Abhina Aher
From Wikipedia
Abhina Aher
Born Abhijeet
19 September 1977
Mumbai, Maharashtra, India
Occupation Trans activist
Nationality Indian
Abhina Aher is an Indian transgender activist who has worked for transgender empowerment. She has worked with organizations such as The Humsafar Trust (Mumbai), Family Health International (FHI), Johns Hopkins University Centre for Communication Programme (CCP) and India HIV/AIDS Alliance. She is also an artist and the founder of Dancing Queens - a dancing group of transgender people. Abhina is also a TedX Speaker and has delivered talks in Delhi and Varanasi. She is currently associated with I-TECH India as Technical Expert, Key Populations. She has more than two decades of experience in the HIV/AIDs sector. She has worked with various communities including men who have sex with men, transgender people, women engaged in sex work, intravenous drug users, and people living with HIV. She was also the programme manager of the Global Fund-supported programme 'Pehchan'.
Personal life
Abhina was born as Abhijeet Aher in a middle class maharashtrian family in Mumbai. Her mother was a trained Kathak dancer and worked for a government organization. She often performed at official functions. Abhina used to observe her keenly and tried to imitate her in private. Her father passed away when she was three-year old. She was raised by her mother singlehandedly and remarried later on.
Biography
Aher participates in pride parades and works with national and international organisations to bring change for the trans community of India. She has been or is involved in different capacity with various organisations. She is a HIV consultant on trans issues for Global Action for Trans Equality She is a steering committee member at the International Trans Fund United States. She is a consultant of sexuality and gender projects and a national programme manager of the Pehchan programme at the India HIV/AIDS Alliance. She is involved in Programme in Charge Communication on MARPs, USAID grant at Johns Hopkins University Centre for Communication. She is chair at Asia Pacific Transgender Network Bangkok, Thailand.
Aher is the founder of a transgender dancing group called Dancing Queens. The group aims to use dance and expressions as a medium to break barriers and works on trans advocacy. The group was founded in 2009 and has performed in different cities. In the year 2016, she also founded Tweet Foundation for empowering transgender individuals.
Abhina experiences trouble during travelling when the officials for security at airports are curious about her transgender status. There has been several incidents at international airports where security officials (Both male and female) have refused to check her. She stands firm and explains them and try to sensitise them which is part of advocacy work that she does for the trans community.
Awards and accolades
2014: REX awardee fellowship for her work towards trans empowerment in India.
2017: Global Innovator from Human Rights Campaign
Adv. Rahul Singh
DIRECTOR
NATIONAL DALIT MOVEMENT FOR JUSTICE-NCDHR
He is fueled by his passion to work for the cause of Dalits and Adivasis. He is an expert on SCs and STs (PoA) Act 1989 and Rules 1995 and carries over a decade of extensive experience in Dalit Human Rights Monitoring, advocacy and lobbying on the implementation of various legislations and policy matters. He is one of the key persons who drafted amendments to the SCs and STs (PoA) Act as amended in 2016, along with the drafting committee formed by NCSPA in 2009 and closely worked with Ministries and National Advisory Council.
He has wide experience in program strategic planning, programme development & design, programme implementation, multi-stakeholder engagement etc. He has researched extensively on violence against Dalits/Adivasis and wrote several books and reports on the implementation of SCs and STs (PoA) Act 1989. His hunger for knowledge and determination to turn information into action has contributed to the organisation over the years. A lawyer by training, he is involved in several strategic human rights litigation on SCs and STs (PoA) Act 1989 for the promotion and protection of Dalit and Adivasi human rights. A native of Delhi he believes mindfulness in the workplace is key to success. He lives his life through his passion to work for the human rights of Dalit/Adivasi.
Amarjit Singh
Mr Amarjit Singh is an ambedkarite activist thinker based in UK who has been involved in anti-caste anti-racist activities for most of his life. He come from a family of activists. He was the editor of the Birmingham University India society’s magazine Bharat in 1976 which ran an article on Dr B R Ambedkar. This was the first time such an article had appeared in a university magazine, in the Diaspora. He organised a conference in Birmingham on the origins of the caste system in 1978. During the 2000s, he ran a website for around 4 years whose purpose was to bring Dalit history to Dalits as well as to fight for an anti-caste legislation in UK as part of the Single Equalities Bill drive. He has also played host to many Dalits activists and scholars from India when they have visited the UK. He has spoken at various venues about the history of the caste system and untouchability in India, including at Bergen University Norway and the World Conference on Untouchability held at Conway Hall. He is also a member of British Association for the Study of South Asia (BASAS), a professionally academic body of scholars interested in the study of South Asia. He is currently attending evening talks and discussions at Radical Anthropology Group (RAG) at the University College London in order to help him find an integrated and holistic theory of origins of caste system based on totemism/tribal endogamy/exogamy practices and the role of indigenous matrilineal to Aryan patrilineal process in the formation of the caste system. Notwithstanding the upper caste arrogance and actual practices of the Marxists in India, he believe that these issues are the missing links between Ambekarism and Marxism on a theoretical plane; something that neither Marx nor Babasaheb had 100% access to in their times. This links also indicate the theoretical organic unity of blood and suffering between Dalits and Adivasis. His research also involves historical Dalit resistance, its successes, failures and lessons.(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5fg2eZ4jUyw)
Amarjit Singh tells issues which are the missing links between Ambekarism and Marxism on a theoretical plane
Vidya Bhushan Rawat Amarjit Singh is an ambedkarite activist thinker based in UK who has been involved in anti-caste anti-racist activities for most of his life. He come from a family of activists. He was the editor of the Birmingham University India society’s magazine Bharat in 1976 which ran an article on Dr B R …
Amarjit Singh is an ambedkarite activist thinker based in UK who has been involved in anti-caste anti-racist activities for most of his life. He come from a family of activists. He was the editor of the Birmingham University India society’s magazine Bharat in 1976 which ran an article on Dr B R Ambedkar. This was the first time such an article had appeared in a university magazine, in the Diaspora. He organised a conference in Birmingham on the origins of the caste system in 1978. .
During the 2000s, he ran a website for around 4 years whose purpose was to bring Dalit history to Dalits as well as to fight for an anti-caste legislation in UK as part of the Single Equalities Bill drive. He has also played host to many Dalits activists and scholars from India when they have visited the UK
He has spoken at various venues about the history of the caste system and untouchability in India, including at Bergen University Norway and the World Conference on Untouchability held at Conway Hall.
He is also a member of British Association for the Study of South Asia (BASAS), a professionally academic body of scholars interested in the study of South Asia. He is currently attending evening talks and discussions at Radical Anthropology Group (RAG) at the University College London in order to help him find an integrated and holistic theory of origins of caste system based on totemism/tribal endogamy/exogamy practices and the role of indigenous matrilineal to Aryan patrilineal process in the formation of the caste system. Notwithstanding the upper caste arrogance and actual practices of the Marxists in India, he believe that these issues are the missing links between Ambekarism and Marxism on a theoretical plane; something that neither Marx nor Babasaheb had 100% access to in their times. This links also indicate the theoretical organic unity of blood and suffering between Dalits and Adivasis. His research also involves historical Dalit resistance, its successes, failures and lessons.
Ashok Bharti
This leadership is not limited to reservation or atrocities on Dalits, but has a larger development canvas
Ashok Bharti, chairman, All India Ambedkar Mahasabha; and principal advisor, National Confederation of Dalit and Adivasi Organisations talks to Aditi Phadnis on the growing Dalit disenchantment with the ruling party and where does the future of Dalit leadership lie Are you seeing evidence of Dalit disenchantment with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and when did it begin? Certainly, Dalit disenchantment with the BJP is widespread. This disenchantment is not localised or limited to a few states or regions.
ABOUT AUTHOR
Ashok BhartiKabir Chair on Social Conflict
Mr. Ashok Bharti is Chairman, National Confederation of Dalit Organisations (NACDOR), India, and Chairman, International Commission for Dalit Rights, the US. He serves as Kabir Chair on Social Conflict at the IPCS. In his 30-year career, he has advocated the cause of the Dalit people and Dalit rights and has worked towards creating a more inclusive and equitable society. He has served in various positions, such as Co-Chair, Indigenous People International Action Team, Brussels, Belgium; Convenor, Global Task Force on Social Exclusion set up by the Global Call to Action Against Poverty; and Member, Working Groups on Dalits, National Advisory Council, Government of India, among others. He is a recipient of the CARE Millennium Award 2011 for outstanding work on MDGs, CARE Deutschland-Luxemburg, Germany, and the Dalit Ratna Award.
Agniva Lahiri
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Agniva Lahiri
Born 22 August 1979
Kolkata
Died 20 September 2016
Occupation LGBT Social activist
Website People Like Us (PLUS) Kolkata
Agniva Lahiri (22 August 1979 – 20 September 2016) was an Indian LGBT social activist from Kolkata, who was active in promoting the causes of the transgender members of the community. Lahiri founded People Like Us (PLUS) Kolkata, a Non Governmental Organization, in 2001 and served as its executive director. Lahiri was also associated with Network of Asia Pacific Youth as a coordinator for policy research and international advocacy.
Biography
Agniva Lahiri was born on 22 August 1979, biologically a male, to a government servant and an economics school teacher, as the youngest of their three children, in Kolkata, India. Lahiri's early schooling was in Ramakrishna Mission Residential School and graduate studies at Asutosh College, Kolkata. Subsequently, Lahiri took master's degree in Bengali Literature from University of Calcutta and another master's degree in Sociology from Nagarjuna University, Kolkata and is pursuing higher studies at University of Melbourne.
The realization that feminine emotions ruled within a biologically male body came to Lahiri at a very early age. This drew a lot of criticism from Lahiri's teachers and fellow students. But the discriminatory treatments did not stop Lahiri from making the decision to accept oneself as the other gender.
Lahiri died on 20 September 2016, reportedly due to liver failure.
Social activism
Agniva Lahiri's social career started with joining a forum called Pratyay, a division of Praajak, a gay support forum started in 1992 on Kolkata. Lahiri also started a newsletter called Pratyay Arshi Nagar, with contributions even from the college faculty. The newsletter later grew to be a newspaper by name, Manashi.
Lahiri's social activism was kickstarted by an incident on 7 December 2003, with the assault by a group of people. Lahiri filed a complaint with the local police who declined to register a formal case against the perpetrators. Lahiri and colleagues persisted and were successful in getting a First Information Report filed.
Lahiri has been involved with the Network of Asia Pacific Youth as a coordinator in the research on sexual culture and its relevance in the area of HIV intervention and prevention program. Lahiri's past associations are with UNICEF ROSA in 2002 on Child welfare, with Gender and AIDS Training Institute (GATI). and with UNFPA as a young researcher.
Lahiri is presently the Executive Director of People Like Us (PLUS) Kolkata which runs a destitute home in Kolkata called Prothoma, offering shelter for the victims of human trafficking and unsafe migration and standing up against the violence meted out to them. The activities have attracted public attention and UNAIDS (United Nations AIDS Program) released a small grant of ₹ 400,000 with which Lahiri organised a forum for transgender people by name, the Indian Network of Male Sex Workers. The forum now has 22 branches in 14 states of India.
People Like Us (PLUS) Kolkata
Agniva Lahiri started the establishment of an organization for transgender people and gender variant men in 2000 and informally started the organization, People Like Us (PLUS) Kolkata in 2001. The organization was registered as an NGO in March 2003. The organization is working as a social forum for the rights of gender variant men and is involved in the HIV and AIDS related activities such as :
prevention
counselling, training and rehabilitation
research
intervention in issues like human trafficking
Father of the first Pasmanda Movement and Freedom Fighter
Faiyaz Ahmad Fyzie
Maulana Ali Hussain "Aasim Bihari" was born on April 15, 1890, in Mohalla Khas Ganj, Bihar Sharif, Nalanda district, Bihar, in a devout but poor Pasmanda weaver family. In 1906, at the young age of 16, he started his career in the Usha organization in Kolkata. While working, he pursued interests in studies and reading. He was active in many types of movements. He quit his job as it was getting restrictive, and for his livelihood he started the work of making beedis. He prepared a team of his beedi worker colleagues who would discuss issues that concerned nation and society. There would also be sharing of writings.
In 1908-09, Maulana Haji Abdul Jabbar of Sheikhpur tried to create a Pasmanda organization which wasn't successful. He felt a deep sense of grief about this. In 1911, after reading "Tarikh-e-Minwal wa Alahu" (History of Weavers), he was prepared completely for the movement. At the age of 22, he started a five year shceme (1912-1917) for educating adults. During this time, whenever he went to his native Bihar Sharif, he would keep make people aware by organising small gatherings.
In 1914 , at the young age of 24 years old, he started a Society called "Bazm-E-Adab"(Chamber of Literature) that started a library under its aegis, in his native location of Khasganj, Bihar Sharif in Nalanda district. In 1918, a study centre called "Darul Muzakra"(House of Conversation) was established in Kolkata, where labourers and others used to gather in the evening to discuss writings and contemporary issues - these meetings would sometimes go on all through the night.
In 1919, after the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, leaders like Lala Lajpat Rai and Maulana Azad were arrested. Aasim Bihari then started a nationwide postal protest for the release of those leaders, in which people from all the districts, towns in the entire country sent about 1.5 lakh letters and telegrams to the Viceroy and Queen Victoria. This campaign was eventually successful, and all the freedom fighters were freed from jail.
In 1920, in Tanti Bagh, Kolkata, he created the organisation "Jamiatul Mominin" (Party of the Righteous), whose first conference was held on March 10, 1920, in which Maulana Azad also delivered a speech.
In April 1921, he started the tradition of the wall written newspaper "Al-Momin" (The Righteous) in which text was written on large sheet of paper and stuck on a wall, so that more people could read. This style became very famous.
On 10 December 1921, a convention was held in Tanti Bagh, Kolkata, in which Mahatma Gandhi, Maulana Jauhar, Maulana Azad etc., participated. In this convention, about 20 thousand people took part.
Gandhiji on behalf of the Congress party proposed to donate a huge amount of one lakh rupees to the organization, with some conditions. But Aasim Bihari, at the very beginning of the agitation, considering it better to keep the organization away from any kind of political compulsion and surrender, refused to accept the amount of one lakh, a big financial assistance, which was highly needed by the organization.
From 1923, the wall newspaper Diwari Momin began to be published as a magazine Al-Momin.
In the beginning of 1922, with the intention of giving an all-India look to the organization, he started a tour of villages and towns, beginning from Bihar.
On July 9, 1923, a local meeting of the organization (Jamiatul Mominin) was held at Madrasa Moinul Islam, Sohdih, Bihar Sharif, in Nalanda district, Bihar. On the same day his son Kamruddin, whose age was only 6 months and 19 days, died. But the passion of bringing society into the mainstream was such that he reached the venue on time and delivered a powerful speech for one hour.
In these constant struggles and travels, he had to face many troubles as well as financial difficulties. Many of the times had to deal with hunger issues too. At the same time, his daughter Baarka was born in the house, but the whole family was drowning in debt and hunger for long.
During this time in Patna, Arya Samajis defeated the Muslim Ulemas (Clerics) in debate as nobody was able to answer their questions. When this was reported to the Maulana, he then took a loan from a friend for travel fare. He carried roasted corn in his bag and reached Patna. There he defeated the Arya Samajis in such a manner, by his logic and arguments, that they had to flee. A regional level conference was convened in Bihar Sharif on 3-4 June 1922, after nearly six months of rigorous travel.
It was difficult to arrange for the expenditure of the conference and the funds collected were not sufficient. The date of the conference was getting closer. In such a situation, Maulana requested his mother to lend the money and jewellery that he had kept aside for his younger brother's wedding. He hoped that more funds would be arranged as the date of the Conference got closer. Unfortunately, not enough funds could be collected. He felt despair and even after being invited for the wedding, he didn't attend it and left the house, out of guilt. He could not even dare to be a part of it.
In the will of God, I have surrendered my being
His wish is my wish, what He wills shall happen
All such setbacks, however never affected his passion.
In spite of all the troubles, anxieties and frequent travels, he never missed studying newspapers, magazines and books in addition to writing articles and daily diaries. This study was not limited to education, or knowledge of only social or political activities, but he wanted to research science, literature and historical facts and reach their roots. In certain instances, he would not hesitate to write letters to the writers of famous newspapers and magazines of that time.
In August, 1924, the foundation of a core committee called 'Majlis-e-Misak' (Chamber of Covenant), was laid down for the solidarity of selected, dedicated people.
On July 6, 1925, 'Majlis-e-Misak' (Chamber of Covenant), started publishing a fortnightly magazine named Al-Ikram (The Respect), so that the movement could be further strengthened.
The "Bihar Weavers' Association" was formed to organize and strengthen the weaving work, and its branches were opened in other cities of the country, including Kolkata. After creating an organization in Bihar in 1927, Maulana turned to Uttar Pradesh. He visited Gorakhpur, Banaras, Allahabad, Moradabad, Lakhimpur-Kheri and other districts and created quite a stir. After UP, the organization was set up in Delhi, Punjab area too.
On April 18, 1928, the first All India level grand conference was held in Kolkata, in which thousands of people participated. In March 1929, the second All India Conference was held in Allahabad, third in October 1931 in Delhi, fourth in Lahore, and fifth on November 5, 1932, in Gaya. In the Gaya conference, the Women's Wing of the organization also came into existence.
Similarly in Kanpur, Gorakhpur, Delhi, Nagpur and Patna, State Conferences were organized.
In this way, the organization was established in places like Mumbai, Nagpur, Hyderabad, Chennai, and even in countries like Ceylon (Sri Lanka) and Burma and hence Jamiautul Mominin (Momin Conference) became an international organization. In 1938, there were nearly 2000 branches of the organization in India as well as abroad.
A weekly magazine called 'Momin Gazette' from Kanpur also started to be published. Keeping himself behind the scenes in the organization and pushing others forward, Aasim Bihari never made himself the President of the organization. Only after many requests of the people, he kept himself confined to the post of General Secretary only.
When the organization's work increased a lot, and the Maulana did not have the opportunity of doing hard labor to raise his livelihood and family -- in such a situation, the organization fixed a very modest amount to be paid to him every month, but unfortunately that was also not paid to him many times.
Wherever the branches of Momin Conference were opened, small meetings were held continuously, and education and employment counseling centres and libraries wwere also established.
From the beginning, Maulana tried to ensure that Pasmanda castes other than the Ansari caste, were also made aware, active and organized. For this, he used to include people, leaders and organizations of other Pasmanda castes in every conference, their contributions in the Momin Gazette were also given equal space.
Meanwhile, the news of his brother's severe illness reached him and he was told "Come soon, he can die anytime". But the Maulana couldn't go home due to frequent tours. Even when his brother died, he could not even go for the funeral.
In the election of the Interim Government in 1935-36, the candidates of the Momin Conference also won a good number of votes across the entire country. As a result, a large number people also realized the power of the Pasmanda movement. This is where the movement began to witness opposition.
Already in the mainstream politics, the upper caste Ashraf Muslim class started defaming the Momin Conference and its leaders, by employing different types of allegations, religious fatwas, writings, magazines. In fact, they even made a song called 'Zulaah Naama', that indulged in the character assassination of the weaver caste as a whole and was also published.
During the campaign in Kanpur, a Pasmanda activist named Abdullah was murdered. Usually, Maulana's speech used to be about two to three hours. But on September 13, 1938, his five hour speech in Kannauj and the speech in Kolkata in October 25, 1934, that lasted a whole night became landmarks in human history, setting an unprecedented record.
The Maulana played an active role in the Quit India Movement. In the year 1940, he organized a protest in Delhi against the partition of the country, in which about forty thousand Pasmanda people participated.
In the elections of 1946, some candidates of the Jamiatul Momin (Momin Conference) were successful and many of them won against candidates of the Muslim League.
In 1947, after the storm of the partition of the country, he revived the Pasmanda movement with full rigor. The Momin Gazette was republished in Allahabad and Bihar Sharif.
The failng health of the Maulana started influencing his untiring hard work, travels. But he was determined to revive the tradition of Hazrat Ayyub Ansari (the Companion of Prophet Muhammad) . When he reached Allahabad, he did not have the strength to even walk a step. Even in such a condition, he was busy in the preparations for the Conference of the Jamiatul Momineen in UP State, and kept guiding people.
But Allah had taken from him whatever work he could. On the evening of December 5,1953, he suffered a sudden heart stroke and there was trouble in breathing; the pain and uneasiness of the heart grew, his face became sweaty, he fainted. Around two o'clock at night, he found himself in the lap of his son, Haroon AAasim. With a gesture he indicated his head be rested on the ground so that he could offer himself to Allah's favor and demand forgiveness for his sins. In these circumstances, on Dec 6, 1953, on a Saturday, in Haji Kamruddin's house, in Atala, Allahabad, he breathed his last.
In his forty years of vigorous and active life, the Maulana did nothing for himself, and where was the opportunity to do it? But if he wanted, he could have gathered many material things for himself and his family. But he never gave attention to this aspect. The Maulana kept lighting the homes of others throughout his life but he did not try to illuminate his own house with a small lamp.
Acknowledgement: I would like to thank Professor Ahmad Sajjad who has written the 700 page biography of Aasim Bihari titled Banda-e-Momin Ka Hath (The Hand of a Righteous Person) and guided me in telephonic and direct conversations.
Faiyaz Ahmed Fyzie is a freelance author and is working as a Research Associate in the Ministry of AYUSH. The English translation is done by Vinay Shende, who is an Ambedkarite working in the Corporate Sector.
Annie Namala
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Annie Namala
Occupation Education activist
Annie Namala is an Indian social activist and has been working for dalit rights. She is the director of Centre for Social Equity and Inclusion. She is a vocal voice in the fight of untouchable movement. She was appointed as a member of the National Advisory Council for the implementation of the RTE act in 2010.
Career
Annie Namala also worked with Solidarity Group for Children Against Discrimination and Exclusion (SGCADE).
Ayesha Rubina
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ayesha Rubina
Born 3 May 1969
Nationality India
Alma mater Osmani University
Occupation politician
Ayesha Rubina (عائشہ روبینہ; born 1969) is a corporator of Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation (GHMC), educationist, social entrepreneur, social worker and former co-opted member of (GHMC). She is noted for being instrumental in planning a first-of-its-kind park for special needs people in India. She provides special education to children with special needs. She actively takes part in social debates and local issues. She is based in Hyderabad, India.
Education
Ayesha did her schooling from Holy Mary Girls High School and earned three degrees from Osmania University. She has master's degree in social work, and post graduate diploma in early childhood education and teaching from Osmania University. She had been awarded gold medal for scoring highest marks in M.A. English from Osmania University.
Social & volunteer work
She is a professional social worker with a Master of Social Work. In recognition of her services in the field of education and social work, Ayesha was nominated to Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation as a co-opted member. In this role, she has contributed by laying out the first ward development plan, played a prominent role in planning a park for special needs persons, and initiated livelihood training for over 8,000 youth.
Ayesha has helped set up 10 schools for the underprivileged that cater to the educational needs of more than 4500 children. She also runs a school for kids with special needs. She has been in the top eight of The Times of India's "Lead India" initiative and a participant of the prestigious International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP) of the U.S Department of State. As an Advisory Committee member, she is associated with a Center for Social Sciences, a network of people and organizations engaged in community based services through education and social services.
Greens Special School
It is one of its kind schools that give education to children with special needs. This school provides free education to special kids. It offers medical therapies, and aims to rehabilitate & integrate these children into the mainstream. The special school is Ayesha’s pet project, and it is run by Ayesha Education Society.
Views on Girl’s Education
Being an activist who works in the area of girls' education, Ayesha believes that the role of economically independent women has become even more challenging nowadays. She criticizes modern society for merry-making and feeling comfortable when a woman goes out to earn, but expecting her to first deliver her 'traditional' duties efficiently. She also worked towards establishing e-libraries in the city. She said that the number of students in Hyderabad's Old City area is increasing day-by-day, and education has become a priority. Therefore, libraries are need there.
Political affiliation
Ayesha is a known figure in Hyderabad's political circles for her social work and activism for public welfare. In April 2014, a press report quoted All India Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul Muslimeen (AIMIM) supremo Asaduddin Owaisi as saying that his party is forming its Shoba-e-Khwateen (Women’s Wing). The same report noted that Ayesha was tipped to be joint convener of Women’s Wing.
International conferences/programs
Asia-Pacific Cities Summit: In 2013, Ayesha represented the Mayor of Hyderabad in the Asia-Pacific Cities Summit held in Taiwan where she presented a paper on "Trans-City Business Coalitions" and "Local Informal Economies".
International Visitor Leadership Program: She is an alumnus of U.S. Department of State's premier leadership exchange programme - International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP).
Leadership/Management
InstitutionRole
Greens Special School Managing Trustee
Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation Co-opted Member
Genesis High School Managing Director
Bharathi Vidyalaya Founder
Center for Social Sciences Advisory Committee Member
OSE Group of Schools Managing Director (Honorary)
Special Olympics Trustee
Indian Council for Child Welfare (ICCW) Member and Ex-coordinator, AP
A.P. Welfare Association for Mentally Challenged Executive Committee Member
Sarojni Naidu Vanita Mahavidyalaya Alumni Association President
Holy Mary Girls High School Alumni Association President
Awards & recognition
1. Pearl of Hyderabad by JCI Hyderabad: Ayesha was awarded the title 'Pearl of Hyderabad' by local chapter of Junior Chamber International (JCI), a non-political and non-sectarian youth service organization.
2. IVLP (International Visitor Leadership Program) - U.S. Department of State: An alumnus of U.S. Department of State's International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP). Ayesha represented India and was one among the 19 participants from various countries of the world. She visited 4 states- Washington D.C, Florida, Texas & California.
3. Lead India by The Times of India: Represented the city of Hyderabad in the Times of India's 'Lead India'- a nationwide talent hunt for the next generation of political leaders for India. Finished in the Final 8 of the nationwide competition.
4. Young Achiever Award by Rotary Club, Hyderabad.
5. Gold Medalist in M.A. (Masters in English) at Sarojni Naidu Vanitha Mahavidyalaya.
Ashamma
The story of Dalit icon Ashamma from Andhra Pradesh, another Neeraja Banot winner, a socially-marginalized woman who has been fighting for her rightful place in society, too follows along the same line.
Ashamma was a ‘jogini’ or a sex worker in Karni village. Frustrated by this she decided to stand up for her dignity and self respect and joined the Andhra Pradesh Mahila Samatha Society and was influenced by them to live a new life. She helped other women who were forced into sexual favours by men, through this Society.
In such a situation, it takes an amalgamation of self-confidence, self- efficacy, determination, and empathy to build up a strong and inextinguishable fire of resilience. A research by University of Minnesota, 2010 by Suniya Luthar and Edward Zigler, indicates that during the early childhood years, it is important for children to have good quality of care and opportunities for learning, adequate nutrition and community support for families. A research finding showed that one reason for this could be Empathy. The National Council on Family Relations, 1995 conducted a study which explored the relationship between empathy and parenting strategy choices . Results showed that empathy was negatively related to the use of negative and ignoring parenting strategies.
At 35 years of age, Ashamma has nothing to share with the world expect tears. She comes from Karni village in Mehbubnagar district of Andhra Pradesh, where women belonging to the lower caste are considered objects of entertainment. Ashamma was made to undergo the jogini ritual when she was seven years old. As per this custom, she was married off to the village deity. Recalls Ashamma, "Since the day of the initiation, I have not lived with dignity. I became available for all the men who inhabited Karni. They would ask me for sexual favours and I, as a jogini, was expected to please them. My trauma began even when I had not attained puberty."
At 11, Ashamma attained puberty. As soon as the news spread, men hounded her all the more. She was forced to sleep with countless people, some of whom were much older than her. Still in her teens, Ashamma delivered a girl child. "I bore the child from the man I loved, but he did not marry me. Later, I escaped from the village," she says. But all the time she was reminded that she was a jogini and should not act like a pativrata.
During those days the Andhra Pradesh Mahila Samatha Society was running sanghams in villages. These forums voiced the concerns of sexually exploited women. When Ashamma heard the views of its leaders, she was impressed. She swore to fight against the baseless custom of jogini.
In 1997, Ashamma became the head of the sangham which operated in Karni. As the leader of the forum, she discouraged the practice of jogini. Her mission revolved around thwarting the attempts of villagers to initiate young girls into this evil practice. She still remembers how hard she had to fight in order to save a nine-year-old girl in her village from becoming a jogini. The police had refused to help her and no one in the village was prepared to cooperate with her. But Ashamma sat in protest until she succeeded in preventing the initiation ceremony.
The two courageous women -Alice Garg from Jaipur and Ashamma from Andhra Pradesh were awarded for their services to society in Chandigarh on April 28. The award money comprised Rs 1.5 lakh each. The commitment of these women to their respective cause was evident from the fact that both of them donated a part of the huge sum to their respective societies. Ashamma kept Rs 50,000 for her child and donated the rest to her sangham. Alice donated the money to Rustamji Trust which is dedicated to the amelioration of the plight of the poor.
by D . kasur
Anuradha Ramanan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Anuradha Ramanan
Born 29 June 1947
Thanjavur, Madras Presidency, British India
Died 16 May 2010 (aged 62)
Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India
Occupation
Writer
novelist
artist
social activist
Period 1977—2010
Anuradha Ramanan (29 June 1947 – 16 May 2010) was a Tamil writer, artist and a social activist. She is survived by two daughters Smt. Sudha Ramanan and Smt. Subha Ramanan. Both of them live with their families in the United States of America.
Biography
Anuradha was born in 1947 in Thanjavur, Tamil Nadu. Her grandfather R. Balasubramaniam was an actor who inspired Anuradha to become a writer. Anuradha started her career as an artist before making several unsuccessful attempts to get a job with popular magazines.This prompted her to join Mangai, a Tamil magazine after the editor found her writings very interesting. Anuradha's literary career started in 1977 while working for the magazine. She also revealed the sexual harresment allegations about Jayendra Saraswathi.
Apart from her literary contributions, she was well known for her "anti-divorce counselling" work. In a career that spanned over 30 years, Anuradha wrote nearly 800 novels and 1,230 short stories. Her works were mainly centered on family and everyday happenings. One of her early works Sirai, won a gold medal for the best short story from Ananda Vikatan. It was adapted into a film of the same name. Following this, her other novels Kootu Puzhukkal, Oru Malarin Payanam and Oru Veedu Iruvasal were adapted into films in various languages such as Tamil, Telugu and Kannada. Oru Veedu Iru Vasal, directed by Balachander won the National Film Award for Best Film on Other Social Issues in 1991. The 1988 Telugu film Oka Baarya Katha based on her work won five Nandi Awards. In addition to films, many of her stories such as Archanai Pookal, Paasam and Kanakanden Thozhi have been adapted into television serials. She was awarded a gold medal by M. G. Ramachandran, the then Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu.
Death
Anuradha died of cardiac arrest on 16 May 2010 at the age of 62 in Chennai. She was married to Ramanan and has two daughters.
Controversy
Sexual harassment allegations against Jayendra Saraswati
Anuradha Ramanan said she was subjected to sexual harresment by Jayendra Saraswati when she met back in 1992, when she was taken to negotiate the release of the spiritual magazine "Amma" by the muth. Anuradha Ramanan has charged Saraswathi of making sexual advances. He said that during their first meeting, he spoke about the proposed journal and offered to make her its editor, Ramanan agreed to the offer. During their final meeting, she said, he began using indecent language, and when she looked up from the notebook, the woman who took me to him was in a sexually intimate position with him. She said that the Saraswathi "approached" her, and when she objected, the other woman tried to persuade her of her "good fortune." When she left the place, the Shankaracharya allegedly asserted that she keep her mouth shut.
Ramanan said that she had met a woman police officer who was close to her to lodge a complaint, but did not do so because she feared for the future of her daughters. She reported that an attempted murder had been made against her. She said a truck hit her car in which she was travelling and a further attempt was made on her life when she was admitted to the hospital. On December 2004, she said she would have met with the same fate as that of Sankarraman if she had made the disclosure 12 years ago when the alleged incident took place.
Absalom Jones
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Absalom Jones
Born November 7, 1746
Sussex County, Delaware Colony, British Empire
Died February 13, 1818 (aged 71)
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, United States
Occupation Clergyman (Anglican/Episcopal Church)
Known for Anti-slavery petitioner
Spouse(s) Mary King
Relatives Julian Abele (architect)
Absalom Jones (November 7, 1746 – February 13, 1818) was an African-American abolitionist and clergyman who became prominent in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Disappointed at the racial discrimination he experienced in a local Methodist church, he founded the Free African Society with Richard Allen in 1787, a mutual aid society for African Americans in the city. The Free African Society included many people newly freed from slavery after the American Revolutionary War.
In 1794 Jones founded the first black Episcopal congregation, and in 1802, he was the first African American to be ordained as a priest in the Episcopal Church of the United States. He is listed on the Episcopal calendar of saints. He is remembered liturgically on the date of his death, February 13, in the 1979 Book of Common Prayer as "Absalom Jones, Priest, 1818".
Early life
Absalom Jones was born into slavery in Sussex County, Delaware, in 1746. When he was sixteen, his owner sold him along with his mother and siblings to a neighboring farmer. That year the farmer kept Absalom, but sold his mother and siblings, and moved to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, where he became a merchant. Absalom was allowed to attend a school and learned to read and write. While still enslaved by Mr. Wynkoop (who was a vestryman of Christ Church and later St. Peter's), Absalom married Mary King (an enslaved woman owned by S. King, a neighbor to the Wynkoops), on January 4, 1770. Rev. Jacob Duché performed the wedding ceremony.
By 1778 Absalom had purchased his wife's freedom so that their children would be free; he asked for aid by donations and loans. (According to colonial law, children took the status of their mother, so children born to slave women were born enslaved.) Absalom also wrote to his master seeking his own freedom, but was initially denied. In 1784, however, Wynkoop manumitted him, possibly inspired by revolutionary ideals. Absalom took the surname "Jones" as an indication of his American identity.
Methodist Church
Around 1780, a Methodist movement was sweeping through the colonies as part of the Second Great Awakening. It came at a time of revolutionary ferment in the closing period of the American Revolutionary War. The movement was especially popular in New York, Baltimore, and Philadelphia. Methodists had developed in Great Britain as evangelicals within the Church of England. In December 1784, Thomas Coke and Francis Asbury established the Methodist Episcopal Church as a new denomination, separate from the Church of England.
Ministerial career
Pennsylvania abolished slavery and became a free state in the new United States. Jones became a lay minister of the interracial congregation of St. George's Methodist Episcopal Church in Philadelphia. The Methodist church admitted persons of all races and allowed African Americans to preach. Together with Richard Allen, Jones was one of the first African Americans licensed to preach by the Methodist Episcopal Church.
But members of the church still practiced racial discrimination. In 1792, while at St. George's Methodist Episcopal Church, Absalom Jones and other black members were told that they could not join the rest of the congregation in seating and kneeling on the first floor and instead had to be segregated first sitting against the wall and then in the gallery or balcony. After completing their prayer, Jones and most of the church's black members got up and walked out.
Jones and Allen founded the Free African Society (FAS), first conceived as a non-denominational mutual aid society, to help newly freed slaves in Philadelphia. Jones and Allen later separated, as their religious lives took different directions after 1794 as discussed below. They remained lifelong friends and collaborators.
As 1791 began, Jones started holding religious services at FAS, which the following year became the core of his African Church in Philadelphia. Jones wanted to establish a black congregation independent of white control, while remaining part of the Episcopal Church. After a successful petition, the African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas, the first black church in Philadelphia, opened its doors on July 17, 1794. Jones was ordained as a deacon in 1795 and as a priest in 1802, became the first African-American priest in the Episcopal Church.
A month after St. Thomas church opened, the Founders and Trustees published "The Causes and Motives for Establishing St. Thomas's African Church of Philadelphia," saying their intent was
to arise out of the dust and shake ourselves, and throw off that servile fear, that the habit of oppression and bondage trained us up in.
Famous for his oratory, Jones helped establish the tradition of anti-slavery sermons on New Year's Day. His sermon for January 1, 1808, the date on which the U.S. Constitution mandated the end of the African slave trade, was called "A Thanksgiving Sermon" and published in pamphlet form. It became famous. Rumors persisted that Jones had supernatural abilities to influence the minds of assembled congregations. White observers failed to recognize his oratory skills, perhaps because they believed rhetoric to be beyond the capabilities of black people. Numerous other African-American leaders were similarly said to have supernatural abilities.
Fugitive Slave Act of 1793
After becoming the first black and freedman to be ordained as a priest, and as the Constitution's deadline for abolition of the slave trade passed, Jones took part in the first group of African Americans to petition the U.S. Congress. Their petition related to the Fugitive Slave Act of 1793, which they criticized for encouraging cruelty and brutality, as well as supporting the continuing criminal practice of kidnapping free blacks and selling them into slavery. Jones drafted a petition on behalf of four freed slaves and asked Congress to adopt "some remedy for an evil of such magnitude."In 1775, the state of North Carolina had made it illegal to free slaves unless approved by a county court, a provision largely ignored by members of the Society of Friends (Quakers). They not only continued to free their own slaves, but in some cases bought slaves from other men in order to free them. In 1788 the North Carolina legislature passed a law allowing the capture and sale of any former slave who had been freed without court approval, with twenty percent of the sale price going as reward to the person who reported the illegal manumission. Many freed African Americans fled the state to avoid being captured and sold back into slavery.
