government and caste hindu
officials, with some form of under-the-surface active vigilant Censorship or
agenda which is currently set by the hands of the hindu-conservative BJP and
Sangh Parivar.
Given the overall constraints of the
situation, as well as the living standards of the Dalits, there are two specific
short-term recommendations and two long-term possible solutions, that could
redeem the Dalits in this Country, and Develop them with the help of the
Media.
A. The
Short-Term
i) First -
The only form of Media, that has the
ability to express varied opinions to the Dalit Population is the Local Indian
Press, both the English and Language Press.
The Big Industrial Business House
and Politically Controlled Press can hardly recognise or appreciate the
aspirations and needs of the large mass of poor Rural Dalits and the poor Urban
Dalits. But the Reporters of small
newspapers are very poorly paid. Hence,
they are open to persuasion through the purchase of meals and other small
favors. It would be to the advantage of all
concerned and those interested in the Development of a large Continental Size
Community of 260 million plus SC&ST Dalits, to organise a Systematic Program
and also set up very Specilised Formal
Institutions, to introduce debate and deal with issues that are of concern to
Dalits. Those who own and edit
Indian News Papers, particularly the regional language papers, should actively
be involved in these activities and exercises, that they in turn can themselves
look into and organise their own special programmes to involve more and more
SC&ST Dalits and Dalit Journalists in News Gathering, News Reporting, News
Writing, News Editing and Presentations.
Meetings accompanied by materials and means in Regional and State Centers with
regional and also popular Dalit Leaders could be appropriate. It is important to remember that many of
those involved with Indian Language Papers have some political ambitions, and
Dalits can be politically powerful because of their large population.
ii) Second - The second short-term solution is to identify issues of
concern to Dalits, and encourage Indian language media outlets to discuss them.
One example for this would be, discussion
about Economic Liberalisation. While the
Governments now strongly support Economic Liberalisation, most Dali Leaders
Activists, and by and large the entire Dalit Communities, save for some odd
exceptions, are fiercely opposed to it, because of the short-term negative
impact it is having on the poor rural populations, who are mostly the
Dalits. Open discussions about the
differences in opinion in this area, could lead to better understandings, and in
turn, constructive action on both sides of the issue. After all what will the SC&ST Dalits loose by the
evils of Economic Liberalisation if at all there is any, as the Dalit Activists
fear? Only their bondage to the most
oppressive caste hindus! The economy was never in the hands of
Dalits, or within their reach, even though as the labouring working classes, it
is only their labour hardwork sweat and blood built up this Nation and its
Economy so far! They were never
recognised. Their hard work labour and
fruits of value addition were always taken away by their caste hindu supervisors
managers senior-officers bureaucrats and politicians. Let this unfair structure be torn apart -
and rebuilt afresh on the basis of competition, hardwork, skills, intelligence,
creative strength, mental and physical stamina, constructive capablities, and
productive capacities. It is here that
many Western Nations, Capitalistic Countries, and even Foreign
Multi-National-Corporations can chip in liberally, and deal with the Dalits
directly through the New Institutions and Special Programmes. Even in Global Terms, 260 million plus
Dalits is a big force and power. And if
they could be educated, woken-up, honestly employed, and reasonably-paid, oh
then it is going to be real big market.
For the SC&ST Dalits, unless like the caste hindus practically need
anything and everything for a decent life.
The caste hindu society over the millenniums have vertually left them
naked and without any means!
B. The Long
Term
i) First -
There is nothing more imperative than
education. The Govts and Foreign Missions in India, UN
Agencies and International Aid, Donor Organisations must enter this sphere to
unflinchingly advocate access to free public education to all Indian citizens,
particularly the Dalits. Education is
key not only to Literacy but also tp Knowledge, and therefore is the portal to
access to the Press and other Media, but also in broadening of worldview. These, in turn would help in weakening, if
not in breaking down the caste system, that had historically served all along,
the dominant caste hindus well. Of
course, Mass Education will also result in many other benefits, including
economic improvement and better self-governance. Hence the Govts in the Country, right from the
Local Govts and also the Voluntary Organisations, real NGOs and local Peoples'
Organisations should explore the possibilities of entering into some sort of
bilateral understandings and exchange programmes, to bring in open free liberal
thoughts for the benefit and use of the whole local community, as well as build
and establish good Centers of Learning and Knowledge open and actually
accessible to the common man
ii) Second -
Finally, the Govt, foreign Missions in India, UN and
Aid-Agencies must continue to advocate the improvement of access to information
technologies to Dalits in the rural areas and other oppressed peoples. Both cable/satellite television and the
Internet represent opportunities for people to make themselves heard, without
being subject to the control of a controlling authority that might be opposed to
their ideas.
Although progress in this area will
likely be slow, all gains that can be made are significant. For an
oppressed people like the Dalits, expression of their views to their own
Population and their Nation is paramount in improving their condition. As such, the UN and Govts of the World,
should actively encourage media organisations to consider and involve the Dalit
people and their views.
Overview : Dalit Study
There emerged numerous questions while discussing Dalit Studies during the workshop, but most of the discussion centred around two central questions—what should be the focus of Dalit Studies and what should be the reference point of such studies. This was the pivot around which most of the discussions and debates moved around. The discussants supporting and vying for the establishment of Dalit Studies as an independent mode of knowledge, an autonomous discipline within the larger framework of social science, argued that the very resistance of establishment of Dalit Studies is a kind of politics from above within the field of social science. This argument finds reflection in the papers presented at the workshop, particularly while critiquing the existing boundaries and rules of disciplines like History, Sociology and Literature.
In the discipline of Sociology, there had been always a tendency to naturalise critical issues like caste system because of Western and Brahmanic dominance of knowledge. The same is the case of History. The way historiography is developed in India is replete with mere historicism. One finds total absence of critical issues like caste in the Indian historiography. Caste seemed to be a gift to the discipline of Sociology. Besides, one finds subaltern knowledge (e.g. the knowledge about different views on Indian nationhood) in the field of History being subjugated and marginalised under dominant discourses. In the field of Literature also the dominant knowledge had been the western classics rather than Indian writings, which has always remained in the margins of English literature in India.
On the other hand, there had been arguments supporting for the establishment of Dalit Studies as a new perspective. From this point of view, Dalit Studies should not be treated as a mere body of knowledge, rather there is a need to construct a new perspective that cuts across all disciplines in the Social Sciences and Humanities to comprehend the Indian reality. In the present context, Dalit Studies poses imminent danger of ghettoisation and appropriation. The demise of Gandhian Studies and Women Studies initiated in the field of Social Science were put forward as burning examples. The post-colonial condition characterised by Western dominance of knowledge leaves almost no space to establish Dalit Studies as a separate discipline.
Social Science has a different historical trajectory in the Third World countries. When the West was developing its cities, economy, democracy, liberalism and bourgeois freedom, the Third World was loosing everything. Enlightenment for one half of the globe was imprisonment for the other half. In this context we can neither condemn the West nor keep our innocence intact. This criticality of the post-colonial condition offers possibilities for developing a new perspective, a new lens through which we can look at different disciplines within the Social Science field rather than the establishment of Dalit Studies as a separate discipline. Besides, to establish as a separate discipline within the wider framework one needs identify, define and develop the very structure of knowledge. What is the dalit structure of knowledge? Are we in a position to answer this question? Since the very dalit point of view is coming under different contestation it will be premature to imagine the establishment of Dalit Studies as a separate discipline.
The Question of Methodology
The question of methodology, i.e. how one goes about understanding the dalit structure of knowledge, also dominated the debates and discussions throughout the workshops. One strong opinion in this regard was the recovery of history and culture of dalits by undoing the hegemony of the dominant knowledge system and preparing enough ground for understanding the history of suffering of marginalised groups and from this point critiquing the dominant system. One effort in this regard will be looking critically at the anti-colonial movement as a kind of instrument to appropriate the movements from below. This rereading of the text needs to capture the inter-subjectivity of the concrete. In terms of praxis, Dalit Studies needs to focus on teaching the students by promoting critical thinking and self-reliance (Apna Deepak Khud Bano/Satya Ki Talash Karo) as an alternative to the destructive ‘guru tradition’ which leaders such as Ambedkar and Phule had criticised so thoroughly.