The petition was presented on 30 January 1797 by U.S. Representative John Swanwick of Pennsylvania. Jones used moral suasion: trying to convince whites that slavery was immoral, offensive to God, and contrary to the nation's ideal. Although U.S. Representative George Thatcher of Massachusetts argued that the petition should be accepted and referred to the Committee on the Fugitive Law, but the House of Representatives declined to accept the petition by a vote of 50 to 33. Jones submitted a similar petition two years later, which was also declined.
African Methodist Episcopal Church
On a parallel path, Richard Allen founded the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME), the first independent black church within the Methodist tradition. He and his followers converted a building and opened on July 29, 1794, as Bethel AME Church. In 1799, Allen was ordained as the first black minister in the Methodist Church by Bishop Francis Asbury. In 1816, Allen gathered other black congregations in the region to create a new and fully independent denomination, the African Methodist Episcopal Church. In 1816, Allen was elected as the AME's first bishop.
Yellow Fever Epidemic of 1793
Yellow fever repeatedly struck Philadelphia and other coastal cities in the 1790s, until sanitary improvements advocated by Dr. Benjamin Rush were adopted and completed. In the meantime, Allen and Jones assisted Rush in helping people afflicted by the plague, for black people initially were rumored to be immune. Many whites (including most doctors except for Rush and his assistants, some of whom died) fled the city hoping to escape infection. Allen and Jones' corps of black Philadelphians helped nurse the sick, as well as bury the dead. Jones in particular sometimes worked through the night. However, Rush's reliance on bleeding and purging as a medical treatment proved misplaced.
When Mathew Carey published a popular pamphlet accusing Blacks of profiting from nursing sick White citizens, Jones and Allen published a protest pamphlet in response. They described sacrifices that they and members of the Free African Society made for the health of the city. Philadelphia Mayor Matthew Clarkson, who had called upon them for help, publicly recognized that Jones and Allen acted upon their desires to improve the entire community. Jones' responses to the overall crisis strengthened ties between free Blacks and many progressive whites, aiding him later on when he established St. Thomas' Episcopal Church. Almost twenty times more black people helped the plague-struck than did whites, which later proved crucial in helping St. Thomas Church to gain social acceptance.
Absalom Jones Cenotaph in Eden Cemetery
Jones died on February 13, 1818, in Philadelphia. He was originally interred in the St. Thomas Churchyard in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. His body was relocated to Lebanon Cemetery and then to Eden Cemetery. In 1991, his remains exhumed, cremated and placed in a reliquary in the Absalom Jones altar of the current St. Thomas African Episcopal Church (now located at 6361 Lancaster Avenue in Philadelphia). The chapel is named in his honor, as is the church's rectory. A cenotaph was placed at Eden Cemetery in Collingdale, Pennsylvania marking the site of his former grave.
The national Episcopal Church remembers his life and service annually on the anniversary of his death, February 13.
The Diocese of Pennsylvania honors his memory with an annual celebration and award.
Anand Teltumbde
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Anand Teltumbde
Anand Teltumbde in 2020
Born 15 July 1950
Rajur, Maharashtra, India
Nationality Indian
Alma mater Visvesvaraya National Institute of Technology (B.Tech)
Occupation Professor, writer
Spouse(s) Rama Teltumbde
Anand Teltumbde (born 15 July 1950) is an Indian scholar, writer, and civil rights activist who is a management professor at the Goa Institute of Management. He has written extensively about the caste system in India and has advocated for the rights of Dalits.
Life and career
Teltumbde was born on 15 July 1950 in Rajur, a village in the Yavatmal district of Maharashtra state, to a family of Dalit farm labourers. He is the oldest among eight siblings. He is married to Rama Teltumbde who is a granddaughter of B. R. Ambedkar. He earned a mechanical engineering degree from Visvesvaraya National Institute of Technology in 1973, an MBA from the Indian Institute of Management Ahmedabad in 1982 and a PhD from the University of Mumbai in cybernetic modelling in 1993 while working as an executive at Bharat Petroleum. He was also awarded an honorary doctorate (D.Litt) from the Karnataka State Open University.
Teltumbde was an executive at Bharat Petroleum and managing director of Petronet India Limited before becoming an academic. He was a professor at the Indian Institute of Technology Kharagpur and later became a senior professor at the Goa Institute of Management. He contributes a column titled "Margin Speak" to Economic and Political Weekly, and has also contributed to Outlook, Tehelka, and Seminar.
Litigation
On 29 August 2018, the police raided Teltumbde's home, accusing him of having a connection to the 2018 Bhima Koregaon violence and an alleged Maoist plot to assassinate Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Teltumbde denied the allegations but his petition was denied by the Bombay High Court. He was granted interim protection from arrest by the High Court, but he was arrested by the Pune police on 3 February 2019 and released later that day.After his release, Teltumbde accused the government of harassment and of attempting to criminalize dissent. In the course of the investigation, various others have been critical of the handling of the case; Supreme Court Justice D Y Chandrachud in September 2018, questioned the biased nature of the investigation by the Maharashtra Police. Others such as counter-terrorism expert and Executive Director of the Institute for Conflict Management, Ajai Sahni suggested the evidence used against Teltumbde seemed fabricated.
Teltumbde's mobile phone was hacked by Israeli spyware Pegasus through WhatsApp along with over a dozen other activists, lawyers, and journalists in India. Teltumbe had noticed his phone had been "acting up" and was later contacted by Citizen Lab in October 2019.
In February 2019, The Washington Post reported that Teltumbe was arrested as part of "a government crackdown on lawyers and activists" who are critics of Modi. More than 600 scholars and academics issued a joint statement in support of Teltumbde, condemning the government's actions as a "witch-hunt" and demanding an immediate halt to the actions against Teltumbde. In addition, over 150 organizations and intellectuals—including Noam Chomsky and Cornel West—signed a letter to United Nations secretary general António Guterres, describing the charges as "fabricated" and calling for the UN to intervene.
On 16 March 2020, the Supreme Court dismissed Teltumbde's plea for anticipatory bail under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. The Court gave Teltumbde and Navlakha three weeks to surrender. On 8 April, a bench headed by Justice Arun Mishra ordered Teltumbde to surrender to the National Investigation Agency on 14 April. Historians like Romila Thapar condemned the arrest while Amnesty International India expressed its disappointment in light of the UNHCHR guidelines to release all political prisoners due to the COVID-19 pandemic in India.
Selected publications
The Radical in Ambedkar (ed.) (Penguin Random House, New Delhi, 2018) ISBN 978-0670091157
Republic of Caste: Thinking of Equality in the Era of Neoliberalism and Hindutva (Navayana, New Delhi, 2018) ISBN 978-8189059842
Dalits: Past, Present and Future (Routledge, London and New York, 2016) ISBN 978-1138688759
Mahad: The Making of the First Dalit Revolt (Aakar, New Delhi, 2015) ISBN 978-9350023983
The Persistence of Caste (Zed Books, London, 2010) ISBN 9781848134492
Khairlanji: A Strange and Bitter Crop (Navayana, Delhi, 2008) ISBN 978-8189059156
Annihilation of Caste (Ramai, Mumbai, 2005) ISBN 978-9353040772
Hindutva and Dalits: Perspectives for Understanding Communal Praxis (ed.) (Samya, Kolkata, 2005) ISBN 978-8185604756
'Ambedkar' in and for the Post-Ambedkar Dalit Movement (Sugawa, Pune, 1997) ISBN 978-8186182291
Arige Ramaswamy
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Arige Ramaswamy, a noted social activist, politician and social reformer.
Arige Ramaswamy
Born 1885
Died 1973
Occupation Political Leader
Social Reformer
Spouse(s) Rajamma (m.1921) Lalitabai (m.1929)
Early life
Born on 1895 in a Mala family to Arige Balayya at Ramankole, Hyderabad State (now Secunderabad, Andhra Pradesh). He also worked as ticket collector in Nizam's railways.
He was follower of Achala Siddhanta and also the Brahmo Samaj. He founded Sunitha Bala Samajam and carried out social reform among the Dalits.
Movement
He worked along with Bhagya Reddy Varma, S. Venkat Rao and other activists, who organized the Dalits in the early 20th century. Recognising the socio-economic backwardness of Madigas, he formed the Arundhatiya Association for their welfare.
Ramaswamy married a Madiga boy with a Mala girl, which was opposed by Bhagya Reddy Varma and the community members. In 1922, he established Adi Hindu Jathoyonnathi Sabha.
Politics
Later, he joined INC and became Joint Secretary in Telangana Congress and been Minister in state govt. He was also associated with "Grandhalaya (library)" movement.
He died on 23 January 1973 at Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh.
Ayyathan Gopalan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Rao Sahib
Ayyathan Gopalan
Ayyathan Gopalan
Born
Ayyathan Gopalan
3 March 1861
Thalassery
Died 2 May 1948 (aged 87)
Calicut Shanthi Ashram
Resting place Santhi Gardens (Ayathan family cemetry, Calicut)
Nationality Indian
Other names Darsarji, Darsar Sahib
Alma mater Madras Medical College
Occupation
Doctor
professor
social reformer
Known for Physician, Writing, Philanthropy, Social reform in Kerala
Notable work Bhramodarma malayalam (Bible of bhramosamaj)
Saranjiniparinayam and Susheeladukham (Musical dramas)Movement Sugunavardhini movement, Brahmo Samaj
Spouse(s)
Arattupuzha Velayudha Panicker
Dr Ajay S. Sekher
Dr Ajay S. Sekher is currently Assistant Professor of English at Sree Sankaracharya University of Sanskrit, Kalady. He has a Master's degree and PhD (2007) in English from Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam, Kerala. His doctoral research deals with the representation of caste and gender margins in postcolonial Indian fiction. He has published articles and translations on literature and culture in English and Malayalam in leading journals including The Economic and Political Weekly (2003 & 2006). He has also taught at S S University, Kalady (2004-08) and School of Letters, M G University (2008-09). He has also served as Assistant Professor of English at Government College, Thrissur (2011-12) and Govt College Kasaragod (2010-11). His recent published titles include:
Representing the Margin: Caste and Gender in Indian Fiction. Delhi: Kalpaz/Gyan, 2008.
Writing in the Dark: A Collection of Malayalam Dalit Poetry. Mumbay: Vikas Adhyayan Kendra, 2008. (Translation)
Unknown Subjects: Songs of Poykayil Appachan. Kottayam: PRDS, 2007. (Translation)
Samskaram, Prathinidhanam, Prathirodham: Samskara Rashtreeyathilekkulla Kuripukal. Mavelikara: Fabian, 2009.
Irutile Kali. Pathanamthitta: Prasakti, 2007. (Trans. of Toni Morrison’s Playing in the Dark)
Neelimayeriya Kannukal. Kottayam: D C Books, 2009. (Tans. of Toni Morrison’s The Bluest Eye)
Sahodaran Ayyappan: Towards a Democratic Future. Calicut: Other Books, 2012.
Ajay Sekher is also interested in Photography and Painting. He has done groups shows of painting in Kochi and Kottayam (2008 and 2009).
Memory is often short-lived—we forget more than we remember. The moment we forget, we are seized by a collective amnesia that paves way for homogenous and selective interpretations of history. In Kerala, we have all but forgotten the struggles and rebellions that our people fought only a century ago. We have heard of Narayana Guru, but know little about how he came to be or about the turbulent times in the 19th century, when the caste system and Brahmanism ruled supreme. We forget that there are predecessors and models for Kerala’s modernity and its Renaissance. Arattupuzha Velayudha Panicker is a part of that history. The story of the life and struggles of the legendary Velayudha Panicker, or Chekavar, of Arattupuzha (1825–1874) has been kept out of school curricula and the official history by the traditional ruling classes and by the caste hegemonic consensus in Kerala. Recently, however, there has been a renewed interest in the struggle he waged. He fought the violent empire of caste and Hindu Brahmanism in Kerala that still lingers and is assuming fierce proportions with the rise of cultural nationalism in India.
There is a new English novel based on his life, The Leftover, by Dr Rajan Guruvanshy, as well as a recently published historical study in Malayalam by Dalitbandhu N.K. Jose (2017). A foundation was recently formed for the study of Velayudha Panicker’s legacy of ethical and anti-caste resistance. The Arattupuzha Velayudha Panicker Foundation (henceforth, AVP) chapter in Kottayam, for example, which is run by Mr S.P.L. Suresh of Manipuzha, conducts annual art competitions every January for school students, to commemorate his birthday. Some of the monuments that keep his memory alive are a community hall, the temple he found in the early 1850s, and the 250-year old Kallissery traditional household. These are all found in his birthplace, Arattupuzha, in the old Karthikappally Taluk of Alappuzha, near Kayamkulam (Pillai 2010).
As early as the beginning of the 1800s, Panicker was building temples, schools, and libraries for Avarna people, including marginalised community members. He was the first Avarna to do this for his people, particularly in Kerala. He was also one of the first persons to fight for equality against caste Hindu violence that dehumanises the lower castes including rampant instances of public humiliation and violation of the modesty of Avarna women. Later by mid-nineteenth century, he carried these struggles forward in the Kayamkulam, Patisery, and Pandalam rebellions. He was the first social revolutionary in Kerala to question the hegemonic restrictions imposed by caste Hindus regarding the Avarna women’s use of breast cloths and gold ornaments. He is the first rebel in the known local minor histories or heterologous narratives to be immortalised for defying and resisting the caste Hindu feudal lords who perpetuated physical and symbolic violence against the Avarnas in south Kerala (Sathyaprakasam 1998:12).
Velayudha Panicker paved the way for the foundation of social reformation and political protest in the early 19th century in southern Kerala. His struggles eventually culminated in the Kerala Renaissance, carried forward in its most ethical articulations by Narayana Guru, Muloor, Asan, and Sahodaran in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. In this respect, Panicker began the counter-hegemonic resistance movement of those, marginalised, enslaved, and subjugated by Brahmanism and caste for centuries. He set in motion the egalitarian and ethical democratic reformation of Kerala from below, working with people at the grassroots level. He was the first and most important interventionist to kindle the spark of Kerala modernity among its most downtrodden people. In him, we see action and sacrifice directed powerfully towards the achievement of liberty, equality, and fraternity, which was carried forward later by Narayana Guru, Sahodaran, and others. He also was the first to emphasise investment in cultural and educational capital as being key to achieving liberation and the all-round improvement of human qualities. He provided a model for social activism and liberation politics for all excluded and exploited people around the world.
Unique geographical location and local cultural differences
Arattupuzha literally means ‘the river where the annual ceremonial ritual bath of an ancient shrine is conducted’. Many places have the names Arattupuzha and Arattukadavu (Bathing ghats) in Kerala. Arattu refers to the pally neerattu, or the ‘ritual river-bath of the deity of a pally or vihara (monastery) that marks the end of the annual festival’. Alappuzha is a wetland area sandwiched between the Vembanad and Kayamkulam backwaters. Place names that have survived centuries of invasion, attempts at erasure, and cultural hegemony indicate that there were renowned Buddhist centres in this area for more than a millennium (Alexander 1949). Trikunnapuzha and Thottapally in the north are identified as sites of ancient Buddhist viharas and the possible location of Srimulavasam, the renowned southern seat of the Buddha (Ilamkulam 2001:2; Narayanan 2005:23). Ilamkulam argues that Srimulavasam was taken by the sea in the 12th or 13th century. He cites Atula’s Mushakavamsa (considered to have been written in the 10th century C.E.) which records the donations to this Buddhist shrine made by Malabar rulers like Kolathiris. Ilamkulam also argues that the Paliyam copperplate must be appropriately called the ‘Srimulavasam copperplate’, as historical records indicate that it was donated to the shrine by the Ay King, Vikramaditya Varaguna. It is evident that this region of Kerala, including the Karthikappally, Karunagapally, and Tottapally areas, had established Buddhist centres, which were part of a global civilisation of Buddhism that thrived in this area well into the Middle Ages. Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean trade routes provided the connection to Southeast Asia and the western world.
Amidst these ocean-oriented contexts and connections, Arattupuzha constitutes an island paradise, a lagoon-like formation between the sea and the lake. It is a long sandy strip of land between the Arabian Sea and the backwaters of southern Kerala near Kayamkulam. Arattupuzha, in the old Karthikappally Taluk of Alappuzha, lies between Trikkunnapuzha and Valiazheekal. Now, a new bridge connects it to Kayamkulam in the east as well. It is separated from the mainland by Kayamkulam Kayal (backwaters) on the east and the Arabian Sea on the west. It is a land of unique natural and cultural features that dates back to ancient times. The egalitarian spirit of enlightenment still survives in the region.
Sramana cultural legacies and distinct genealogies indicated in toponymy
The ancient history of Kerala’s people survives in family and place names, despite violent conquests and erasures, or Sanskritisation. Even after centuries of elitist alterations and tampering, almost all place and family names have their origins and etymologies in Tamil and Pali (the ancient language of Theravada Buddhism). Studies in toponymy and onomastics indicate that name endings ‘pally’ and chery[i]—abundant even today—originated in ancient Pali and Tamil languages (Valath 1991). Non-Hindus in South India use the word ‘pally’ (denoting a vihara, or basati, a Jain vestige) in South India to mark their holy places of worship and communion. The word pallykkoodam, for school, has the same origin. ‘Chery’ was originally a Buddhist monastery, and later, the term came to denote ‘the dwelling place of Avarnas’[ii]. Place names like Karthikappally, Perumpally, and Dhanapally indicate that there were many ancient sramanapallys (Buddhist viharas or shrines) in the region. Buddhism survived well into the 13th or 14th centuries in this wetland area. Its marshes isolated it from the Brahmanical conquest of central Kerala that began in the 7th century, which had, by the early Middle Ages, extended to large parts of the rest of what is now Kerala. That Buddhism in the Mahayana form survived until as late as the 16th century in some smaller areas like Vaikom, Kilirur, and Nilamperur, can be attributed to the Chera prince, Pallyvanar II. There are several popular legends about this and P. C. Alexander, S. N. Sadasivan and the present author have extensively written on it.
A collusion of priests and militia resulted in the capture of these ancient pallys in the Middle Ages, and their conversion into Hindu Brahmanical Kshetras (temples). Purity-pollution rules and the institutionalised practice of untouchability were imposed. The still-surviving architecture of these ancient shrines and old households in Kerala is identical to the Buddhist architecture in China, Japan, and Korea, indicating its close connections and past linkages through various schools of Buddhism such as Theravada, Mahayana, and Vajrayana. The Kallissery Nalukettu (traditional Kerala household with four wings and a central yard) that still exists in Mangalam, Arattupuzha, is a prime example. It may be observed that an ettukettu (eightfold structure), has numerical analogies related to the ‘eightfold path and four noble truths’ of the teachings of Buddha. It was built 250 years ago by Perumal Chekor, the grandfather of Velayudhan. The place name ‘Mangalam’ also has Buddhist connections through the ‘Mahamangala Sutta’. The Ilamko epic Silapatikaram on Kannaki also refers to her as a patini or mangala devi as enshrined in the Mangala Devi Kottam (temple) which is in Kumily, in the Western Ghats. There are numerous places in South India and Sri Lanka that have ‘mangalam’ in their names.
Sramanapallys, and the communities they were a part of, survived in isolated wetland areas of Kerala even after the conquests of Brahmanic forces in the 8th and 9th centuries, specifically in the Vembanad, Kayamkulam, Ashtamudi, and Sasthamkotta backwaters. The significance of the number eight in Ashtamudi also suggests a reference to the ‘eightfold path’. There are other linguistic references in Kerala connected to the significance of the number eight (ettu in Malayalam), such as ettum-pottum or ettinte-pani, It is also remarkable to observe that Sramana traditions in the corrupted and disguised form of Chathan worship also survived in the western part of the Thrissur Kole wetlands. Peringottukara and its Kanady Madom are cases in point. The same Chathan Seva (worship of Chathan) is happening in Kattumadam Mana in a Brahmanical way in Vannerinadu, in the north, on the southern banks of the river Nila. It may also be remembered that the Sanskrit text, Tantra Samuchayam, was written by Chennas Nambutiripad in Vannerinadu in the 16th century, to assimilate the Tantric cults related to Vajrayana, which was still flourishing in the region in the late Middle Ages.
Hegemonic invasions and appropriations
It should also be noted that Tantric practices are integrated more deeply into the Nambutiri Brahmanism of Kerala than in any other region in India. The temple system is controlled by the Brahmanic priestocracy, including the Tantris, Mel, and Kizh Santis, which indicates that they were Vajrayanis and Mahayanis in the past. The meaning of the caste name ‘Nambutiri’ refers to one whose faith (nambu) has shifted, in this case from Buddhism to Brahmanism. This is perhaps why they are considered to be ‘lower’ Brahmans by the Brahmans of North India, and why the Nambutiris are identical in appearance to Keralites with Avarna or Buddhist lineages. In their house names as well, Pali root words like ‘pally’ and ‘chery’ are abundant. These families were related to Avarna households through kinship or ritual-pollution linkages, and through the traditional sacred laundry system of vannatimatu. The Azhvanchery Brahman lord (tampran) was given the position of supreme leader of Brahmanism in Kerala, as he was the first Buddhist scholar to convert to Vedic Brahmanism in northern Kerala. Even so, ‘chery’ remains part of his household name, retaining the reference to ‘the abode of the Buddhist monks’ earlier, and ‘Avarna’ later.
Naga deities in the sacred groves of households to the south west of Kallissery are another indication of the antiquity of those families. According to local people, there were four such groves that no longer exist. Animism and nature worship were encouraged by Buddhist nuns and monks who created these sangha aramas (sacred groves), for eco-cultural conservation among the common people. There is an old folk saying dating from Asokan conservationist culture, that if you disturb the kavu (grove), then the kulam (pond) will dry up. After embracing Buddhism, Asoka the Great, who ruled in the 3rd century BC, instituted an ethical administration, which encouraged a culture of environmental conservation supported by official policy.
Exclusion and survival in the margins
During the Middle Ages, followers of Buddhism and Jainism were pushed to the eastern frontiers of Kerala, and into the highest elevations of the Western Ghats. They were forced into these areas by Brahmanism and its subservient Sudra henchmen, which together were called the Savarna (caste Hindus). This was the elitist and hegemonic culture of Kerala that is a product of the infamous ‘sexual colonies’, and of the nocturnal alliance called sambandham that gave birth to the manipravalam wedlock-culture and writing (Ilamkulam 2001). Achankovil, Sabarimala, and Anamalai Sramana settlements are relics of these ravaged cultures that are now being Hinduised.
The very place name Arattupuzha is associated with Perumpally, which lies to its south. ‘Arattupuzha’ refers to the annual celebration in the pally called arattu, which is still retained by Savarna Hinduised temples, as is the annual ritual of pally vetta.[xi] The huge river or puzha here was used for the ritual bathing ceremony of the deity of Perumpally, which literally means ‘large Buddhist shrine’.
Because of their historic struggles with Brahmanism, caste, and its subservient henchmen, the Kallissery Ezhava household in Arattupuzha produced generations of warriors who were well-trained in martial arts, such as kalaripayattu, medical practices like Ayurveda, and astrology. They were also well-versed in Sanskrit, and some members of that household, including the grandfather of Velayudha (Kalliseril Perumal Chekor) were experts in even the ‘tulunadan’ style of kalari (Vasavapanicker 1980:12)[xii]. It is evident that they were associated with the protection of the Perumpally here, and even after the Savarna conquests, they preserved some of their self-defence practices and were able to effectively resist Savarna aggression and violence in the 18th and 19th centuries.
The retention of kallu or kall (stone) in the name of the household is also evidence of a connection with Sramana, as kallu is associated with those place names with affixes like ‘Kottam’ or ‘Vattam’ or ‘Kuti’—all referring to the ancient stone-based architecture introduced by the Sramana sages in Kerala. Examples of this are Kallil, Pappinivattom, and Kuttippuram (Valath 1991).
Fighting back and fighting caste in 19th century Kerala
Recently, there has been a renewed interest in his struggle against the violent empire of caste and Hindu Brahmanism that still linger and have assumed fierce proportions. A foundation was formed recently to study his ethical and anti-caste resistance legacy. A community hall, the temple founded by him, and the Kallissery household are some of the monuments that still preserve his memory in his birthplace, Arattupuzha.
The Sramana people of South Kerala—later known as Avarnas, or untouchables under Hindu Brahmanism because of their Sramana ancestry—were severely oppressed in the early Middle Ages by the invading Brahmanical conquests that were carried out by the Sudra militias. The Bahujans, or Buddhist people, were caught—literally—between the devil and the deep sea. In this context, we may also remember Boddhi Dharma (‘Damo’ or ‘Tamo’ in many parts of the world), who fled to China in the 6th century (when Brahmanism came south into the Pallava and Chera kingdoms), and there performed ‘kalari’ as kung fu in the Shaolin Temple. The Tamils celebrate him as a Pallava prince from Kanchi. Some Dalit artists and activists in Kerala also claim that he is a Chera prince from Vanchi or Muziris or Kodungallur. Thus, it is clear that the self-defence practices of kalari, Kung Fu, taekwondo, and karate have a common Buddhist origin that dates to Asokan times.
Multilateral and cultural resistance
Velayudha Chekavar established a brotherhood of sociocultural activists made up of young men from the untouchable community of Arattupuzha (Jose 2017; Sathyaprakasam1998:12). He established a troupe and school called ‘kaliyogam’ or ‘kalari’, which trained young Avarnas to perform Kathakali—something that they were officially prohibited from doing. This lasted till his death and produced many artists from the untouchable community. Sudras furiously protested Kathakali performances by untouchable youths and tried unsuccessfully to ban them, but Panicker went on to help Avarnas in Changanassery and Kottayam to establish their own kaliyogams, or clubs, in their localities (Gopan 2006; Sathyaprakasam 1998:13). In his doctoral dissertation, C. Gopan elaborates on the involvement of Panicker with the Chakasery Ezhava household, and the successful staging of Kathakali performances in places near Kottayam in the mid-19th century. Panicker and his sons, along with friends from various Dalit Bahujan communities, performed on stage, refuting caste taboos and customs, and thereby, infuriating the caste henchmen who unleashed a series of physical and legal battles against them. According to the caste Hindu men, Panicker and his followers were Sudras, and the Ezhavas were Chandals or Avarnas—untouchables. According to them, it was against the Varnasramadharma tradition to allow Avarnas to perform the roles of the gods of Hindu Sanatana Dharma on stage before the ceremonial lamp, wearing ornaments and the divine crown.
Velayudha Panicker also supported the most marginalised communities—now known as Dalits—by running night schools and kalaris for them (Jose 2017). His institutions were open to all sections of society. He also supported them by assisting them with building new huts and renewing old thatches. This interest in members of the lowest social strata later influenced Avarna poets like Muloor to compose his well-known Pulavrithangal, which portrayed the life and struggles of Dalits (Sathyaprakasam 1998:13). Narayana Guru’s model for the housing and education of Dalit children in his ashrams (refuge) was deeply influenced by the earlier fraternal groups established by Arattupuzha. Social change and conversion was in the air in Nanjinad in the mid-19th century, soon after the missionary intervention in south Travancore, in relation to the breast cloth controversy and the Channar revolt; Panicker spread the word of sociocultural change among the people and prompted Avarna women to cover their breasts with cloths in public. In the Kayamkulam Market, when an Avarna woman was stripped and humiliated by Nair men, Panicker and his followers retaliated immediately with counter attacks (Sekher 2017; Sathyaprakasam 1998:13).
The Sudra lords who carried out the heinous crime of violating women’s modesty in public were sentenced to death and executed immediately. This shocked the Savarna hegemony around Kayamkulam and ended it forever. Panicker distributed breast cloths to Avarna women to wear in public, and from then on, no agent of Brahmanism dared to touch any Avarna women in and around Kayamkulam (Jose 2017; Sathyaprakasam 1998:13).
Freedom, fraternity, and equality
To add to this terror treatment, Panicker told the Avarnas (Dalit Bahujans) not to work for the Savarna upper castes. The Nair feudal lords were brought to their knees by this labour refusal. They publicly apologised before the humiliated Avarna woman, and only then did Panicker withdraw his labour strike. During this time, he gave food and minimum wages to thousands of agricultural labourers in the region (Sathyaprakasam 1998:14). Clearly, such early labour strikes must have influenced later Dalit leaders like Ayyankali to organise protest strikes for educational rights. According to several reports in Satyaprakasm and Dalitbandhu in Pandalam Market, too, this was repeated. Panicker made and distributed at least 1,000 gold nose rings among Avarna women in Pandalam and asked them to wear them in public. No Nair lord dared touch them. This historic episode is known as the Mukuti Struggle.
Velayudha Panicker also practised inter-caste dining. He enjoyed inter-caste meals with Dalits—mostly Pulayas and Parayas—of his region, which was a shocking thing to do in early 19th century Kerala (Sathyaprakasam 1998:15). Sahodaran Ayyappan, who organised the first documented inter-caste dining in the history of Kerala at Cherai in 1917, must have been inspired by the oral history on Arattupuzha Velayudha Panicker and his practice of this same radically subversive act almost a century before and a few hundred miles south (Sekher 2012).
Selfless sacrifice and multiple ethical legacies
A henchman sent by the caste Hindu lords assassinated Panicker as he slept in his boat in the Kayamkulam Kayal near Perumpally. He was 49 years old. It is believed that Topiyitta Kittan, a new convert to Islam, was probably hired by the Brahmanical ruling class to carry out this heinous act. He had been an employee of Chekavar but had been fired on account of fraud at the Kallissery estate. The caste Hindu forces were able to make him channel his resentment into committing this murder. We may also remember the popular local narratives on the encounter between the ‘Robin Hood of Kerala’, Kayamkulam Kochunni, and Panicker. According to this story, when the former tried to kill Panicker in his sleep, he suddenly woke and caught Kochunni red-handed, but then spared his life. Chekavar showed that clemency and generosity because he was aware that Kochunni was also an Avarna and from a Buddhist lineage, even though he was a Muslim. He also knew that it was the caste Hindu forces behind this assassination attempt, and thus spared his brother’s life. Arattupuzha was assassinated in a criminal act by Brahmanical agents. However, the spirit of resistance and rebellion against hegemony was born and the cause of social justice and human rights lives on. The agenda of radical revolution, and democratic cultural politics and struggle unleashed by this immortal activist against the caste and Savarna Brahmanic hegemony of Kerala was unique, contemporary, and way ahead of its time.
His activism was based on concrete socio-political intervention and change. He also stressed the importance of art and culture in emancipation. His practice of kalari martial arts, Ayurveda, astrology, and Kathakali articulate the significance of representation, cultural politics, and cultural capital in his struggle for equity and justice. His mode of temple installations reinforces the spiritual quests, needs, and awakening of the masses on ethical and spiritual planes.
His local institution buildings, including schools and libraries, embody the primacy of welfare governance and constitutional frameworks. His counter-resistance and physical revolts reinforce the social and material mobility of the subaltern. He offers an inspiring example to social activists, radical reformers, and cultural policy planners, as well as to people in governance and social activists. He has inspired generations of social reformers, philosophers, spiritual leaders, cultural activists, and democratic fighters, and remains a source of inspiration for future democratic struggles in and around Kerala.
Martyrdom and iconic status in anti-caste early renaissance struggles
The moment you alight at Mangalam, in Arattupuzha, the small but beautiful temple, surrounded by white sand, and the community hall erected in the memory of Velayudha Panicker, will catch your eye. There is a huge banyan tree at the bus stop, situated between the road and the Arabian Sea, and plenty of peepal trees around the temple. The lotus pond, and another pond with green water plants, are cool and soothing. Unfortunately, however, the temple is now under renovation and the original simplicity, accessibility, and openness are giving way to closed caste Hindu models.
The temple in Mangalam was founded by Panicker in early 1851. In 1856, he built one more temple in Cheruvaranam, near Chertalai. Kandiyur Matatil Viswanadhan Gurukkal, a Virasaiva Tantri, performed the consecration for him. He allowed all people, irrespective of caste, creed, or gender, to enter and worship in these temples. It is important to note that this happened almost three decades before Narayana Guru’s Aruvippuram installation of 1888[xv]. Narayana Guru received his education at the Varanapally household on the eastern banks of Kayamkulam Kayal (where Panicker found his wife, Velumbi). He was clearly aware of the socio-spiritual and anti-caste legacy of Velayudha Panicker. N.K. Jose observes that Narayana Guru had even gone twice to meet Chekavar during his educational years at Varanapally and Kummanpally in Kayamkulam, but was unsuccessful. It is notable that Narayana Guru received his basic primary education from the Kudipallykoodam system in Kerala, which is a clear relic of Buddhist pallys and pallykoodams. Kudi and pura also refer to the earliest Buddhist settlements. Chattambi Swamikal, Narayana Guru’s elder contemporary, also received his primary education at Pettayil Raman Pilla Asan’s kudipallykoodam and kalari near Trivandrum. Despite being the son of a Brahman, he was denied the Sanskritic Gurukula entry along with Brahman Unnis (boys) because he was accused of having a Sudra mother.
As an early 19th century activist and interventionist against caste and Brahmanism, Panicker tried to acquire the cultural and symbolic capital monopolised by Savarnas—temple worship, education, learning, arts like Kathakali, and religious ritual practices including temple rituals. That is why during the 1840s and 1850s he travelled extensively along the western coast of India, to Vaikom, Guruvayoor, and even up to Goa. He disguised himself as a Brahman to enter Brahmanical temples there, and find out the subtle nuances and cultural distinctions of Brahmanical tantric worship. After a great deal of observation and study, he composed a simple and egalitarian ritual and performed his own idol installations in south Kerala in the 1850s. This observation and critical appropriation by Panicker could not be rejected as mere Sanskritisation and imitation. It is something beyond cultural mimicry, having greater historic reasons, political goals, and strategic essentialism. These current Hindu temples were all Buddhist shrines and pallys or viharas that had been modified into Brahmanical ones after the Middle Ages through hegemonic appropriations, Saiva-Vaishnava devotional frenzy, the alliance of priests and militia, and cheating of the people (Ilamkulam 2001; Alexander 1949; Gopalakrishnan 2008). After the takeover, the original owners were cast away as untouchables and even ‘un-seeables’. They were even violently killed for coming near the old shrines, as in the 1806 Dalavakulam massacre at Vaikom Shrine, which was one of the last Mahayana pallys to be converted in the mid-16th century.
Spiritual and cultural politics and strategies for the people
Legend has it that Brahmanical henchmen chased Panicker even up to Cherthala, from Guruvayoor, on finding out that he was an Avarna or untouchable Ezhava. He travelled by traditional boat (with paddles), by horse, and by elephant during his expeditions and explorations along the south coast. Because of this, local people still cherish his memory and talk about him as a saviour, martyr, and ethical fighter for human dignity and rights. He was indeed a martyr. Through various kinds of struggles against caste Hindu hegemony, he worked tirelessly for the liberation of his community and that of similar Avarna communities in his region who had Buddhist genealogies of writing, learning and resistance. His historic struggle in 1867, against the Edapally prince for the freedom of movement, is a true forerunner of Ayyankali’s Villuvandi struggles in the 1890s.
Mr Raveendran, who runs a hotel near the temple at Mangalam, has a portrait of Panicker on the wall, and is articulate about his legacy. People in the locality still remember the primary school and small library founded by Panicker in Arattupuzha in the early 1850s. Though these pioneering institutions vanished after Panicker’s assassination, the memories and emancipating spirit are still with the local people. A library, established in 1924, is named after Asan near the temple and the Kallissery household that still survives.
Greater cultural legacies and shared history
The Kallissery Nalukettu, made of teak by his grandfather Perumal Chekor in the 17th century, has survived the ravages of time, although some parts are demolished and in decay. The government should take immediate steps to protect this historic monument and preserve it for posterity as a museum of cultural history, social justice, and human rights in Kerala. It should be developed into a local museum of the Kerala Renaissance and modernity.
The surrounding government schools, temple, ponds, library, community hall, and Kallissery household should be transformed into a cultural complex and become part of the shared heritage of Arattupuzha, Alappuzha, and Kerala in general. The ancient household and the associated monuments of this legendary fighter of caste could form an appropriate memorial for the Kerala Renaissance as well. Archaeological studies and excavations on this narrow land bridge, which includes Thottapally, Trikunnapuzha, Arattupuzha, and Perumpally, may also reveal vital treasures related to Kerala’s Buddhist past and its world connections. Trikunnapuzha is the historical site of a world renowned vihara called Srimulavasam (Ilamkulam 2001; Narayanan 2005). The government should initiate a ‘Srimulavasam cultural project’—in the manner of the Muziris heritage project—to locate and conserve this ecologically and culturally sensitive landscape. This would attract the world’s attention and enhance support for Buddhist countries in Southeast Asia.
Notes
Chery is originally the monastic settlement of Buddhists and later from the middle ages after Hinduization, it denotes the settlements and slums of Avarnas or untouchables outside the Chaturvarnya who had Buddhist lineages.
Historians like Ilamkulam and Valath have suggested this notion on many occasions. It is also in the common parlance used in Kerala. Lamasery or the abode of the Lamas is an example in English, originally from Tibetan. Lamas are Tibetan Vajrayana monks.
The Mangala Sutta is a discourse (Pali: sutta) of the Buddha on the subject of 'blessings' (mangala, also translated as 'good omen' or 'auspices' or 'good fortune'.
Kannaki is a legendary Tamil woman who forms the central character of the Tamil epic Silapathikaram (100-300 AD).
Patini is a virtuous wife figure, Mangaladevi is a Buddhist and Jain auspicious deity having affiliations with Mahamaya or Tara or the Jain Yakshis.
Cheran Chenguttuvan, the king of ancient Tamilakam, had erected the temple for Kannaki around 2000 years back at Vannathiparai and called it 'Kannagi Kottam' or 'Mangaladevi Kannagi temple' and performed regular pujas.
These are commonly used phrases that gives various meanings to the number eight, all derived from the 8fold paths or Ashtangamarga of the Buddha.
Chathan a corrupt Hinduized form of Sasta or Boddhisatva of Buddhism.
Peringottukara is a village in the western coastal side of India, located in the western side of the Thrissur District which is one of the 14 districts of Kerala. The famous Chathan seva temples are located in Peringottukara, such as Peringottukara Devasthanam, Avanangattu Kalari, Kanadi Madom.
Followers of Vajrayana and Mahayana Buddhist traditions respectively.
The ritual hunt in a Pally and now in a Hindu temple as part of annual festival.
Related to Tulunad the northern most tip of Kerala above Kasaragod bordering with south Karnataka up to Konkan.
I have visited Arattupuzha on many occasions since May 19, 2011, and have seen mementos of this great 19th century anti-caste crusader. I have longed to visit since I began my doctoral dissertation on caste and marginality in Kerala and India. These places are rich with the history of resistance by culturally and economically marginalised people against caste, Brahmanism, and the Savarna hegemonic elitist culture of Kerala. Mr K.K. Kunnath, playwright and local historian from Perumpally, south of Arattapuzha, spoke to me in May, 2001, about the anti-caste legacy of Velayudha Panicker.
In recent times, another narrative has been created by caste Hindu forces and elite pundits, claiming that Muslim men humiliated the Ezhava women in Kayamkulam Market. This version is strategically deployed by caste Hindu spokespersons to create a schism between Ezhavas and Muslims. If these large Other Backward Caste (OBC) groups form an alliance, it will be the end of the Brahman-Sudra caste Hindu alliance in Kerala. Through such cunning narratives, the caste Hindu hegemony achieves two things—to absolve itself of the historical heinous crime, and to thrust it upon the ‘demonised other’ of the Muslim ‘terrorist’ or ‘anti-social’. This is an easily available communal strategy to orchestrate this kind of divide and rule over the Avarnas and minorities. The same tactics were used by caste Hindu lords to assassinate Arattupuzha, using a newly converted Muslim called Topiyitta Kittan (the Kittan who wore a skullcap). Such an act can instigate a communal feud and the real perpetrators would go unrecognised.
Arun Ferreira
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Arun Ferreira is an Indian activist. He was arrested in 2007 for alleged links to the Indian Naxalite movement and spent five years in prison before he was acquitted in 2012. He began a career as a criminal lawyer defending political prisoners. He was arrested again in August 2018 and is currently lodged in Taloja prison along with other accused of the 2018 Bhima Koregaon violence.
Early life
Ferreira’s career and interests in social activism were strongly influenced by his close relationship with his family, specifically his uncle, Father Raymond D’Silva, who was also a liberation theologist. As a member of the All-India Catholic University Students’ Association, he began to explore the strong social sinfulness of the millions of impoverished people and why there is so much poverty while at the same time india is abundant in resources. D’Silva taught many Catholic youths about the strong social imbalances between the wealthy, and the impoverished. Ferreira was raised hearing about the unequal distribution of resources and the rich who always remained in control.
Ferreira’s attended St Xaviers College in early 1990s and as a student, he took a large part in an organization called Cheshire home, assisting in reading to blind children and orphans.. Arun also became interested in liberation theology, and then grew to express his thoughts about liberation overpowering theology, and soon adopted a more radical view of politics and the rights that human beings should be given and graduated in 1993 from St. Xavier.
After graduating, Ferreira worked in favor of the slum-dwellers and squatters of Mumbai, where he became involved in helping slum rehabilitation at Dindoshi where he worked for the relocation of slums from Colaba to Goregaon.
Education
Ferreira attended St Xaviers College in Mumbai. During his time there, he was known to aid the annual blood donation drive by sketching caricatures for those who donated blood.
From 2014 to 2016, he attended Siddharth Law College and received his degree in law.
Work
He moved to Chandrapur in 2001 until 2006 when along with Arun Bhelke, he started the Deshbhakti Yuva Manch to recruit more youths for the banned outfit, Communist Party of India (Maoist). Arun was horrified at the brutal killings of four members of a dalit family on September 29, 2006 in Khairlanji village (Bhandara district) and the police and government’s attempt at a coverup. Arun was active in the post-Khairlanji protests — the protesters’ endeavour was to hasten the emergence of an uncompromising leadership among the dalits, and to find support for the dalit cause among the underprivileged kunbis, marathas and “other backward classes”. He was also organising students in Chandrapur, some of whom (of the Deshbakth Yuva Sanghatan) have since been persecuted by the police.As reported by the Chandrapur superintendent of police, Cherring Dorje, Ferreira used to run a government banned organisation named Vidyarthi Pragati Sangathana in Mumbai. The Vidyarthi Pragati Sanghatana is a student organisation that took many struggles and campaigns for the rights of students and other oppressed sections. With his VPS comrades, Arun Ferreira hoped to transform a class- and caste-ridden country into a more just and equitable one. He was a big part of the organisation’s decision-making process, fighting for the democratisation of student councils in the various colleges, cultivating student-worker and student-peasant solidarity, the latter, buttressed by its “go-to-the-village”campaigns.
He was arrested in his late 30s on May 8, 2007 under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) on charges of sedition and spent four years and eight months at the Nagpur jail. Here he began to draw and these sketches marked the beginning of Ferreira’s book Colours of the Cage (Aleph).
In 2008, Arun Ferreira started a hunger strike along with other imprisoned activists. Over the course of his sentence, Arun Ferreira had 11 cases filed against him under the UAPA and the Arms Act.
After his acquittal in 2011, Ferreira completed his degree from Siddharth Law College and began working as a lawyer in December 2016. He then became a part of the ‘Indian Association of People’s Lawyers’ and the ‘Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights’. IAPL was created to gather lawyers involved in the legal support of collective struggles for people’s rights and in situations of gross rights violations. The main objective of the CPDR has been to educate people on their democratic rights as provided in the Constitution of India and struggle against violation of civil rights by the state as well as civil society elements. Arun Ferreira carried out social work with an NGO, Naujawan Bharat Sabha, which was a left-wing Indian association that sought to foment revolution against the British Raj, (the rule by the British Crown in the Indian subcontinent), by gathering together worker and peasant youths. This social work was deemed “covert Naxalite activity” which was cause for more charges. Arun works to protect rights of minorities and is critical of the Indian Prime Minister, Narendra Modi. Arun stated in a 2015 interview that there has been in increase in attacks on Christians and Muslims since Modi came to power. He believes the government is responsible for anti-minority propaganda and stirring feelings of hate towards minorities.
Arrests
2007 arrest and imprisonment
Ferreira was arrested under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, and imprisoned in 2007. He spent four years and eight months in Nagpur jail as a political under trial. He was kept in solitary confinement. During this time, he took up cartooning again. All of his charges were dropped in September 2011 only for him to be arrested again in 2012. He was released on 4 January 2012 with the dropping of all his charges. His lawyer at the time was Surendra Gadling.
On his release, he published a book on his experiences in prison, titled Colours of the Cage. In his book, he detailed his own experiences of torture and solitude, the life of prisoners, and the policies that govern them. In his memoir, he recounted many instances of the harsh nature of the Nagpur jail and the harsh questioning tactics used by the police. While Ferreira was being questioned, not only was he interrogated by the local Nagpur police, he was questions by officers from the Anti-Naxal cell he was placed in along with the Anti-Terrorism Squad, the Intelligence Bureau and even the Special Intelligence Bureau of Andhra Pradesh. He was interrogated for ten days. After all preliminary interrogation techniques failed, he was transported to a Hospital where the government authorized sodium pentothal to be used for Ferreira’s narco-analysis where he was questioned while under the influence of the drug. This ensured that the forensic scientists and psychologists could get true answers about Ferreira’s background as an activist. While in jail, the Nagpur Police continued to carry out searches in Ferreira’s residence and spread the news that he was a high-ranking leader of the banned Communist Party of India and he was responsible for spreading violence around the country. Ferreira denies any news about spreading violence and harming citizens. On 29 January 2014, he was acquitted of all charges .
2018 arrest
In August 2018, Ferreira was again arrested for connections to organizing “Elgaar Parishad”, an event that marks the 200th year of the Battle of Bhima Koregaon on January 1, 2018. The Battle of Bhima Koregaon is controversial in India with right-wing groups claiming that it was a battle between British and Indian rulers and left-wing groups claiming that the battle was a victory against caste-based oppression. The event was violent and allegedly, the police had uncovered a letter that included plans to assassinate the Prime Minister. Currently, Ferreira is under house arrest with policeman posted in his complex after the Supreme Court intervened in the arrest. His arrest was part of a multi-city operation by the Pune Police, in which they also arrested Sudha Bharadwaj, Varavara Rao, Vernon Gonsalves and Gautam Navlakha, and raided the residences of Anand Teltumbde, Fr Stan Lourduswamy SJ and K. Satyanarayana.
Aruna Kori
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Minister of Women and Culture Development
In office
15 March 2012 – 19 March 2017
Constituency Bilhaur, kanpur
Personal details
Born 15 March 1973
Nationality Indian
Political party Pragatisheel Samajwadi Party (Lohiya) (2019-present)
Samajwadi Party (before 2019)
Spouse(s) Umesh Chandra Kori
Residence Sahdullapur, PAC road kanpur, Uttar Pradesh
Profession Politician
Aruna Kori (born 15 March 1973) is an Indian politician and social Worker. She represented to Bilhaur constituency as MLA by Samajwadi Party. And she was also the Minister of Women Welfare and Culture of Government of Uttar Pradesh,
Early life and education
A leader of Pragatisheel Samajwadi Party, Kori started his career at Samajwadi Party and She is the first woman to be Uttar Pradesh Minister of Women and Child development. She has been elected first time as a Member of member of legislative assembly from Bilhaur, kanpur. She is the Uttar Pradesh youngest Women Minister.
Political life
Arun Kumari Kori, 39, was the only woman minister in the council of 48 ministers of Uttar Pradesh. She is being entrusted with the portfolios of women welfare and culture.
However, there is a confusion regarding her name. She was sworn in as Aruna Kori, not Arun Kumari Kori, her correct name. "Actually my name was entered there as Aruna Kumari and even during oath taking ceremony it was mentioned as Aruna Kumari, which is why I signed and took oath as Aruna Kumari," says Arun Kumari Kori.
It's not only about her name. Even there is a confusion regarding her age. While contesting elections in 2007, she declared her age as 35 in her affidavit to the election commission. While in 2012 she mentioned her age as 38. Clearing this confusion she said, "My date of birth is 11th March 1973. Somebody wrongly wrote my age as 35 in the affidavit in 2007."
Who is to blame for this? No points for guessing. That's where the controversy ends as of now. Here starts the fairy tale of Arun Kumari Kori.
Being a Dalit and a young female face of the Samajwadi Party, she perfectly fits the bill. Samajwadi Party, undergoing change, decided to induct her in the ministerial council of young Akhilesh Yadav, the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. Akhilesh himself is just 38.
Though she is very young but she could very well be called a veteran in politics. She fought election a year before Akhilesh fought his first election. At the age of 26, she was a Samajwadi Party candidate from Ghatampur in the 1999 Lok Sabha elections. She almost caused an upset losing election by only 105 votes. She was defeated by Bahujan Samajwadi Party's heavyweight Pyare Lal Sankhwar. She got 1,56,477 votes. Pyare Lal Sankhwar got 1,56,582 votes.
To put it in perspective, Akhilesh fought his first election in 2000. He became an MP when he contested a by-election in Kannauj - a seat vacated by his father, Mulayam Singh Yadav. He has been the Kannauj MP since. Now even he has to vacate this seat very soon.
It was a good start to Arun Kumari's political career. Considering she just graduated in MA (Sociology) in 1996 from Kanpur University and within three years she was about to win a Lok Sabha seat, couldn't be called a bad start in any sense. She attributes her entry into politics to her father-in-law, Buddha Chandra.
"My father-in-law retired as DIG and joined Samajwadi Party. He was made a MLC and also a minister. He is the one who brought me into politics," says Arun Kumari.
In 2002, she was given a SP ticket to contest Assembly elections in 2002 from Bhognipur, a reserved seat from Kanpur Dehat. She came out with flying colours. She defeated her closest rival Nirmala Sankhwar of BSP by a margin of almost 10 thousand votes.
However, in 2007, she could not hold on to her seat. She was defeated by Raghunath Prasad of BSP by only 3,096 votes. She got 33,733 votes. Raghunath Prasad got 36,829 votes. Samajwadi Party also fared badly. They could win only 80 seats, a complete turnaround of fortune. In 2002 they had won 143 seats.
Come 2012, Arun did what she was supposed to do. Riding an anti-Mayawati wave, she won from Bilhaur, a reserved seat (SC) from Kanpur Dehat, by a handsome margin. She got 87,804 votes. Her nearest rival Kamlesh Chandra Diwakar of BSP got 71,747 votes.
Being only a second time MLA, she was not expected to be a minister this time. But her selection was done more in order to appease communities and caste equations than in keeping with Akhilesh's youth image, it seems.
She knows that a lot is expected of her. "I am feeling very good. Being the only woman minister, I will try to raise issues regarding women," she said.
She is one of those politicians who have no criminal record against her. She has assets worth Rs 59 lakhs (as declared in her affidavit), a sum considered modest these days for a politician.
Ashok Row Kavi
Photo Source: UAA Safezon/Facebook
Dubbed as the father of India’s gay community, Ashok Row Kavi has been at the forefront of Indian gay rights movement since the 1980s. The 69-year-old began his career in journalism in 1974 with The Indian Express. In his early years, he found it difficult to deal with his sexuality and joined the Ramakrishna Mission as a monk. A senior Hindu monk encouraged him to leave the monastery and engage in activism to explore and express his identity freely. Ashok founded India’s first gay magazine, Bombay Dost in 1990. He has been a representative at the International AIDS Conference in Amsterdam and was among the first people to speak openly about gays and gay rights in India. His coming out interview was published in Savvy magazine in 1986 and led to a huge uproar. He has worked constantly towards providing a platform for active participation of homosexuals in public life in the country. Currently, he is the founder-chairperson of Humsafar Trust, an LGBT and health organization that works towards legalizing homosexuality, gender awareness, and sexual minorities outreach.
From Wikipedia
Ashok Row Kavi (Amma)
Ashok Row Kavi
Born 1 June 1947, Mumbai, India
Occupation Writer and LGBT activist
Life
He was born in Mumbai on 1 June 1947. He graduated with honours in Chemistry from the University of Bombay. Later, he dropped out of engineering college. Due to his early difficulty in dealing with his homosexuality, he enrolled as a Hindu monk in the Ramakrishna Mission and studied theology.[2] Encouraged by a senior monk, he left the monastery to freely explore and express his homosexuality. He has also studied at the International Institute for Journalism.
Career
In a journalism career spanning 18 years, he worked in various newspapers and magazines, including India's largest circulated newspaper Malayala Manorama (as Western India Bureau-Chief), Sunday Mail and The Daily. For six years he was also senior reporter covering Science and Technology in The Indian Express group of newspapers. His career as a journalist began in 1974 with The Indian Express and was the chief reporter with The Free Press Journal from 1984 to 1989.
In 1971, he started Debonair, with friend Anthony Van Braband and later in 1990, he founded Bombay Dost, India's first gay magazine. He was a representative at the International AIDS Conference in Amsterdam and served as chairman of the Second International Congress on AIDS.
Although he retired from journalism in 1990, he has worked at providing a formal platform for homosexuals to become actively involved in public life and institutions through media, advocacy, co-operation and community-building. Row Kavi was the first person to openly talk about homosexuality and gay rights in India. His first coming out interview appeared in Savvy magazine in 1986. His mother, Shobha Row Kavi, also gave an interview to the same magazine; it was the first time that a mother spoke about her son's homosexuality to the Indian media.
Activism
At the present, he is founder-chairperson of the Humsafar Trust, an LGBT rights and health services NGO, which also agitates for the legal emancipation of homosexuality in India. The trust's work comprises community work, outreach into the gay and MSM groups, advocacy on gender and sexuality issues concerning sexual minorities and research into sexuality and gender issues. Besides running several intervention programmes (funded by national and international organisations and private donors) for HIV/AIDS and sexually transmitted infections in Mumbai and Goa, Row Kavi and the trust have been lobbying with policy making bodies as well as supporting similar upcoming groups across the country.
In 1998, Row Kavi received a fellowship to design model questionnaires in the MSM sector at the Center for AIDS Prevention Studies (CAPS), University of California, San Francisco. Row Kavi has been a participant in various international and national fora, including the ICAAPs and the International HIV/AIDS Conferences, where he has made at least five oral presentations. As head of Humsafar, he has also organised the first 'Looking into the Next Millennium' conference of 32 MSM NGOs in Mumbai in May 2001 and co-organized the first ILGA-Asia conference in Mumbai in October 2002.
Row Kavi has been a regular contributor to newspapers, magazines and journals around the world, on homosexuality, gay rights and issues around HIV/AIDS. He is an active supporter of organisations like the Gay Bombay a LGBT social organisation in Mumbai.
Row Kavi is also NGO representative, Executive Committee, Mumbai District AIDS Control Society (MDACS); member, Technical Resource Group, Targeted Interventions, National AIDS Control Organisation (NACO); visiting faculty at Mumbai's Tata Institute of Social Sciences, the department of Clinical Psychology of the University of Mumbai, Nirmala Niketan, and the International Institute of Population Studies.
Row Kavi has been listed among India's Seven Most Influential Gay & Lesbian individuals by Pink Pages magazine.
In September 2017 India Times listed Kavi as one of the 11 Human Rights Activists Whose Life Mission Is To Provide Others with a Dignified Life
Controversy
In 1995 on the Nikki Tonight show hosted by Nikki Bedi, Row Kavi related a story about how he had, in his youth, had a letter published in a magazine in which he described Mahatma Gandhi as a "bastard bania". The STAR TV show was widely criticised and considered irresponsible for broadcasting the story and it resulted in the cancellation of the show. Nikki Bedi and Row Kavi would soon make a public apology as well.
Allama Prabhu
From Wikipedia
Personal
Born : Early 12th century
Balligavi, Shimoga district, Karnataka, India
Died : 12th or 13th century
Religion : Hinduism
Sect : Lingayat-Shaivism of Hinduism
Known for
Virasaiva/Sharana movement
Occupation
Poet, social reformer, philosopher
Allama Prabhu used poetry, now part of Vachana Sahitya literature, to criticise rituals and social conventions, to breakdown social barriers and to emphasize moral values and devotional worship of Shiva. It is well accepted that though Basavanna was the inspiration behind the Lingayath movement and earned the honorific "elder brother" (anna) at the "mansion of experience" (Anubhava Mantapa), Allama was the real guru who presided over it.
Allama Prabhu (Kannada: ಅಲ್ಲಮ ಪ್ರಭು) was a 12th-century mystic-saint and Vachana poet (called Vachanakara) of the Kannada language, propagating the unitary consciousness of Self and Shiva.Allama Prabhu is one of the celebrated poets and the patron saint of the Lingayata movement that reshaped medieval Karnataka society and popular Kannada literature. He is included among the "Trinity of Lingayathism", along with Basavanna, the founder of the movement, and Akka Mahadevi, the most prominent woman poet.
According to the scholars K. A. Nilakanta Sastri and Joseph T. Shipley, Vachana literature comprises pithy pieces of poetic prose in easy to understand, yet compelling Kannada language. The scholar E. P. Rice characterises Vachana poems as brief parallelistic allusive poems, each ending with one of the popular local names of the god Shiva and preaching the common folk detachment from worldly pleasures and adherence to devotion to the god Shiva (Shiva Bhakti).
Biography
The biographical details of Allama Prabhu that can be historically verified are scanty, and much that is known about him is from hagiographic legends. Some details of the early life of Allama are available in the writings of noted Hoysala poet Harihara, while other accounts are generally considered legendary. Allama Prabhu was born in Shimoga district of Karnataka, India, in the 12th century, to Sujnani and Nirashankara. He was a contemporary of the other famous Lingayat devotee-poets (sharanas), Basavanna and Akka Mahadevi. According to Harihara's biography of Allama, the earliest account of the saint's life, he was a temple drummer in modern Shivamogga district, Karnataka state, India. He came from a family of temple performers, was himself an expert at playing a type of drum called maddale, and his father was a dance teacher.
Allama Prabhu married a dancer named Kamalathe, but she died prematurely. The grief-stricken Allama wandered aimlessly, arriving at a cave temple, where he met the saint Animisayya (or Animisha, "the open eyed one"). The saint gave him a linga icon, blessed him with knowledge on god, and, Allama was enlightened and transformed into a seeker of spirituality. Allama's pen name, (ankita or mudra), Guheshvara the god who stays with every one in the heart cave (also spelt Guheswara or Guhesvara, lit, "Lord of the caves"), which he used in most of his poems is said to be a celebration of his experience in the cave temple.
Allama Prabhu spread his message with songs, playing a lyre as he wandered from place to place. Most of his compositions were spontaneous and in vernacular language, but some were written in Sandhya Bhasha (a code filled language of secret doctrines understood by Yogi Sidhas), a riddle-filled questions-packed poetry in the Vedic and Upanishadic tradition.
Allama died in Kadalivana near Srishila (Andhra Pradesh), and legend has it that he "became one with the linga".
Poems
Allama Prabhu's poetic style has been described as mystic and cryptic, rich in paradoxes and inversions (bedagu mode), staunchly against any form of symbolism, occult powers (siddhis) and their acquisition, temple worship, conventional systems and ritualistic practices, and even critical of fellow Veerashaiva devotees and poets. However, all his poems are non-sectarian and some of them even use straight forward language. About 1,300 hymns are attributed to him.
According to the Kannada scholar Shiva Prakash, Allama's poems are more akin to the Koans (riddles) in the Japanese Zen tradition, and have the effect of awakening the senses out of complacency. Critic Joseph Shipley simply categorises Allama's poems as those of a "perfect Jnani" ("saint"). Some of Allama's poems are known to question and probe the absolute rejection of the temporal by fellow Veerashaiva devotees–even Basavanna was not spared. A poem of his mocks at Akka Mahadevi for covering her nudity with tresses, while flaunting it to the world at the same time, in an act of rejection of pleasures. The scholar Basavaraju compiled 1321 extant poems of Allama Prabhu in his work Allamana Vachana Chandrike (1960). These poems are known to cover an entire range, from devotion to final union with God.
The poems give little information about Allama's early life and worldly experiences before enlightenment. In the words of the scholar Ramanujan, to a saint like Allama, "the butterfly has no memory of the caterpillar". His wisdom is reflected in his poems–only a small portion of which are on the devotee aspect (bhakta, poems 64–112). More than half of the poems dwell on the later phase (sthala) in the life of a saint, most are about union with god and of realization (aikya, poems 606–1321). His poems use the phrase "Lord of the caves" or "Guheswara" to refer to Shiva, and this practice states Subramanian is because Allama Prabhu received his enlightenment in a cave temple.
I saw the fragrance fleeing, when the bee came,
What a wonder!
I saw intellect fleeing, when the heart came.
I saw the temple fleeing, when God came.
— Allama Prabhu, Shiva Prakash 1997, pp. 179–180
The tiger-headed deer, the deer-headed tiger,
Joined at the waist.
Look, another came to chew close by
When the trunk with no head grazes dry leaves,
Look, all vanishes, O Guheswara.
— Allama Prabhu in Bedagu mode, Shiva Prakash 1997, p. 180
If the mountain feels cold, what will they cover it with?
If the fields are naked, what will they clothe them with?
If the devotee is wordly, what will they compare him with?
O! Lord of the caves!
— Allama Prabhu, Subramanian 2005, p. 219
Look here, the legs are two wheels;
the body is a wagon, full of things
Five men drive the wagon
and one man is not like another.
Unless you ride it in full knowledge of its ways
the axle will break
O Lord of Caves!
— Allama Prabhu, Ramanujan 1973, p. 149
Worldview
Virasaiva and the vachanakaras
Allama was devoted to the worship of Shiva. He used his vachanas to spread Lingayathism, which is monotheistic and nondualistic, and has a strong egalitarian message. Its philosophy and practice is presented in the Panchacaras, five codes of conduct, and the Shatsthala, six phases or steps toward unity with Shiva. For the vacanakaras(Vachana poets), "first-hand 'seeing' was more important to their poetry than theological formulations." Nevertheless, the Shatsthala system provides a narrative structure to the vachanas, portraying a progress toward the union with Shiva. Later anthologies, with the notable exception of the Shoonya Sampadane, followed this scheme in their arrangement of the vachanas.
Although Allama Prabhu and the Vacanas have been qualified as bhakti poets, D.R. Nagaraj notes that Allama Prabhu was not a bhakti poet. Nagaraj explains that Allama's "insistence on opaque and mysterious modes of metaphor is in stark contrast with the emotionally transparent model of bhakti."
Social concerns
Allama Prabhu used poetry, now part of Vachana Sahitya literature, to criticise rituals and social conventions, to breakdown social barriers and to emphasize moral values and devotional worship of Shiva. The vacanakaras, of which Allama was a prominent spokesman, rejected both the 'great' traditions of Vedic religion and the 'little' local traditions, and questioned and ridiculed "classical belief systems, social customs and superstitions, image worship, the caste system, the Vedic ritual of yajna, as well as local sacrifices of lambs and goats."
During the fifteenth century Virashaiva priests consolidated the Virashaiva lore, over-emphasizing the theological and meta-physical aspects, and ignoring the socio-political aspects. The Shoonya Sampadane is a result of this consolidation, which is "a far cry from the socio-political pre-occupations of the twelfth-century movement."
Philosophy and religiosity
Allama Prabhu propagated the unitary consciousness of Self and Shiva, using poetry to express this unity. The vachanakaras regarded language as a limited means to express "the unitive experience of truth." Yet, the vachanas are seen as an expression of the Divine when, in Allama's words,
All Language is the essence of beyond of one knows oneself. All language is ignorance if one is unaware of oneself.
Allama's poetry and spirituality is "intensely personal and experimental," and the vachanas in general "bear [...] a highly complex relationship to other schools," which makes it very difficult to trace and establish exact influences and independent developments. Nevertheless, Allama's philosophy is described as monism and also as non-dualism ("advaita"). He de-emphasized the need to perfect difficult feats of Yogaand emphasized overcoming the boundaries between relative and absolute knowledge, between devotee and guru (teacher). He used his poetry to teach others, voicing a spirituality that is Nirguna (without attributes, qualities), yet uses Saguna devotionalism in order to metaphorically express what is inexpressible:
Without the duality – mind and mere bone,
For him who has merged his own Self with the Lord,
All actions are actions of linga alone.
With mind given rest from its usual toil,
For him who has merged his own Self with the Lord,
All thoughts of attainment his knowledge be spoil.
Himself into Self having joined with great yoke,
For him there's no dual, no unity broke,
O Lord of the Caves!
— Allama Prabhu, Translated by R Blake Michael
Writings on Allama Prabhu
Allama Prabhu was the protagonist of some important writings in the Kannada language. The Vijayanagara poet, Chamarasa, wrote Prabhulingalile (1430) in the court of King Deva Raya II, giving an account of the life and teachings of Allama Prabhu. In this work, Allama is considered an incarnation of the Hindu god Ganapati, and Parvati, the consort of the god Shiva, takes the form of the princess of Banavasi to test his detachment from the material world. So popular was the work, that the king had it translated into Tamil and Telugu languages. Later, translations were made into Sanskrit and Marathi languages.
With the intent of re-kindling the spirit of the 12th century, the Sunyasampadane("Achievement of nothingness" or "The mystical zero"), a famous anthology of Vachanapoems and Veerashaiva philosophy was compiled during the Vijayanagara era. It was compiled in four versions starting with the anthologist Shivaganaprasadi Mahadevaiah in c. 1400. Other versions by Halage Arya (1500), Siddhalingayati (1560) and Siddaveerannodaya (1570) are considered refinements. With Allama as its central figure, these anthologies give a vivid account of his interaction, in the form of dialogues, with contemporary saints and devotees. The quality of the work is considered very high.One of his work was translated in to Tamil by Karpanai Kalangiyam Sivaprakasa Swamigal as "Prabhu Linga Leelai".
Amit Jethwa
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Amit Jethwa
Amit Jethwa
Born 31 December 1975Khambha, Gujarat
Died 20 July 2010 (aged 34)High Court complex, Ahmedabad
Cause of death Killed by gunshot (Contract Killing)
Nationality Indian
Other names Amit Jethava
Education D.Pharm, B.A., LLb
Known for Environmentalism
Children Arjun Jethva
Parent(s)
Bhikhubhai Jethva(Batawala) (father)
Amit Jethwa (also Amit Jethava) (1975 – 20 July 2010) was an Indian environmentalist and social worker, active in the Gir Forest area near Junagadh, Gujarat. He had filed several court cases against illegal mining in the protected area, naming, Dinu Solanki as one of the respondents. On 20 July 2010 he was shot dead by two assailants on a motorbike. In Sept 2012, the Gujarat High Court, severely criticized investigations by the Gujarat police who had "given a clean chit" to Solanki, despite arresting his nephew; the court ordered the Central Bureau of Investigations (CBI) to take up the case. In November 2013, CBI arrested BJP MP Dinu Solanki in connection with having ordered the murder.On 11 July 2019, Dinu Solanki and his nephew Shiva Solanki were convicted for the murder.
Career
As the president of the Gir Nature Youth Club at Khambha, Amit Jethwa had been active in fighting against encroachment of forests and poaching. He was also instrumental in the five-year jail term of Bollywood actor Salman Khan for shooting an endangered Chinkara deer, a case that concluded after being pursued by activists for eight years. He also highlighted the use of a Chinkara deer in a scene in the movie Lagaan and opposed a Bhuj court decision which stayed an inquiry against the actor-director Aamir Khan.
He campaigned vigorously against corruption among officers of the Indian Forest Service, and opposed malafide application of article 356 of the. In 2007, he drew attention to the mysterious deaths of lions in Gir Forest including three that were shot within a few hundred meters of the Babariya forest guard outpost. Claiming that "Such a thing cannot be possible without support of some forest officials", Jethwa sought the suspension of an IFS officer. The incident ultimately led to the uncovering of a large lion poaching gang. He later campaigned against shifting of lions to the Kuno Wildlife Sanctuary in Madhya Pradesh. His efforts were often blocked by forest officials by charging him with offenses such as photographing a dead lion and trespassing.
In 2007, Jethwa contested the state assembly elections, but lost.
In 2008, Jethwa pursued the Right to Information Act for addressing grievances, and conducted workshops on the procedure to file requests under RTI to prevent corrupt practices and other mal-administration.
In 2010, Jethwa had filed a PIL petition questioning the state government's "inaction" over the appointment of a Lokayukta. The high court directed the government to appoint a Lokayukta. Jethwa had spearheaded the campaign against rising case pendency in the Gujarat Information Commission (GIC) due to lack of commissioners. It was on his petition that the HC directed the state government to complete the appointments within a stipulated time. He again came to the rescue of thousands of RTI users by filing a writ petition in the HC and made the government accept Indian Postal Order (IPO) as one of the modes of payment to deposit fees while filing of RTI applications.
Investigations against illegal mining lobby
Since 2008, Jethwa had filed six requests under the Right to Information Act, probing the activities of an illegal mining lobby operating in the protected forest area just outside the Gir Forest National Park. At the time, Jethwa was badly beaten up by goons, allegedly from Solanki's party.
In mid-2010, he filed a Public interest litigation in the Gujarat High Court, citing evidence found, and naming local BJP politician Dinu Solanki and several relatives, for involvement in the illegal mining in the Gir Forest. He sought directives from the court for stopping power supply to all such mining centers.
In June 2010, a raid was conducted by the police and geology departments, and a number of mining equipment were seized. However, the equipment was subsequently stolen back. Dinu Bhai was issued a show-cause notice for imposing a penalty of RS 4.1 million on him.
Since BJP was the ruling party in the state, he appealed that the matter be investigated by an independent ombudsman or Lokayukta, a constitutional position that had been lying vacant in Gujarat since 2003. He had recently moved court to seek a judicial order to the state government to fill this post.
Assassination
On 20 July, shortly after the case against Solanki was filed, Jethwa had gone to meet his lawyer near the Gujarat High court in Ahmedabad. As he was leaving the Satyamev complex, two assailants on a motorcycle shot him at close range with a country-made pistol. Despite being injured, he apparently tried to detain the assailants. Though they were able to get away, he was able to grab a kurta (long shirt) worn by one of the murderers; this had a laundry tag leading to Junagadh.[A police car was parked outside the court, and two policemen came out on hearing the single gunshot but failed to pursue the criminals, who escaped on foot.
Jethwa's family has alleged that he was under constant threat from Dinu Solanki for interfering with the powerful and illegal mining lobby in Saurashtra. At one point Solanki threatened him in front of a large gathering at a meeting in Kodinar, the area Solanki hails from. Jethwa had recently filed an affidavit at the Kodinar police station seeking protection and stating that he would be killed by Solanki. His father recently received a threatening phone call from Dinu Solanki.
A number of civil bodies and NGOs held a vigil in Ahmedabad on 21 July, seeking an independent investigation.
BJP MP Dinu Solanki arrested
During investigations, the police arrested constable Bahadursinh Wadher and then Pachan Silva, who was allegedly one of the hired killers. Later, on 6 September 2010, they arrested Shiva Solanki, nephew of Dinu Solanki, as the main accused in the case. According to police sources, Shiva had asked constable Bahadursinh to get Amit Jethawa eliminated. "Bahadur then planned the crime and executed it with the help of sharpshooters Shailesh Pandya and Pachan Shiva."
Despite the murder occurring within months of Jethwa's case naming Dinu Solanki, and also the arrest of his nephew, investigations by Gujarat Police crime branch had ruled out any role for Solanki himself. In September 2012, the Gujarat High Court heard an appeal in this matter by Amit Jethwa's father, and severely criticised the investigations by the Gujarat Police. The court commented that the investigations had been "far from fair, independent, bona fide or prompt.", and that Shiva Solanki and Dinu were living in the same joint family, and had very likely had some interactions. In similar cases, the Gujarat Police under the Narendra Modi government has been widely criticised for being extraordinarily politicised. The High Court directed that the case be transferred to the CBI.
In November 2013, Dinu Solanki was arrested by the CBI.
Awards
2010 (posthumous) Satish Shetty RTI Gallantry Award from National RTI Forum, a voluntary organisation working in the field of transparency.
2010 (posthumous) special jury award from NDTV environmental awards "the greenies".
2011 (posthumous) The National RTI award.
2011 (posthumous) NDTV Indian of the Year's LIC Unsung Hero of the Year Award with other RTI activists Dattatreya Patil, Vishram Dodiya, Satish Shetty and Vitthal Gite
Annabhau Sathe
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Tukaram Bhaurao Sathe
Sathe on a 2002 stamp of India
Born
Tukaram
1 August 1920
Wategaon sangli
Died 18 July 1969 (aged 48)
Mumbai
Nationality Indian
Other names Sahitya-samrat, Lokshahir, Annabhau
Occupation social reformer
Known for Novel writer, poet, film story writer
Notable work Samyukt Maharashtra Movement
Tukaram Bhaurao Sathe (1 August 1920 – 18 July 1969), popularly known as Annabhau Sathe, was a social reformer, folk poet, and writer from Maharashtra, India. Sathe was a Dalit born into the untouchable Mang community, and his upbringing and identity were central to his writing and political activism. Sathe was a Marxist-Ambedkarite mosaic, initially influenced by the communists but he later became an Ambedkarite. He is credited as a founding father of 'Dalit Literature'.