Another point of view in this regard is creating a universal that will subsume all the knowledge systems from below. If the objective of the proposed Dalit Studies is to inscribe the multiple and at times even contesting concerns of the worst victims of caste, there is a need to go about it differently than the current practice. Updating colonial ethnography would only serve to reinforce existing untouchability and ghettoisation. One needs to put together anew elements of what potentially could constitute an emanicipatory epistemology, ethnography that simultaneously an empowerment. However, there is a danger in pitting this reconstructed knowledge against culture and aesthetics, leading to sharp differentiation between questions of identity and interests. If caste has crept into History it can go from it. There is a need to correct this pitfall which could be teased out from the emanicipatory struggles of the dalit castes themselves and ideological articulation and its leadership in recent history.
Besides these two points there had been another view points based on the immediate material upliftment of the marginal communities since in their everyday life poverty looms large beyond which the marginal communities fail to see. They become a commodity in terms of their labour power in the eyes of the masses and bodies in circulation in a capitalist system. Therefore, any effort vying for their effective participation in the reconstruction of their knowledge system needs to liberate them first from the clasps of poverty. Under the capitalistic system they have undergone painful separation of them from their means of production. They have lost their lands and crafts, the pivot of their life. Within this view point another version calls for inspiring the marginal communities to develop the desire to accumulate and develop entrepreneurship which will increase the social mobility of these communities to rise up the ladder of social hierarchy.
The Linkage of Dalit Studies with Employment Generation
There was major concern with regard to linking Dalit Studies to employment generation. Most of the questions asked in this regard were:
- Who is going to study Dalit Studies in the globalization era where there is a rat race for management and IT-oriented courses.
- How will Dalit Studies ensure employment generation of the future youths?
- Why Dalit Studies in higher education why not at the primary level?
- Won’t Dalit Studies face the same fate as Gandhian Studies?
The arguments against weak linkages between the proposed Dalit Studies and the demand of modern education in the age of competition is that the course is not made exclusively for dalit students, but is to be universally integrated within all the disciplines of Social Sciences to encourage critical thinking by decolonisation of the mind. It is not to be a mere academic exercise but is to be directly linked to the issues of society, culture and politics. Dalit Studies alone cannot take the responsibility of improving material condition of the dalits. The question of employment generation is one that Social Science itself faces in the present era of globalisation. There are various efforts being undertaken in the government and non-governmental fronts to uplift the material conditions of the dalits. However, dalit upliftment or dalit empowerment cannot be a linear and static process since the question is also related to the psyche of the mainstream. Another viewpoint along the same lines is that there is politics behind resisting Dalit Studies by dangling with all these impossibilities. The post-Independent Indian government initially introduced the concept of vocational studies at the school and secondary level for all the marginal communities to hone their technical expertise and in the process generating employment. This very project of Brahmanic division of labour in knowledge production left no space for marginal communities to learn their history, art and culture.
Experiments in Curriculum Building in Higher Education
There had been exchanges of views and comments on experiments done towards establishing a dalit studies or dalit perspective in various disciplines of social sciences. One prominent view in this regard is that since the marginal people are the frontier people, the making of frontier curriculum needs to be a carefully balanced process building theoretical and practical skills. This would include a combination of fieldwork, lectures, discussions, seminars, presentations and library work; a regular interaction with the larger social context, which includes the community and institutions of civil society; a system for critical reflections in place of assessment and evaluations; and a network of libraries. It was opined that while building up curriculum for Dalit Studies there is need to emphasise upon the development of organic link between academics, intellectuals, student communities, organizations working at the grassroots level and communities.
Some suggestions made during the discussion on development of curriculum were:
- Open University curriculum since IGNOU introduces new courses ever year.
Other than History and Sociology,
- To introduce Dalit Studies as an innovative project through a step-wise process;
- There is ample scope to introduce Dalit Studies in the
Economics as a positivistic science has always been in the margin when it comes to critical theory building. However, today’s Economics is more open, free from neo-classical grips. Economics in terms of political economy can insert an element of Dalit Studies. There had been no effort offer a theoretical platform for the economic thought. Ambedkar, Phule and others who offered alternative economic insights were scattered in their thoughts. The development of economic history of the Dalits will help add new dimensions to Dalit Studies.
Some Understandings
- Dalit Studies should focus not simply on the Scheduled Castes but on the entire system of exploitation and on providing an alternative to this.
- There is a need for serious thinking in understanding the dalit structure of knowledge. One way to do this will be keeping different vantage points to see the reality in totality.
- The debate between establishment of Dalit Studies as a separate discipline and as a new perspective needs critical evaluation in the perspective of lessons learnt from Black Studies, Women’s Studies and Gandhian Studies.
- The establishment of a new discipline needs to address not only inspiring of critical thinking and developing scientific temperament but also its linkage with employment generation to be sustainable in the future.
There is a greater need for exchanges of ideas and views, discussions and debates to concretise the dalit perspective of Social Sciences between academicians, bureaucrats, planners, non-governmental organisations working at grassroots levels, students and communities to further the effort in this regard.
Conclusion
Goal and accomplishments
We engaged in developing a new perspective called Dalit Studies—both as an autonomous discipline and as a critique-cum-restructuring of existing disciplines in Social Sciences and Humanities. It is a struggle against the inherent tendency in liberal education in India to erase, or at least gloss over, caste experiences from subjects of study in colleges and universities. This, needless to say, has resulted in our increasing inability to participate in contemporary politics as academicians and students, just as it has rendered voiceless large sections of our society which our Social Sciences claim to speak of and for.
Our purpose has, therefore, been to intervene in the system of higher studies in order to sensitise it to the dalit issue. The main principle on the basis of which we try to function is that of ‘de-normalising’ caste as a lasting category of Indian society. On the one hand, we have tried to deconstruct many of the familiar and accepted categories of Indian Social Sciences as categories which primarily work to conceal a caste statement and parade instead as either universal or national. On the other hand, we have tried to emphasise significant anti- and non-caste locations in Indian society, which prove that caste has not necessarily always been the defining trait of India in the way that it has been presumed to be since the nineteenth century. We have worked with the principle that the meanings and experiences of caste have fundamentally changed in history—and that to study ‘Dalit Studies’ is, therefore, primarily to engage with this imperative to change the very history and definition of the nation. Briefly, we have evolved a programme of Dalit Studies that aspires to be emancipatory, seeks to challenge and change the very edifice of Social Sciences.
We feel that our effort has yielded satisfying results. One and half years ago when we undertook this programme, our assertion was that the state of Bihar was the place to begin research, mobilise opinion, produce syllabi in social sciences and try to get it introduced in the universities. Today, we have reasons to suggest that our initiative was not misplaced. Our reading of the socio-political ground realities in the state has been proven correct. The responses we received for this work from various quarters, both in our workshops/seminars and outside are encouraging.
- More than 200 university teachers from Bihar actively participated in our discussions; nearly 50 made presentations and submitted papers in the seminar and workshops that we had organised. Today we have a rich pool of intellectual resources from the state working with us on the programme. This network has started taking shape as a directory and has led to continuous discussion amongst scholars and policy makers.
- We also brought together intellectuals and practising academicians, both freelance and affiliated to universities, from Delhi University, Jamia Millia University, Jawaharlal Nehru University, Central University of Hyderabad and so on to a common platform. Today there is better cohesion and dissemination of ideas among people working in the field of dalit studies.
- The participation of three vice-chancellors and several pro-vice chancellors, along with noted academicians with experience in syllabi making and their introduction in university courses is a strong indication of the fact Deshkal has successfully mobilised educational institutions and policy-makers of the state.
- Based on the workshops, seminars, papers and discussions, Deshkal developed an M.A.-level syllabi of Ancient Indian History, Modern Indian History and Hindi. For the last two courses, it also prepared detailed reading materials. It is an extension of this effort that five research scholars have enrolled for Ph.D. in these universities on dalit issues.
- The courses of Modern Indian History and Hindi have been introduced in the curriculum of B. R. Ambedkar University, Muzaffarpur, Bihar. The vice-chancellors of Patna University, Magadh University and Vir Kunwar Singh University have expressed strong commitment to do the same in their respective universities.