Early life
He was born on 1 August 1920, in Wategaon village, part of present-day Maharashtra's Sangli district, to a family that belonged to the untouchable Matang caste. Members of the caste used to play traditional folk instruments in Tamasha performances.
Annabhau Sathe did not study beyond class four. He migrated from Satara to Bombay, present-day Mumbai, in 1931, on foot, over a period of six months, following a drought in the countryside. In Bombay, Sathe undertook a range of odd jobs.
Writings
Sathe wrote 35 novels in the Marathi language. They include Fakira (1959), which is in its 19th edition and received a state government award in 1961. It is an interesting novel which tells the story of the protagonist; the stout young guy, named Fakira, his feat, his crusading for the rights of people of his community in the British Raj and his enmity towards the evil forces in the village. However, the cause from where the story progresses is the religious practice or ritual called 'Jogin' which gives a way to further actions. There are 15 collections of Sathe's short stories, of which a large number have been translated into many Indian and as many as 27 non-Indian languages. Besides novels and short stories, Sathe wrote a play, a travelogue on Russia, 12 screenplays, and 10 ballads in the Marathi powada style.
Sathe's use of folkloric narrative styles like powada and lavani helped popularise and make his work accessible to many communities. In Fakira, Sathe portrays Fakira, the protagonist, revolting against the rural orthodox system and British Raj to save his community from utter starvation. The protagonist and his community are subsequently arrested and tortured by British officers, and Fakira is eventually killed by hanging.
The urban environment of Bombay significantly influenced his writings, which depict it as a dystopian milieu. Aarti Wani describes two of his songs – "Mumbai Chi Lavani" (Song of Bombay) and "Mumbai cha Girni Kamgar" (Bombay's Mill-hand) – as depicting a city that is "rapacious, exploitative, unequal and unjust".
Politics
Sathe was initially influenced by communist ideology. Together with writers such as D. N. Gavankar and Amar Shaikh, he was a member of Lal Bawta Kalapathak (Red Flag Cultural Squad), the cultural wing of the Communist Party of India, and a Tamasha theatrical troupe that challenged government thinking. It had been active in the 1940s and, according to Tevia Abrams, was "the most exciting theatrical phenomenon of the 1950s" before communism in India generally fragmented in the aftermath of independence. He was a significant figure also in the Indian People's Theatre Association, which was a cultural wing of the Communist Party of India, and in the Samyukta Maharashtra Movement, which sought the creation of a separate Marathi-speaking state through a linguistic division of the extant Bombay State.
Sathe shifted toward Dalit activism, following the teachings of B. R. Ambedkar, and used his stories to amplify the life experiences of Dalits and workers. In his inaugural speech at the first Dalit Sahitya Sammelan, a literary conference that he founded in Bombay in 1958, he said that "The earth is not balanced on the snake's head but on the strength of Dalit and working-class people," emphasising the importance of Dalit and working-class people in global structures. Unlike most Dalit writers of the period, Sathe's work was influenced by Marxism rather than Buddhism.
He said that "Dalit writers are entailed with the responsibility of liberating and shielding Dalits from the existing worldly and Hindu tortures as the long standing conventional beliefs cannot be destroyed instantly."
Legacy
Anna Bhau Sathe 2019 stamp of India
Annabhau Sathe statue in Maharashtra
Sathe has become an icon to Dalits, and especially the Mang caste. The Lokshahir Annabhau Sathe Development Corporation was established in 1985 to further the cause of the Mang people, and women in local branches of the Manavi Hakk Abhiyan (Human Rights Campaign, a Mang-Ambedkarite body) organise jayanti (processions) in his name and those of Babasaheb Ambedkar and Savitribai Phule. Political parties, such as the Indian National Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party-Shiv Sena alliance, have attempted to appropriate his image as a means of drawing electoral support from the Mangs.
Sathe was commemorated with the issue of a special ₹4 postage stamp by India Post on 1 August 2002. Buildings have also been named after him, including the Lokshahir Annabhau Sathe Smarak in Pune and a flyover in Kurla.
Angela Davis
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Not to be confused with Michaela Angela Davis.
Angela Davis
Davis in 2010
Born
Angela Yvonne Davis
January 26, 1944
Birmingham, Alabama, U.S.
Education Brandeis University (BA)
Occupation Educator, author, social activist
Employer University of California, Santa Cruz (retired) Emerita
Political party Communist Party USA (1969–1991)
Spouse(s) Hilton Braithwaite (1980–1983)
Angela Davis' Women, Race, & Class in a museum at SUNY Alban
Angela Yvonne Davis (born January 26, 1944) is an American communist, political activist, academic, and author. She emerged as a prominent counterculture activist in the 1960s working with the Communist Party USA, of which she was a member until 1991, and was involved in the Black Panther Party during the Civil Rights Movement.
Davis is a professor emerita at the University of California, Santa Cruz, in its History of Consciousness Department. She is also a former director of the university's Feminist Studies department. Her research interests are feminism, African-American studies, critical theory, Marxism, popular music, social consciousness, and the philosophy and history of punishment and prisons. She co-founded Critical Resistance, an organization working to abolish the prison–industrial complex.
Davis's membership in the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) led California Governor Ronald Reagan in 1969 to attempt to have her barred from teaching at any California university. She supported the governments of the Soviet Bloc for several decades. During the 1980s, she was twice a candidate for Vice President on theCPUSA ticket. She left the party in 1991.
After Davis purchased firearms for personal security guards, those guards used them in the 1970 armed takeover of a Marin County, California, courtroom, in which four people were killed. She was prosecuted for three capital felonies, including conspiracy to murder, but was acquitted of the charges.
Early life
Angela Davis was born in Birmingham, Alabama. Her family lived in the "Dynamite Hill" neighborhood, which was marked in the 1950s by the bombings of houses in an attempt to intimidate and drive out middle-class blacks who had moved there. Davis occasionally spent time on her uncle's farm and with friends in New York City. She had two brothers, Ben and Reginald, and a sister, Fania. Ben played defensive back for the Cleveland Browns and Detroit Lions in the late 1960s and early 1970s.
Davis attended Carrie A. Tuggle School, a segregated black elementary school, and later, Parker Annex, a middle-school branch of Parker High School in Birmingham. During this time, Davis's mother, Sallye Bell Davis, was a national officer and leading organizer of the Southern Negro Youth Congress, an organization influenced by the Communist Party aimed at building alliances among African Americans in the South. Davis grew up surrounded by communist organizers and thinkers, who significantly influenced her intellectual development.
Davis was involved in her church youth group as a child, and attended Sunday school regularly. She attributes much of her political involvement to her involvement with the Girl Scouts of the United States of America. She also participated in the Girl Scouts 1959 national roundup in Colorado. As a Girl Scout, she marched and picketed to protest racial segregation in Birmingham.
By her junior year of high school, Davis had been accepted by an American Friends Service Committee (Quaker) program that placed black students from the South in integrated schools in the North. She chose Elisabeth Irwin High School in Greenwich Village. There she was recruited by a Communist youth group, Advance.
Education
Brandeis University
Davis was awarded a scholarship to Brandeis University in Waltham, Massachusetts, where she was one of three black students in her class. She encountered the Frankfurt School philosopher Herbert Marcuse at a rally during the Cuban Missile Crisis and became his student. In a 2007 television interview, Davis said, "Herbert Marcuse taught me that it was possible to be an academic, an activist, a scholar, and a revolutionary." She worked part-time to earn enough money to travel to France and Switzerland and attended the eighth World Festival of Youth and Students in Helsinki. She returned home in 1963 to a Federal Bureau of Investigation interview about her attendance at the Communist-sponsored festival.
During her second year at Brandeis, Davis decided to major in French and continued her intensive study of philosopher and writer Jean-Paul Sartre. She was accepted by the Hamilton College Junior Year in France Program. Classes were initially at Biarritz and later at the Sorbonne. In Paris, she and other students lived with a French family. She was in Biarritz when she learned of the 1963 Birmingham church bombing, committed by members of the Ku Klux Klan, in which four black girls were killed. She grieved deeply as she was personally acquainted with the victims.
Nearing completion of her degree in French, Davis realized her major interest was philosophy. She was particularly interested in Marcuse's ideas. On returning to Brandeis, she sat in on his course. Marcuse, she wrote in her autobiography, was approachable and helpful. She began making plans to attend the University of Frankfurt for graduate work in philosophy. In 1965, she graduated magna cum laude, a member of Phi Beta Kappa.
University of Frankfurt
In Germany, with a monthly stipend of $100, she lived first with a German family and later with a group of students in a loft in an old factory. After visiting East Berlin during the annual May Day celebration, she felt that the East German government was dealing better with the residual effects of fascism than were the West Germans. Many of her roommates were active in the radical Socialist German Student Union (SDS), and Davis participated in some SDS actions. Events in the United States, including the formation of the Black Panther Party and the transformation of Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) to an all-black organization, drew her interest upon her return.
Postgraduate work
Marcuse had moved to a position at the University of California, San Diego, and Davis followed him there after her two years in Frankfurt. On her way back, she stopped in London to attend a conference on "The Dialectics of Liberation." The black contingent at the conference included the Trinidadian-American Stokely Carmichael and the British Michael X. Although moved by Carmichael's rhetoric, Davis was reportedly disappointed by her colleagues' black nationalist sentiments and their rejection of communism as a "white man's thing."
She joined the Che-Lumumba Club, an all-black branch of the Communist Party USA named for international Communist sympathizers and leaders Che Guevara and Patrice Lumumba, of Cuba and the Congo, respectively.
Davis earned a master's degree from the University of California, San Diego, in 1968. She earned a doctorate in philosophy from Humboldt University in East Berlin.
Professor at University of California, Los Angeles, 1969–70
Davis (center, no glasses) enters Royce Hall at UCLA in October 1969 to give her first lecture.
Beginning in 1969, Davis was an acting assistant professor in the philosophy department at the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA). Although both Princeton and Swarthmore had tried to recruit her, she opted for UCLA because of its urban location.[20] At that time, she was known as a radical feminist and activist, a member of the Communist Party USA, and an associate of the Black Panther Party.
The Board of Regents of the University of California, urged by then-California Governor Ronald Reagan, fired her from her $10,000 a year post in 1969 because of her membership in the Communist Party. The Board of Regents was censured by the American Association of University Professors for its failure to reappoint Davis after her teaching contract expired.
On October 20, when Judge Jerry Pacht ruled the Regents could not fire Davis solely because of her affiliation with the Communist Party, Davis resumed her post.
The Regents released Davis again, on June 20, 1970, for the "inflammatory language" she had used in four different speeches. The report stated, "We deem particularly offensive such utterances as her statement that the regents 'killed, brutalized (and) murdered' the People's Park demonstrators, and her repeated characterizations of the police as 'pigs'".
Arrest and trial
Davis was a supporter of the Soledad Brothers, three inmates accused of killing a prison guard at Soledad Prison.
On August 7, 1970, heavily armed 17-year-old African-American high-school student Jonathan Jackson, whose brother was George Jackson, one of the three Soledad Brothers, gained control over a courtroom in Marin County, California. He armed the black defendants and took Judge Harold Haley, the prosecutor, and three female jurors as hostages. As Jackson transported the hostages and two black convicts away from the courtroom, the police began shooting at the vehicle. The judge and the three black men were killed in the melee; one of the jurors and the prosecutor were injured. Although the judge was shot in the head with a blast from a shotgun, he also suffered a chest wound from a bullet that may have been fired from outside the van. Evidence during the trial showed that either could have been fatal. Davis had purchased several of the firearms Jackson used in the attack, including the shotgun used to shoot Haley, which she bought at a San Francisco pawn shop two days before the incident. She was also found to have been corresponding with one of the inmates involved.
Protest against the Vietnam War, 1970
As California considers "all persons concerned in the commission of a crime, whether they directly commit the act constituting the offense... principals in any crime so committed", Marin County Superior Court Judge Peter Allen Smith charged Davis with "aggravated kidnapping and first degree murder in the death of Judge Harold Haley" and issued a warrant for her arrest. Hours after the judge issued the warrant on August 14, 1970, a massive attempt to find and arrest Davis began. On August 18, four days after the warrant was issued, the FBI director J. Edgar Hoover listed Davis on the FBI's Ten Most Wanted Fugitive List; she was the third woman and the 309th person to be listed.
Soon after, Davis became a fugitive and fled California. According to her autobiography, during this time she hid in friends' homes and moved at night. On October 13, 1970, FBI agents found her at a Howard Johnson Motor Lodge in New York City. President Richard M. Nixon congratulated the FBI on its "capture of the dangerous terrorist Angela Davis."
On January 5, 1971, Davis appeared at Marin County Superior Court and declared her innocence before the court and nation: "I now declare publicly before the court, before the people of this country that I am innocent of all charges which have been leveled against me by the state of California." John Abt, general counsel of the Communist Party USA, was one of the first attorneys to represent Davis for her alleged involvement in the shootings.
While being held in the Women's Detention Center, Davis was initially segregated from other prisoners, in solitary confinement. With the help of her legal team, she obtained a federal court order to get out of the segregated area.
Across the nation, thousands of people began organizing a movement to gain her release. In New York City, black writers formed a committee called the Black People in Defense of Angela Davis. By February 1971 more than 200 local committees in the United States, and 67 in foreign countries, worked to free Davis from prison. John Lennon and Yoko Ono contributed to this campaign with the song "Angela". In 1972, after a 16-month incarceration, the state allowed her release on bail from county jail. On February 23, 1972, Rodger McAfee, a dairy farmer from Fresno, California, paid her $100,000 bail with the help of Steve Sparacino, a wealthy business owner. The United Presbyterian Church paid some of her legal defense expenses.
A defense motion for a change of venue was granted, and the trial was moved to Santa Clara County. On June 4, 1972, after 13 hours of deliberations, the all-white jury returned a verdict of not guilty. The fact that she owned the guns used in the crime was judged insufficient to establish her role in the plot. She was represented by Leo Branton Jr., who hired psychologists to help the defense determine who in the jury pool might favor their arguments, a technique that has since become more common. He hired experts to discredit the reliability of eyewitness accounts.
Representation in other media
The first song released in favor of Davis was "Angela" (1971), written by Italian singer-songwriter and musician Virgilio Savona with his group (Quartetto Cetra). He received some anonymous threats.
The Rolling Stones song "Sweet Black Angel," recorded in 1970 and released on their album Exile on Main Street (1972), is dedicated to Davis. It is one of the band's few overtly political releases.
Bob Dylan's song "George Jackson" (1971) is a tribute to George Jackson, one of the Soledad Brothers and the older brother of Jonathan Jackson, who was killed during an escape attempt from San Quentin.
John Lennon and Yoko Ono recorded their song "Angela" on their album Some Time in New York City (1972) in support, and a small photo of her appears on the album's cover at the bottom-left.
The jazz musician Todd Cochran, also known as Bayete, recorded his song "Free Angela (Thoughts...and all I've got to say)" that same year.
Tribe Records co-founder Phil Ranelin released a song dedicated to Davis, titled "Angela's Dilemma," on Message From The Tribe (1972), a spiritual jazz collectible.
References in other venues
On January 28, 1972, Garrett Brock Trapnell hijacked TWA Flight 2. One of his demands was Davis' release.
Other activities in the 1970s
Cuba
After her acquittal, Davis went on an international speaking tour in 1972 and included Cuba, where she had previously been received by Fidel Castro in 1969 as a member of a Communist Party delegation. Robert F. Williams, Huey Newton, Stokely Carmichael had also visited there, and Assata Shakur lives there after escaping from U.S. prison. Her reception by Afro-Cubans at a mass rally was so enthusiastic that she was reportedly barely able to speak. Davis perceived Cuba to be a racism-free country, which led her to believe that, "only under socialism could the fight against racism be successfully executed." When she returned to the United States, her socialist leanings increasingly influenced her understanding of race struggles. In 1974, she attended the Second Congress of the Federation of Cuban Women.
Soviet Union
Davis and Valentina Tereshkova, 1972
In 1971 the CIA estimated that five percent of Soviet propaganda efforts were directed towards the Angela Davis campaign. In August 1972, Davis visited the USSR at the invitation of the Central Committee, and received an honorary doctorate from Moscow State University.
On May 1, 1979, she was awarded the Lenin Peace Prize from the Soviet Union. She visited Moscow later that month to accept the prize, where she praised "the glorious name" of Lenin and the "great October Revolution".
East Germany
Davis and Erich Honecker in GDR, 1972
The East German government organized an extensive campaign on behalf of Davis. In September 1972, Davis visited East Germany, where she met Erich Honecker, received an honorary degree from the University of Leipzig and the Star of People's Friendship from Walter Ulbricht. On September 11 in East Berlin she delivered a speech, "Not Only My Victory", praising the GDR and USSR and denouncing American racism, and visited the Berlin Wall. In 1973 she returned to East Berlin leading the U.S. delegation to the 10th World Festival of Youth and Students.
Jonestown and Peoples Temple
In the mid-1970s, Jim Jones, who developed the cult Peoples Temple, initiated friendships with progressive leaders in the San Francisco area including Dennis Banks of the American Indian Movement AIM and Davis. On September 10, 1977, 14 months before the Temple's mass murder-suicide, Davis spoke via amateur radio telephone "patch" to members of his Peoples Temple living in Jonestown in Guyana. In her statement during the "Six Day Siege", she expressed support for the People's Temple anti-racism efforts and told members there was a conspiracy against them. She said, "when you are attacked, it is because of your progressive stand, and we feel that it is directly an attack against us as well."
Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and political prisoners in Socialist countries
In a New York City speech on July 9, 1975, Russian dissident and Nobel Laureate Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn told an AFL-CIO meeting that Davis was derelict in having failed to support prisoners in various socialist countries around the world, given her strong opposition to the US prison system. He claimed a group of Czech prisoners had appealed to Davis for support, which Solzhenitsyn said she had declined. In fact, Jiří Pelikánwrote an open letter asking her to support Czech prisoners, which Davis refused, believing that the Czech prisoners were undermining the Husák government and that Pelikán, in exile in Italy, was attacking his own country. Regarding Czech prisoners being "persecuted by the state", Davis responded "They deserve what they get. Let them remain in prison." Alan Dershowitz, who also asked Davis for support for political prisoners in the USSR, was analogously told "they are all Zionist fascists and opponents of socialism."
Later academic career
Davis was a Professor of Ethnic Studies at the San Francisco State University from at least 1980 to 1984. She was a professor in the History of Consciousness and the Feminist Studies Departments at the University of California, Santa Cruz and Rutgers University from 1991 to 2008. Since then, she has been Distinguished Professor Emerita.
Davis was a Distinguished Visiting Professor at Syracuse University in Spring 1992 and October 2010.
In 2014, Davis returned to UCLA as a Regents' Lecturer. She delivered a public lecture on May 8 in Royce Hall, where she had given her first lecture 45 years earlier.
On May 22, 2016, Davis was awarded an honorary Doctor of Humane Letters in Healing and Social Justice from the California Institute of Integral Studies in San Francisco during its 48th annual commencement ceremony.
Political activism and speeches
Davis left the Communist Party in 1991, founding the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism. Her group broke from the Communist Party USA because of the latter's support of the Soviet coup attempt of 1991 following the fall of the Soviet Union and tearing down of the Berlin Wall. In 2014, she said she continues to have a relationship with the CPUSA but has not rejoined.
Davis has written several books. A principal focus of her current activism is the state of prisons in the United States. She considers herself an abolitionist, not a "prison reformer." She has referred to the United States prison system as the "prison–industrial complex," aggravated by the establishment of privately owned and run prisons. Davis advocates focusing social efforts on education and building "engaged communities" to solve various social problems now handled through state punishment.
Davis was one of the founders of Critical Resistance, a national grassroots organization dedicated to building a movement to abolish the prison–industrial complex. In recent works, she has argued that the US prison system more closely resembles a new form of slavery than a criminal justice system. According to Davis, between the late 19th century and the mid-20th century, the number of prisons in the United States sharply increased but crime rates continued to fall. She argues that racism in American society during this time was demonstrated by the disproportionate share of the African-American population who were incarcerated. "What is effective or just about this 'justice' system?" she urged people to ask.
Davis has lectured at Rutgers University, San Francisco State University, Stanford University, Smith College, Bryn Mawr College, Brown University, Syracuse University, and other schools. As most of her teaching is at the graduate level, she says that she concentrates more on posing questions that encourage development of critical thinking than on imparting knowledge. In 1997, she identified as a lesbian in Out magazine.
As early as 1969, Davis began public speaking engagements. She expressed her opposition to the Vietnam War, racism, sexism, and the prison–industrial complex, and her support of gay rights and other social justice movements. In 1969, she blamed imperialism for the troubles oppressed populations suffer:
We are facing a common enemy and that enemy is Yankee Imperialism, which is killing us both here and abroad. Now I think anyone who would try to separate those struggles, anyone who would say that in order to consolidate an anti-war movement, we have to leave all of these other outlying issues out of the picture, is playing right into the hands of the enemy, she declared.In 2001 she publicly spoke against the war on terror following the 9/11 attacks, continued to criticize the prison–industrial complex, and discussed the broken immigration system. She said that to solve social justice issues, people must "hone their critical skills, develop them and implement them." Later, in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina in 2005, she declared that the "horrendous situation in New Orleans" was due to the country's structural racism, capitalism, and imperialism.
Davis at the University of Alberta, March 28, 2006.
Davis opposed the 1995 Million Man March, arguing that the exclusion of women from this event promoted male chauvinism. She said that Louis Farrakhan and other organizers appeared to prefer that women take subordinate roles in society. Together with Kimberlé Crenshaw and others, she formed the African American Agenda 2000, an alliance of Black feminists.
Davis has continued to oppose the death penalty. In 2003, she lectured at Agnes Scott College, a liberal arts women's college in Atlanta, Georgia, on prison reform, minority issues, and the ills of the criminal justice system.
At the University of California, Santa Cruz, Davis participated in a 2004 panel concerning Kevin Cooper. She also spoke in defense of Stanley "Tookie" Williams on panels in 2005 and 2009.
In 2008, Davis was a keynote speaker at Vanderbilt University's conference, "Who Speaks for the Negro?".She has visited Vanderbilt twice since then, most recently to give the Commemorative Murray Lecture on February 25, 2015, on college activism.
On April 16, 2009, she was the keynote speaker at the University of Virginia Carter G. Woodson Institute for African American and African Studies symposium on The Problem of Punishment: Race, Inequity, and Justice.
On October 31, 2011, Davis spoke at the Philadelphia and Washington Square Occupy Wall Street assemblies. Due to restrictions on electronic amplification, her words were human microphoned. In 2012 Davis was awarded the 2011 Blue Planet Award, an award given for contributions to humanity and the planet.
Women's March on Washington, January 21, 2017
At the 27th Empowering Women of Color Conference in 2012, Davis said she was a vegan. She has called for the release of Rasmea Odeh, associate director at the Arab American Action Network, who was convicted of immigration fraud in relation to hiding her being convicted of murder.
On January 23, 2012, Davis was the Rhode Island School of Design's MLK Celebration Series keynote speaker and 2012 Honoree.
Davis supports the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaign against Israel.
Davis was an honorary co-chair of the January 21, 2017 Women's March on Washington, which occurred the day after President Trump's inauguration. The organizers' decision to make her a featured speaker was criticized from the right by Humberto Fontova and National Review. Libertarian journalist Cathy Young wrote that Davis's "long record of support for political violence in the United States and the worst of human rights abusers abroad" undermined the march.
On January 7, 2019, the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute (BCRI) rescinded Davis's Fred ShuttlesworthHuman Rights Award, saying she "does not meet all of the criteria". Birmingham Mayor Randall Woodfin and others cited criticism of Davis's vocal support for Palestinian rights and the movement to boycott Israel. Davis said her loss of the award was "not primarily an attack against me but rather against the very spirit of the indivisibility of justice."[ On January 25, the BCRI reversed its decision and issued a public apology, stating that there should have been more public consultation.
Representation in other media
U2's concert in Soldier Field, Chicago, 2011
In Renato Guttuso's painting The Funerals of Togliatti (1972), Davis is depicted, among other figures of communism, in the left framework, near the author's self-portrait, Elio Vittorini, and Jean-Paul Sartre.
The song "Sweet Black Angel" (1972) by the Rolling Stones was written about Davis as she faced murder charges. Lines include: "She's a sweet black angel, not a gun toting teacher, not a Red lovin' school marm / Ain't someone gonna free her, free de sweet black slave, free de sweet black slave"
In the movie Network (1976), Marlene Warfield's character Laureen Hobbs appears to be modeled on Davis.
In 2018, the British jazz group Sons of Kemet released a song from their album Your Queen Is a Reptile called "My Queen is Angela Davis".
Also in 2018, a cotton T-shirt with Davis’s face on it was featured in Prada’s 2018 collection.
Angami Zapu Phizo
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Angami Zapu Phizo
Born
Zapu Phizo
16 May 1913
Died 30 April 1990 (aged 75)
Known for Leader of Naga Nationalist Movement
Angami Zapu Phizo (1913–1990) was a Naga nationalist leader with British Nationality. Under his influence, the Naga National Council asserted the right to self-determination which took the shape of armed resistance after the Indian state imposed the Armed Forces Special Powers Act in 1958. The Naga secessionist groups regard him as the "Father of the Naga Nation".
Early life
Angami Zapu Phizo belonged to the Merhüma khel (clan) of Khonoma Village of Angami Naga tribe. He had collaborated with the Japanese army in Burma.
Political life
As the British were preparing for their withdrawal from India, Phizo separately met the indigenous Assamese, Garos, Khasis, Lushais, Abors, Mishmis and Meiteis leaders in an attempt to convince them to form independent countries of their own, instead of joining the proposed Union of India. However, his efforts failed. On 14 August 1947, one day before India gained its independence, Phizo declared the independence of Naga region.
Phizo's influence in the Naga National Council (NNC) increased in late 1940s, after the NNC secretary Imti Aliba Ao retired from politics for an appointment in the Indian Frontier Administrative Services. Phizo was incarcerated in Calcutta's Presidency Jail in 1948 on charges of stirring trouble in the Indo-Burma borderland. After his release from the jail, he became the fourth president and the main ideologue of the National Naga Council. Phizo became the NNC Chairman in October–November 1949 after defeating Vizar Angami of Zakhama village by a margin of one vote. Under his leadership, the NNC inclined towards seeking secession from India. Phizo urged the Naga people to boycott the Indian elections. He met the Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in December 1951 near Tezpur in Assam, in March 1952 at Delhi, and in July 1952 at Dibrugarh. He also met with Jaipal Singh in 1952. He was arrested in Burma for illegal entry.
In September 1954, Phizo formed the "People's Sovereign Republic of Free Nagaland", with the support of Chang chiefs of Tuensang. He also reorganized the NNC setup, as the chances of a peaceful settlement declined.
In 1955, the Angami leaders T. Sakhrie (who had served the secretary of NNC since its inception) and J. B. Jasokie broke off with Phizo at a meeting in the Khonoma village. Phizo got Sakhrie murdered in January 1956. On 22 March 1956 he formed the "Naga Central Government", which was later renamed to "Federal Government of Nagaland" (FGN) in 1959. The new organization had a military wing.
Phizo escaped to East Pakistan (present-day Bangladesh) in December 1956, from where he went to London. He continued supporting the secessionist movement in Nagaland, until his death in exile, in London in 1990. He had 11 children. When he escaped from the erstwhile Naga Hills to East Pakistan, he did not have an Indian passport. After acquiring a British passport while in London, the Indian embassy refused to issue him a visa to visit India. Khodao Yanthan said later, "Mr. Phizo was a perfect Naga leader. I don't believe there will be any Naga leader like Mr. Phizo.
Andre Beteille
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Andre Beteille, FBA (born 30 September 1934) is an Indian sociologist and writer. He is particularly well known for his studies of the caste system in South India. He is a Professor of Sociology at the Delhi School of Economics at the University of Delhi where he is Professor Emeritus of Sociology since 2003. He was appointed National Research Professor by the Government of India in 2007. He is a recipient of the Indian civilian honour of the Padma Bhushan.
Presently he is the Chancellor of North Eastern Hill University, Shillong, Meghalaya and formerly of Ashoka University, in India.
Bibliography
Sociology: Essays on Approach and Method, Oxford University Press, 2002.
Antinomies of Society: Essays on Ideologies and Institutions, Oxford University Press, 2000.
Chronicles of Our Time, Penguin Books, 2000.
The Backward Classes in Contemporary India, Oxford University Press, 1992.
Society and Politics in India: Essays in a Comparative Perspective, Athlone Press, 1991 (L.S.E. Monographs in Social Anthropology, no. 63).
The Idea of Natural Inequality and Other Essays, Oxford University Press, 1983 (new, enlarged edition, Oxford University Press, 1987).
Inequality Among Men, Basil Blackwell, 1977 (Italian edition published as La diseguaglianza fra gli uomini, Il Mulino, 1981).
Studies in Agrarian Social Structure, Oxford University Press, 1974.
Six Essays in Comparative Sociology, Oxford University Press, 1974 (enlarged edition published as Essays in Comparative Sociology, Oxford University Press, 1987).
Inequality and Social Change, Oxford University Press, 1972.
Castes: Old and New, Essays in Social Structure and Social Stratification, Asia Publishing House, 1969.
Caste, Class and Power: Changing Patterns of Stratification in a Tanjore Village, University of California Press, 1965.
Essays
Government & NGOs (scroll down)
Andre Beteille, social anthropologist, who resigned from the National Committee on World Conference against Racism.
While the government insists that caste-based discrimination is an "internal" matter of India, its detractors point to the need for "globalising" the issue. Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) fighting for Dalit rights have charged the government with drawing the saffron curtain over the issue of human rights within the country.
Matters came to a head recently when Andre Beteille, the well-known social anthropologist, resigned from the National Committee on World Conference against Racism (NCWCR), which is preparing a draft to be presented at the Conference. Several other members who are opposed to caste-based discrimination are also apparently troubled by the implications of being part of the committee.
The government has been reiterating the declared objectives of the Conference: reviewing the progress made by the world in the fight against racial discrimination, finding ways and means to ensure better application of existing standards, increasing the awareness of people around the world about racial discrimination, and so on. While agreeing with the necessity of working towards these goals, the NGOs have been demanding the inclusion of caste-based discrimination in the agenda of the Conference. Said Dr. Ambrose Pinto, executive director of the New Delhi-based Indian Social Institute: "The U.N. needs to change the title of the Conference in such a way as to include caste discrimination. The present terminology is Eurocentric and fails to take the reality of caste-based discrimination into account." Agreeing with this view, Martin Macwan, national convener of the National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights, said: "In earlier international forums, notably the Committee on Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, the Government of India had successfully taken up the issue of caste-based discrimination. We do not understand why the present government does not want to take up caste-based discrimination. Why is it insisting that caste is an 'internal' matter?"
Dalit rights activists point out that the government's stand undermines India's commitment to numerous international conventions on human rights that it has ratified. They argue that it faces the risk of being exposed as a government that has not seriously addressed the crudest form of discrimination. Such an image, they say, would be detrimental to India's efforts to become a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council.
The Ministry of External Affairs, however, remains firm in its opposition to a discussion on caste-based discrimination at the Conference. Inaugurating the first meeting of the NCWCR in New Delhi on February 7, External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh said that the government opposed all attempts to dilute the focus of the Conference by ascribing racial connotations to caste. He said: "We are strongly opposed to all such attempts. We must ensure that the Conference does not lose sight of its focus on racism."
Abid Hussein, a member of the NCWCR, said: "Caste-based discrimination and racial discrimination are evils. It is important to eradicate them from society. But it is not fair to take the Conference as the venue for fighting caste-based discrimination. One must remember that it is not a conference on taking up every kind of discrimination prevalent in society."
The intensity of the debate is not surprising. Understanding caste and how it came to be embedded in Indian society is a tough task, which involves the study of its cultural implications if it is seen as a religious phenomenon (Louis Dumont in Homo Hierarchicus) or its materialistic roots if it is analysed as a form of economic exploitation (Dipankar Gupta in "From Varna to Jati: The Indian Caste System from the Asiatic to the Feudal Mode of Production," Journal of Contemporary Asia, Number 10). Dalit rights activists see a similarity between race and caste in that inequality is intergenerationally transmitted in both. Said Pinto: "Prejudice and discrimination are both a part of caste and race. And what is worse is that such prejudice and discrimination are not merely personal but institutional, a part of the structure and process of the whole society. In both caste and race theories, the so-called higher or superior groups take the attitude that their culture is superior to all other cultures and that all the other groups should be judged according to their culture. What is the difference between the claims made by the white race in Europe and the upper castes in India?"
In this context, Beteille says that treating caste as a form of race is "politically mischievous and scientifically nonsensical". Citing the ineffectual attempts made in the past to identify and define race in India, Beteille says, "I am now convinced that identifying the races in the population of India will be an exercise in futility... It is sad but true that many forms of invidious discrimination do prevail in the contemporary world. But to assimilate or even relate them all to 'racial discrimination' will be an act of political and moral irresponsibility. Not content with condemning racism and racial discrimination, the U.N. now wants to take on racialism, racial discrimination and xenophobia and related intolerance. It has in its wisdom decided to expand the meeting on racial discrimination to accommodate exclusion or preference 'based on race, colour, descent or national or ethnic origin'. In doing so it is bound to give a new lease of life to the old and discredited notion of race that was current a hundred years ago." Making his opposition to such an exercise clear, Beteille says: "We cannot throw out the concept of race by the front door when it is being misused for asserting social superiority and bring it again through the back door to misuse it in the cause of the oppressed" ( "Race and Caste", The Hindu, March 10, 2001).
Beteille's arguments drew sharp responses from Dalit rights activists. Some of them took exception to the wording of his article and accused him of raising metaphysical arguments in scientific terms to negate the existence of caste.
Beteille, who has made a significant contribution to the study of caste in India, told Frontline: "There is a tremendous amount of genetic diversity in the Indian population. That does not mean that there are moderately identifiable races in India. Attempts have been made in the past also to divide the Indian population on the basis of race but they have ended in total failure. Thus, there are no satisfactory arguments that race is relevant to India. The argument that there is racial diversity in India falls on its face on these grounds. I agree there is an enormous amount of class- and caste-based discrimination in India but it is wrong to say that there is racial discrimination."
Activists like Macwan agree with Beteille and say that they do not see caste and race as the two sides of the same coin. But, according to them, there is a need to take up the issue of caste-based discrimination at a global forum.
The government has ignored this demand but has stated that the National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution will look into the matter. Said Pinto: "The Constitution Review Commission is not a committee of Parliament. How can the government ask it to look into such a sensitive matter?"
Said Macwan: "We will appeal to all Members of Parliament to intervene in the government's decision-making process on such a sensitive issue. The membership of the committee, which is preparing the framework for the World Conference, also needs to be representative. We shall keep on lobbying at international forums to ensure that caste-based discrimination is not ignored at the Durban Conference."
The NGOs see the WCAR as the only acceptable forum to raise the issue of caste discrimination in India. Yogesh Varahade, founder-president of the Ambedkar Centre for Justice and Peace, said: "We will go to Durban to participate and highlight the discrimination based on birth and descent. World history tells us that any system based on any misleading theory for the benefit of the few at the cost of the majority, will not survive too long and is bound to collapse sooner or later."
Arun Krushnaji Kamble
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Arun Krushnaji Kamble
Arun Kamble
Born 14 March 1953
Kargani, Athpadi, Sangli, Maharashtra, India
Died 20 December 2009 (aged 56)
Hyderabad, India
Nationality Indian
Known for Dalit rights movement
Notable work Cultural struggle in Ramayana
Janata
Conversion of Dr. B.R.Ambedkar
Epoch Maker Ambedkar
Political party Dalit Panther, Janata Dal
Children Aparant Kamble
Ashutosh Kamble
Parent(s)
Shantabai Kamble (mother)
Website arunkamble.com
Arun Krushnaji Kamble (14 March 1953 – December 2009) was an Indian Marathi language writer, professor, Politician, and Dalit activist. Arun Kamble, President and one of the founding members of Dalit Panther, worked as a Head of Marathi department at University of Mumbai. He was the National General Secretary of Janata Dal. He took many major decisions in favour of Dalit, Backward Class and Minorities.
Introduction
Kamble in early age
Kamble formed Dalit Panther of India as a social organisation alongside Namdeo Dhasal and Raja Dhale in 1976. Later Kamble became the National General Secretary of Janata Dal and worked with former Prime Minister V. P. Singh. He demanded the renaming of Marathwada University to "Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar University". Kamble, a writer, poet and editor, authored many books such as Cultural Struggle in Ramayana, Conversion of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, Cheevar, Vaad-Samvad, Yug-Pravartak Ambedkar, Chalvaliche Diwas, and Tarkateerth Ek Vadato-Vyaghyat. He was awarded with many accolades such as "The Prabuddha Ratna Puraskar", Life Time Achievement International Award. Some of his works have been translated into English, German, French, Gujarati, Kannada, Telugu, Malayalam, Urdu (Dalit Awaaz) and Hindi (Suraj ke Vansh-dhar).