- Deshkal Society has given concrete shape to these in its policy report titled Dalit Studies: Problems, Potentials and Challenges in Higher Education and a book titled "Dalit Studies in Higher Education: Vision and Challenges" which contains papers presented in the seminar and workshops. The policy report and book are soon to be published.
Our workshops, seminars and discussions received support from the media, both the print and the electronic, in Hindi and English. Nearly 30 stories were carried in different dailies. The Economic and Political Weekly also published an article titled ‘Dalit Studies: Exploring Criteria for a New Discipline’ (24-30 April 2004, vol. XXXIX, no. 17). We can assume that our intervention has succeeded in generating interest, awareness and support for Dalit Studies in higher education in the mainstream public space in Bihar and outside of Bihar.
Problems and Their Context
- It is a struggle against the inherent tendency in liberal education in India to erase, or at least gloss over, caste experiences from subjects of study in colleges and universities. Till now, Dalit Studies is often linked to Ambedkar Studies only.
- Dalit intelligensia is still not very influential at the level of policy.
- Reading materials in Social Sciences and Literature are not available in Hindi language.
- Teachers are not prepared for Dalit Studies at the level of approach and training.
- There is lack of enthusiasm even among young dalit scholars regarding the scope of Dalit Studies in terms of livelihood.
- Not only academic groups but the dominant group outside university show antipathy towards such initiatives.
With this in mind, we have tried to do two things simultaneously. First, we have tried to develop an autonomous area of study called Dalit Studies, where the dalit perspective can set forward its own terms. Or, in other words, Dalit Studies as an independent form and mode of knowledge can critique and redefine existing boundaries and rules of existing disciplines like History, Sociology or Literature. However, and second, since creating an autonomous discipline also runs the risk of leading to ghettoisation and boycott of Dalit Studies itself by mainstream academics—which defeats our purpose entirely—we have also tried to subtly reorient the general study of the existing disciplines, both thematically and methodologically, in order to make them more receptive to serious engagement with the politics of caste. We have tried to identify possible spaces within existing curricula where we could intervene and tried to work out how far this can be done through suggesting additional topics and additional readings and also how far by alternative formulations of existing themes.
We have undertaken a series of activities in this line:
- We have held a number of workshops, both in Delhi and in Bihar, in order to work out, with the help of dalit intellectuals, from all over India, an alternative vision of higher studies, of teaching and content materials, of pedagogical methods and so on.
- We have also tried to interact and coordinate with other groups and individuals who have been working on the same lines as us. We have shared materials, experiences and problems.
- We have also tried to collect all official documents and policy statements which express the Indian State’s agenda about caste identity and national development. We have developed a sense of the changing role of our governments vis-a-vis the caste issue and set forth a critique of the Indian State’s education and culture policy.
- Additionally, we have undertaken a study of the institutional structure of our higher education bodies, be it the UGC or individual universities, in order to formulate the issues and challenges we must face when trying to intervene in the higher education system.
Challenges and Lessons
- Course development and preparation of reading materials that require research, writing, translation and compilation should be taken up on a much larger and rigorous basis than what has been the case so far. It may be an independent project in itself.
- A lackadaisical approach will not be of much use. Discontinuation of the intervention at this juncture will prove disastrous, as it has the potential to discredit the social relevance of the effort and issue both.
- Simultaneous works in the field of preparing the syllabi and their implementation. Since this was our first year we first prepared the syllabi and than tried its induction into the universities.
- The experience of undertaking this work makes it clear that this is not merely an academic exercise. Social and political nature of the work should always be kept in mind.
Given the nature of work we realized that it generates strong reaction among traditionally dominant sections. To offset such reactions, extra care and preparation are needed in the form of social diversity in undertaking strategy and implementation of such work.
National Conference on Dalit Studies: Developing Content Materials for a New Discipline, Bodh-Gaya, 28 Feb-1 March, 2004
Summary
The workshop began with a plenary session on the first day, with speeches not only by eminent intellectuals who had traveled from Delhi, but also by civil servants and university vice-chancellors. A consensus seemed to operate, without any prior discussion, that an urgent restructuring of our education system is necessary in order to sensitise our students to the dalit question. There was a pledge of support by government representatives as well as by university heads to our efforts at including ‘Dalit Studies’ in the existing education system in Bihar.
On this encouraging note, the workshop began with the introductory session on Who is a Dalit? An overview of dalit studies. G. Aloysius’ presentation argued that a critical dalit studies curriculum should primarily aim at undoing the ‘normalisation’ of caste as a characteristic of Indian society and history. He said that while on the one hand, there is need to deconstruct many of the categories of Indian social sciences as categories which conceal a caste statement and parade as either universal or national, there is also on the other hand, a need to emphasise anti- and non-caste movements in Indian history which has sought to go beyond caste paradigms altogether. He also emphasized that a dalit studies curriculum should reflect on the entirety of social sciences rather than identify specifically caste-related issues. Prof Anand Kumar, chairing the session, brought the discussion round to some specific suggestions – viz., the need to form an Indian Association of Dalit Studies, an umbrella organization which could bring different kinds of people together on the lines of History Congress or Science Congress; the publication of a bibliographic overview of dalit literature; and the starting of a Dalit Studies Journal.
In the rather intense discussion that followed this session, the question that repeatedly came up set the tone, in a way, for the rest of the workshop – whether ‘dalit studies’ should assert itself as an autonomous, if not separatist agenda, and thus risk ghettoisation within our education system or should it try to pervade all themes and problematics of social science study, and thus risk a dilution of the issue.
Following this introductory session, came a series of
papers which effectively offered critiques, from the dalit standpoint, of all
the existing disciplines of social sciences as they are taught today.
Sociology, evidently the discipline which defined from
early twentieth century, the parameters of caste study, came under heavy
criticism. The papers by Ritambhara and Ramaiah both questioned the basic unit
of Indian sociological study – the Indian village – by arguing that villages in
India are actually multiple and antagonistic settlements divided on caste
lines. The argument was that to make the study of sociology sensitive to dalit
issues required a whole shift in the fundamental locus of Indian sociology.
Political science came under a double criticism. On the one hand, the issue of the creation of political symbols was raised and it was argued that political studies, as it is taught today, is unable to offer tools for demystifying the ways in which nationalist icons have been created, at the exclusion of even names like Ambedkar as P. Jogdand argued. On the other hand, the issue of caste and democracy was also raised and it was argued that contemporary political science merely analyses caste in terms of vote bank politics and fails to question existing parameters of representation, both political and literary. A more basic debate came to pass through Anand Chakravarty’s study of Bihar peasant movements and Bela Bhatia’s study of Bihar Naxalite movement about how much of Dalit Studies was purely a story of oppression and how can we reclaim moments of resistance, criticism and even laughter out of dalit politics in contemporary times. Also the session on Muslims and dalits corrected our common sense understanding of Islam as an egalitarian and Hinduism as a caste-based religion, an easy binary which so often allows the Hindu right to defend caste as an essentially Hindu and anti-Islam Indian trait.
The discipline of history came under fundamental questioning, especially through the session on dalit literature. The basic point which came across was about the historical status of dalit autobiographies, oral traditions and literary works. Many participants argued that history’s rules of evidence necessarily excluded marginalized voices which either fail to or refuse to claim academic parameters of historical truth. A history sensitive to the dalit issues must therefore be refracted through the prism of fiction and imagination. The other difficult question that came out of this discussion was that of authorship, particularly sharply presented by U R Ananthmurthy – viz., what is dalit literature or dalit history? Is it that produced by dalits alone or can it also include works produced by non-dalits?
All through these sessions, however, the reminder came repeatedly that the ‘dalit’ itself is not a unitary category. The session on gender especially demonstrated this, with presentations by Suguna Ramanathan, Jyotsna Macwan, Smita Patil and Nandita Bajaj who talked of caste oppression as deeply gendered – especially given that control of women’s sexuality and circulation of women’s bodies and reproductive power were basic to the politics of caste power. (An interesting presentation by S. K. Biswas also foregrounded the notion of heredity as basic to the caste system and its relation therefore to primary property structures of society.)