Biography
Early days
Arun Kamble and Maisaheb Ambedkar in Dalit Panther days.
Kamble was born on 14 March 1953, in Mahar Dalit family of village-Kargani, Atpadi near Sangli.[citation needed] He was a follower of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar as Dr. Ambedkar was an inspiration to him. His mother and father both were School Headmaster in Sangli.[citation needed] His mother Shantabai Kamble and father Krushnaji Kamble have written autobiographies called Majya Jalmachi Chittarkatha and Mi Krushna respectively. His father was a well known personality in Kargani district.
Education
His school days were in Athapadi and Dighanchi at Sangli. He completed B.A. (honors) from Willingdon College, Deccan Education Society, Sangli in 1974. Later he earned his M.A. from Siddhartha College in 1976 with distinction in "Shodhnibandh ani Shodhnibandhachi Lekhan Paddhati". His major interests were Dalit literature and Ambedkarite Movement.
Academic career
Prof. Arun Kamble in discussion with Former Prime minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi
He joined Dr. Ambedkar College of Commerce and Economics, Wadala, Mumbai in 1976 as a lecturer of Marathi (1976–1985). Later he joined Kirti College, Dadar (W), Mumbai (1985–1989). In 1990 he joined the University of Mumbai as a "Reader". Until his death he was a PhD Guide in Marathi Department and also was Head of Phule, Shahu Chair in University of Mumbai.
Political and Social career
Kamble was the National President and one of the founding members of Dalit Panther. He was also the National General Secretary of Janata Dal, a member of the National Election Committee – Janata Dal (Parliamentary Board), and in charge of Election Committee of Bihar State. He successfully led the Namantar Andolan of Marathwada University as a president of Dalit Panther.
When the dispute arose on the book 'Riddles in Hinduism' (Appendix, Riddles of Ram & Krishna) authored by Dr. Ambedkar, Kamble led an intellectual fight and a march with Ten Lakh people (January 1987) and the provision for reservation to Buddhist, Backward class, and minorities with Prime Minister V. P. Singh. He got promises and assurance to implement the Mandal Commission; Second Backward class Commission, with an immediate effect (1989).
Professor Arun Kamble in conversation with former Prime Minister V.P. Singh.
This picture was taken during the World Conference on Buddha, Phule, Ambedkar's Literature at Kalyan (Maharashtra).
Kamble resigned from Janata Dal on the issue of Dalit president of India. He led a march as a President of Dalit Panther during an Assembly Session at Nagpur on the issue of publishing Dr. Ambedkar's complete body of literature (1979). He later worked as a member of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Charitra Sadhane Publication which was borne by a march.
Kamble worked as an editor for the book Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings & Speeches. Maharashtra Government declared a decision to omit a part from the Appendix (Riddles in Hinduism, 'Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar: Writings and Speeches' Volume 4). For this issue he left the editor's committee and filed a lawsuit in the High Court against the Maharashtra Government.
He inaugurated 'Manusmruti Cremation Conference' at Karur by Dravida Kazhagam, founded by Periyar E. V. Ramasamy (1983). He also inaugurated and led a march to protest against the outrageous behavior on Dalit community at Karamchedu (1987). He led Samajik Nyay Jyoti (Social Justice Flame) with Ram Vilas Paswan from Chundur to New Delhi (1992). He was the Chief Guest at 'All India Dalit Writer's Conference' (October 1987) and worked as a convener of the 'All India Dalit Writer's Association. He inaugurated a Social Gathering of Dalit Literature at Bangalore (1986) and gave a speech at the conference of the Namantar-Mandal (1984). He inaugurated the 9th Marathi Conference at Badoda (1995) and gave a speech at the All India Dalit Liberation conference (6 December 1987). He undertook an editorial work for the periodicals Ambedkar Bharat, Shoonya, and Sangharsh.
Committee undertakings
Kamble worked as a member of National Police Commission and as a committee member for the advisory board of Special Department for Scheduled Caste & Scheduled Tribes at the University of Mumbai. He was a president of 3rd All India Conference on Dr. Ambedkar's Literature at Wardha and also a president at the World Conference on Buddha, Phule, and Ambedkar Literature at Kalyan ( 23–25 March 2002).
Major works
Poetical works
"Arun Krushnaji Kamble" (1983) Awarded Best Poetry Collection by Maharashtra Sahitya Parishad.
"Mudra"
Prose works
"Ramayanatil Samskrutik Sangharsh"- (Cultural Struggle in Ramayana)
Ramayanatil Samskruti Sangharsh by Prof. Arun Kamble
"Ramayanma Samskrutik Sangharsh"- Published by Subhash Palekar on 6 December 1993.
"Janata Patratil Lekh"(JanataDr.B.R.Ambedkar, Edited by Arun Kamble − 7 appendices and 47 pages preface) Published by University of Mumbai and Popular Publication, 1993.
"Cheevar"-(Essays on Literature and Culture), Ashay Publication, 1995.
"Yug Pravartak Ambedkar"-(Epoch Making Ambedkar) Ashay Publication, 1995.
"Chalvache Diwas"- (Reminisances of the Agitations), Ashay Publication, 1995.
"Vad Samvad"-(Debate and Dialog) an Intellectual Prose, Pratima Publication – 1996, Pune.
"Dharmantarachi Bheemgarjana" Conversion of Dr. B.R.Ambedkar) – Pratima Publication – 1996, Pune.
"Marathi Intellectual Prose", Edited by Arun Kamble and other, Text prepared for B.A. (University of Mumbai), Pratima Publication, 2003.
"Tarkateerth Laxmanshastri Joshi—Ek Vadatovyaghyat", Critical writing on Laxmanshastri Joshi, Ambedkar Bharat Publication, 1987.
Translations
"Priya Adarker" translated a selection of his poems into English under the title Arun Kamble: Arun Krushnaji Kamble, Poems.[6][page needed]
"Modern Indian Poetry" Published by[7][page ne Pritish Nandy.
"An Anthology of Dalit Literature", Edited by Eleanor Zelliot and Mulk Raj Anand.
Poems published on the cover page, Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, Journals of Michigan University, USA 1978 & 1998.
"Some Aspects of Half Social Justice, Krishna Aiyar
From "[Untouchable to Dalit", Eleanor Zelliot (Carleton College, USA), Manohar 2005.
"Poisoned Bread" Edited by Arjun Dangle, Orient Longman and Co. 1992.
Ayyankali
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Mahathma Ayyankali
Born 28 August 1863
Venganoor, Thiruvananthapuram, Travancore, British India
Died 18 June 1941 (aged 77)
Madras Presidency, British India
Spouse(s) Chellamma
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Mahathma Ayyankali
Born 28 August 1863
Venganoor, Thiruvananthapuram, Travancore, British India
Died 18 June 1941 (aged 77)
Madras Presidency, British India
Spouse(s) Chellamma
Mahatma Ayyankali (also Ayyan Kali) (28 August 1863 – 1941) was a social reformer who worked for the advancement of deprived untouchable people in the princely state of Travancore, British India. His efforts influenced many changes that improved the social well-being of those people, who are today often referred to as Dalits..
Background
Mahatma Ayyankali was born on 28 August 1863 in Venganoor, Thiruvananthapuram, Travancore. He was the first of eight children born to Ayyan and Mala, who were members of the Pulayar community of untouchable people. Although the family were relatively well-off compared to other Pulayars, having been given 5 acres (2.0 ha) of land by a grateful landlord, the children were encouraged to adopt the customary occupation of agriculture. Members of the Pulayar community generally were rural slaves at this time.
The region in which Ayyankali lived, which now forms a part of the state of Kerala, was particularly affected by social divisions during his lifetime and was described by Swami Vivekananda as a "mad house" of castes. The Pulayars were regarded as the lowest group of people in the kingdom and they suffered badly from oppressive discrimination, in particular from members of the powerful Nair caste.[6] Robin Jeffrey, a professor specialising in the modern history and politics of India, quotes the wife of a Christian missionary, who wrote in 1860 of the complex social code that
... a Nair can approach but not touch a Namboodiri Brahmin: a Chovan [Ezhava] must remain thirty-six paces off, and a Pulayan slave ninety-six steps distant. A Chovan must remain twelve steps away from a Nair, and a Pulayan sixty-six steps off, and a Parayan some distance farther still. A Syrian Christian may touch a Nair (though this is not allowed in some parts of the country) but the latter may not eat with each other. Pulayans and Parayars, who are the lowest of all, can approach but not touch, much less may they eat with each other.
Suffering from this social injustice caused Ayyankali to join with like-minded Pulayan friends. These young people gathered at the end of their workday to sing and dance to folk music that protested the situation. Some joined him in forming a group that challenged and threatened members of the upper castes whenever an opportunity arose, sometimes attacking them physically. His popularity earned him the names of Urpillai and Moothapullai.
Ayyankali married Chellamma in 1888. The couple had seven children.
Campaigning
Freedom of movement
In 1893, Ayyankali, dressed to provoke in clothing traditionally associated with the Nairs, defied the social conventions that applied to lower castes and untouchables by riding on a road in a bullock cart that he had bought. Both the act of purchase and that of travelling on a road that was traditionally the preserve of the upper castes amounted to a significant challenge. In a similar act of defiance, he entered the marketplace at Nedumangad. These protests, which have been described by Nisar and Kanadasamy as "laying claim to the public space", strengthened resolve among others from the oppressed communities of Travancore, leading to further protest acts elsewhere, such as in Kazhakkoottam. The outcome of continued protest marches, which sometimes turned violent and became known as Chaliyar riots, was that by 1900 the Pulayars had gained the right to use most roads in the state, although they were still barred from those that led to Hindu temples.
Later, in 1904, Ayyankali was inspired on hearing a speech given by the reformist Ayyavu Swamikal. This Hindu sanyasi had been preaching the need to break down caste divisions because he thought that doing so would limit the number of people who were converting from Hinduism to Christianity.[a] A branch of Swamikal's Brahma Nishta Matam organisation was established in that year by Ayyankali and some friends in Venganoor. Ayyankali also drew inspiration from the activities of Narayana Guru, a contemporary social reformer from the Ezhava caste, although the two men differed in their philosophy and the means of turning it into reality. Narayana Guru had attempted to forge an alliance between the Ezhavas and untouchable communities such as the Pulayars but there had been violent opposition to the idea from his brethren and the Pulayars remained voiceless until the emergence of Ayyankali.
Education
Statue of Ayyankali in Kollam
Ayyankali also sought to improve access to education. Some Pulayars had access from around the mid-nineteenth century, mostly through the activities of the Colonial Missionary Society and London Missionary Society. Conversion to Christianity was a prerequisite for attendance at such schools, and there were cases where Pulayars offered to contribute to the cost of supplying teachers for them. However, Ayyankali, who was illiterate, believed that education should be available to all children and this meant that government schools should allow access to untouchables.
The government was already attempting to modernise its approach to social welfare. Several public schools had been opened to untouchable communities after 1895 but the right to primary education was limited in scope. State funding of education became effective in 1904 but even after the government ordered schools to admit these untouchable people in 1907, local officials found ways to refuse it. In that year, helped by the experience gained from organising the Brahma Nishta Mattam, Ayyankali founded the Sadhu Jana Paripalana Sangham (SJPS) (Association for the Protection of the Poor) which campaigned for access to schools and raised funds to set up Pulayar-operated schools in the interim. This attracted support from both Hindus and Christians.
An attempt by Ayyankali to enrol a Pulayar girl in a government school led to violent acts perpetrated by upper castes against the community and eventually to the burning-down of the school building in the village of Ooruttambalam. His response was to organise what may have been the first strike action by agricultural workers in the region, who withdrew their labour from the fields that were owned by the upper castes until the government acceded to a complete removal of restrictions on education.
Ayyankali was also central to the success of the Pulayan challenge against the traditional stricture that prohibited female members of the community from clothing their upper body when in public. Caste Hindus had insisted that the custom was necessary to distinguish the lowly status of untouchable people but during the 19th century their belief had come under increasing attack from various untouchable groups and from Christian missionaries. The Channar revolt, through which the Nadar community were able to overturn the practice in so far as it affected themselves, had happened not long before Ayyankali's birth but the Pulayars remained affected by the discriminatory code until 1915-16.
Representation
Ayyankali later became a member of the assembly of Travancore, known as the Sree Moolam Popular Assembly (SMPA) or Praja Sabha.
Contribution and influence in society
The historian P. Sanal Mohan has described Ayyankali as "the most important Dalit leader of modern Kerala". The anniversary of Ayyankali's birth has been celebrated by his descendants and by special interest groups.
Ayya Vaikundar
A Different Revolutionist
Historic Places And Festivals
Ayya established five pathis.
These pathis are pilgrim centrersExplore More
Social Reforms
Ayya Vaikunda Nather stayed
at Swamithoppu and sent his disciples farExplore More
Political Vision
Vaikunda Nather raised
a slogan Unity of Untouchable CommunitiesExplore More
Ayya Vaikundar
A Different Revolutionist and Social Reformer.
Ayya Vaikundar(1809-1851), a great humanist and social thinker, lived in the Princisely Kingdom of Travancore in the early decades of the 19 th Century Kerala, is still remembered as the first well known social reformer in India who critiqued the caste discrimination and religious hierarchy and fought against the practice of untouchability. He is considered as the pioneer of such revolutionary movements in India . Ayya Vaikundar not only preached his views but practicalised among low caste poor people.
His exhortation 'ONE CASTE, ONE RELIGION, ONE CLAN, ONE WORLD, ONE GOD'' is world famous. He was against idol worship . He did not allow the portraitores to draw his figure. No evidence of any picture or any of his human figure are kept to prove his visual identity .So that he still remains as in the form of absolute wisdom.
It has been noticed that if the socio - political thinkers of modern India could have been accepted the vision of AYYA VAIKUNDA NATHAR much earlier , the political dimension of modern India might have attained a value based, qualitative trend in all walks of life. His theory and practice like 'samathva samajam' , 'sama panthi bhojan' , 'thottu namam podunkal' were much enough to cultivate a thought of equality and unity in Indian minds.
Since an ever remembered forefather of Nadar community, the community organization in Kerala Nadar Family Welfare Centre courageously taken an ambitious project to build up a suitable monument which will function as a center for research and studies on AYYA's social vision.
It is our endeavour to begin to search and practice the real thought of AYYA's socio political vision, so that the young generation of our time can create new skies for future India.
I can proudly state that this web site is the first one of its kind on AYYA VAIKUNDA NATHAR from Kerala.
I most humbly present this web site before the patriotic and progressive minded people of the world and invite to unite in the humanist way of AYYA.
By A.S. Ahimohanan
Historical Vaikundar (1809–1851) refers to the life and teachings of the person known as Ayya Vaikundar in Akilathirattu Ammanai, being reconstructed from a historical perspective with reference to various historical sources in contrast to the mythological Akilamic views. Though few events referred to in the mythology have yet to be validated historically, many key events mentioned in Akilam were acknowledged by other contemporary sources.
Ayya Vaikundar was the first to succeed as a social reformer in launching political struggle, social renaissance as well as religious reformation in the country.Vaikundar was the pioneer of the social revolutionaries of Tamil Nadu and Kerala. Research scholars regard Vaikundar as a teacher, healer and also a miracle worker] He was also said to be the forerunner of all social reformers of India. He was in the forefront of movements for Human Rights and Social Equality. His teachings also effected many social changes in southern India, resulting in the emergence of a series of social and self-respect movements such as Upper cloth agitation, Temple entry agitation and other movements including those of Narayana Guru, Chattampi Swamikal, Vallalar and Ayyankali.
Early life
The year as well as the exact date of birth of Vaikundar is a matter of conflict. Various historians place the year of birth as 1809 C.E while as few other sources placed his birth in 1808 C.E. Akilam did not mention any direct reference to the date. But by the time he was taken to Tiruchendur for being cured after he fall sick he was at his 24, for which the exact date is mentioned in Akilam as 20th Masi 1008 M.E which falls on 4 March 1833. The date of birth too is subject to greater conflict. Historians predict various dates from 12 March to 19 April. He has born as the second son to Ponnumadan - Veyilal couple who were working in the farms of the land-lord Poovandar at Sasthankoilvilai.
The parents and the villagers witnessed some spiritual significance in the face of the child. A naming ceremony was conducted and the name Mudisoodum Perumal (Lord Vishnu with Crown) was suggested by the elders and was accepted by others. Since people of lower castes are not allowed to use the names of God or Rulers the upper classes opposed the move and demanded an immediate name change.Fearing the oppression the child was renamed Muthukutty. There are various accounts as to who suggested the name. While few historians claim that the name Muthukutty, which tones prosaical, was suggested by the officials, others argued that though some officials from the administration were against the name ‘Mudisoodum Perumal’ , they never suggested this alternative. There is another account that while the parents was seeking admission to the child for schooling in a traditional Schools known as Thinnai Palli the teacher refused to enrol the child with the name and he himself changed the name to Muthukutty. Another narration is that the King of Travancore, through his Umbrella bearer, Poovandar, directly ordered to change the name which includes the suffix ‘Perumal’ (Vishnu) to Muthukutty. Other accounts speculates that the villagers themselves adopted the name as per the existing norms as the lower castes of the Travancore has to use differential language and different set of names to signify their differential social status from the upper classes.
Though he disliked rituals and practices he was very religious and prefers simple worship. He was also very revolutionary in his thoughts, idea and acts right from his childhood. He was a staunch devotee of Lord Vishnu as he had set a pedestal and offers regular prayers for Vishnu at his residence. He use to meditate regularly during evenings at Marunthuvazh Malai. He well versed in various ancient arts including martial arts, he appears as a multifaceted personality. He was also said to be a very good orator. Though it is not clear whether he advocated a unified society and supported intermingling of various castes and promoted inter-caste marriages. But he strongly propagated for a society totally free from caste discrimination and also worked for the betterment of the downtrodden. He was intensely against the oppressive treatment of the lower classes.
Transformation
At the age of 17 he married a women Thirumalammal of Puviyoor, Agastheeswaram, who was left alone by her husband. There is also a view that they never get married and that the women only came to serve him in his activities . He continued his early life as a Palmyra Climber and as an Agricultural labourer. At the age of 22 he fall ill.
There is another narrative that at his age of 16, the upper classes, being irritated by the inclusionary views and activities of Vaikundar and his popularity, made several attempts to eliminate him and all of them failed. So they eventually conspired to kill him in by clandestine means. They pretend to be get convinced to his view and pretend to celebrate him and his preachings. They invited him for a banquet at Marunthuvazh Malai. He was served with poison through food. To every bodies wonder he remained unaffected. But that the poison made some effects on him gradually and that the illness is due to the effects of the poison. The severity of illness increased as days passed on. Gradually he was reduced to the bed. He suffered acute pain for more than a year. The whole village was anxious over the suffering of Vaikundar.
The days passed and Vaikundar attained the age of 24. Veyilal, the mother informed that she was instructed by Lord Vishnu that his son will be cured off the illness if he was brought to the festival at Tiruchendur on the 19th of Masi 1008 M.E. The villagers along with his kith and kin began the journey carrying Vaikundar in the cradle to Tiruchendurin the late hours of 15th Masi 1008. M.E. It is vividly clear that Veyilal, the mother of Vaikundar accompanied him. But very few accounts suggest that Thirumalammal and Ponnu Madan is along with him during his journey. Authors Krishna Nathan and Kasi Udhayam made claims that the father and wife of Vaikundar were with Vaikundar on his way to Tiruchendur. On the way they took rest alongside a village well after having their meals. Wondering everybody, Vaikundar, who was until then could not set his foot on the ground, suddenly stepped out of the cradle and started walking swiftly and everybody else followed him. They believed that the dream of Veyilal is coming true. They reached Tiruchendur on 19th Masi 1008 M.E. and took part in the Masi festival at Tiruchendur.
The events surrounding the passage of Vaikundar towards the sea is a matter of conflict. On account propound that, during the late night while everybody except Veyilal were sleeping Vaikundar began walking swiftly towards the sea. Veyilal started to run screaming behind him. The relatives arose and they started running behind Veyilal up to the sea shore and that all of them witness the disappearance of Vaikundar into the sea. Another narrative is that while they are taking a holy dip in the sea they found Vaikundar missing among the crowd and was not traced. Other authors opined that he was carried away by a massive wave on 1 March. Hours afterwards, with no signs of Vaikundar being found anywhere there, everybody else started convincing Veyilal in one way or another to return home. Highly distressed Veyilal decided not to go home without her son and remained weeping on the sea-shore.
After three days on 20th Masi 1008. M.E., the face of Vaikundar was seen rising over the horizon in the early morning hours. Writer Ponnu suggests that Vaikundar took his rebirth during the auspicious occasion of the Mahamaham, suggesting the date of the event on 5 March 1833. Few authors suggest that the relatives also witnessed the event while others maintain that all others except Veyilal went disappointed and that she alone was at the sea-shore after three days. The mother was very much excited to see Vaikundar back. However, the words of Vaikundar, after his advent from the sea shocked her as he proclaimed that he is no longer her son. He also revealed that, “Until the year ‘One thousand and Eight’ you were known to be my mother and now I had born as the son of Narayana for fulfilling the needs of Santror and to rule them forever.”
Penance
After making the proclamations, Vaikundar proceeded towards Kanyakumari. There he instructed the people to give-up the rituals and religious ceremonies and reached Poovandanthope . It appears that few incidents in which he was ill-treated happened on the way. On the other hand he was also warmly welcomed at some places. He was also said to have performed miracles at various places through the way As per writer Amalan, Vaikundar stayed at Udangudi on Masi 21 and reached Poovandanthoppe on 22 Masi 1008 M.E. . The news about the Thiruchendur incident spread all around the Villages nearby. After this incident people started calling him devoutly as ‘Ayya’ means Father in Tamil. He also travelled northwards to various parts of Tirunelveli to reveal his arrival. He travelled northwards up to Kadambankulam, through Pillaiyar Kudiyiruppu, Avaraikulam, Vadakkankulam, and Pambankulam. At Kadambankulam, the northernmost venue to which Vaikundar travelled, today stands one among the rare Nizhal Thangalswhich face geographic north. Vaikundar selected five Seedars. Two among them, Dharma Seedar and Bheeman Seedar were selected before his northwards travel, Arjunan Seedar was identified during the travel while the remaining two of them, Sahadevan Seedar, and Nakulan Seedar were selected after the travel. Though Arjunan Seedar was identified earlier he was selected only afterwards. The episode of his northwards travel was documented in very few sources.
After concluding his travel he returned to Swamithope by December 1833 and commenced his penance by mid January 1834 during the auspicious month of Margazhi. It consists of three phases. The first phase of his penance last for two years from January 1843 to December 1835. The Phase I is named Yuga Thavasu and was intended to abolish the rule of the evil force, Kali and for the subsequent end of Kali Yuga. The Yuga Thavasu is performed in a standing posture within a 6 feet-deep pit. During this phase he use to talk less and believed to have taken no food. The second Phase is dedicated for the elimination of the case based and other discriminations among human communities and for the upliftment of Santror. The second phase too lasted for two years beginning on December 1835 till December 1837. This phase is performed at the ground level in a sitting posture. He took only rice gruel . However, some sources claimed that he took milk and fruits during Phase II .
Phase III of the penance began by January 1838. This last phase is meant for the upliftment of women and for the betterment of his progeny. Phase III is performed by him on a raised pedestal. The last phase too was intended to extend for two complete years but was interrupted by the King of Travancore.
Mendicant
By this time it is believed that so many miracles began to happen around him and people started believing his as their saviour. The news began to spread like wild-fire and thousands of people from every section of the society from the surrounding villages began to visit Swamithope, believing that their grievances be addressed by him. He is believed to have cured various diseases during this period. People witnessed mysterious experience and influence while standing before him Some accounts suggests that attempts were made by the upper classes during this time to dispel his popularity. During this time he also believed to have incinerated the demons and also seized the power of the witchcraft, sorcery etc in front of his devotees.
Vaikundar characterised himself as a Mendicant. He was addressed by the worshippers as ‘Narayana Pandaram’. It was during these days he preached several revolutionary ideas which are considered as historically unparalleled. He emphasized the importance of Charity, Truth and love and induced these values into the rituals. Most of his teachings and rituals he advocated has both religious and social implications. Historically, the rituals were used or viewed as an attempt to break the inequalities, mainly caste-based, prevailed in the society of the time, and to strengthen and uplift the sociologically downtrodden and ill-treated. Examples of this include the charity on food as 'Anna Dharmam' , physical as well as spiritual cleanliness through Thuvayal Thavasu, eliminating untouchability through Thottunamam, self-respect and courage through headgear, and unifying various castes through Muthirikkinaru. His revolutionary doctrine caused great excitement among the people and prepared them to fight for their rights. (SFSE 48) During this time he also believed to have incinerated the demons and also seized the power of the witchcraft, sorcery etc. in front of his devotees.
Arrest
The teachings of Vaikundar created an excitement among the people and it began to reflect in the socio-religious arena of the 19th century South Travancore and South Tirunelveli. The lower classes began to resist several oppressions all of them until then remained unchallenged. The upper classes viewed this as a challenge against them as they believed that the collapse of the existing system may undermine their social status seriously. Numerous complaints were made before the King of Travancore by the upper classes against Vaikundar and his activities. But the king seems to ignore all of them initially. The issue was brought before the king Swathi Thirunal Rama Varma once again during his Suchindrum visit. Being a staunch believer of the Varna system, it seems hard for the King to believe Vaikundar, whose community was outside the caste-fold, to be the avatar of Narayana. Moreover, the claim made by Vaikundar that himself will rule the world as an undisputed King misled the king. He suspected that Vaikundar was provoking the people and was plotting for a revolt against the Kingdom. Fearing a revolution he sent the armed forces immediately to arrest Vaikundar The large gathering around Vaikundar confronted with the army. Vaikundar refrained them from getting violent and appealed them to pave the way for the forces. The soldiers arrested him and took him to Suchindrum.
At Suchindrum, Vaikundar was brought in front of the king. He, who already had doubts about the divinity of Vaikundar, intended to test his supernatural ability by hiding his ring in his hand and asking him to name it. Vaikundar preferred not to answer and to remain silent The king ordered his imprisonment immediately He was imprisoned in a confinement filled with sewage infested with worms It is also noted by some that he was asked to take alcohol in which various poisonous herbs was mixed up. Miraculously Vaikundar remained unaffected He was imprisoned there for two days. Then the king ordered him to be taken to Thiruvananthapuram, the capital of Travancore. The forces proceed towards Thiruvananthapuram through Kottar, Parvathipuram, Chungankadai and reached Thuckalay. That night he was kept imprisoned at Manalikkara . The next day the soldiers took him to Thiruvananthapuram via Balaramapuram. At Thiruvananthapuram, Vaikundar was jailed at Singarathope open prison. Jubliant followers of Vaikundar accompanied him all through his way and stayed at the prison premises
During his imprisonment period people in large numbers rushed to Singarathope to avail his blessings. Vaikundar was subjected to several severe tribulations and cruel treatments. However, he continued preaching and healing there too. He also said to have performed various miracles at the prison Attempts were also made to burn him in lime kiln and in Chilli go-down. He had overcome all these miraculously. He was finally thrown into the cage of a hungry Tiger in front of the administrators, army staff and public. Contrary to the expectation of the officials the tiger did not jump onto its prey. One of the soldiers tried to prod it with a spear in order to provoke it. The tiger caught hold of the spear and in no time left it abruptly when the other end of the spear ripped the abdomen of a priest and he died on the spot. This event shocked the king as he believed that killing a priest would fetch divine wrath. He ordered the release of Vaikundar immediately upon the condition that he would restrict his activities and preaching only to his caste. Vaikundar not only refused to sign the condition but also refused to accept his release. He tore the royal writ into pieces since his mission was the betterment and equality of all castes. He proclaimed that he would be accepting the release only after the completion imprisonment period.
He remained in jail as a prisoner for the full 3 ¾ months. He was released after 110 days, in the first week of March. These events enhanced the fame of Vaikundar further all over the kingdom. His followers carried him back as a procession and they reached Poovandanthope on 19 Masi 1013 M.E (1 March 1838), a day before the 5th anniversary of his incarnation.
Later life
As the Phase III of his Tavam was disrupted by the King he decided to fulfil the penance. He also directed 700 families to undertake Thuvayal Thavasu, the Washing Penance. They concluded the penance at two Phases. Phase I last for 6 months and was conducted at Vakaippathi and Phase II lasts another 6 months at Muttapathi. By the same time the final phase of Tavam of Vaikundar too completed at Poovandanthope. After the conclusion of the Tavam he consecrated the Muthirikkinaru, historically the first ever well in South India which was allowed to be used by all castes. He was also believed to be received the Second Vinchai from Lord Narayana at Theerthakkarai, Muttapathi. Then he moved westwards to the place which was now known to be as Ambala Pathi.
At Ambalappathi, he portrayed himself as a reigning King under a grand roof similar to the ones in the then Travancore palace. He was also believed to have unified various deighties into himself there by conducting a grand ceremony, Ikanai manam. Afterwards he also laid foundation stones for several Nizhal Thangals throughout South Travancore and South Tirunelvely. He breathed his last in 21 Vaikasi 1026.M.E His ‘Sacred Golden Body’ was interned at Poovandanthope which was now the Palliyarai of Swamithope Pathi.
एलेनर जेलिअट
(7.10.1926-5.6.2016)
एलेनर जेलिअट के आंबेडकर
मैक्सिको में अंबेडकर के बारे में सामग्री ढूंढना आसान नहीं था परंतु जो कुछ भी मुझे मिला, उन सबमें मैंने एक समानता पाई। मैंने पाया कि उन सभी में, 1969 में पेन्सिल्वेनिया विश्वविद्यालय में एलेनर जेलिअट के अप्रकाशित पीएचडी शोधप्रबंध, जिसका शीर्षक ‘‘डा.अंबेडकर एंड द महार मूवमेंट’’ था, का कहीं न कहीं हवाला दिया गया था -हेसूस चायरेज 11.6.2016
एलेनर जेलिअट दलित अध्ययन की अग्रिम पंक्ति की विद्वान और अंबेडकर के जीवन और कार्यों की प्रमाणिक विशेषज्ञ थीं। इन विषयों में रूचि रखने वाले मेरे जैसे कई लोगों का अंबेडकर से परिचय उन्हीं के लेखन द्वारा हुआ। जिस समय भारत के बाहर आंबेडकर की कोई पहचान नहीं थी, उस समय उन्होंने अंबेडकर और दलित आन्दोलन पर कई पुस्तकें लिखीं, जिन्होंने दुनिया भर के अध्येताओं और सामाजिक कार्यकर्ताओं पर गहरी छाप छोड़ी।
एलेनर जेलिअट से मेरी व्यक्तिगत मुलाकात कभी नहीं हुई। इसलिए मैं यहाँ उन्हें एक महान मनुष्य और विद्वान – जो वे थीं – के रूप में याद नहीं कर रहा हूँ। मुझे विश्वास है कि अमेरिका के नार्थफील्ड, मिनेसोटा के कार्लटन कॉलेज, जहाँ उन्होंने 30 वर्षों तक अध्यापन किया, के उनके विधार्थी और सहकर्मी इस बारे में मुझसे कहीं बेहतर बता सकेंगे। मेरा लक्ष्य साधारण है। मैं तो केवल उनकी उदारता की एक झलक दिखलाना चाहता हूं और यह बताना चाहता हूँ कि उनके लेखन का मुझ पर क्या प्रभाव पड़ा और उसने मेरे विचारों को आकार देने में कैसे मदद की। मैं यहाँ केवल अपने अनुभव की बात कर रहा हूँ यद्यपि बाद के वर्षों में मैं ऐसे कई व्यक्तियों के संपर्क में आया, जिनका अनुभव मुझसे मिलता-जुलता था और जिन्हें जेलियट ने शोध-कार्य करने के लिए प्रोत्साहित किया था।
सन 2008 के प्रारंभ में मैंने पहली बार एलेनर जेलिअट के बारे में सुना। उस समय मैं मैक्सिको में एमए का विद्यार्थी था और भारत के इतिहास पर काम कर रहा था। गांधी और अछूत प्रथा के संबंध में उनके विचारों और कार्यों के बारे में कुछ समय तक अध्ययन करने के बाद मुझे अंबेडकर के जीवन और उनके लेखन के बारे में पता लगा। मैंने अंबेडकर का नाम इससे पहले कभी नहीं सुना था और इसलिए उनके बारे में जो कुछ भी मुझे उपलब्ध हो सका, वह सब मैंने पढ़ डाला।
जेलिअट के विचारों और उनके कार्य के बारे में जानने के लिए मैंने कुछ शोध किया। मुझे पता चला कि उन्होंने बड़ी संख्या में लेख लिखे हैं, जो कई अलग-अलग सम्पादित ग्रंथों में प्रकाशित हैं।
जेलिअट कि लेखन मुख्यतः तीन बिंदुओं पर केंद्रित था।
1.महाराष्ट्र में अछूत प्रथा के खिलाफ अंबेडकर के संघर्ष। उनका तर्क था कि अंबेडकर ने धर्म को खारिज कर और आधुनिक राजनीतिक साधनों का इस्तेमाल कर इस कुप्रथा के खिलाफ संघर्ष किया।
2.समकालीन अछूत आंदोलन और बौद्ध धम्म व साहित्य से उसका रिश्ता। उन्होंने यह समझने की कोशिश की कि अछूत, बौद्ध धम्म को किस तरह देखते हैं और इस प्रयास के चलते वे दलित मराठी लघुकथाओं और कविताओं की समृद्ध दुनिया में प्रवेश पा सकी।
3.चोखामेला जैसे मध्यकालीन अछूत संत कवियों के गुम हो चुके इतिहास की खोज और जाति-विरोधी विचारों की परंपरा का अध्ययन। मैंने इन लेखों से बहुत कुछ जाना-सीखा परंतु जेलिअट का अप्रकाशित शोध प्रबंध मुझे नहीं मिल सका।
कुछ और खोज करने पर मुझे पता चला कि एलेनर जेलिअट, मिनेसोटा के कार्लटन कालेज से जुड़ी हुईं थीं। उन्होंने 1969 से 1997 तक वहाँ अध्यापन कार्य किया था। परंतु मुझे यह जानकर निराशा हुई कि वे सेवानिवृत्त हो गई हैं। तब तू कार्लटन की वेबसाईट पर दिए गए उनके ईमेल पते पर उन्हें एक संदेश लिख भेजा। मेरे पहले ईमेल में मैंने उन्हें लिखा कि मैं अंबेडकर पर अपना एमए का लघु शोधप्रबंध लिख रहा हूँ और इसके लिए मुझे उनकी पीएचडी थीसिस की आवश्यकता है। मुझे आश्चर्य हुआ जब उनका जवाब कुछ ही घंटों में आ गया। अपने ईमेल में उन्होंने लिखा कि उस शोधप्रबंध को एक छोटे-से दलित प्रकाशन ‘ब्लूमून बुक्स’ ने 1998 में प्रकाशित किया था। उन्होंने मुझे लिखा कि मैं अपना पोस्टल पता उन्हें लिख भेजूं ताकि वे उसकी एक प्रति मुझे भेज सकें।
जब ‘‘आंबेडकर एंड द अनटचेबिल मूवमेंट’’ की प्रति मुझे मिली तब मैंने उन्हें धन्यवाद देते हुए एक ईमेल भेजा। उन्होंने जवाब में लिखा कि वे पुस्तक की सामग्री से तो प्रसन्न हैं परंतु उसका शीर्षक उन्हें बिलकुल नहीं भाता। उनकी शिकायत थी कि अंबेडकर को अछूत आंदोलन का एकमात्र नेता बताना अतिरंजना है। मेरी दृष्टि में यह बहुत बड़ा मुद्दा नहीं था। जैसा कि मैंने अन्यत्र लिखा है, अंबेडकर वह पहले व्यक्ति थे जिन्होंने अछूत प्रथा की अवधारणा को एक राष्ट्रीय राजनैतिक अवधारणा में बदल दिया-एक ऐसी अवधारणा में जो भाषा, पेशे और इतिहास की क्षेत्रीय विभिन्नताओं के बाद भी पूरे देश के दलितों को एक करने में सक्षम थी। परंतु मैं जेलिअट की बात समझ सकता था। वे अंबेडकर के विचारों के प्रभाव पर नहीं लिख रही थीं। उनकी विषयवस्तु आंबेडकर का राजनीतिक आंदोलन था। अंबेडकर की मृत्यु के बाद, उनके एक नायक के रूप में उभरने के महत्व को जेलिअट कम करके नहीं आंक रही थीं वे दरअसल, यह कहना चाह रही थीं कि अंबेडकर के आंदोलन के केंद्र में मुख्यतः पश्चिमी भारत के महार थे। इन मुद्दों के बावजूद हम यह समझ सकते हैं कि जेलिअट ने एक इतनी छोटी-सी अनजान प्रेस को अपनी किताब प्रकाशित करने की इजाजत क्यों दी। उनका दलित आंदोलन से जुड़ाव केवल एक अध्येता बतौर नहीं था। वे इस आंदोलन के प्रति प्रतिबद्ध थीं। वे चाहती थीं कि उनके विचार भारत और अमरीका और मैक्सिको में भी ज्यादा से ज्यादा लोगों तक पहुंचे।
जेलिअट ने ईमेल के ज़रिए बड़े धैर्य से अंबेडकर के बारे में मेरे प्रश्नों का उत्तर दिया। उन्होंने मेरे पीएचडी के विषय में भी रूचि ली और उसके संबंध में अपने विचार व्यक्त किए। उन्होंने मुझे मेहनत करने के लिए प्रोत्साहित किया। उनकी टिप्पणियां और उनसे हुई बातचीत मेरे लिए बहुत उपयोगी सिद्ध हुई और मुझे वह आज भी काम आती है। उनकी पुस्तक मेरे लिए एक खजाना है। जब भी मैं किसी अभिलेखागार में जाता हूं तो वह मेरे साथ होती है और जब भी अंबेडकर के जीवन के संबंध में मुझे कोई संदेह होता है तो वह उसका निवारण करती है। इससे भी महत्वपूर्ण यह है कि उनकी वह उदारता जो उनके ईमेलों से झलकती थी ने मुझे अकादमिक दुनिया में अपने कनिष्ठों से मित्रवत संबंध रखने के महत्व से परिचय करवाया और इससे भी कि कई बार कुछ शब्द या पंक्तियां किसी दूसरे के जीवन के लिए कितनी महत्वपूर्ण हो सकती हैं।
हेसूस चायरेज कैंब्रिज विश्वविद्यालय से इतिहास में पीएचडी हैं। उनका पीएचडी शोधप्रबंध डा.अंबेडकर के राजनीतिक विचारों और अछूत प्रथा की अवधारणा के राजनीतिक निहितार्थों पर केंद्रित है।
from forwardpress
नोट-उपरोक्त लेखन में लेखक द्वारा "दलित" शब्द का प्रयोग किया गया है। साभार सामग्री में संशोधन करने की गुंजाइश नहीं रहती है। अतः उपरोक्त विषय वस्तु में दलित शब्द का प्रयोग होने से मुझे/हमें दलित शब्द का समर्थक न समझा जाए। दलित शब्द फुले-अंबेडकरी विचारधारा के अनुकूल नहीं है। इसके स्थान पर उपयुक्त शब्द अनुसूचित जाति (एस.सी.) है।
Eleanor Zelliot, Dr. Ambedkar’s greatest follower
By Raja Sekhar Vundru
As India and the world celebrated Ambedkar’s 125th birth anniversary year, Ambedkar scholar Eleanor Zelliot, 89, passed away on June 6 in the US. After Ambedkar’s death in 1956, Zelliot came to India in 1963 as a young historian working on her doctoral thesis on Ambedkar and his movement.