The workshop ended with an open session, which invited suggestions from participants and local audience on how to go about instituting a dalit studies agenda. Suggestions and advice were many – including the need to advocate dalit studies curriculum to the UGC, the need to participate in Academic Staff Colleges for the sensitization of college teachers, the need to create a central pool of reading materials also translated in Hindi, the need to start a web site and create a pool of resource personnel who could also act as visiting lecturers on certain themes and so on and so forth.
April 28, 2010
Dalit in India Facts and Figures
Every
18 minutes:
A crime
is committed against a Dalit
Every
day:
- 3 Dalit women are raped
- 2 Dalits are murdered & 2 Dalits Houses are burnt in India
- 11 Dalits are beaten
Every
week:
- 13 Dalits are murdered
- 5 Dalits home or possessions are burnt
- 6 Dalits are kidnapped or abducted
Social
and Economic condition of Dalits:
- 37 percent of Dalits living below poverty in India
- More than half (54%) of their children are undernourished in India
- 83 per 1000 live birth children born in Dalit community are probability of dying before the first birthday
- 45 percent of Dalits do not know read and write in India
- Dalits women burden double discrimination (gender and caste) in India
- Only 27 percent of Dalits women give institutional deliveries in India
- About one third of Dalit households do not have basic facilities
- Public health workers refused to visit Dalit homes in 33% of villages
- Dalits were prevented from entering police station in 27.6% of villages
- Dalit children had to sit separately while eating in 37.8% of Govt. schools
- Dalits didn’t get mail delivered to their homes in 23.5% of villages
- Dalits were denied access to water sources in 48.4% of villages because of segregation & untouchabilty practices
- Half of India’s Dalit children are undernourished, 21% are severely underweight & 12% DIE before their 5th birthday
- Literacy rates for Dalit women are as low as 37.8% In Rural India
Status
of Prevention of Atrocities Act:
- The conviction rate under SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act is 15.71% and pendency is as high as 85.37%. This when the Act has strict provisions aimed as a deterrent. By contrast, conviction rate under IPC is over 40%
- many cases of atrocity are not registered in police stations,because upper caste area officers are there and they want to compromise the cases out of police station for many reasons ..1.they are partial their caste,because casteism exists evennow.2.Supriority complex is highly prevalent..3.There is lack of awareness of legal protection, legal process and safeguards among dalits.
On
actual crime committed against Dalits
“Even
the reports prepared by the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment and
placed before Parliament contain merely factual information received from States
about registration and disposal of cases; various administrative arrangements
made for the function of the Act and funds spent, without any meaningful
analysis of the performance of the States which could form the basis for making
corrective interventions.” “Under-reporting of Atrocities Act cases is a very
common phenomenon and therefore the decline in the number of registered cases
does not provide a true picture of the incidence of atrocities.”
“A
large number of cases which deserve to be registered under Protection of Civil
Rights Act or the SCs & STs (Prevention of Atrocities) Act are not actually
registered under these Acts, either due to ignorance of law or under pressure
from the interested parties. Investigations in even those limited number of
cases is often earned out in a slipshod manner and with considerable
delay.”
Source:
National
Human Rights Commission Report on the Prevention and Atrocities against
Scheduled Castes
Why We Need To Depoliticize The Dalit Cause
Dalit issues, ranging from atrocities to representation to empowerment, have strongly influenced the contemporary political narrative. However, social issues have often been obscured by passionate rhetoric and emotional platitudes. Let us try and understand the Dalit problem from a dispassionate perspective. A perspective that transcends vilification and vindications, and one which is based on sound data and logical arguments.
The assault on Dalit youths in Una by "cow protectors" has embarrassed India. It has for good reason put a question mark on the progressive and forward-looking trajectory of our nation. When incidents like this happen, it is difficult to believe that we are the same nation that sent a satellite to Mars. It is beyond doubt and accepted across the spectrum that the culprits need to be punished.
It is not a herculean task to find out that the problem of caste is more social than political in nature.
The problem occurs when motivated perspectives shadow socially sensitive issues like the present one. In the name of social justice or for that matter standing up for the cause of the subaltern, opinionated reportage and columns are building up a case against the government in power at the Centre. It is not a herculean task to find out that the problem of caste is more social than political in nature. Needless to say, politics does have a role since to effect a change you need resolute political will. However, I believe that depoliticizing the Dalit issue will prove to be more beneficial and more pragmatic.
Now, data from the National Crime Records Bureau clearly indicates that the number of registered cases of atrocities against Dalits have been embarrassingly higher under the Congress dispensation. This is unsurprising because the Congress has been in power more than any other political party in the entire administrative history of India. The data for the number of registered crimes in the category suggests that UP has topped the list with 8075 cases in the year 2014, followed by Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Odisha and Karnataka with 7893, 4114, 2266 and 2138 cases respectively. The BJP is not in power in any of these states. The decadal data analysis is also important to be noted here. The number of crime recorded in this category during 1991-2001 was 17731, with an average of 1612 atrocities per year. The growing assertion of Dalits through affirmative action and opening up of markets resulted in drastic reduction of cases of atrocities in the following decade -- 14634 cases of atrocities were registered in the period 2002-2015 with an average of 1045 offences every year. If we delve deep into specific data such as the number of rapes, murders and other criminal offences against Scheduled Castes, one can infer that politics or the party in power has got little to do with cases of caste-related atrocities.
In Tamil Nadu, caste-related violence -- often involving OBCs attacking Dalits -- made the news a few months ago. Bihar is another example of violence by intermediate caste groups like the Yadavs and Kurmis against Dalits, spurred perhaps by their growing assertiveness.
As members of civil society, the least we can do is to avoid looking at cases like Una with prejudicial and ideological lenses.
Politics is a dirty game of construction and manipulation of identities -- especially social identities that are electorally advantageous and beneficial for political parties. As members of civil society, the least we can do is to avoid looking at cases like Una with prejudicial and ideological lenses. The central government which is just two-and-a-half years old has taken steps to integrate subaltern social groups into the mainstream. On 8 September, 2014, the government paid tribute to one of Kerala's visionary Dalit leaders, Mahatma Ayyankali. On the economic front, the government is working closely in cohesion with the Dalit Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (DICCI) in order to promote entrepreneurship as a tool of emancipation. Towards this, Standup India was launched on the birth anniversary of Babu Jagjivan Ram, late deputy Prime Minister and great Dalit leader. In days to come we are likely to witness more positive stories of assertiveness and the emergence of Dalit-led empowerment. A case in point is the spirit in which Mr. Milind Kamble is steering DICCI. Last year on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of DICCI, more than 1000 Dalit entrepreneurs assembled in New Delhi and dared to proclaim that they are equal and relevant stakeholders in the growth story of India. In this meeting he had famously said that, "We don't want to be job seekers but job givers". This one line will serve as a definite tool of emancipation for those who have been marginalized for decades.
However, the situation demands that more needs to be done. A Prime Minister or a Chief Minister or an MLA or an MP cannot do this. It needs the intervention of several key stakeholders such as the media, civil society, judiciary, spiritual organizations and -- especially -- the younger generation of India.
The need of the hour is integration not confrontation; this is the key to social justice and the rise of the subaltern.
I am not arguing that the Dalit scenario is good; it is still far from that. But there is hope. The Dalit narrative is replete with agonies, victimhood and protest. Ignoring the positive side, and the accomplishments of those who are rising to the top echelons purely on the basis of effort and merit, would be a great disservice to the Dalit cause. What we forgot in the case of Una is that the enlightened citizenry of Una decried the attempts of the "vigilantes" and initiated a social boycott in clear terms that no social interaction (marriage etc.) would be done with the families of the accused.
As a proud citizen of India and a socially conscious Dalit youth, I'd like to urge opinion makers, thought leaders and the intelligentsia to not be swayed by opinions but to go on facts. The need of the hour, therefore, is integration not confrontation; this is the key to social justice and the rise of the subaltern.
Dalit issues, ranging from atrocities to representation to empowerment, have strongly influenced the contemporary political narrative. However, social issues have often been obscured by passionate rhetoric and emotional platitudes. Let us try and understand the Dalit problem from a dispassionate perspective. A perspective that transcends vilification and vindications, and one which is based on sound data and logical arguments.
The assault on Dalit youths in Una by "cow protectors" has embarrassed India. It has for good reason put a question mark on the progressive and forward-looking trajectory of our nation. When incidents like this happen, it is difficult to believe that we are the same nation that sent a satellite to Mars. It is beyond doubt and accepted across the spectrum that the culprits need to be punished.
It is not a herculean task to find out that the problem of caste is more social than political in nature.
The problem occurs when motivated perspectives shadow socially sensitive issues like the present one. In the name of social justice or for that matter standing up for the cause of the subaltern, opinionated reportage and columns are building up a case against the government in power at the Centre. It is not a herculean task to find out that the problem of caste is more social than political in nature. Needless to say, politics does have a role since to effect a change you need resolute political will. However, I believe that depoliticizing the Dalit issue will prove to be more beneficial and more pragmatic.
Now, data from the National Crime Records Bureau clearly indicates that the number of registered cases of atrocities against Dalits have been embarrassingly higher under the Congress dispensation. This is unsurprising because the Congress has been in power more than any other political party in the entire administrative history of India. The data for the number of registered crimes in the category suggests that UP has topped the list with 8075 cases in the year 2014, followed by Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Odisha and Karnataka with 7893, 4114, 2266 and 2138 cases respectively. The BJP is not in power in any of these states. The decadal data analysis is also important to be noted here. The number of crime recorded in this category during 1991-2001 was 17731, with an average of 1612 atrocities per year. The growing assertion of Dalits through affirmative action and opening up of markets resulted in drastic reduction of cases of atrocities in the following decade -- 14634 cases of atrocities were registered in the period 2002-2015 with an average of 1045 offences every year. If we delve deep into specific data such as the number of rapes, murders and other criminal offences against Scheduled Castes, one can infer that politics or the party in power has got little to do with cases of caste-related atrocities.
In Tamil Nadu, caste-related violence -- often involving OBCs attacking Dalits -- made the news a few months ago. Bihar is another example of violence by intermediate caste groups like the Yadavs and Kurmis against Dalits, spurred perhaps by their growing assertiveness.
As members of civil society, the least we can do is to avoid looking at cases like Una with prejudicial and ideological lenses.
Politics is a dirty game of construction and manipulation of identities -- especially social identities that are electorally advantageous and beneficial for political parties. As members of civil society, the least we can do is to avoid looking at cases like Una with prejudicial and ideological lenses. The central government which is just two-and-a-half years old has taken steps to integrate subaltern social groups into the mainstream. On 8 September, 2014, the government paid tribute to one of Kerala's visionary Dalit leaders, Mahatma Ayyankali. On the economic front, the government is working closely in cohesion with the Dalit Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (DICCI) in order to promote entrepreneurship as a tool of emancipation. Towards this, Standup India was launched on the birth anniversary of Babu Jagjivan Ram, late deputy Prime Minister and great Dalit leader. In days to come we are likely to witness more positive stories of assertiveness and the emergence of Dalit-led empowerment. A case in point is the spirit in which Mr. Milind Kamble is steering DICCI. Last year on the occasion of the tenth anniversary of DICCI, more than 1000 Dalit entrepreneurs assembled in New Delhi and dared to proclaim that they are equal and relevant stakeholders in the growth story of India. In this meeting he had famously said that, "We don't want to be job seekers but job givers". This one line will serve as a definite tool of emancipation for those who have been marginalized for decades.
However, the situation demands that more needs to be done. A Prime Minister or a Chief Minister or an MLA or an MP cannot do this. It needs the intervention of several key stakeholders such as the media, civil society, judiciary, spiritual organizations and -- especially -- the younger generation of India.
The need of the hour is integration not confrontation; this is the key to social justice and the rise of the subaltern.
I am not arguing that the Dalit scenario is good; it is still far from that. But there is hope. The Dalit narrative is replete with agonies, victimhood and protest. Ignoring the positive side, and the accomplishments of those who are rising to the top echelons purely on the basis of effort and merit, would be a great disservice to the Dalit cause. What we forgot in the case of Una is that the enlightened citizenry of Una decried the attempts of the "vigilantes" and initiated a social boycott in clear terms that no social interaction (marriage etc.) would be done with the families of the accused.
As a proud citizen of India and a socially conscious Dalit youth, I'd like to urge opinion makers, thought leaders and the intelligentsia to not be swayed by opinions but to go on facts. The need of the hour, therefore, is integration not confrontation; this is the key to social justice and the rise of the subaltern.
INDIA FACTS
POVERTY – There is more POVERTY in INDIA than in entire continent of AFRICA; 30% of the entire population earn less $1 a day.
TRAFFICKING – India is the epicenter of HUMAN TRAFFICKING with 100,000 MEN, WOMEN, and CHILDREN trafficked each year.
SLAVERY – It is the epicenter of Global SLAVERY; 15 million Indians are held as slaves – Half of the world’s slaves are in INDIA.
CASTE SYSTEM – According to National Geographic:
- “Embedded in Indian culture for the last 1,500 years, the caste system follows a basic precept: ALL MEN ARE CREATED UNEQUAL.”
- “Untouchables are outcasts—people considered too impure, too polluted, to rank as worthy beings.”
POVERTY – There is more POVERTY in INDIA than in entire continent of AFRICA; 30% of the entire population earn less $1 a day.
TRAFFICKING – India is the epicenter of HUMAN TRAFFICKING with 100,000 MEN, WOMEN, and CHILDREN trafficked each year.
SLAVERY – It is the epicenter of Global SLAVERY; 15 million Indians are held as slaves – Half of the world’s slaves are in INDIA.
CASTE SYSTEM – According to National Geographic:
- “Embedded in Indian culture for the last 1,500 years, the caste system follows a basic precept: ALL MEN ARE CREATED UNEQUAL.”
- “Untouchables are outcasts—people considered too impure, too polluted, to rank as worthy beings.”
DALIT FACTS
Social and Economic condition of Dalits:
- 37% of Dalits live below poverty in India
- 54% of Dalit children are undernourished
- 45% of Dalits do not know how read and write
- 37% of Dalits live below poverty in India
- 54% of Dalit children are undernourished
- 45% of Dalits do not know how read and write
Everyday:
- 3 Dalit women are raped
- 2 Dalits Houses are burnt in India
- 11 Dalits are beaten
- 3 Dalit women are raped
- 2 Dalits Houses are burnt in India
- 11 Dalits are beaten
The Facts behind the Incidents of violence at Chennai Dr. Ambedkar Law College
ecoi.net - European Country of Origin Information Network
IRB - Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada
India: Treatment of Dalits by society and government authorities, including the state response to mistreatment (2010-March 2012) [IND104063.E]
07. Mai 2012
Indien
IRB - Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada: India: Treatment of Dalits by society and government authorities, including the state response to mistreatment (2010-March 2012) [IND104063.E], 07. Mai 2012 (verfügbar auf ecoi.net)
http://www.ecoi.net/local_link/218413/339522_de.html (Zugriff am 02. Dezember 2012)
India: Treatment of Dalits by society and government authorities, including the state response to mistreatment (2010-March 2012)
1. About the Dalits
1.1 India's Caste System and the Dalits
1.2 Living Conditions for Dalits
2. Reports of Discrimination
2.1 Prevalence of Untouchability Practices
3. Violence
3.1 Statistics on Violent Crimes
3.2 Incidences of Violent Crimes
3.3 Violence Based on Triggers Other than Caste
4. Legislation
5. State Protection
5.1 State Welfare Programs
5. 2 Police
5.3 Judiciary
5.3.1 Statistics on Cases Before the Courts
References
Additional Sources Consulted
Survey on SC/ST Atrocities: The Crimes we never talk about
Open magazine, along with a number of other news papers have carried stories on a report published by a group called the Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication Front (“an umbrella group of more than 150 labour, Dalit and human rights movements). They set off on a comprehensive survey three years ago. They started documenting all manifestations of untouchability, 2010. They visited 1,845 villages in 22 (of 32) districts in the state. The survey recorded an astonishing 80-odd practices of untouchability—new, bizarre, vintage. It further recorded 22 atrocities committed against Dalits.”