Zelliot was professor of history at Carleton College, Minnesota, but her home was Ambedkar’s world and India. In 1969, when she submitted her PhD at University of Pennsylvania, she was the first scholar to complete a doctoral thesis on Ambedkar. She initially intended to write a political biography of the social reformer and politician. But she went on to study the factors which produced Ambedkar and discovered the way he in turn changed history.
At the time when Zelliot took up studying Ambedkar, most historians were busy with the Indian national movement, the British Raj or the 1857 mutiny. Since then, she never refused arequest from any academic institution, journal or encyclopedia to write on Ambedkar and the Dalit movement. Over the next 26 years, she consistently introduced Ambedkar to western academia so that every scholarly work on caste and politics, religion and politics, Indian political thought and leadership included Ambedkar.
During this period and later, she encouraged scores of scholars from the US and Europe to work on Ambedkar. In 2000, French scholar Christophe Jaffrelot became the first European to produce a work on Ambedkar in French — Dr Ambedkar: Leader of Untouchables and Father of the Indian Constitution.
Understanding the very idea of Ambedkar is the greatest contribution of Zelliot. She studied his leadership, his American experience and its influence on him. By 1972, Zelliot pioneered scholarship on the Dalit movement by diligently analysing and comparing the leadership of Gandhi and Ambedkar. She understood how the Mahars learnt to use the political means to empower themselves and how Buddhism and politics went together.
Studying Ambedkar’s leadership she defined the guiding principles which the Dalit leader consistently followed: only Dalits can understand their problems, only Dalits should lead their movement, and education and politics are means to equality.
Reading Zelliot will grant us the multi-dimensional perspective that is required of Ambedkar, who, today, has become the singular rallying point for Dalits. According to the scholar, Ambedkar, along with Mohandas Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, shaped 20th century India, which, in turn, has shaped the India we live in today.
Zelliot’s contribution to scholarship, however, goes beyond Ambedkar. She studied the Bhakti saints, women saint-poets and untouchable saints and introduced these historical trends and occurrences for modern historical study. She kept up with the latest happenings in the Dalit movement that included the workings of the Dalit Panthers and Dalit Sahitya and everything in between.
Bahujan Zelliot
Zelliot worked on Marathi Calit literature and joined hands with writer Mulk Raj Anand to produce An Anthology of Dalit Literature in 1992. Most of the Dalit Marathi poetry was translated by her in collaboration with AK Ramanujan, Jayant Karve, Gail Omvedt, Sukhadeo Thorat and Vimal Thorat.
Eleanor’s and Karve’s translation of Keshav Meshram’s Marathi poem, ‘One Day I Cursed That Mother-Fucker God’ is chilling: “One day I cursed that mother-fucker god/ he just laughed shamelessly/ my neighbour — a born-to-pen Brahman — was shocked.”
As well as Namdeo Dhasal’s powerful poem: “While I was writing this/three o’clock struck/ though I want to have a drink/ I don’t feel like drinking./ I only want to sleep peacefully/and tomorrow see no varnas.” Zelliot felt that “others will find [Dalit] poetry as filled with life, as meaningful, as wonderfully and sorrowfully human as I do.”
She was reluctant about publishing her doctoral thesis, as she felt that its title, ‘Dr Ambedkar and the Mahar Movement’, was too restrictive for such an emancipatory movement. But it was finally published in 2004.
Her seminal work, published in 1992, is From Untouchable to Dalit: Essays on Ambedkar’s Movement. Without reading this book, understanding Ambedkar is incomplete. If one wants to understand what India is today, one has to understand Ambedkar. And no one has studied and understood Ambedkar so well than Eleanor Zelliot.
(The writer is an IAS officer)
Ankita
Inclusive Education to empower minority youth. Thank You Mr. Chair, for giving the floor. I am Ankita, speaking on behalf of Dalit youth in Nepal and also representing Feminist Dalit Organization. Dalit youth in Nepal face many challenges in the education system in Nepal. 1. High Illiteracy and low enrollment rate The educational scenario in Nepal is highly centralized and presents difficulty of access for economically poor and marginalized groups. Despite making education free at the primary level when moving to secondary and tertiary level, there is a very low rate of enrollment. The gross enrollment rate at the primary level for Hill Dalits and Terai Dalits is between 70-90% while at tertiary level it can be as low as 1.2%. Given this scenario, it is hard to retain dalit youth in education due to number of reasons. One of which is due to extreme poverty and having the responsibility to sustain themselves and family. Also, the course of the curriculum does not give space for encouraging the culture of Dalit community. 2. Discriminatory practices against Dalit children in schools The forms of structural discrimination and abuse that Dalit children face is stigmatizing due to which they are often times forced to drop out of school. Teachers and other peer groups belonging from a so called higher caste at school exclude Dalit children- segregating classrooms, excluding them from various both extra and curriculum activities, denying for access to school water supplies and toilets, physically punishing them and also act of favoritism. 3. Multiple forms of discrimination faced by Dalit girls and defined gender roles The extreme poverty in which most of the Dalit families live and defined gender roles force Dalit girls out of school. Dalit girls are overburdened with household works or are married off at an early age. As a result of which they have less opportunity to enroll in formal education. 4. Lack of role model from Dalit community As mentioned earlier only 1.2 percent make to tertiary level and even less pursue higher. From my personal experience, while I was studying masters, I was the only one attending school from Dalit community from a group of 30. The reason for also very low representation is due to the cost of private education in Nepal. Also, many Dalit youth have the frustration and do not seek to pursue for further studies and rather migrate for menial jobs….. 5. Access to water, sanitation and hygiene As the settlements, particularly in rural areas of the Dalit community do not have proper access to toilet facilities, clean drinking water and also medical first-aid. To fetch drinking water they have to cover 5-10 km just for drinking water. This leads to poor hygiene and cleanliness and hence, the school management discourages the children to attend schools. Also there is a pre-conception rooted in the mind of people that a person from Dalit community is unhygienic and polluted hence, cannot be touched. They face discrimination based on it as a result are de-motivated to attend school. Recommendations: The current scenario of education in Nepal is nationally standardized and homogenous and lacks space for local culture and resources. Because the Dalits are traditional occupants, the course that is offered does not promote and protect its usefulness. Dalits are often the crafted skilled artisans- for example; blacksmiths, cobbler, carpenter. So these occupations need to be protected and promoted and seen as a respectful job. Even educated Dalits are less offered in the job market. Therefore, the affirmative and positive action should be promoted to the private sector. The government does provide scholarship- limited within the government schools and colleges, but there is no outreach of the Dalit youths; hence unaware of schemes provided by the government. Hence, the state should bring programs to spread awareness. The state should ensure quality education in governmental schools and subsidize for those willing to study in private schools; provide professional training especially for women and girls to promote leadership. Participation of minority youth in public life. Thank You Mr. Chair, for giving the floor. I am Ankita, speaking on behalf of Dalit youth in Nepal and also representing Feminist Dalit Organization. My friend from Nepal presented the overall scenario where as I would like to present on some key challenges. Dalit youth in Nepal face many challenges in participating in public life. 1. High Illiteracy and low access to education The educational scenario in Nepal is highly centralized and presents difficulty of access for economically poor and marginalized groups. Despite making education free at the primary level when moving to secondary and tertiary level, there is a very low rate of enrollment. The gross enrollment rate at the primary level for Hill Dalits and Terai Dalits is between 70-90% while at tertiary level it can be as low as 1.2%. Given this scenario, it is hard for Dalit youth to attain qualifications and participate in a growing social, economic and cultural scene in Nepal. There are many reasons for this lack of participation. One of which is due to extreme poverty and having the responsibility to sustain themselves and family. The other is the systemic and systematic discrimination widely practiced across Nepal and in all spheres of life. Young Dalit women often suffer from multiple forms of this discrimination and exclusion from public life. 2. Discriminatory practices The forms of structural discrimination and abuse that Dalits face is stigmatizing due to which they are often times forced to drop out of school and work from a young age in order to sustain their families. . Peer groups belonging from a so called higher caste at exclude Dalits segregating them from social events, religious activities including attending marriages. Even in death Dalits are excluded and segregated in separate crematoriums. 3. Multiple forms of discrimination faced by Dalit women and girls and defined gender roles The extreme poverty in which most of the Dalit families live and defined gender roles force Dalit girls out of school. Dalit girls are overburdened with household works or are married off at an early age. Dalit male youth migrate for better opportunities making Dalit women and girls with confined mobility, prone to violence and discrimination. Inter-caste marriage is still one of the main forms areas that are unaccepted by the so called higher caste population. Violence and sexual abuse is often the punishment faced by young Dalit women if they dare to marry out of their caste. 4. Access to housing, water, sanitation and hygiene As the settlements, particularly in rural areas of the Dalit community do not have proper access to toilet facilities, clean drinking water and also medical first-aid. To fetch drinking water they have to cover 5-10 km. Despite the source of water available, they are not allowed to have access, due to the preconception rooted in the mind of people that a person from Dalit community is unhygienic and polluted hence, cannot be touched. This phenomenon also prevents the participation of Dalits in public life. If a Dalit family in a very rural part of Nepal tries to construct a concrete house in the community where Dalits and non-Dalits leave, although separated by some sort of visible line of division, the non-Dalits will not allow this construction because they don't want Dalit communities to be raised above their Untouchable status. Access to job opportunities Dalits in Nepal are traditional occupants and artisans but their job is never given any value. It is always considered as a menial job and not something to be encouraged through introduction of technology and into the mainstream. Because they are not educated they are excluded from the job market and forced to either migrate or work in low paid jobs making them unable to come out of the vicious cycle. In these traditional occupation too, only Dalit men and boys participate and are the ones who have the control of money making Dalit girls and women to remain limited within the household chores therefore, are at very minimum exposed to social, economic, cultural and hence the overall public life. Recommendations: Because the Dalits are steeped in tradition, they are often the crafted skilled artisans- for example; blacksmiths, cobbler, carpenter. So these occupations need to be protected and promoted and seen as a respectful job. Even educated Dalits are less offered in the job market. Therefore, the affirmative and positive action should be promoted to the private sector. The state should ensure quality education and provide professional training especially for women and girls to promote leadership and take control of their lives. The government does provide scholarship- limited within the government schools and colleges, but there is no outreach of the Dalit youths; hence unaware of schemes provided by the government. Hence, the state should bring programs to spread awareness. Dalits need to be protected by full implementation of anti-untouchable legislation. This will not change mind-set over night but over time behavior will change.
Arattupuzha Velayudha Panicker
Arattupuzha Velayudha Panicker, also known as Kallaseril Velayuthan Panikker, (07/01/1825 – 03/01/1874) was an Ezhava warrior of the 19th century in Kerala, India, who fought against oppression by the upper castes.
Panicker, son of Kallisseri Perumal Chekor of the renowned Kallissery Tharavad lived in the village of Mangalam in Alappuzha district and today has folk-hero status in that area. Stories claim him to have been tall, muscular and fair-skinned, and to have held sway over other local members of the Ezhava caste to which he belonged to and for whom he acted as a protector. Resisting restrictions imposed on him due to his caste, he walked on public roads and demanded that those he protected should do the same. By providing cloth for lower caste women, he also opposed the royal decree that they should not cover the breasts and, the folklore says, killed some upper caste men who attempted to strip the women of the material. Sri Velayudha Panickeris associated with the ACHIPUDAVA Strike in Kayamkulam, and the MOOKKUTHI CHANDHA in Pandalam. He was given the status of Panicken (modified to Panicker by the then Travancore King.
The anthropologists Filippo and Caroline Osella consider him to be a forerunner of Sri Narayana Guru in his desire to challenge the prevailing oppression of the Ezhavas.
A research centre now exists called The Arattupuzha Velayudha Panicker Research Foundation and Cultural Centre. The temple which he built near to Managalam and in which he installed a Sivalingam in 1854 still stands.
Asha Kowtal
(Wikipedia)
Asha Kowtal
Nationality Indian
Known for Activist for Dalit women's rights
Asha Kowtal is an activist and expert in the field of Dalit women’s rights. She is currently the General Secretary of the Dalit Women’s Rights movement in India, called the All India Dalit Mahila Adhikar Manch (AIDMAM), which is part of the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights. She is also a convenor and part of the steering committee of WinG-India, a network advancing leadership of women from the north-eastern part of India, and involving Dalit and tribal communities in governance at all levels with the aim of challenging exploitative structures and enabling a society with gender equality.
Professional qualifications
Kowtal holds a master's degree in social work and has held various positions with donor agencies, working in the development sector with a focus on the rights of India’s marginalised women.
Professional career
Under Kowtal's leadership, AIDMAM has organised multiple activities, including a National Tribunal on Justice for Dalit Women, which came out with a report on violence against Dalit women after sittings held on 30 September and 1 October 2013.
Kowtal and AIDMAM have also organised a national conference to discuss the specific needs of Dalit women, titled "Reframing Budgets for Dalit Women in India", training programs on International Human Rights Mechanisms and Dalit women self-respect marches across key Indian states, such as the Dalit Mahila Swabhiman Yatra. She has also organised North American tour as Dalit Women Self Respect March, around 16 cities of north America in 2015.
Asha has been involved in creation of Dalit History Month. Its goal is to share the contributions to history from Dalits around the world.
Kowtal was also a speaker at the UN Women and European Union 'National Conference on Gender Equality & Women’s Empowerment' in New Delhi. She also spoke at the April 2014 Women in the World Summit in New York on the mass mobilisation of Dalit women through self-respect marches. She has been a regular speaker at various United Nations events.
Anna Mani
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Anna Mani
അന്ന മാണി
Anna Mani
Born 23 August 1918
Died 16 August 2001 (aged 82)
Nationality Indian
Scientific career
Fields Meteorology, Physics
Institutions Indian Meteorological Department, Pune and Raman Research Institute, Bangalore
Anna Mani (23 August 1918 – 16 August 2001) was an Indian physicist and meteorologist. She retired as the Deputy Director General of the Indian Meteorological Department and further served as a visiting professor at the Raman Research Institute. She made several contributions to the field of meteorological instrumentation, conducted research and published numerous papers on solar radiation, ozone and wind energy measurements.
Early life
Anna Modayil Mani was born in 1918 at Peermade, Kerala to an ancient Syrian Christian family. Her father was a civil engineer and an agnostic. She was the seventh of eight children in her family. During her childhood, she was a voracious reader. She was impressed by the activities of Gandhi during Vaikom satyagraha. Inspired by the nationalist movement, she took to wearing only khadi garments.
The Mani family was a typical upper-class professional household where from childhood the male children were groomed for high-level careers, whereas the daughters were primed for marriage. But Anna Mani would have none of it. Her formative years were spent engrossed in books. By the age of eight, she had read almost all the books in Malayalam at her public library and, by the time she was twelve, all the books in English. On her eighth birthday she declined to accept her family's customary gift of a set of diamond earrings, opting instead for a set of Encyclopædia Britannica. The world of books opened her to new ideas and imbued in her a deep sense of social justice which informed and shaped her life.
Education
She wanted to pursue dancing, but she decided in favour of physics because she liked the subject. In 1939, she graduated from the Pachaiyappas College in Chennai (then Madras), with a B.Sc Honors degree in physics and chemistry. In 1940, she won a scholarship for research in the Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore. In 1945, she went to Imperial College, London to pursue graduate studies in Physics. However, she ended up specialising in meteorological instruments.
Career
After graduating from the Pachai college, she worked under Prof. C V Raman, researching the optical properties of ruby and diamond.[2][5] She authored five research papers and submitted her PhD dissertation, but she was not granted a PhD degree because she did not have a master's degree in physics. After returning to India in 1948, she joined the Meteorological department in Pune. She published numerous research papers on meteorological instrumentation. She was mostly responsible for arranging for meteorological instruments, imported from Britain. By 1953, she had become the head of the division with a 121 men working for her.
Anna Mani wished to make India independent in weather instruments. She standardised the drawings of close to 100 different weather instruments. From 1957-58, she set up a network of stations to measure solar radiation. In Bangalore, she set up a small workshop that manufactured instruments for the purpose of measuring wind speed and solar energy. She worked on the development of an apparatus to measure the ozone. She was made a member of the International Ozone Association. She set up a meteorological observatory and an instrumentation tower at the Thumba rocket launching facility.
Deeply dedicated to her work, Anna Mani never married. She was associated with many scientific organizations such as the Indian National Science Academy, American Meteorological Society, International Solar Energy Society, World Meteorological Organisation (WMO), the International Association for Meteorology and Atmospheric Physics, etc. In 1987, she was a recipient of the INSA K. R. Ramanathan Medal.
She was transferred to Delhi in 1969 as the Deputy Director General. In 1975, she served as a WMO consultant in Egypt. She retired as the deputy director general of the Indian Meteorological department in 1976.
In 1994 she suffered from a stroke, and died on 16 August 2001 in Thiruvananthapuram.
The World Meteorological Organization remembered her on 100 birth anniversary and published her life profile along with Anna interview.
Publications
1992. Wind Energy Resource Survey in India, vv. 2. xi + 22 pp. Ed. Allied Publ. ISBN 8170233585, ISBN 9788170233589
1981. Solar Radiation over India x + 548 pp.
1980. The Handbook for Solar Radiation data for India
Ammu Swaminathan
One of the arrogant inmates in the Vellore jail once called a sanitary worker “Shudrachi” (making her caste as her identity). Ammu, even though belonging to a Nair stood up against this and sternly replied to the inmate,
“I am Shudrachi too. Now say what do you want?”
Born: 1894, India
Died: 1978, Palakkad district
Ammu Swaminathan was an Indian social worker and political activist during the Indian independence movement and also a member of the Constituent Assembly of India.
Ammu never went to school. She received only a rudimentary education at home, to prepare her for married life. After her father’s death, through Sambandam System, she was later married to Dr. Subbarama Swaminadhan.
Under her husband's tutelage, her life transformed and blossomed. She studied, honed her skills and transformed to be one of the prominent faces in the pre-independence struggle of India.
Ammu was very conscious of the arrogance of the upper-caste. By all the means, she constantly tried to unsettle them by standing against it. She was also a member of the committee for drafting the Indian Constitution. ALong with numerous social work, she had a political career and went to Russia (erstwhile USSR), China, USA, and Ethiopia as a goodwill ambassador. She also served as the President of the Bharat Scouts and Guides from 1960 to 1965.
Basanti Devi
She was wife of activist Chittaranjan Das. After Das' arrest in 1921 and death in 1925, she took an active part in various movements and continued with social work post-independence. She received Padma Vibhushan in 1973. (Picture Credit- Alchetron)
Basanti Devi, born on March 23, 1880,and died in the year 1974 was an Indian independence activist during the British rule in India. She was the wife of activist Chittaranjan Das. After Das' arrest in 1921 and death in 1925, she took an active part in various movements and continued with social work post-independence. She received Padma Vibhushan in 1973.
Basanti Devi was born on 23 March 1880 to Baradanath Haldar, a diwan in Assam state under the colonial rule of British. She studied at the Loreto House, Kolkata and married Chittaranjan Das at the age of seventeen.
Subhas Chandra Bose considered Basanti Devi as his adopted mother and after the demise of political guru Chittaranjan Das he used to ask for her advises quite often.
B. Krishnappa
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
B. Krishnappa
Born 9 June 1938
Died 30 April 1997 (aged 58)
Nationality Indian
Prof. Basappa Krishnappa (1938–1997) was one of the pioneers of the Dalit literary movement in Kannada and the founder president of Dalit Sangarsha Samiti, the radical Dalit advocacy group. He taught at the Sir M. Vishweshwariah College in Bhadravathi for thirty years before retiring as principal. He is acknowledged as an important literary critic.
Krishnappa was born in Madiga Community, in Harihara, Davangere District to Dasappala Basappa and Chowdamma.
Movement
A social revolutionary, Krishnappa's presence is felt in most of the landmark Dalit struggles of Karnataka, especially those aimed at getting land for Dalits and fighting for Dalit women's self-respect.
Literature produced by the satiated and the flabby, who consume antacids to digest their food, who live in multi-storied buildings and commute only by car and airplane, has no appeal for me. For such people, literature is an aesthetic luxury, written to kill time. Protest literature is not written for this Tata-Birla five percent who lead a lavish life. Our engagement today is with the starving, the helpless, those who eat from the wastebins outside hotels, the homeless who live in railway stations, bus stands, those who steal food and clothing and die without a history. Aesthetics is not primary for us. When over 60 per cent of our population live below the poverty line, shedding their blood in fields and factories and rotting in ignorance, anyone who says that he writes for aesthetic pleasure, or for literary values, can only be called irresponsible.
"Dalit Literature" in The Exercise of Freedom: An Introduction to Dalit Writing, Ed. Satyanarayana and Tharu
B. Krishnappa, along with Siddalingaiah and others, was one of the founders of Dalita Sangharsha Samiti.
Bhaurao Gaikwad
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Karmaveer
Dadasaheb Gaikwad
Gaikwad on a 2002 stamp of India
In office
1957–1962
In office
1962–1968
Personal details
Born
Bhaurao Krishnaji Gaikwad
15 October 1902
Ambe, Dindori tuluka , Nashik district
Died 29 December 1971 (aged 69)
Willingdon Hospital, New Delhi
Nationality Indian
Political party Republican Party of India
Spouse(s) Seetabai (m. 1912 – d. 1968)
Geetabai (m. 1921)
Occupation politician
Profession Social activist
Bhaurao Krishnaji Gaikwad (15 October 1902 – 29 December 1971) popularly known as Dadasaheb Gaikwad, was an Indian politician and social worker from Maharashtra. He was founder member of the Republican Party of India and was a member of parliament in both the Lok Sabha (1957 - 1962) and Rajya Sabha (1962 - 1968). He was a close colleague and follower of human rights leader B. R. Ambedkar. The people of Maharashtra honoured him with the sobriquet Karmaveer (King of actions) and the Government of India awarded him with Padma Shri in 1968 for his dedicated service to society.
Life
Gaikwad (right) with Babasaheb Ambedkar (left) at Nashik railway station, November 1945
Gaikwad was born on 15 October 1902 into Mahar family at Ambe village in Dindori tehsil, Nashik district of Maharashtra.
Conversion
Gaikwad embraced Buddhism at the hands of Babasaheb Ambedkar at Deekshabhoomi, Nagpur on 14 October 1956. He imparted Buddha Dhamma Diksha to thousands at Chaitya Bhoomi, Mumbai on 7 December 1956.
Legacy
Government of Maharashtra gives special assistance to socially and economically backward people on his name, Karmaveer Dadasaheb Gaikwad Sabalikaran & Swabhiman Yojana.
The Government of India issued a commemorative stamp in his honour in 2002.
Babytai Kamble
From Wikipedia
Baby Kamble (1929-21 April 2012), commonly known as Babytai Kamble, was an Indian activist and writer. She was born into an untouchable caste, Mahar, the largest untouchable community in Maharashtra. She was a well-known Dalit activist and writer who was inspired by B. R. Ambedkar, prominent dalit leader. Kamble and her family converted to Buddhism and remained lifelong practicing Buddhists. In her community, she came to be admired as a writer and was fondly called as Tai (meaning sister). She is widely remembered and loved by the Dalit community for her contributions of powerful literary and activist work. She is one of the earliest women writers from the untouchable communities whose distinctive reflexive style of feminist writing setting her apart from other Dalit writers and upper caste women writers who gaze was limited and reflexivity incarcerated in caste and masculinity.
Kamble is critically acclaimed and known her autobiographical work Jina Amucha, written in Marathi. Feminist scholar Maxine Bernstein was instrumental in encouraging Baby Tai Kamble to publish her writings which Kamble had kept as a secret from her family. Bernstien discovered Kamble interest and her writings in Phaltan where Bernstein was conducting her research. She encouraged and persuaded Baby Tai to publish her writings which soon became one of the best autobiographical accounts on caste, poverty, violence, and triple discrimination faced by Dalit women. This auto-narrative chronicles Baby Tai's life story in precolonial to postcolonial India. It is deeply embedded with two important critical moments in the Indian history: freedom from the British rule and anti-caste movement led by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Thus, Baby Tai's auto-biography is just not personal account of a woman's life history but it is a deeply political and a critical record of the making of the nation from the vantage point of a very precarious social location. Jina Amucha public contribution is it is a nation's biography chronicled from the untouchable woman's point of view. It is also therefore a critical account the nation and its margins: lives of untouchables in a caste Hindu society.
One of the major portions of the book articulates caste and gender discrimination and multilayered violence suffered by Dalit women at the hands of the savarna (upper caste Hindus) and Dalit men. Kamble writes from an untouchable woman's perspective, not deterring from naming patriarchy in the untouchable community nor sparing the internalized patriarchy by Dalit women. This honesty and reflexivity has been largely missing in upper caste women's writings. Kamble also underscores how the caste Hindu women and men treated untouchables with contempt, disgust, and hate. This work became one of the most powerful and poignant auto-biographical writing in Marathi. The book was translated into English titled The Prisons We Broke by Maya Pandit and published by Orient Blackswan.
Baby Tai wrote several articles and poems focused on Dalits and also ran a residential school for children from vulnerable communities. She died on 21 April 2012, aged 82, in Phaltan, Maharashtra.
Early life and marriage
Babytai Kamble was born in 1929 to an economically stable family. Her father worked as a labour contractor and her maternal grandfather and grand-uncles worked as butlers for the British.
She went to a girls school which was dominated and run by Brahmins, where she and other Dalit girls were subject to discrimination and segregation. They were made to sit in a corner, separated from other students. She was married at the age of 13 to Kondiba Kamble, after passing the fourth standard. The bride, groom and their families had a marriage ceremony without a Brahmin priest as officiator.
She and her husband began their own business of selling loose grapes. After they started making profits, they included vegetables in their merchandise. Soon after, this business venture expanded into a profitable initiative of selling food and other grocery provisions. Their customers were predominantly from the Mahar community. Babytai and Kondiba had ten children, three of whom died during childhood.
Activism
While sitting at the shop counter, Kamble began reading newspapers that were used for packing. It was around this time she began penning her autobiography Jina Amaucha (The Prisons We Broke). She also joined a library and began reading books from there. In her spare time, she would write in notebooks. She chronicled the lives of fellow Dalit women and how they negotiated with patriarchy and caste. Jina Amucha has been translated into various languages.
Kamble was involved in the Dalit movement in Maharashtra. This movement saw mass participation and contribution by women. She was a member of the Mahila Mandal in Phaltan. She started a government approved residential school for children from disadvantaged communities in Nimbure, Maharashtra.
Bant Singh
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bant Singh
Born
Bant Singh
Punjab
Died : 7 January 2006
Nationality
Occupation Labour Rights Activist
Organization Mazdoor Mukti Morcha
Political party Aam Aadmi Party
Bant Singh is a Sikh labourer and singer from the Jhabhar village in Mansa district, Punjab, India, who has emerged as an agricultural labour activist, fighting against the power of the landowner. Described by Amit Sengupta as "an icon of Dalit resistance he has been active in organizing poor, agricultural workers, activism that continues despite a 2006 attack that cost him both of his lower arms and his left leg."
After his minor daughter was raped by some powerful men in 2000, he dared take them to court, a usual occurrence when a Dalit is raped by a non-Dalit, braving threats of violence and attempted bribes. The trial culminated in life sentences for three of the culprits in 2004, "the first time that a Dalit from the region who had complained against upper-caste violence had managed to secure a conviction."
On the evening of 7 January 2006, Bant Singh was returning home through some wheat fields. He had just been campaigning for a national agricultural labour rally to be held in Andhra Pradesh in January. He was suddenly waylaid by a gang of seven men, suspected to be sent by Jaswant and Niranjan Singh, the current and former headmen of his village who have links with the Indian National Congress party. One of them brandished a revolver to prevent any resistance while the other six set upon him with iron rods and axes beating him to a pulp.
He was first taken to civil hospital in Mansa but was not given proper treatment there. Then he was taken to the PGI at Chandigarh, where both lower arms and one leg had to be amputated since gangrene had set in by then, and his kidneys had collapsed due to blood loss. The doctor was eventually suspended for his conduct.
Bant Singh was featured in 'Chords of Change' TV series and in a 2020 Tamil film 'Gypsy'. Died :
जनवरी 2006 में पड़ोस के गांव के ही जमींदारों ने बंत सिंह के दोनों हाथ-पैर काट दिए गए थे. बंत सिंह के साथ ऐसा इसलिए हुआ क्योंकि वह अपनी नाबालिग बेटी से हुए सामूहिक बलात्कार के विरोध में इंसाफ की लड़ाई लड़ रहे थे. उसके बाद झब्बर पंजाब में दलित और किसान आंदोलन की आवाज बनकर उभरे.
बंत सिंह झब्बर
अमित कुमार दुबे / सतेंदर चौहान
पंजाब में दलित आंदोलन की आवाज बन चुके वामपंथी नेता बंत सिंह झब्बर अब आम आदमी पार्टी में शामिल हो गए हैं. रविवार को मनसा में पार्टी एक कार्यक्रम के दौरान पंजाब प्रभारी संजय सिंह की मौजूदगी में झब्बर ने AAP की सदस्यता ग्रहण की. झब्बर इससे पहले सीपीआई (एमएल) के सदस्य थे और लंबे समय से भूमिहीन किसानों और दलितों के हक की लड़ाई लड़ रहे हैं.
'आप' की सदस्यता ग्रहण करते वक्त झब्बर ने कहा कि कम्युनिस्ट पार्टी के नेतृत्व से उन्हें अब कोई उम्मीद नहीं बची है, पार्टी अब बड़े जमींदार के हाथों में जा चुकी है और मैं अब भी गरीब भूमिहीन किसान ही हूं. आम आदमी पार्टी ने बंत सिंह के पार्टी में शामिल होने को एक अच्छा संकेत बताया है.
कौन हैं बंत सिंह झब्बर
जनवरी 2006 में पड़ोस के गांव के ही जमींदारों ने बंत सिंह के दोनों हाथ-पैर काट दिए गए थे. बंत सिंह के साथ ऐसा इसलिए हुआ क्योंकि वह अपनी नाबालिग बेटी से हुए सामूहिक बलात्कार के विरोध में इंसाफ की लड़ाई लड़ रहे थे. साल 2002 में उनकी बेटी के साथ सामूहित बलात्कार किया गया था जिसके बाद बंत सिंह कटे पांव से कोर्ट-कचहरी के चक्कर काटते रहे और आखिर में दोनों को सजा दिलाई. उसके बादबंत सिंह पंजाब में दलित और किसान आंदोलन की आवाज बनकर उभरे.
बंत सिंह पर हमला करने वाले नवदीप सिंह और हरबिंदर सिंह ने भी इसी कार्यक्रम में आम आदमी पार्टी की सदस्यता ग्रहण की. मामले में नवदीप सिंह और उनका सहयोगी सात साल जेल की सजा काट चुके हैं. जब बंत सिंह से इस पर सवाल किया गया तब उन्होंने कहा कि मैंने कभी नहीं सोचा था कि ये दिन भी देखना पड़ेगा. ये बात अलग है कि मेरी बेटी की जिंदगी खराब करने वाले भी अब आम आदमी पार्टी में हैं, लेकिन मैं अपनी लड़ाई जारी रखूंगा.
बंत सिंह के संघर्षों पर निरुपमा दत्त ने ‘द बैल्ड ऑफ बंत सिंह’के नाम से एक किताब भी लिखी थी जो 21 जनवरी 2015 को जयपुर लिटरेचर फेस्टिवल में रिलीज की गई.
Basaveshwara
January 1st, 1100
Anti-caste struggle by Basaveshwara
One of the first historical anti-caste movements in Karnataka was initiated by Basaveshwara in 12th century A.D. It is also popularly known as the Veerasaiva movement. According to Kancha Illaih the movement led by Basaveshwara entirely changed the philosophical discourse. Caste system and untouchability were the two institutions that the Veerashaiva movement tried to dismantle. Patriarchy, caste and the brahmanic religion as an intertwined system of domination and subjugation was examined closely, and methodically dismissed and replaced with a just system. Led by Basavanna, a new social order based on equality between genders and castes, in both words and deeds was being established. Anubhava Manatapa at Kalyan, played host to the intellectual, spiritual and metaphysical dialectics between diverse people drawn to this radical movement. For a period like that wherein caste system and untouchability were intrinsic Basaveshwara’s movement can be viewed as one of the radical anti-caste movements in the history of Karnataka. The movement not only focussed on caste but also on gender. Basavanna strongly criticised caste system and untouchability. In order to disassociate from his caste he refrained from wearing the sacred thread which is a symbol of caste superiority. The egalitarian principles propagated by him primarily attracted untouchable communities. Many of them belonged to the backward communities like barbers, Sudras who were particularly kept out from the ritualistic discourse by the Brahmins. Like Buddhism the movement was against Brahminism. The philosophy of Basavanna questioned the authority of the priestly castes. The Vachanas (poems) composed during this period raised many questions regarding caste, untouchability, Brahminism etc. Unlike Sanskrit that was unfamiliar to large number of people, Vachanas were composed in comprehensible Kannada. The composition of Vachanas is an epoch in Kannada literature. The Vachanas composed incorporated various aspects of society. Many of the Vachanas strongly condemned caste and untouchability. Through Vacahanas he emphasised the significance the equality and human dignity particularly for those from the downtrodden sections. The Vachanas disapproved the insincerity and hypocrisy of the Brahmins. For instance in one of his Vachanas he says that “if I say I am a Brahmin, Lord Kudala Sangamadeva laughs aloud” Though the movement is mentioned has Veerashaiva movement, it is important to note that Basavanna did not attempt to create a separate caste, instead it was the ‘linga deeksha’ (offering Linga) that was provided to untouchables as a way to include them in the ‘Anubhava Mantapa’ (The hall of spiritual experience.)’ Anubhava Mantapa was a democratic platform created for social discussions and progressive activities. Basavanna recognised the fundamental problem behind the existence of caste and untouchability. The Anubhava Mantapa was a collective attempt that included notable individuals like Akkamahadevi, Allama Prabhu and saints like Channiah and Kakkaih from the untouchable caste. One of the radical steps taken by Basavanna was that he organised an inter-caste marriage between an untouchable groom and a Brahmin bride. In the history of social reform movement the inter-caste marriage organised by Basavanna remains as a remarkable achievement. The adversity against the movement was too hostile that it resulted in political chaos in the Kingdom of Kalayan. The movement led by Basavanna remains subsided in the mainstream social reform movement. However, it is one the commendable movement that revolutionized the twelfth century social order. One can equate the Vachana movement to the Bhakti movement in fact consider it as the very first Bhakti movement of Karnataka, due to its association with the spiritual sphere and it contribution to the literature. However, this particular movement stands different in comparison to the other Bhakti movements. The time period of the movement was such that the very attempt to initiate such a moment was remarkable. The impact of the movement on the society was not alone social but also political. He advocated a political philosophy of representation of the voiceless. At present the followers of Basavanna claim themselves to be Lingayats and form one of the dominant castes in Karnataka. With time, the movement initiated by Basavanna has diverted from its original purpose, the main idea of anti-caste and anti-Brahminism has vanished. Nevertheless it continues to be the foundation of the social reform movements in South India. Basavannas teachings remain as one of the progressive thoughts in the history of reform movements.
Born: 1105, Basavana Bagewadi
Died: 1168, Kudalasangama
Sect: Lingayatism (Sharana)
Parents: Madalambike, Madiraja
Bodheswaran
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bodheshwaran
Born
Keshava Pillai
28 December 1901
Died 3 July 1990 (aged 88)
Nationality Indian
Occupation
Social reformer
Poet
Spouse(s) V. K. Karthiyayini Amma
Children Hridayakumari, Sugathakumari, Sujatha
Parent(s)
Kunjan Pillai
Janaki Pillai
Bodheswaran (28 December 1901 – 3 July 1990), (also known as Bodheswarananda), was an Indian independence activist, social reformer and a poet of Malayalam literature. He was known for his nationalistic poems such as Keralaganam and for his involvement in social movements like Vaikom Satyagraha and other related events which led to the Temple Entry Proclamation of 1936.
Biography
Bodheswaran, né Keshava Pillai, was born on 28 December 1901 in Neyyattinkara, in Travancore (in the present day Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala, India) to Champayil Veettil Kunjan Pillai and Thazhamangalam Janaki Pillai.
Influenced by the thoughts of Swami Vivekananda from an early age, he left his studies to visit the social and religious reformer Narayana Guru with whom he stayed for about two years. Subsequently, he travelled throughout India and during a visit to the Kashi Vishwanath Temple, he assumed the name of Bodheswarananda. It was during these travels, he met several Sannyasins and Indian independence activists; he also had the opportunity to attend the public meetings of Mahatma Gandhi and Motilal Nehru.
Bodheswaran was married to V. K. Karthiyayini Amma, a professor of Sanskrit in the Government Sanskrit College, Thiruvananthapuram. The couple had three daughters, Hridayakumari, Sugathakumari and Sujatha, all the three being noted writers. He died on 3 July 1990, at the age of 88.
With Chattampi Swamikal and Narayana Guru
On his return to Kerala, Bodheswaran was advised by Narayana Guru to meet Chattampi Swamikal, who was known to have been a major influence in his life. Thereafter, he kept his association with Swamikal, while getting involved the Indian freedom struggle and made several public speeches which were saide to have attracted large crowds. After a short spell during which he favoured the Arya Samaj movement, he got involved in the Vaikom Satyagraha and other related events until the Temple Entry Proclamation of 1936. He also became a member of the Indian National Congress and changed his name once more, to Bodheswaran.
After Indian independence Bodheswaran gradually withdrew from active politics, although he remained a Congressman until his death. He lectured and wrote on the subject of Swamikal, his belief as quoted by Nair and Devi is that Swamikal was "an embodiment of perfect knowledge".
Legacy and honours
Bodheswaran was known for his poems reflecting nationalistic fervour during his involvement in the Indian independence movement which included Keralaganam, a popular patriotic song of the times. He published six books which, besides poetry anthologies, include a compilation of his speeches. He attempted to write a comprehensive world history covering the period up to World War I but could not complete it. Suprabhatham, a amagazine he founded, also had only a short life.
The Government of India honoured him with the Thamra Patra (Copper Plaque) for his contributions to the Indian independence movement. His birth centenary was celebrated in 2002 when K. R. Narayanan, the then president of India, inaugurated Bodheshwaran Foundation, an eponymous organization, for propagating his ideals. Keralaganam, his patriotic song, was declared as the cultural song of Kerala in 2014.
Bhagya Amma
Bhagya Amma, a Madiga Dalit woman and former ‘devadasi’ (temple slave), has found economic self-reliance by rearing goats in the Nagenhalli village in the Southwest Indian state of Karnataka.
Credit: Stella Paul/IPS
BELLARY, India, Apr 21 2015 (IPS) - HuligeAmma, a Dalit woman in her mid-forties, bends over a sewing machine, carefully running the needle over the hem of a shirt. Sitting nearby is Roopa, her 22-year-old daughter, who reads an amusing message on her cell phone and laughs heartily.
The pair leads a simple yet contented life – they subsist on half a dollar a day, stitch their own clothes and participate in schemes to educate their community in the Bellary district of the Southwest Indian state of Karnataka.
But not so very long ago, both women were slaves. They have fought an exhausting battle to get to where they are today, pushing against two evils that lurk in this mineral-rich state: the practice of sexual slavery in Hindu temples, and forced labour in the illegal mines that dot Bellary District, home to 25 percent of India’s iron ore reserves.
Finally free of the yoke of dual-slavery, they are determined to preserve their hard-won existence, humble though it may be.
Still, they will never forget the wretchedness that once defined their daily lives, nor the entrenched religious and economic systems in India that paved the way for their destitution and bondage.
From the temple to the open-pit mine
“Walk into any Dalit home in this region and you will not meet a single woman or child who has never worked in a mine as a ‘coolie’ (labourer)." -- Manjula, a former mine-worker turned anti-slavery activist from the Mariyammanahalli village in the Indian state of Karnatake
“I was 12 years old when my parents offered me to the Goddess Yellamma [worshipped in the Hindu pantheon as the ‘goddess of the fallen’], and told me I was now a ‘devadasi’,” HuligeAmma tells IPS.“I had no idea what it meant. All I knew was that I would not marry a man because I now belonged to the Goddess.”
While her initial impressions were not far from the truth, HuligeAmma could not have known then, as an innocent adolescent, what horrors her years of servitude would hold.
The devadasi tradition – the practice of dedicating predominantly lower-caste girls to serve a particular deity or temple – has a centuries-long history in South India.
While these women once occupied a high status in society, the fall of Indian kingdoms to British rule rendered temples penniless and left many devadasis without the structures that had once supported them.
Pushed into poverty but unable to find other work, bound as they were to the gods, devadasis in many states across India’s southern belt essentially became prostitutes, resulting in the government issuing a ban on the entire system of temple slavery in 1988.
Still, the practice continues and as women like HuligeAmma will testify, it remains as degrading and brutal as it was in the 1980s.
She tells IPS that as she grew older a stream of men would visit her in the night, demanding sexual favours. Powerless to refuse, she gave birth to five children by five different men – none of whom assumed any responsibility for her or the child.
After the last child was born, driven nearly mad with hunger and despair, HuligeAmma broke away from the temple and fled to Hospet, a town close to the World Heritage site of Hampi in northern Karnataka.
It did not take her long to find work in an open-cast mine, one of dozens of similar, illicit units that operated throughout the district from 2004 to 2011.
For six years, from dawn until dusk, HuligeAmma extracted iron ore by using a hammer to create holes in the open pit through which the iron could be ‘blasted’ out.
She was unaware at the time that this back-breaking labour constituted the nucleus of a massive illegal mining operation in Karnataka state, that saw the extraction and export of 29.2 million tonnes of iron ore between 2006 and 2011.
All she knew was that she and Roopa, who worked alongside her as a child labourer, earned no more than 50 rupees apiece (about 0.7 dollars) each day.
One of hundreds of illegal open-pit iron ore mines in the Bellary District in India that operated with impunity until a 2011 ban put a stop to the practice. Credit: Stella Paul/IPS
In a bid to crack down on the criminal trade, police often raided the mines and arrested the workers, who had to pay bribes of 200-300 rupees (roughly four to six dollars) to secure their release.
In a strange echo of the devadasi system, this cycle kept them indebted to the mine operators.
In 2009, when she could no longer tolerate the crushing workload or the constant sexual advances from fellow workers, contractors and truckers, who saw the former temple slave as ‘fair game’, HuligeAmma threw herself on the mercy of a local non-governmental organisation, Sakhi Trust, which has proved instrumental in lifting both her and her daughter out of the abyss.
Today all her children are back in school and Roopa works as a youth coordinator with Sakhi Trust. They live in Nagenhalli, a Dalit village where HuligeAmma works as a seamstress, teaching dressmaking skills to young girls in the community.
Caste: India’s most unsustainable system
The story may have ended happily for HuligeAmma and Roopa, but for many of India’s roughly 200 million Dalits, there is no light at the end of the tunnel.Once considered ‘untouchables’ in the Indian caste system, Dalits – literally, ‘the broken’ – are a diverse and divided group, encompassing everyone from so-called ‘casteless’ communities to other marginalised peoples.
Under this vast umbrella exists a further hierarchy, with some communities, like the Madiga Dalits (sometimes called ‘scavengers’), often discriminated against by their kin.
Historically, Madigas have made shoes, cleaned drains and skinned animals – tasks considered beneath the dignity of all other groups in Hindu society.
Most of the devadasis in South India hail from this community, according to Bhagya Lakshmi, social activist and director of the Sakhi Trust. In Karnataka alone, there are an estimated 23,000 temple slaves, of which over 90 percent are Dalit women.
Lakshmi, who has worked alongside the Madiga people for nearly two decades, tells IPS that Madiga women grow up knowing little else besides oppression and discrimination.
The devadasi system, she adds, is nothing more than institutionalised, caste-based violence, which sets Dalit women on a course that almost guarantees further exploitation, including unpaid labour or unequal wages.
For instance, even in an illegal mine, a non-Dalit worker gets between 350 and 400 rupees (between five and six dollars) a day, while a Dalit is paid no more than 100 rupees, reveals MinjAmma, a Madiga woman who worked in a mine for seven years.
Yet it is Dalit women who made up the bulk of the labourers entrapped in the massive iron trade.
“Walk into any Dalit home in this region and you will not meet a single woman or child who has never worked in a mine as a ‘coolie’ (labourer),” Manjula, a former mine-worker turned anti-slavery activist from the Mariyammanahalli village in Bellary District, tells IPS.
Herself the daughter and granddaughter of devadasis, who spent her childhood years working in a mine, Manjula believes the systems of forced labour and temple slavery are connected in a matrix of exploitation across India’s southern states, a linkage that is deepened further by the caste system.
She, like most official sources, is unclear on the exact number of Dalits forced into the iron ore extraction racket, but is confident that it ran into “several thousands”.
Destroying lives, and livelihoods
Annually, India accounts for seven percent of global iron ore production, and ranks fourth in terms of the quantity produced after Brazil, China and Australia. Every year, India produces about 281 million tonnes of iron ore, according to a 2011 Supreme Court report.
Karnataka is home to over 9,000 million tonnes of India’s total estimated reserves of 25.2 billion tonnes of iron ore, making it a crucial player in the country’s export industry.
Bellary District alone houses an estimated 1,000 million tonnes of iron ore reserves. Between April 2006 and July 2010, 228 unlicensed miners exported 29.2 million tonnes of iron ore, causing the state losses worth 16 million dollars.
With a population of 2.5 million people relying primarily on agriculture, fisheries and livestock farming for their livelihoods, Bellary District has suffered significant environmental impacts from illicit mining operations.
Groundwater supplies have been poisoned, with sources in and around mining areas showing high iron and manganese content, as well as an excessive concentration of fluoride – all of which are the enemies of farming families who live off the land.
Research suggests that 9.93 percent of the region’s 68,234 hectares of forests have been lost in the mining boom, while the dust generated through the processes of excavating, blasting and grading iron has coated vegetation in surrounding areas in a thick film of particulate matter, stifling photosynthesis.
Although the Supreme Court ordered the cessation of all unregistered mining activity in 2011, following an extensive report on the environmental, economic and social impacts, rich industrialists continue to flout the law.
Still, an official ban has made it easier to crack down on the practice. Today, from the ashes of two crumbling systems – unlawful mining operations and religiously sanctioned sexual abuse – some of India’s poorest women are pointing the way towards a sustainable future.
From servitude to self-reliance
Their first order of business is to educate themselves and their children, secure alternative livelihoods and deal with the basic issue of sanitation – currently, there is just one toilet for every 90 people in the Bellary District.
Dalit women and their children, including young boys, are working together to end the system of ‘temple slavery’ in the Southwest Indian state of Karnataka. Credit: Stella Paul/IPS
The literacy rate among Dalit communities in South India has been found to be as low as 10 percent in some areas, but Madiga women are making a massive push to turn the tide. With the help of the Sakhi Trust, 600 Dalit girls who might have missed out on schooling altogether have been enrolled since 2011.
Today, Lakshmi Devi Harijana, hailing from the village of Danapura, has become the first Madiga woman in the region to teach in a college, while a further 25 women from her village have earned their university degrees.
To them, these changes are nothing short of revolutionary.
While some have chosen to travel the road of intellectual advancement, others are turning back to simple skills like sewing and animal husbandry.
BhagyaAmma, once an exploited temple slave who also worked in an illegal mine for several years, is today rearing two goats that she bought for the sum of 100 dollars.
She tells IPS she will sell them at the market during the holy festival of Eid al-Adha – a sacrificial feast for which a lamb is slaughtered and shared among family, neighbours and the poor – for 190 dollars.
It is a small profit, but she says it is enough for her basic needs.
Although the government promised the women of Bellary District close to 30 billion rupees (about 475 million dollars) for a rehabilitation programme to undo the damages of illegal mining, the official coffers remain empty.
“We have received applications from local women seeking funds to build individual toilets, but we have not received any money or any instructions regarding the mining rehabilitation fund,” Mohammed Muneer, commissioner of the Hospet Municipality in Bellary District, tells IPS.
Not content to wait around, the women are mobilising their own community-based, which allocates 15,000 rupees (about 230 dollars) on a rolling basis for families to build small toilets, so that women and children will not be at the mercy of sexual predators.
Also in the pipeline are biogas and rainwater harvesting facilities.
As Manjula says, “We want to build small models of economic sustainability. We don’t want to depend on anyone – not a single person, not even the government.”
Edited by Kanya D’Almeida
Basawon Singh
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Basawon Singh on a 2000 stamp of India
Basawon Singh or Basawan Singh also known as Basawon Sinha, (23 March 1909 – 7 April 1989) was an Indian independence activist and a campaigner for the rights of the underprivileged, industrial labourers and agricultural workers.
He spent a total of 18 and a half years in prisons in British India as a consequence of his support for independence and he was committed to democratic socialism.
Along with Yogendra Shukla, he was a founder member of the Congress Socialist Party in Bihar. Among his revolutionary colleagues and friends he was called Lambad because of being very tall.
Early life
Basawon Singh was born in a poor farming family in Jamalpur (Subhai), Hajipur on 23 March 1909. An only son, he lost his father at the age of eight. He had come from a small farmer's family. At the age of ten he ran off to Hajipur to see and hear Mahatma Gandhi. A brilliant student, he secured scholarships in both primary and middle schools. Thereafter he joined Dighi High School. He used to teach older boys for food and lodging. His mother sold a bamboo every month for two rupees to meet his other school expenses.
Singh passed Matriculation Examination with a high first division in 1926 and began studies at G. B. B. College.
Revolutionary
During last two years of school Singh came in close contact with revolutionaries, with Yogendra Shukla, the head of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Army (HSRA), as his mentor. Soon after joining the HSRA in 1925, Singh was rusticated from G. B. B. College, thus ending his formal education. He was subsequently involved with Bihar Vidyapeeth]] at Sadakat Ashram in Patna, where he undertook intensive military training with a small group of youths.
Singh absconded in 1929 after the Lahore Conspiracy Case. He was co-accused in the Bhusawal, Kakori, Tirhut and Deluaha conspiracy cases. He carried on the movement along with Chandrashekhar Azad and Keshab Chakravarty. He was sentenced to seven years in prison but escaped from Bankipore Central jail in June 1930 after three days. He was re-arrested and sent to Bhagalpur Central Jail.
While at Bhagalpur, Singh undertook a fast unto death as a protest against what he thought were the prevailing inhuman conditions in jail. On the 12th day of the fast he was moved to Gaya Central Jail and kept in solitary confinement. Soon he was shifted to the jail's hospital. All efforts of forced feeding him failed, Sir Ganesh Dutt, the then minister of Bihar, asked Singh's mother, Daulat Kher, to attend to urge him to give up his fast. When she attended, on the 50th day of the fast, she blessed him.
People waited daily at the jail gate to receive Singh's body should he die. All political prisoners in the jail were also on fast for the last few days in solidarity with him but on the 58th day he broke his fast after being informed by Gandhi that his demands had been met. He was released from jail in June 1936 because of his poor health but the city act[clarification needed] was imposed on him to restrict his movement. He violated the restrictions and was again arrested.
Singh studied subjects such as history, geography, political science, philosophy, social sciences and natural sciences during his imprisonments. He had a photographic memory.
Politics and trade union work
Singh was active in the trades union movement from 1936 until his death in 1989. He joined the Congress Socialist Party in December 1936 and was appointed its labour secretary. He established trade unions in the coal fields, sugar mills, mica mines and railways of Bihar. He formed Japla labour union in 1937, Baulia Labour union in 1937, organised the workers of Jamalpur Workshop along with Shivnath Bannerjee, formed the Gaya cotton and Jute Mill Labour Union, formed the Tata Collieries Labour Association along with Subhas Chandra Bose and went on to become the latter organisation's president when Bose left India in 1941. He organised coal workers of Talcher with close co-ordination and support of Dukhabandhu Mishra (founder member of HMS union in Talcher coalfields), Rajgangpur (Orissa) and Satna (MP); established Mica Workers Union, Gomia Labour Union (Explosives), later these unions affiliated to HMS. He was active in AIRF from 1936, president of OT Railway Union from Agra to Nefa and NE Railway Mazdoor Union.
He was rearrested in April 1937 along with Jayaprakash Narayan, Benipuri and others in Patna for "unconstitutional" works for six months. During the Second World War he was the first man in Bihar to be arrested under Defence of India Ordinance on 26 January 1940 in Husainabad, Palamu and released after eighteen months. During the Quit India Movement, after the interception of Jayaprakash Narayan's Deoli letter addressed to him, he went underground in 1941 and went to Afghanistan to collect firearms and ammunition. He attended the Bombay AICC session (9 August 1942) and conducted the movement from the underground. He was held in Delhi on 8 January 1943 to be freed only on 3 April 1946 after which he continued his nationalist and trade union work.
Trade union movement
With Shibnath Bannerjee he worked very hard to form the railway men's union from 1936 onwards. He unionized the workers of Japla, Baulia, and Dalmianagar in Shahabad; Gaya, Jamshedpur and Kanda; of the coalfields of Jharia, Hazaribagh, Kumardhubi; workers of Patna City, Jamalpur; the sugar factory workers of Harinagar and Marhawra; the workers of Talcher and Rajgangpur in Orissa; and Satna in the Central Provinces.
Subsequent to the Second World War, the trade union movement gained urgency and strength on account of the untiring efforts of Basawon Singh. He organised the workers on various fields such as sugar, coal, cement, mica, explosives, aluminium, iron and steel industries, railways, post-offices and banks, etc. He was one of the founders of the Hind Mazdoor Sabha, and its president at the state and central levels.
Basawon Singh was actively involved with the All India Railwaymen's Federation since 1936 onwards. He was the President of the Oudh Tirhoot (O.T.) Railway Union and the North East Railway Mazdoor Union for several years and since 1946 the Vice-President (acting President because Subhas Chandra Bose was the President and he had escaped from India by then) of the All-India Railwaymen's Federation.
Dalmianagar and 30 Days' Fast Unto Death
Before independence Basawon Singh worked in the trade union movement with unabated zeal for the cause of democratic socialism, because trade unionism was one of the major factors for social change and social justice. Early in October 1938, he was arrested in Dalmianagar under Section 107 of C.P.C. with 6 other leaders for his regular meetings and organising an intensive strike of about 2400 men. In the course of the trade union movement, this prominent socialist leader often resorted to the Gandhian method of fasting to protest against the injustice meted out to workers. On 12 January 1949 he was arrested in Dalmianagar under the Bihar Maintenance of Public Order Act and he was released at the end of March. Afterwards he undertook hunger strike for 30 days in Dalmianagar for the cause of workers. Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru and his friend and socialist colleague Jayaprakash Narayan intervened and Rajendra Prasad became the arbitrator, only then Basawon Babu broke his fast on the 31st day.
Second World War and Quit India Movement
Subsequent to the making of India a participant in the Second World War, the Congress Ministry in Bihar headed by Krishna Singh tendered resignation on 31 October 1939. Singh was the first Bihari who observed the Independence Day on 26 January 1940 by taking out an unlicensed procession and delivering an anti-war speech at Japla. Consequently, a warrant was issued by the Deputy Commissioner of Palamau. A case was instituted against him under the Defence of India Rules for an objectionable speech delivered at Japla. He was convicted at Daltonganj and sentenced to suffer 18 months rigorous imprisonment under the Defence of India Rules. He was kept in the T. Cell of the Hazaribagh Central Jail while Narayan was arrested on 18 February 1940. Narayan and other socialist leaders, including Ganga Sharan Singh, were kept in different cells. Basawon Singh was released in July 1941.
Basawon Singh played a highly remarkable and inspiring role in the historic Quit India Movement. It is worthy to note that on 12 April 1942, he addressed the Palamau District Political Conference attended by thousands of people including a large number of tribal people mostly consisting of Kherwars and Kisans. In the next week he delivered a highly inspiring speech with Reasat Karim of Dehri in the conference of Socialist group of Kisan Sabha held on 18 and 19 April 1942 at Patepur in Muzaffarpur which was presided over by Abdul Hayat Chand of Patna. On the eve of the August Rebellion, Singh was blacklisted in Group "A" as Labour, Socialist and Terrorist Leader, classification I with Deep Narayan Singh, Rambriksh Benipuri, Narayan Prasad Verma, Bir Chand Patel and other leaders of Muzaffarpur District by the colonial government of Bihar Province. He went underground and organised his guerilla band of freedom fighters in the dense forest of Palamau. The fiery activities of this socialist leader encouraged the escape of six socialist leaders, namely Shukla, Narayan, Pandit Ramnandan Mishra, Suraj Narayan Singh, Shaligram Singh, Gulab Chand Gupta and Gulali Sonar from Hazaribagh Central Jail on Diwali night on 9 November 1942. Narayan was willing to meet with Singh to spell out the programme to overthrow the British Raj through armed struggle.
Singh was again rounded up in Delhi on 7 January 1943. He was incarcerated in cross-bars and fetters in the condemned cells of the Red Fort dungeons, Delhi Jail, and Bankipur, Gaya, Bhagalpur and Hazaribagh Central Jail. He was released in April 1947 subsequent to the formation of the Congress Ministry in Bihar headed by Krishna Singh on 2 April 1946.
In independent India
He was a member of the National Executive of the Socialist Party. He is the founder of HMS (Hind Mazdoor Sabha), one of the six national federations affiliated to the Socialists. He was held for Gomia strike in 1965 fighting for the rights of workers.
Socialist leadership
In February 1948, the Congress Socialist Party delinked itself from the Congress. Singh was a prominent leader of Socialist Party until its merger with other political parties to form the Janata Party and its government in Bihar as well as in India in 1977. He was a member of the national executive of the Socialist Party from 1939 till 1977 and for many years as its state President.[5]
He won from Dehri-on-Sone in the first General Elections of 1952 and became an important opposition leader from 1952 until 1962. He was a Member of legislative Council from 1962–68. He became one of the most powerful Cabinet Ministers (Cabinet Minister of Labour, Planning and Industry) in the 1967 Coalition Government. During the Emergency of 1975 he stayed underground for 20 months conducting the movement and his wife was jailed under MISA as a potential "threat" to the Government.
In 1977 he was elected from Dehri-on-Sone and again becomes the Cabinet Minister for Labour, Planning and Industry in the Janata Party government in the state. He died on 7 April 1989.
His wife Kamala Sinha, a grandniece of Jan Sangh founder Syama Prasad Mukherjee was also an Indian politician and diplomat. She was twice elected to the Rajya Sabha from 1990 to 2000, and later served as Ambassador to Suriname and Barbados. She also became the first woman Union Minister of State (MoS) for external affairs in the cabinet of I. K. Gujral.
Travels abroad
Basawon Singh had broad knowledge and was known for his scholarship among the Indian Independence Movement activists. He represented the country on various occasions. For the first time he paid a visit to Rangoon in 1950. In 1951, he was a delegate to the First Asian Socialist Conference held at Rangoon. In 1954, he went to China and he led the Indian Delegation to participate in the May Day Celebration. In 1956, he represented the Hind Mazdoor Sabha in the annual conference of the Japan Trade Union at Domei. In the same year, he went to the Soviet Union and led the Indian Delegation to participate in the May Day Celebration. He visited the United States in 1984 on the invitation of the American Federation of Labour Congress of Industrial Workers Organization.
Recognition
The Government of India issued a commemorative stamp in his name on 23 March 2000. There is an indoor stadium named Basawan Singh Indoor Stadium in the city of Hajipur in Bihar.
Beena Pallical
GENERAL SECRETARY, DAAA
Beena Pallical is currently the General Secretary of Dalit Arthik
Adhikar Andolan, co-ordinates the National Coalition of SCP TSPLegislation and Executive Director, South Asia Dalit Women’s Economic Empowerment Program of Asia Dalit Rights Forum.
She has been with NCDHR for the last seven years, working on the Dalit Economic Rights, with a special focus on Dalit women’s economic rights.She has been passionately working towards policy changes within Central and State governments for the development of Dalit and Adivasi community. Has been demanding for inclusion of Dalit Women in the policy formulation. Her main focus of work continues to be on Economic Justice and specifically looking at Gender equity and equality. She has led many campaigns in the last seven years and has trained several Dalit & Adivasi Women and men on Budget rights. She contributed to the overall work of Dalit Rights in NCDHR and participated in several national and international seminars representing the voices of Dalits and Adivasis and advocating stronger policy measures with effective implementation. She feels that if she were not a Human Rights Activist she would be dancing her way to glory!!!!
Beena Pallical is the Executive Director at the Asia Dalit Rights Forum and the current Manager of a programme seeking to strengthen Dalit Women’s Economic Rights across South Asia1. The Dalit community in this region is still considered the lowest of the historical castes and suffers widespread discrimination, despite recent legislation and initiatives. Within the community, the specific problem of women’s economic empowerment has received little attention, but is now the focus of a two-year programme funded by UN Women’s Fund for Gender Equality.
What are the fundamental challenges facing Dalit women?
Across Nepal, India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Pakistan, there are around 201 million Dalit men, women and children. The caste system divides society into four layers, but the Dalits are outside those layers, at the bottom of the heap, considered fit only for the dirty jobs such as cleaning latrines and sewers, or skinning animals for leather. They are known as “Untouchables”.
It is a problem of intergenerational poverty. If the women are engaged in manual scavenging, then their children will get into the same trade once they reach 10 or 12 years old. It is hard to break out of these activities if you are the son or daughter of a scavenger.
As a Dalit myself, according to the system people from other castes cannot touch me or eat with me. I cannot use the same tap as the dominant castes, because we are considered to be polluted. This is still in place in several parts of South Asia, especially in rural areas. But it can also take other forms, including in urban areas, for example when people refuse to rent a house to me, or with me, or even from me.
Also, Dalits have restricted access to services across the region, whether those are health services, clean drinking water or education.
What polices and campaigns are already in place?
There are good policies in place, for example in India and Nepal, but the implementation is not there2. In Sri Lanka, they don’t even recognize the Dalits as a community or social category. In particular the large number of Dalit women3 in the tea and rubber plantations work without the protection of any specific policies or recognition of their particular vulnerability.
The Fund for Gender Equality has been supporting the Dalit women’s economic empowerment programme in South Asia since 2016. In Bangladesh over the past two years we have seen the creation of Dalit rights groups, and we have been able for the first time to push for Dalit women to sit at the same table with policy makers. This has really created an impact. Other groups in Nepal, Sri Lanka and India are also working on the ground with Dalit women, as part of the Asia Dalit Rights Forum.
What needs to happen at policy level?
This is a key part of leaving no one behind, as per the 2030 Agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals. It is also important to focus on the intersection of different marginalizations, for Dalits as much as anyone else. Imagine a Dalit woman who is transgender and also disabled, that is at least a triple marginalization.
Unless these concerns are kept at the core of policy drafting, I don’t think we will be able to reach this agenda by 2030. There has been a certain invisibilization, so to say, of this problem by policy makers as well as by society.
Do the Dalits recognize their own rights?
That is a very good question. I think that, as a Dalit community, because we have not had any rights for the longest time, we sometimes fail to claim them. Also, some efforts in recent years to assert ourselves have led to economic reprisals and physical violence.
But we have started realizing that we are seeking nothing more than our due share of services and opportunities. We are not asking for charity. It is the government’s responsibility to ensure that every Dalit woman and man has access to services, education, health, etc.
How h the Fund for Gender Equality changed the lives of Dalit men, women and children?
The support of UN Women’s Fund for Gender Equality arrived at a critical time, when no other agency recognized the need in South Asia for a programme to empower Dalit women economically. There had been several programmes on violence, but even without violence we need money to build houses and for education.
The Fund has brought this issue to the forefront of Dalit women’s rights and I think this support has been essential. We have now a group of 15 to 20 women, who would never be able to sit with policy makers or go over budgets, who today are sitting at the same table and arguing and putting their points across.
Of course, the sustainability going forwards will remain a challenge, but at least we have this group of women who have realized that these rights are important, and we need to take this forward!
Baby Kamble
Baby Kamble (1929-2012) was an Indian activist and writer. She was born into an untouchable caste, Mahar, one of the largest untouchable communities in Maharashtra. She was a well-known Dalit activist and writer who was inspired by B. R. Ambedkar. Kamble and her family converted to Buddhism and remained lifelong practicing Buddhists. In her community, she came to be admired as a writer and was fondly called as Tai (meaning sister). She is widely remembered and loved by the Dalit community for her contributions of powerful literary and activist work. She is one of the earliest women writers from the untouchable communities whose distinctive reflexive style of feminist writing setting her apart from other Dalit writers and upper caste women writers (Ramteke,n.d) who gaze was limited and reflexivity incarcerated in caste and masculinity.
Kamble is critically acclaimed and known her autobiographical work Jina Amucha, written in Marathi. Feminist scholar Maxine Bernstein was instrumental in encouraging Baby Tai Kamble to publish her writings which Kamble had kept as a secret from her family. Bernstien discovered Kamble interest and her writings in Phaltan where Bernstein was conducting her research. She encouraged and persuaded Baby Tai to publish her writings which soon became one of the best autobiographical accounts on caste, poverty, violence, and triple discrimination faced by Dalit women. This auto-narrative chronicles Baby Tai's life story in precolonial to postcolonial India. It is deeply embedded with two important critical moments in the Indian history: freedom from the British rule and anti-caste movement led by Dr.B.R.Ambedkar. Thus, Baby Tai's auto-biography is just not personal account of a woman's life history but it is a deeply political and a critical record of the making of the nation from the vantage point of a very precarious social location. Jina Amucha public contribution is it is a nation's biography chronicled from the untouchable woman's point of view. It is also therefore a critical account the nation and its margins: lives of untouchables in a caste Hindu society.
One of the major portions of the book articulates caste and gender discrimination and multilayered violence suffered by Dalit women at the hands of the savarna (caste Hindus) and Dalit men. Kamble writes from an untouchable woman's perspective, not deterring from naming patriarchy in the untouchable community nor sparing the internalized patriarchy by Dalit women. This honesty and reflexivity has been largely missing in upper caste women's writings. Kamble also underscores how the caste Hindu women and men treated untouchables with contempt, disgust, and hate. This work became one of the most powerful and poignant auto-biographical writing in Marathi. The book was translated into English titled The Prisons We Broke by Maya Pandit and published by Orient Blackswan.
Baby Tai wrote several articles and poems focused on Dalits and also ran a residential school for children from vulnerable communities. She died on 21 April 2012, aged 82, in Phaltan, Maharashtra.
Early life and marriage
Babytai Kamble was born in 1929 to an economically stable family. Her father worked as a labour contractor and her maternal grandfather and grand-uncles worked as butlers for the British.
She went to a girls school which was dominated and run by Brahmins, where she and other Dalit girls were subject to discrimination and segregation. They were made to sit in a corner, separated from other students. She was married at the age of 13 to Kondiba Kamble, after passing the fourth standard. The bride, groom and their families had a marriage ceremony without a Brahmin priest as officiator.
She and her husband began their own business of selling loose grapes. After they started making profits, they included vegetables in their merchandise. Soon after, this business venture expanded into a profitable initiative of selling food and other grocery provisions. Their customers were predominantly from the Mahar community. Babytai and Kondiba had ten children, three of whom died during childhood.
Activism
While sitting at the shop counter, Kamble began reading newspapers that were used for packing. It was around this time she began penning her autobiography Jina Amaucha (The Prisons We Broke). She also joined a library and began reading books from there. In her spare time, she would write in notebooks. She chronicled the lives of fellow Dalit women and how they negotiated with patriarchy and caste. Jina Amucha has been translated into various languages.
Kamble was involved in the Dalit movement in Maharashtra. This movement saw mass participation and contribution by women. She was a member of the Mahila Mandal in Phaltan. She started a government approved residential school for children from disadvantaged communities in Nimbure, Maharashtra.
Baby Kamble, affectionately known as Babytai Kamble once older, is best known as a Dalit activist and writer. She penned Jina Amacha (The Prisons We Broke), a vivid narration of her (as well as many other Dalit women’s) lived experiences. The book was translated into several languages. Babytai also wrote several poems and articles delineating Dalit lives and ran an ashram for children from vulnerable communities.
Babytai Kamble passed away on 21 April 2012, at the age of 82. Her words, firmly rooted in Ambedkarite ideology, have continued to inspire Dalit activists to this day, urging them to look beyond the individual to the community in the struggle for freedom and equality.
Early life
Babytai Kamble was born in 1929, to a relatively affluent family. Her maternal grandfather and grand-uncles had worked as butlers for British officers. In her book, Babytai recalls the tale of her birth: her mother had lost three daughters in quick succession and Babytai was given up for dead too when she fell ill and lost consciousness.
A pit was dug for her in the village, but her mother insisted on keeping the ‘dead’ baby in her lap all night until Babytai finally regained consciousness. Those around her sang bhajansand prayed to god that entire night. Her miraculous ‘rebirth’ was attributed to a godman and the powers of faith. Babytai wonders how many children were dug alive in pits due to the lack of medical facilities and faith in godmen.
Her father was a labour contractor who worked on the Mumbadevi Temple in Bombay as well as a milk dairy in Pune owned by the central government. He did very well for himself and was also incredibly generous, sometimes to a fault, spending his money on feeding his labourers until the Britishers paid their wages.
From him, she learned that one need only earn enough money to feed one’s stomach and not one’s greed and that the true earning was one’s good deeds. However, her mother was never allowed outside the house. Babytai’s grandmother, Sitavahini, had led the revolution against eating dead cattle meat.
Because her father travelled a lot, Babytai and her mother lived with her maternal grandparents, in Veergaon, western Maharashtra. The village (including Babytai’s family) was inhabited by the Mahar community, the same community to which Ambedkar belonged. The entire village was, in her words, “decorated with eternal poverty“. Babytai Kamble treated every household as part of her own family and was on friendly terms with the entire community.
Marriage
The age of marriage for women in the Mahar community was seven to ten years old. Babytai was accordingly married off very young, after which she ran a provisions store with her husband, taking on the duty in the mornings when he went to buy fresh supplies for the store.
This was Babytai’s first brush with literature: as she wrapped the groceries people bought from the store in a newspaper. She slowly started writing her own narration and therefore the community’s. But she was very careful to keep this writing hidden from her husband and most of her relatives for twenty years.
The pathbreaker with a pen
Image Credit: Goodreads
One of the major reasons why Babytai’s writing was path-breaking is because there had been many chronicles of Dalit lives written before her time, but there wasn’t much literature on Dalit women. Her book gave us one of the first critiques of twofold patriarchy – an experience of Dalit women’s lives recognizing their dual oppression: by gender and caste.
Babytai Kamble recounts in detail the reproductive labour of Dalit women. After giving birth, the woman’s stomach would be tied and she would require soft food to line her stomach. But there was no soft grain to be found, despite Mahar women putting out a call in the village for soft food. Women would then often have to swallow the hard jowar for the pain in the stomach.