Some of the practices the magazine quotes from the report include:
India: 3500-yrs of massacres of Dalit-Sudra Blacks by Arya-Brahmins
History is usually written by the victors. The Dalits have not had a voice for thousands of years. The Dalit discrimination has to be aired by all peace loving people on the planet. Many Dalits believe that the discrimination perpetuated against them for centureis is based on thier ethnicity and the color of their skin. Dalit leaders have proposed that their status in the Hindu caste system is based on their Dravidian roots. Dalits leaders are openly calling for the mass conversion of the 150 million Dalits to Islam which would offer them equality. The Hinduvata reaction to the conversion of Dalits is ferocious and violent. The poor penury stricken Dalits must remain in bondage for perpetuity!
This article lists the atrocities against the Dalits. Rape and murder have been institutionalized. 3 to 6 million women have been raped for being Dalit. 3 million Dalits have been killed for being Dalit. Indian secularism has not touched the 150-250 million Dalits or the 150 million Muslims.
Mass Murder of Dalits : Ethnic Cleansing in South Asia
An Account of the 3500-Year Arya-Sudra Race War During the Last 10 Years
A history of massacres by Venkitesh Ramakrishnan Frontline Vol. 16, ( Feb. 27 – Mar. 12, 1999 ) No. 05 For immediate release May 1, 2007, Posted on: May 2, 2007
This bigoted genocide contineus in 2008. Here are a few stories of the actual genocide for the past 20 years
MUCH blood has been spilt in Bihar in caste violence over the past three decades. Between the first reported caste-based massacre, at Rupaspur Chandwa in Purnea district in 1971, and the latest bloodbath, at Narayanpur village in Jehanabad district on February 10, there were 59 recorded instances of mass murders, in which about 600 people were killed. The majority of these were directed at Dalits and were carried out by the private armies of the upper castes, such as the Ranvir Sena, the Bhoomi Sena, the Brahmarshi Sena, the Sunlight Sena and the Savarna Liberation Army. The Dalechak-Bagholia killings of 1987 and the Bara carnage of 1992 were perpetrated by a naxalite group, the Marxist Coordination Committee (MCC).
Killing of a woman, a Shudra or an atheist is not sinful. Woman is an embodiment of the worst desires, hatred, deceit, jealousy and bad character. Women should never be given freedom.” Bhagvad Gita (Manu IX. 17 and V. 47, 147)”
Similarly another holy script of Hindu religious book preaches looking down upon women by terming a woman equal to a dog, crow and shudra (a low cast poor Hindu who has no rights in Hindu society).
“And whilst not coming into contact with Sudras and remains of food; for this Gharma is he that shines yonder, and he is excellence, truth, and light; but woman, the Sudra, the dog, and the black bird (the crow), are untruth: he should not look at these, lest he should mingle excellence and sin, light and darkness, truth and untruth.” – Satapatha Brahmana 14:1:1:31.
According to Oliver Mendelsohn and Marika Vicziany, authors of The Untouchables: Subordination, Poverty and the State in Modern India, a comprehensive account of the phenomenon of untouchability, the caste-based massacres are brutal manifestations of the “violent and primordial casteism” that has overtaken Bihar. The authors point out that although the naxalite movement is by and large dedicated to and partly composed of Dalits, it is sometimes referred to as caste politics in the guise of radical political activity.
According to government statistics, instances of atrocities against Dalits rose dramatically after 1977, the period when the political identity of the backward castes of the State found assertive expression in the elevation of Karpoori Thakur, a leader from a backward caste, as Chief Minister. Similarly, there has been an upsurge in atrocities against Dalits between 1989 and 1999, the period which coincided with the chief ministership of Laloo Prasad Yadav and, lately, his wife Rabri Devi.
One explanation for this is that the upper castes, who had political, social and administrative supremacy during much of Bihar’s recent political history, were responding to the elevation of leaders from backward castes to political power by stepping up attacks against lower-caste populations. Another explanation is that the governments of Karpoori Thakur and Laloo Prasad Yadav were lax in controlling the upper-caste private armies.
Irrespective of the level of accuracy of analyses such as these, the fact remains that the number of attacks against Dalits and other lower-caste people has gone up every time a backward caste leader rose to power. The period between 1990 and 1999 witnessed 35 instances of caste-based massacres, the total number of victims being about 400. More than 350 of those killed were from among the lower castes.[ ill. - At Lakshmanpur-Bathe on December 1, 1997, when 63 persons were killed in an attack by the Ranvir Sena. ]
Ranvir Sena leaders claim that the operation was intended to avenge the killing of 34 Bhumihar landlords at Bara by the Maoist Coordination Centre (MCC). It was a “lesson” to the Dalits, that if they tried to take on the landlords the women of their communities would be humiliated. Ranvir Sena activists claim with a macabre sense of glee that the operation was “very effective”. The stigma attached to rape victims is such that the operation broke the morale of Dalits of many villages.
Dalits In Minorty Religious Communities In India
The conversions of these segments of society to non-Hindu faiths primarily took place to escape the caste system as all these fatihs believe in the universal equality and brotherhood of man.
The first minority community into which the Dalits converted to was Christianity, as early as the first century AD.
Thomas, one of Jesus twelve disciples brought Christianity to India, landing in the Malabar coast in modern day Kerala.
Historical records show that while Thomas entrusted discipleship functions to five Namboodri Brahmin familes because of their education and literacy levels, members of the Dalit and Sudra communities embraced the faith in larger numbers than the upper caste Hindus of the time.
The substantial growth of the Dalit and Sudra Christian population, however, took place during the colonial periods, with conversion taking place to Catholicism and Protestantism as well.
The second minority community into which the Dalits converted was the Muslim community.
Islam was brought into India first by traders, but it was only when Muslim invaders came to the country that conversion of Dalits and other Sudra communities to Islam took place in large numbers.
Some of them converted to escape the caste system while others converted to escape the taxes levied by Muslim rulers on non-Muslims.
It also remains that a much smaller number of upper-castes who saw the egalitarian vaules fo these faiths too converted to them
Although the conversion has benefited the converts in many ways, they have not altogether escaped it because caste has also infected thess minority faiths because many of the converts brought caste into their new religious communities.
Almost 90 per cent of Dalits live in rural areas.
Economic exploitation remains their most acute problem. They are almost all marginal farmers or landless labourers. Large numbers migrate to cities or to labour-scarce rural areas in different parts of India. Many are in debt and are obliged to work off their debts as bonded labour, despite the fact that this practice was abolished by law in 1976. In these cases a labourer takes a loan from a landlord or moneylender and in return agrees to work for that person until the debt has been repaid. In practice such debts are difficult to repay as interest rates are high and poverty forces the labourer into deeper debt. The debt can then be passed on to the next generation and it is almost impossible to escape the cycle of bondage. In some areas many high-caste landlords pay their Dalit labourers minimum wages in cash or food, or nothing at all; resistance is frequently met by violence, sometimes resulting in the death or injury of the victim. Mob violence against Dalit communities is frequently reported, sometimes led by landlords, and has been especially noticeable in situations where Dalit workers have joined labour unions or made progress in gaining education and economic mobility.Many Dalit families have left rural areas to live in slums and on the pavements.
Varusandu is situated in the State of Tamil nadu, South India. This area consists of 120 villages.
Caste ecosystem mars merit at primary education for 25% Indians; Start advantage to Upper caste!
Caste Governments give ‘em poor piece of land !
Land possessed by dalit households in the Gulbarga, Chitradurga and Kolar districts villages are dry land and utility of land is very marginal. Cultivation mainly depends on monsoon and rainfall is very scanty in these areas. The most important fact is that these three districts regularly face acute drought due to failure of monsoon. In all, 52.6% households are landless and remaining 47.4% households have access to agriculture land in rural Karnataka.
The size they possess is important from economic point of view of dalit families. Only 32.7% of dalit households have marginal land which is less than 2.5 acre and in many case small piece of land not viable for any cultivation not only in terms its size but also in its quality. Access to land by sub-castes is another parameter that helps one to understand ground reality of resources owned by different sub castes in study area spread over five districts.
The marginal farmers who own less than 2.5 acre are not in a position to make any descent living. Most of these farmers do not have access to credit and other factors of production and cultivate some food or vegetable crops to make pity income. Around 12% of families are small holdings families and their land varies 2.51-5 acres. They cultivate crops based on rain. Around 2% of families are medium farmers own 5.01-10 acres land in rural areas.
The large farmers who own land more than 10 acres are very few and insignificant in the state among rural dalits. The marginal farmers are more in Kolar district villages than other district villages. Medium farmers are more in Gulbarga district than other districts. This is only relative difference between different districts and not much important from economic viability point view, because these districts are having acute dry land areas.
Average size of landholdings by dalit families is 1.14 acres. District wise situation is completely different than state average. Gulbarga district has 1.97 acre average in which 1.95 is dry land. In Kolar average landholding is 0.94 in which 0.91 is dry land. Belgaum district average landholding is very lowest among all districts and it is 0.62 acre and dry land is 0.45, Chitradurga district landholding average is 1.06 and dry land is 0.95.
Source: TOI
Indian Dalits find no refuge from caste in Christianity
Till death do us part: Dalits are buried on the other side of the wall in this cemetery
Father Yesumariyan Jesuit lawyer, Dalit campaigner
Discrimination against Dalits persists in all strata of Indian society
There are estimated to be more than 17 million Catholics in India
The Dalits of India: education and development
http://www.livemint.com/2008/11/17211850/Giving-schoolchildren-a-chance.html.%20Accessed%20Jun.%2011%202010.
Population of Dalit as Per GOI
Dalit and Education
There are 231 rapes and 51 murdered last year. The families are helpless, only hope is help from world community !
“Every hour two Dalits are assaulted,
Every day three Dalit women are raped,
Every day two Dalits are murdered & two Dalit houses are burnt in India….”
(Report of the Ministry of Welfare of the Government of India, 1992-1993)
Please write to us from wherever you are, your word will atleast create pressure on Indian corrupt & prejudiced bureaucracy and shameless political class ! There is an urgent need of a need of mechanism to fight the injustice.
Every hour 2 Dalits are assaulted,
Every day 3 Dalit women are raped,
Every day 2 Dalits are murdered & 2 Dalits Houses are burnt in India.
(Report of Ministry of Welfare of the Govt. of India 1992-1993)
* 37 percent of Dalits living below poverty in India.
* More than half (54%) of their children are undernourished in India.
* 83 per 1000 live birth children born in Dalit community are probability of dying before the first birthday.
* 45 percent of Dalits do not know read and write in India.
* Dalits women burden double discrimination (gender and caste) in India.
* Only 27 percent of Dalits women give institutional deliveries in India.
* About one third of Dalit households do not have basic facilities.
(Source: NSSO, Census of India and NFHS-II)
BSE, (Mumbai Stock Exchange) set up in 1875. 3500 companies traded every day, no Dalit owned company traded in 1875, none in 2005.
CII (Confederation of Indian Industry), set up around 1895. 57, 00 member organizations, and 80,000 individual members, no Dalit member till now.
ASSOCHAM (Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of India), set up in 1920. One lakh individual company membership, no Dalit company member.
FICCI (Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry), set up in 1927. 1,500 corporate members, and over 500 chambers of commerce, no Dalit member in 1927, none in 2005.
IIC (India International Centre), set up in 1962. With 4828 individual, and 296 corporate membership, no Dalit member in 1962, and probably, none in 2005.
(From India Today’s website)
Over 28,000 incidents of crime against SC/ST in 2005
Over 28,000 incidents of crimes, including murder and rape, were committed against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes across the country last year, the Lok Sabha was informed today.
While 24,792 cases were reported against Scheduled Castes, as many as 3,691 crimes were committed against Scheduled Tribes, Minister of State for Home I D Swami said in a written reply.
The maximum numbers of 4,892 cases against Scheduled Castes were reported from Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh topped the list in atrocities against Scheduled Tribes with 1643 cases.
Police: Over 68,000 complaints were received against police personnel in the year 2000 alone, but only 26 of them were convicted, Swami said.
In 1999, 135771 cases were reported, 137492 cases in 2000 and 125152 last year, as per the data compiled by National Crimes Record Bureau.
See the above given facts and there will be no need of saying anything else about the condition of the Dalits (UNTOUCHABLES) here in India. Although some of these facts are of 1992-1993, 2005 I don’t think the condition of the Untouchables have improved a lot. The crimes have increased year by year (In 1999, 135771 cases were reported, 137492 cases in 2000 and 125152 last year, Over 28,000 incidents of crime against SC/ST in 2005 as per the data compiled by National Crimes Record Bureau.).The condition has become the worst in the present context as India is developing India Shining!!! Where it is developing where it’s shining? India is Developing towards a Civil War, Developing in creating Hate between the People & Developing in Dividing people based on Caste System etc. Where it is shining why at least me not able to see India Shining? India might be shining for the families like TATA, BIRLA or AMBANI’s. India is not shining for the common people (Dalits) those constitutes 85% population of the India. See the facts and you can yourself come to know where India is shining or developing.
People below Poverty Line:
SC: 31.64 %
ST: 44.2 %
OBCs: 21.8 %
Upper Castes: 12.78 %
The Government enacted the Prevention of Atrocities Act in 1989 and over the years it has proved to be a lame duck. Nothing has improved, changed for the Dalits (can’t say about the upper caste people, those who think they are but not in reality. Their condition might have improved by torturing Dalits!!!! Shame on these people)
While out of the total cases, only one in five were disposed, out of the disposed cases, a mere 2.31 per cent ended up in conviction. The number of acquittals is six times more than the number of convictions. (These are the facts of 2005) Many cases remain unnoticed by this Casteist media and not just the media the police and the judicial system have failed to report all the crimes happening against the Dalits. Media can provide information about what’s going in the one’s bedroom but can point out the atrocities happening to the Dalits. Why so? Doesn’t this show the discrimination? Why media feel so much feared about giving such news or they just don’t want to show people the real face of India and Hinduism as they are also Hindus? I won’t say anything about this almost everyone will understand this very well itself. (Top 500 posts in Media there are no one from Dalits at Delhi).
Now see 1st three days (Millions of Rupees) of the parliament (winter session, 2006) are wasted by these politicians discussing on Greg Chappell. What the hell common people is going to get from all this? Is this going to give anything to the economy of India? Or by discussing on Greg Chappell India is going to become developed nation? I think only politicians can answer this better those don’t even know the meaning of Economy!!! Has anyone raised the case of Khairlangi? I don’t think so. They can discuss all about Schin’s marriage, Greg Chappell, Britney Spears & Mandir’s etc. there in the Parliament but what happens when the turn of raising voice for eliminating Casteism or discrimination comes? Almost every leader becomes silent then why so? At least Dalit leaders should have raised this Khairlangi Case but they are becoming puppets in the hands of these Manuwadi people days by day. Shame on all our own leaders those haven’t raised such points of Casteism and discrimination from where all world listen them.
Shame on all the ministers also those are filling their own pockets by giving all atrocities happening over Dalits a political look for the development of own party.
Is there any scope for human development if we go on committing such indecent? Can’t say and can’t expect anything from Indian at least.The Untouchables are made “Religious, Economic and Political Slaves” by means of “Hindu Caste System” and its religious fake rituals. The people who believed in “Basic Human Rights” from all over the world should have to come forward to destroy “Hindu Caste System” and give justice to millions of people suffering since last thousands of years. Shame on India and me that I am still trying to wake up the people here in India those are DEAD and following stupid and fake rituals!!! Shame on me that I couldn’t save my mother, sister and brothers those died in Khairlangi and also those are being tortured daily by these so called Upper Caste people (Those who think they are but not in Reality).
NOTE: Please see more details below:
Latest Category Wise %Age Census in Govt. Jobs.
Since Independence SC/ST/OBCs Have Been Completely Used & Thrown in Free India by UC people.
GOVT. JOBS UC%AGE SC/ST%AGE OBC%AGE
SHOULD BE AS PER POPULATION 25% 23% 52%
EXISTING SITUATION
1ST CLASS POSTS 89.62% 5.69% 4.69%
2ND CLASS POSTS 71.19% 18.18% 10.63%
3RD & 4TH CLASS POSTS 56.62% 24.18% 18.18%
REFERENECE
LOKNAYAK, MARATHI DAILY FROM BOMBAY, DATED 29-04-2006
Brahmins Grabbed/Snatched Rights of SC/ST/OBCs. The Glaring facts as per following Table:
GROUP POPULATION POLITICS EMPLOYEED COMERENCE LAND EDUCATION
BRAHMIN 3.5 41 62 10 5 —–
XSHATRIYA 5.5 15 12 27 80 —–
VAISHYA 6 10.5 13 60 9 —–
TOTAL 15 66.5 87 97 94 78
SC 15 11 4 0.1 0.5 6
ST 7.5 7.6 1 0.1 0.5 2
OBC 52 8 7 0.8 4 2
MINORITIES 10.5 3 1 2 1 2
TOTAL 85 33.5 13 3 6 22
REFERENECE
MAHANAYAK, MARATHI DAILY FROM BOMBAY, P-1 HEAD NEWS, DATED 30-04-2006.
FOR FUTHER REFERENECE READ THESE PAPERS OR SEE IN MAGAZINE NAMED “BEGAM SHEHAR”.
Pardeep Singh Attri
(pardeepattri@yahoo.co.in)
Mobile No +919872896049
Mechanical Engineering Final Year Student at Dr. B R AMBEDKAR NIT Jalandhar, Punjab, India(Hell)
Kherlanji Massacre.
1. This is the same Bulluck-Cart ,allegedly, used for making ferry of naked mother and daughter in and around Kherlanji village.
Pic1:Cart
Pic2: Topper Priyanka (12th class)
2. One of the most educated girls in Kherlanji, Priyanka passed her matriculation and was studying for HSC. She was brilliant and had great dreams. She was the best NCC cadet too. Her only fault was she belonged to that community.
3. Priyanka was gang raped and inhumanly murdered by putting sticks inside her genitals, says DNA. The cruelty did not stop there, her body was thrown in water canal.
Pic3:Dead Priyanka …..lying…..body thrown in canel
4. A rare self respected Mother in the village who tilled the farm land, made it fertile on her own just like a man. She fought tooth and nail for her and others rights till death . Brave was she, who dared to testify infront of police that saved an innocent. She undoubtedly preferred dignified death to lechery. We salute you mother ! The son lying close to her is a blind but not spared by assailants. Another son, Roshan was doing his graduation, most learned boy in his village.
Pic4 Dead Mother and sons.
5. Hut they lived in is so small that has no electricity. The bright students were studying while mother was all set for preparing evening meals when the ghastly event happened.
Pic5: Their hut …….meals getting ready……Assilants used Mirchpowder
6. Priyanka and her family thought leaving behind caste and embracing Buddha`s path would bring in sea change, though, it gave them confidence to live a dignified life(as they did) but could not change attitude of caste people towards them. They were exterminated for their courage!
Pic: Buddha on doors
7. Their lifestyle reflects profound wisdom. How much mother gave importance to education than other daily needs is worth noting! Especially when she had to manage in daily budget of o.5 USD , buying books for students, travel expenses and college/school expenses! (Generally here every Buddhist household thinks that education is only way to get out of the shakles of caste and poverty. Result is, after 50 years of conversion 72% literacy is observed among them, way ahead of Indian average 62% .Females are not only ahead in literacy but they have unparrallel confidence like Surekha & Priyanka had. Female literacy is more than Indian average. This is important when there are not many Buddhist Missionaries operating in India funded by world outside.)
Surekha`s home is a typical rural Buddhist home. See the walls of the hut in above pic. seems as if bricks are arranged on one another with no investment on masonry.Whereas, the pic below shows the linen made of torn-off cloths! May be 0.1USD worth? Every fraction of penny counted !
Pic7: Their living
8. Broken father, Bhaiyyalal who could not able to save his family, helpless for mob of 50 people attacking, ran to take help of Police, police did not come!
Pic8: Bhiayyalal, broken father
PREJUDICES DO DALITS SUFFER
It is quite inconceivable to think that human beings are thought of as pollution in the twenty-first century. Human right abuses against the Dalits are numerous and go on throughout India - they are not limited to under-developed areas. Here is a report from the BBC about the Caste Off's news.bbc.co.uk/today/hi/today/newsid_9166000/9166402.stmDalit women suffer the most abuse - mental, physical and sexual. These are some of the different forms of prejudices that Dalits endure:-
Along with the curse of untouchability, the dalits had no right to have any property. They had to eat the foulest food, including leftovers thrown away by the higher varnas; they were not allowed to draw water from the common well; they were prohibited from entering temples; they were barred from the right to education and knowledge; they had to perform menial jobs for the higher castes; they were not allowed to use the common burial ground; they were not allowed to live in the main village inhabited by the upper varnas; and they were deprived of ownership rights to land and property, leading to the lack of access to all sources of economic mobility. Thus, dalits were subjected to both social exclusion and economic discrimination over the centuries. In one form or the other, this continues even today in most parts of the country.
As Comrade B.T. Ranadive pointed out “the three powerful class interests, the imperialists, the landlords and bourgeois leadership were acting as the defenders of the caste system, by protecting the landlord and pre-capitalist land system.” It will be seen from here that the interests of the bourgeois class rested in maintaining the status quo. There has been no basic change in caste system after nearly 60 years of independence after independence as the bourgeoisie compromised with landlordism fostered caste prejudices. After independence also, the basic structure of land relations, overhauling of which would have given a blow to untouchability and the caste system has not been changed.
“At the same time a purely caste appeal which seeks to perpetuate caste divisions for the narrow aim of consolidating vote banks and detaching these downtrodden sections from the common democratic movement has also been at work. Many caste leaders and certain leaders of bourgeois political parties seek to utilise the polarisation on caste lines for narrow electoral gains and are hostile to building up the common movement of the oppressed sections of all castes. They ignore the basic class issues of land, wages and fight against landlordism, which is the basis for overthrowing the old order.
“The problem of caste oppression and discrimination has a long history and is deeply rooted in the pre-capitalist social system. The society under capitalist development has compromised with the existing caste system. The Indian bourgeoisie itself fosters caste prejudices. Working class unity presupposes unity against the caste system and the oppression of dalits, since the vast majority of dalits are part of the labouring classes. To fight for the abolition of the caste system and all forms of social oppression through a social reform movement is an important part of the democratic revolution. The fight against caste oppression is interlinked with the struggle against class exploitation.”
AGRICULTURAL LABOUR: In 2000, 49.06 % of the working SC population were agricultural labourers, as compared to 32.69 % for the STs and only 19.66 % for the others. This shows the preponderance of dalits in agricultural labour. Between 1991 and 2001, the number of agricultural labourers in India increased from 7.46 crore to 10.74 crore, and a large proportion of them were dalits. On the other hand, the average number of workdays available to an agricultural labourer slumped from 123 in 1981 to 70 in 2005.
The Tripura Left Front government also has a creditable record in the upliftment of the SCs and STs. In 1991, while the overall literacy was 60.44 %, the SC literacy was 56.66 %. The 2001 census figures of literacy are not yet available, but they are expected to show a considerable increase. Female SC literacy doubled from 23.24 % in 1981 to 45.45 % in 1991. A striking feature in the state is that SCs are not confined exclusively to ‘Paras’ or ‘Bastis’ like in some other parts of the country. They by and large live and intermingle with each other. There are no bonded labourers among SCs in the state. Provision of minimum wage to agricultural labourers, many of whom are SCs, is stringently implemented. SC families are legally protected against exploitation by money-lenders. Reservations in services, posts and educational institutions are strictly monitored and implemented. All scavengers engaged in carrying night soil by head load were liberated in 1991 itself and special schemes were undertaken for their rehabilitation. In the small state of Tripura, 40,000 SC students are being given pre-matric scholarships by the government. 2000 meritorious SC students are being given the Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Memorial Award each year. The sum of the award ranges from Rs. 400 to Rs. 1500 per annum. 30 hostels for SC boys and girls have been set up. Special schemes have been started for providing housing and medical assistance to SCs. Special development programmes for welfare of SCs are taken up and implemented every three years.