They would return to their maternal homes to have their first child. Often there would not be enough cloth to stem the flow of blood after childbirth. Many women died in childbirth or after it, so women continued to have children until menopause to ensure at least two to three surviving children.
Babytai also recounts in great detail the influence of Ambedkar. As per casteist and religious diktats, all Dalits had to bow in front of Savarnas as they traveled in the villages. When young married women did not follow this custom, the offended Savarna men would shout at the Mahars loudly in the village square, questioning how the Mahars could possibly deign to get so high and mighty.
The girl’s father-in-law and other male elders would profusely apologize. Then they would come back to their own houses and shout at the girl asking if she wanted the entire community to be let down. Their mothers-in-law and other neighbours would also join in.
When women went into the villages to sell firewood and grass, Brahmin women buying it from them would sit on their shoulder-high sit-outs (the architecture of the houses was designed to maintain caste hierarchy and exclude Dalits) and haggle for the lowest prices. Once this was done, they would shout at the women to carefully inspect the product to ensure no hair or thread belonging to the sellers was left on it, lest it “polluted” the entire Brahmin household. Once this was done, the Brahmin women would throw a few paisatheir way as payment, without coming near them.
Once Dalit children started attending school, there were inevitable clashes between them and Savarna children, with several exchanges of harsh words against Ambedkar and Gandhi from either side. Dalit children were segregated in school, while fighting Savarna children at the school tap for water as the Savarnas tried to block their access and teachers placing Dalit children at the back, far away from the blackboard.
Image Credit: Friends 4 Education
Babytai urges her community to remember the lessons from Ambedkarite struggles. She decries those who take to temples and idol worship and encourages remembering Dalit struggles of the past and the way of life before Dr Ambedkar. Her words have immense relevance today as we see the continued prevalence of pernicious caste practices.
References:
Bojja Tharakam
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bojja Tharakam
Born 27 June 1939
Kandikuppa village of East Godavari district, India
Died 16 September 2016 (aged 77)
Hyderabad, India
Nationality Indian
Political party Schedule caste student federation, President Republican Party of India
Spouse(s) Vijaya Bharati
Children Dr. Mahita, Rahul Bojja (IAS)
Bojja Tharakam (27 June 1939 – 16 September 2016) was a well-known poet, writer, social and political activist and a senior human rights advocate in India. Tharakam was a committed lawyer in the Andhra Pradesh State High Court, fighting against the problems that Dalits have had to confront.
Biography
Early age
Bojja Tarakam was born in Kandikuppa village of East Godavari district to his parents Appalaswamy and Mavullamma. His father, Bojja Appalaswamy, was one of the SCF leaders in coastal Andhra and was elected twice to the legislative Assembly from Amalapuram constituency in East Godavari district, in 1951 and 1955.
Cases
Chundur Massacre/Tsunduru massacre (1991)
He was senior public prosecutor Tsunduru massacre case in the Andhra Pradesh High Court. During an interview with Dalit Camera he said that the judgment in the Tsundur case was biased, illogical and casteist to protect their Reddy caste people. The reasoning given by the high court is contrary to all principles of criminal jurisprudence and appreciation of evidence. The trial court which gave the first judgment had elaborately discussed the evidence, the entire evidence, and come to a conclusion which is unassailable. But unfortunately the high court, throwing all the norms and canons of justice to the winds, gave a very unscientific reasoning, which is unknown to criminal jurisprudence, and acquitted all the accused. [This is opinion, not fact.]
He was a human rights activist and stood specially for the rights of Dalits. He also filed case against the encounters by police in Supreme court and demanded that these officers should be booked and the probe should be set up for them. He won the case in Supreme Court of India.
Karamchedu (17 July 1985)
He resigned from the High Court as a sign of protest in 1984 against the attacks on Dalits in Karamchedu in Prakasam district of AP.
He founded AP Dalita Maha Sabha. He worked all his life to spread the ideas of Dr B R Ambedkar in the society especially among the youths.
Death
He died on 16 september 2016 at his residence in Hyderabad after battling with cancer for 3 years .
Books
Mahad:The March That's Launch Everyday in 2018 published by The Shared Mirror Publishing House, Hyderabad.
(Poem) Naalage Godavari (Godavari is Like Me) in 2000.
Brezil Prajala Bhuporatam (The Brazilian's fight for the Land) in 2003 (published by Janapada Vignana Kendram, Hyderabad).
Newspaper run by him is Neela Zenda from Andra Pradesh.
Major Works "Police arestuceseta 'caste-category', 'ground-plow-mudeddulu' 'Panchatantra' (novel)," the born-throat '
B.Shyam Shundar
B. Shyam Sunder
Tara Sing with B.Shyam Shundar
Born 21 December 1908
Aurangabad, Maharashtra
Died 19 May 1975 (aged 66)
Hyderabad
Resting place Hyderabad
Nationality Indian
Education B.A.LLB.
Occupation lawyer
Organization Bhim Sena
Title Quied-e-Pushthkhome
Movement Eradication of Untouchability,
Awards Khusro-e-Deccan
B. Shyam Sunder (21 December 1908 – 19 May 1975) was born in Aurangabad district in Maharashtra State, India. His father was B. Manicham, a railway employee, and his mother Sudha Bai and had one younger sister. He was a political thinker, jurist, prolific writer, parliamentarian and a revolutionary leader. In 1937, he founded the Dalit-Muslim unity movement at Parbhani in Aurangabad, Maharashtra and urged his people to join hands with Muslims. He was a legislator representing Andhra Pradesh and Mysore State.
In 1956, he established the "All India Federal Association of Minorities" at Hyderabad and finally organised a movement for Bahujans in 1968 at Lucknow district in Uttar Pradesh State and formally declared that Minorities slogan "India is ours." He inaugurated 'Bhim Sena', a voluntary corps force, at Gulbarga in Karnataka State which later spread to all parts of India. V. T. Rajshekar an eminent Dalit scholar, writer and editor Dalit Voice credited him as Father of Dalits Movements in India.
Early life and education
Shyam Sunder was born on 21 December 1908 into Mala family at Aurangabad Cantt., Aurangabad district, Maharashtra, which was then part of the Nizam of Hyderabads princely state. He completed his early schooling at Aurangabad. He was greatly moved by caste ill-feelings and practice of untouchability, his agitated mind took him to Buddha's Ajanta Caves to seek solace. When his family moved to Hyderabad, he enrolled in the Osmania University, graduating in Political Science, Economics and went on to earn a law degree. He could speak Urdu, English and Marathi. He was popular among the student community and he was elected Senate and Syndicate member of the Osmania University. He entered active politics and joined the student wing of Depressed Classes Association; he was chosen as General Secretary and later became its President in 1947.
Political career
He practiced law briefly and joined the Swadeshi movement under the leadership of Smt Sarojini Naidu and served as its General Secretary to Andhra Pradesh. He was elected the President of Literary Society of Hyderabad. He accepted the membership of Exhibition Society to Hyderabad. He was elected unopposed from Graduate Constituency, to Hyderabad Legislative Assembly and later served as its Deputy Speaker.
He was a part of the Nizam's delegation to UNO. Sri PR Venkat Swamy, who authored Our Struggle for Emancipation, says "the entry of Shyam Sunder is a red day in the history of Depressed Class Movement" and mentions he was fondly addressed as Queid-e-Pusthakhome [Leader of Depressed Class]. The Nizam of Hyderabad conferred Khusro-e-Deccan, highest civilian award, on Shyam Sunder for his yeoman service. Rajsheker VT editor Dalit Voice, an eminent Dalit writer, gives a graphic picture of Shyam Sunder and achievement of Bhim Sena.
Missions of life
Shyam Sunder was a social-political and ideological leader of the Mool Bharathis the during pre- and post-independence period. He was able to alleviate the conscience of his brethren by making them realise they are not Untouchable but the Mool Bharathis of India; they are born Buddhist and builders of Harappan civilization and heir apparent to rule this land. He strove hard to provide education facilities and fought for land reforms for his brethren. He spearheaded a movement to federate Minorities and Bahujans to fight for their legitimate constitutional rights.
We are not Hindus, we are born Buddhist
Hinduism has a practice of "untouchability", wherein certain people are Untouchable. The Father of Nation, Sri Mahatma Gandhi, fondly said they are Harijan, meaning sons of God. The Constitution of India declared they are Scheduled castes and scheduled tribes and Human Right activists say they are Dalit. Shyam Sunder, from the beginning of his political career, bluntly refuted this, saying "We are not Hindus, we have nothing to do with the Hindu caste system, yet we have been included among them by them and for them." and wisely said that Caste system is to them by them and for them.
Dalit-Muslim unity movement
Change! Change swiftly; if you do not change now you will never change!" said Shyam Sunder at the "All India Depressed Classes Association" Conference on 30–31 May 1941 at Parbhani in Aurangabad District held under his Presidency. He laid the foundation for Dalit-Muslim Unity Movement. It was decided in the conference that the untouchables should abandon all the traditional activities and get themselves freed from untouchability and caste system. He read sixty-four pages printed presidential address known as Khutbe-e-Sadarat and asked his people to raise a banner of militant revolt against caste system and join hands with the Muslims. He was a fiery pro-Muslim leader.[9] It turned out to be a social-cultural movement and has contributed to the sociology of development.[10] He was the apostle of Dalit-Muslim unity movement in India. Sheetal Markan's Blog it has contributed for political awareness between both communities. Indeed, it is a great document in the history of untouchables movement, he in detailed elucidated the history of Mool Bharathis, Indus valley civilization; a Dravidian civilization, Advent of Aryans in India; Origin of caste system, are Mool Bharthis are adherent of Hinduism, and Aryans (Brhamins) usurpation of power from Mool Bharathis.
Contribution to education
In 1932, His Highness the Nizam of Hyderabad set up the "One Crore Scheduled Caste Welfare Fund". Shyam Sunder was a trustee member for three years. To avoid caste ill-feeling among students, the trust opened Madarsa-e-Pushthkhome schools, residential hostels and to combat school dropout, it distributed monthly scholarships and even clothes to the students. This kind of education scheme was not found elsewhere in India. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar started the People's Educational Society at Aurangabad; aforementioned trust gave twelve 1.2 million rupees as a grant and the Nizam of Hyderabad personally gave two hundred acres of land to the Society. With these donations, Milind College, the first PES institution at Aurangabad, was established. Shyam Sunder served as Executive Council Member to the Society from 1964-66.
Land Reforms
Shyam Sunder realised that land alone could bring a qualitative-quantitative change in the lives of his brethren. PR Venkat Swamy recalls that he organized a mammoth rally of landless peasants at Hyderabad. He demanded land reforms from Nizam's State government, asking his followers to encroach on government-held "Gairan" land and even surplus lands of landed gentry. Dalits occupying agricultural lands belonging to the Government and privately held properties were first noticed in this part of India. He proposed many amendments to land reform bills in the Karnataka Assembly and his contributions are hailed. But the feudal mentality were stumbling blocks for successful land reform; thus, he went to the extent of demanding a Mool Bharathi State 'Dalitastan'.
Address to the UN Security Council
He was part of the Nizam's delegation to the UN Security Council. He is the first post-independent untouchables leader who addressed the UN security council. He, as a sole representative of the 9 million Depressed class people, formed a part of the delegation took advantage of his presence among the representative of world nations. He gave the Security Council a clear picture of the embittered strife between groups and inhuman conditions of the suppressed masses of independent India. His comparison of the pathetic plight of the depressed Classes of India to the segregation of Negros in the United States created an indelible impression in the world diplomatic parlors. He was given a place of honour everywhere, as the true representative of sixty millions "untouchables", "Unapproachable", "Unseeable" and "Unshadowable" people.
The Indian governments Operation Polo wherein the Nizam signed an accession treaty with government occurred, and Shyam Sunder cut short his European tour and returned to India. He was kept under house arrest at his sisters house in Pune and later freed. He renewed his political activities and contested the first General Election from Chanchal Guda constituency from Hyderabad, which he lost. He was later elected to Mysore Legislative Assembly from Bhalki constituency in Bidar district. In 1962 he contested for an Assembly seat from Aland constituency in Gulbarga district, and Lok Sabha seat from Bidar district, but lost both elections. After the demise of Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia he became the president of Praja Socialist Party.
Minorities Movement
With the blessings of Sardar Master Tara Singh, on 13 October 1956 Shyam Sunder formed "All India Federal Association of Minorities" at Hyderabad. Shyam Sunder also wrote the pamphlet Federation is a must for Indian Minorities;[14] his demands for Minorities included enforcement of their Constitutional rights, preservation of culture, electoral reforms, and even nationalisation of Administration Problems of India Minorities. His main objectives were to undertake a nationwide educative campaign in favor of secularism, to ensure that minorities were not denied their constitutional rights, and a fair deal in recruitment for civil and military appointments and admissions to educational and technical institutions. Articles 29 and 30 of the constitution of India (part III) were implemented in letters as well as in spirit so far as the minorities are concerned. He warned minorities that "the alternative before the minorities is federate or face a lingering death.". National Integration and Problems of Minorities" He specifically suggests safeguards such as effective representation of minorities in Parliament and Legislature, safety of their life and culture and re iterates the re-organisation of states and further he says prejudice and discrimination against minorities hurts the country more than its victims.
Four Immediate Needs of 12 Crore Suppressed Human beings in India
On 26 January 1968, a conference of "All India Scheduled Caste Federation" conference was held at Nanded District in Maharashtra State under the Presidency of Shyam Sunder. He thundered that the practice of Apartheid is a racial one and untouchability is religious in nature. The "ghetto apartheid" has been operation for three thousand years in India in spite of India's Constitutional provisions for Scheduled Caste has made no differences in the practice of untouchability and they are living in burning furnace and conference also decided to co-ordinate all political parties.
The federation put forth Four Demands: Separate settlement, separate election for them, establishment of a separate University at Milind college in Aurangabad or Siddharth College at Bombay and lastly, form an education trust funded by the government of India.The conference also demanded that the Marthawada University should be named after B. R. Ambedkar
Bhim Sena
He created Bhim Sena, a voluntary corps force, on 29 April,1968 in Gulbarga district in Karnataka on the seventy-seventh anniversary of the birth of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar.[citation needed] He gave Ambedkars name to Bhim Sena is a self-defense movement based on truth and non-violence.It repulsed the caste Hindus atrocities on the untouchables. A militant force comprised about 2,00,000 Dalits. The movement was revolt against Hindu caste system. Shyam Sunder wished to create Dalitastan, a country for Untouchables, and desired an alliance between the Dalits, the Muslims and the Untouchables. For this reason, Bhim Sena became popular. The Bhim Sena movement was a caste struggle rather than a class struggle, to confront Hindus militarily. The main objectives of Bhim Sena were three-fold: twenty-five percent villages to be surrendered to them, a separate electorate, and separate elections and a separate University for them.
Organisation
Bhim Sena should be organised on a district wise basis. The Flag of the Bhim Sena will be blue. In the centre there will be a white shining sun in which there will be likeness of the plough, the hammer and the arrow in red colour representing peasants, workers and the traves. The plough also indicates that the Scheduled Castes are the principal producers of food, the hammer indicates that they are the power behind all industrial activities, while the arrow shows that it is they who once ruled India. powers Self-defence is our main object, subsidiary activities like Prepare for census and election work, The Legal Aid Committee, Adult education.
Father of Bahujans Movement
Shyam Sunder held a conference concerning Scheduled Caste, Minorities, Backward Classes and other Minorities Convention at Lucknow district in Uttar Pradesh on 12 and 13 October 1968. Periyar E. V. Ramasamy, Dr. Fareedi, Bhante Bhadat, and Anand Kausalyayan attended. In his Presidential address he put forth several demands. He demanded remodeling of para military forces, division of bigger states like Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Andhra and Bihar into two or more states. He advocated that Minorities should be treated as corporate entities and be given autonomy to conduct their affairs. With one voice it declared the aqhliyataoun ka Nara Hindustan hamara. "From the platform of this convention, held in Lucknow noted for its refined composite Hindustani culture. I call upon the oppressed minority’s f the great land to wake up and unite; I warn them that if they do not, they would be annihilated one by one, group by group and section by section. And declare that united they constitute the majority and have the natural right to play an effective role in guiding the destination of the land of their birth and I conclude by expressing on my own behalf and on behalf of this convention our profound devotion to our mother land Ahliyataouna ka nara Hindustan Hamara.In fact, this movement at Lucknow was a precursor to the Bahujan movement started by Sri Kanshi Ram.
An Appeal to UNO
He sought the UNO’s intervention[23] to form separate country for untouchables, and appealed for a plebiscite to elucidate the desires of members of the Scheduled Caste in regards to remaining in Hinduism, and similarly in his book They Burn.[24] In his book They Burn he says "The United Nations organisation and The Charter on Human Rights does provide some remedy for millions and millions of human beings. who are thus condemned to the inhuman and barbarous condition peculiar to the Untouchables of India numbering one hundred and sixty Millions. Article 13 (B) and 55 (C) of the United Nations Charter deserve study by all champions of the exploited and the downtrodden The possibility of invoking Article 36-2- of the Statue of The International Court of Justice needs to be studied by all friends of the oppressed"
The Mool Bharathi B. Shyam Sunder Memorial Society was formed after the death of Shyam Sunder. The society has published his books and assists research students in various universities.
Books by B. Shyam Sunder
Mool Bharathis
They Burn: the 16,00,00,000 untouchables of India
The four immediate needs of twelve crores suppresses human beings in India : resolutions passed unanimously
Veda Mecum for Mool Bharatis
Bhim Sena kya Chahati hai (Urdu)
Problems of Scheduled Caste
Harijans and General Elections
Neo-Buddhist Claims as Scheduled Caste
The Plight of Scheduled Caste in India Petition to Lok Sabha
National Integration and Problems of Indian Minorities
Danger Ahead for Minorities let us Unite and Face them
Federation is a Must for Indian Minorities
Problems of Indian Minorities
On Bahujans
Presidential Address Uttar Pradesh Minorities and Backward Classes Convention (English, Urdu and Hindi)
Khutebe-e-Sadarat, Parbhani Presidential Address in (Urdu)
Deeksha (Hindi, Urdu and English)
Bhoodevataon ka Manifesto (Hindi, Kannada and Urdu)
Educational conference at Hyderabad (Urdu)
Zionist Plot to Dominate the World
Today's Muslims are Tomorrows Harijans
Interview to Meherab Urdu Digest
On Hinduism
Bhudevataon ka Manifesto (Hindi and Kannada)
UDHR Must be Honored in India
The Menace of the Dragon
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/B._Shyam_Sunder
Babu L. N. Hardas
Hardas Laxmanrao Nagrale (6th January 1904– 12th January 1939), popularly known as Babu L.N. Hardas.was a Dalit leader and social reformer in India. He was an ardent follower of Dr. Ambedkar and was pioneer of the practice of exchanging the greeting Jai Bhim amongst the Dalits. He was also a prominent labour leader in the Central Province and was the general secretary of the Independent Labour Party in the province.
Babu Hardas started his social activities pretty early in his life. At the age of 17, he started a weekly Maharatha from Nagpur with a view of spreading social awareness in the Dalits. He tried to organize the Mahar community by founding the Mahar Samaj organization in 1922. He also formed one Mahar Samaj Pathak, a voluntary corps group, to organize the disorganized Mahar youth to protect the Dalits against the atrocities. He opened a Mahila Ashram in order to imparting training to Dalit women in daily activities. Also, in order to avoid exploitation of beedi workers, he started the beedi work on cooperative basis, which became very successful in the area.
Babu Hardas as a strong opponent of irrational and superstitious customs of the society. He strongly opposed to the sub-caste barriers amongst the depressed classes. He arranged community dinners and invited to all people of depressed classes divided in various sub-castes.
Babu Hardas was also a strong advocate of education to Dalits. He himself had completed matriculation, which was a rare thing for the Dalits in those days. He started night schools at Kamthi in 1927 at the behest of the Mahar community. There were 86 boys and 22 girls learning in his school at a time. He also started one Sant Chokhamela Library at Kamthi around the same time.
Babu Hardas was a prolific writer and mostly used his writing skills for creating social awareness in the depressed classes. He penned a book Mandal Mahatme in 1924 to create awareness amongst the people against the evils in society. He distributed free copies of this book among the people. This book created a significant impact on the people and the Dalit people in the area stopped watching and enjoying plays based on Hindu gods. He also wrote a play Veer Balak (Brave Child) and staged it to create a new wave of awareness among the people. He wrote and published Songs of the Market and Songs of the Hearth. His articles were also published in Weekly Janta, which was edited by Dr. Ambedkar.
Hardas met Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in 1928 for the first time. Though he started his social activities long back, his political career get a push with this meeting. In the same year, Dr. Ambedkar requested him to give his witness in front of Simon Commission. Later in year 1930-31, with regards to the Second Round Table Conference, when question arose about the real leadership of untouchables, Hardas sent a telegram to Ramsay MacDonald, the then prime minister of the United Kingdom, that Dr. Ambedkar is the real leader of untouchables and not Mahatma Gandhi. He also created an opinion about this in different parts of the country and sent a total of 32 telegrams to Mr. McDonald by various untouchable leaders. Like Dr. B.R. Ambekdar, Babu Hardas wanted greater participation of the depressed classes in the legislative assemblies. He appealed the governor of Central Provinces and Berar to nominate members among the depressed classes to the legislative council, district local boards, and municipalities. He was among the main organizers of Conference of the Depressed Classes at Nagpur on August 8, 1930 presided over by Dr. Ambedkar. This conference passed the resolution to have separate electorates for the depressed classes. This conference formed All India Depressed Classes Federation and Babu Hardas was elected as a joint secretary of the federation. The second conference of All India Depressed Classes was held at Kamthi on May 7, 1932 and Babu Hardas was the president of its reception committee. At this meeting, he was elected as a secretary of the national body of the federation.
Babu Hardas became secretary of CP and Berar branch of Independent Labour Party (ILP) in 1936. He fought the assembly elections in 1937 from Nagpur-Kamthi constituency and won. Moon gives an interesting account of how Babu Hardas won the election against a wealthy Indian National Congress candidate from the constituency. Babu Hardas was even forced, with the help of local goons, to take back his candidacy.
In 1938, he was also nominated as the president of the CP and Berar branch of ILP. In 1939, he fell sick of tuberculosis and his political career came to an abrupt end by his death on January 12, 1939. Unanimous resolution for Mahavidarbha was passed in 1938 during his time . He is Lion of Vidarbha . He was native and son of soil.
Babu Hardas left a significant impact on the depressed classes even after his death. Moon (2001) notes that “Just as a comet appears, bringing light throughout the sky, and then vanishing in instant, so it happened with Hardas.” The greeting phrase Jai Bhim coined by him has become a general term of greeting amongst the Dalits in India. It is also a formal greeting phrase of Bahujan Samaj Party, a prominent Dalit-based party in India. Besides all his contribution to the uplift of the depressed classes, Babu Hardas is still honoured as the pioneer of Jai Bhim.
Source – Wikipedia
https://drambedkarbooks.com/2016/01/06/6th-january-in-dalit-history-birth-anniversary-of-lion-of-vidarbha-babu-l-n-hardas/#more-5849
BASANTA KUMAR BISWAS
INDIAN REVOLUTIONARY
Birth : 6 February 1895, Nadia district, West Bengal, India
Death : 11 May 1915, Ambala, Ambala district, Haryana, India (aged 20 years)
BIOGRAPHY
Basanta Kumar Biswas (6 February 1895 – 11 May 1915) was an Indian pro-independence activist involved in the Jugantar group who, in December 1912, is believed to have bombed the Viceroy's Parade in what came to be known as the Delhi-Lahore Conspiracy. He was initiated into revolutionary movement by Jugantar leaders Amarendranath Chattopadhyaya and Rash Behari Bose.
Early life:
Basanta Kumar Biswas was born on 6 February 1895 at Poragacha in Nadia district of West Bengal, to Matilal and Kunjabala Biswas. He belongs to the family of freedom fighter Digamabar Biswas, an active leader of the Indigo revolt (or Nilbidroha) and freedom fighter Manmathnath Biswas. He started his schooling at his village and then he moved to M. I. School in nearby village Madhavpur with his cousin Manmathnath Biswas. M.I school was established by social reformer and freedom fighter Gagan Chadra Biswas. In 1906, Basanta was moved to Muragacha school. Khirodh Chandra Ganguly was principal in Muragacha school. Under his guidance Basanta started his journey of freedom fight. Later he was recruited by Rash Behari Bose and trained in arms and bombs. Rash Behari Bose often called him Bishe Das.
Revolutionary activities
On 23 December 1912, Biswas, disguised as a woman, threw a bomb at Lord Charles Hardinge, who was riding with his wife on an elephant during a procession at Chandni Chawak, Delhi. Hardinge escaped with flesh wounds, but his Mahout was killed in the attack. But the authors of the deed remained obscure for many months despite the state’s intense investigation, and lucrative reward. Biswas was arrested on 26 February 1914 in Poragachha, Nadia while he went to perform the last rites for his father. The trial, which came to be called the Delhi-Lahore Conspiracy Case, began on 23 May 1914 in Delhi, and Basanta was found guilty on 5 October and sentenced to life imprisonment. Three other men were condemned to death at the same trial: Amir Charid, Abadh Behari, and Balmokand.
However, the Government was eager to have the death penalty imposed so an appeal was formulated at Lahore High Court and the records held at Ambala Central Jail were tampered with to show that Biswas was two years older than he really was to impute legal responsibility for his offence. The Crown won its appeal and Biswas was sentenced to be hanged.
Basanta Kumar Biswas was hanged on 11 May 1915 at Ambala Central Jail in Punjab aged twenty and became one of the youngest people to be executed during the Indian revolutionary struggles during the 20th century.
There is a statue of Basanta Biswas established by Rasbihari Basu in a park of Tokyo, Japan. Another statue is situated infront of Rabindra Bhawan, Krishnanagar, Nadia. On the request of Sankariswar Dutta of Gobrapota Subhendu Memorial Seva Pratisthan the Loka Sabha Speaker Meera Kumar has installed a photo of Basanta Kumar at the Museum of the Indian Parliament. Ujjal Biswas, an Indian politician and the present Minister for Technical Education in the Government of West Bengal belongs to the family of Basanta Biswas.
B. Krishnappa
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Prof. B. Krishnappa (1938–1997) was born in Madiga Community, in Harihara,Davangere District.His father name is Dasappala Basappa and mother Chowdamma.His family was his strength.he is a pioneer of the Dalit literary movement in Kannada and the founder president of Dalit Sangarsha Samiti, the radical Dalit advocacy group. He taught at the Sir M. Vishweshwariah College in Bhadravathi for thirty years before retiring as principal. He is acknowledged as an important literary critic.
B. Krishnappa was a pioneer of the Dalit literary movement in Kannada and the founder president of Dalit Sangarsha Samiti, the radical Dalit advocacy group. He taught at the Sir M. Vishweshwariah College in Bhadravathi for thirty years before retiring as principal. He is acknowledged as an important literary critic.A social revolutionary Krishnappa's presence is felt in most of the landmark Dalit struggles of Karnataka, especially those aimed at getting land for Dalits and fighting for Dalit women's self-respect.B. Krishnappa, along with Siddalingaiah and others, was one of the founders of Dalita Sangharsha Samiti.
A social revolutionary Krishnappa's presence is felt in most of the landmark Dalit struggles of Karnataka, especially those aimed at getting land for Dalits and fighting for Dalit women's self-respect.
Literature produced by the satiated and the flabby, who consume antacids to digest their food, who live in multi-storied buildings and commute only by car and airplane, has no appeal for me. For such people, literature is an aesthetic luxury, written to kill time. Protest literature is not written for this Tata-Birla five percent who lead a lavish life. Our engagement today is with the starving, the helpless, those who eat from the wastebins outside hotels, the homeless who live in railway stations, bus stands, those who steal food and clothing and die without a history. Aesthetics is not primary for us. When over 60 per cent of our population live below the poverty line, shedding their blood in fields and factories and rotting in ignorance, anyone who says that he writes for aesthetic pleasure, or for literary values, can only be called irresponsible.
"Dalit Literature" in The Exercise of Freedom: An Introduction to Dalit Writing, Ed. Satyanarayana and Tharu
B. Krishnappa, along with Siddalingaiah and others, was one of the founders of Dalita Sangharsha Samiti.
Booker Taliaferro Washington
From Wikipedia
Booker T. Washington in 1905
Born
Booker Taliaferro Washington
April 5, 1856
Hale's Ford, Virginia, U.S.
Died November 14, 1915 (aged 59)
Tuskegee, Alabama, U.S.
Resting place Tuskegee University
Alma mater Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute
Occupation Educator, author, and African American civil rights leader
Political party Republican
Spouse(s) Fannie N. Smith
(1882–1884, her death)
(1886–1889, her death)
(1893–1915, his death)
Children 3
Signature
Booker Taliaferro Washington (April 5, 1856 – November 14, 1915) was an American educator, author, orator, and adviser to several presidents of the United States. Between 1890 and 1915, Washington was the dominant leader in the African American community and of the contemporary black elite. Washington was from the last generation of black American leaders born into slavery and became the leading voice of the former slaves and their descendants. They were newly oppressed in the South by disenfranchisement and the Jim Crow discriminatory laws enacted in the post-Reconstruction Southern states in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
Washington was a key proponent of African-American businesses and one of the founders of the National Negro Business League. His base was the Tuskegee Institute, a historically black college he founded in Tuskegee, Alabama. As lynchings in the South reached a peak in 1895, Washington gave a speech, known as the "Atlanta compromise", which brought him national fame. He called for black progress through education and entrepreneurship, rather than trying to challenge directly the Jim Crow segregation and the disenfranchisement of black voters in the South.
Washington mobilized a nationwide coalition of middle-class blacks, church leaders, and white philanthropists and politicians, with a long-term goal of building the community's economic strength and pride by a focus on self-help and schooling. With his own contributions to the black community, Washington was a supporter of racial uplift, but secretly he also supported court challenges to segregation and to restrictions on voter registration.
Black activists in the North, led by W. E. B. Du Bois, at first supported the Atlanta compromise, but later disagreed and opted to set up the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) to work for political change. They tried with limited success to challenge Washington's political machine for leadership in the black community, but built wider networks among white allies in the North. Decades after Washington's death in 1915, the civil rights movement of the 1950s took a more active and progressive approach, which was also based on new grassroots organizations based in the South, such as Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC).
Washington mastered the nuances of the political arena in the late 19th century, which enabled him to manipulate the media, raise money, develop strategy, network, push, reward friends, and distribute funds, while punishing those who opposed his plans for uplifting blacks. His long-term goal was to end the disenfranchisement of the vast majority of African Americans, who then still lived in the South. His legacy has been very controversial to the civil rights community, of which he was an important leader before 1915. After his death, he came under heavy criticism for accommodationism to white supremacy. However, a more balanced view of his very wide range of activities has appeared since the late 20th century. As of 2010, the most recent studies, "defend and celebrate his accomplishments, legacy, and leadership".
Overview
In 1856, Washington was born into slavery in Virginia as the son of Jane, an African-American slave. After emancipation, she moved the family to West Virginia to join her husband Washington Ferguson. West Virginia had seceded from Virginia and joined the Union as a free state during the Civil War. As a young man, Booker T. Washington worked his way through Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute (a historically black college, now Hampton University) and attended college at Wayland Seminary (now Virginia Union University).
In 1881, the young Washington was named as the first leader of the new Tuskegee Institute in Alabama, founded for the higher education of blacks. He developed the college from the ground up, enlisting students in construction of buildings, from classrooms to dormitories. Work at the college was considered fundamental to students' larger education. They maintained a large farm to be essentially self-supporting, rearing animals and cultivating needed produce. Washington continued to expand the school. He attained national prominence for his Atlanta Address of 1895, which attracted the attention of politicians and the public. He became a popular spokesperson for African-American citizens. He built a nationwide network of supporters in many black communities, with black ministers, educators, and businessmen composing his core supporters. Washington played a dominant role in black politics, winning wide support in the black community of the South and among more liberal whites (especially rich Northern whites). He gained access to top national leaders in politics, philanthropy and education. Washington's efforts included cooperating with white people and enlisting the support of wealthy philanthropists. Washington had asserted that the surest way for blacks to gain equal social rights was to demonstrate "industry, thrift, intelligence and property".
Beginning in 1912, he built a relationship with philanthropist Julius Rosenwald, the owner of Sears Roebuck, who served on the board of trustees for the rest of his life and made substantial donations to Tuskegee. In addition, they collaborated on a pilot program for Tuskegee architects to design six model schools that could be built for African-American students in rural areas of the South. These were historically underfunded by the state and local governments. Given their success in 1913 and 1914, Rosenwald established the Rosenwald Foundation in 1917 to support the schools effort. It expanded improving or providing rural schools by giving matching funds to communities that committed to operate the schools and provided funds for construction and maintenance, with cooperation of white public school boards required. Nearly 5,000 new, small rural schools were built to improve education for blacks throughout the South, most after Washington's death in 1915.
Northern critics called Washington's widespread and powerful organization the "Tuskegee Machine". After 1909, Washington was criticized by the leaders of the new NAACP, especially W. E. B. Du Bois, who demanded a stronger tone of protest in order to advance the civil rights agenda. Washington replied that confrontation would lead to disaster for the outnumbered blacks in society, and that cooperation with supportive whites was the only way to overcome pervasive racism in the long run. At the same time, he secretly funded litigation for civil rights cases, such as challenges to Southern constitutions and laws that had disenfranchised blacks across the South since the turn of the century. African Americans were still strongly affiliated with the Republican Party, and Washington was on close terms with national Republican Party leaders. He was often asked for political advice by presidents Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft.
In addition to his contributions in education, Washington wrote 14 books; his autobiography, Up from Slavery, first published in 1901, is still widely read today. During a difficult period of transition, he did much to improve the working relationship between the races. His work greatly helped blacks to achieve education, financial power, and understanding of the U.S. legal system. This contributed to blacks' attaining the skills to create and support the civil rights movement, leading to the passage in the later 20th century of important federal civil rights laws.
Early life
Washington early in his career
Booker was born into slavery to Jane, an enslaved African-American woman on the plantation of James Burroughs in southwest Virginia, near Hale's Ford in Franklin County. He never knew the day, month, and year of his birth (although evidence emerged after his death that he was born on April 5, 1856.) Nor did he ever know his father, said to be a white man who resided on a neighboring plantation. The man played no financial or emotional role in Washington's life
From his earliest years, Washington was known simply as "Booker", with no middle or surname, in the practice of the time. His mother, her relatives and his siblings struggled with the demands of slavery. He later wrote:
I cannot recall a single instance during my childhood or early boyhood when our entire family sat down to the table together, and God's blessing was asked, and the family ate a meal in a civilized manner. On the plantation in Virginia, and even later, meals were gotten to the children very much as dumb animals get theirs. It was a piece of bread here and a scrap of meat there. It was a cup of milk at one time and some potatoes at another.
When he was nine, Booker and his family in Virginia gained freedom under the Emancipation Proclamation as US troops occupied their region. Booker was thrilled by the formal day of their emancipation in early 1865:
As the great day drew nearer, there was more singing in the slave quarters than usual. It was bolder, had more ring, and lasted later into the night. Most of the verses of the plantation songs had some reference to freedom... Some man who seemed to be a stranger (a United States officer, I presume) made a little speech and then read a rather long paper—the Emancipation Proclamation, I think. After the reading we were told that we were all free, and could go when and where we pleased. My mother, who was standing by my side, leaned over and kissed her children, while tears of joy ran down her cheeks. She explained to us what it all meant, that this was the day for which she had been so long praying, but fearing that she would never live to see.
After emancipation Jane took her family to the free state of West Virginia to join her husband Washington Ferguson, who had escaped from slavery during the war and settled there. The illiterate boy Booker began to painstakingly teach himself to read and attended school for the first time.
At school, Booker was asked for a surname for registration. He took the family name of Washington, after his stepfather. Still later he learned from his mother that she had originally given him the name "Booker Taliaferro" at the time of his birth, but his second name was not used by the master Upon learning of his original name, Washington immediately readopted it as his own, and became known as Booker Taliaferro Washington for the rest of his life.
Higher education
Washington worked in salt furnaces and coal mines in West Virginia for several years to earn money. He made his way east to Hampton Institute, a school established in Virginia to educate freedmen and their descendants, where he also worked to pay for his studies. He later attended Wayland Seminary in Washington, D.C. in 1878.
Tuskegee Institute
The Oaks – Booker T. Washington's house at Tuskegee University
A history class conducted at the Tuskegee Institute in 1902
In 1881, the Hampton Institute president Samuel C. Armstrong recommended Washington, then age 25, to become the first leader of Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute (later Tuskegee Institute, now Tuskegee University), the new normal school (teachers' college) in Alabama. The new school opened on July 4, 1881, initially using a room donated by Butler Chapel A.M.E. Zion Church.
The next year, Washington purchased a former plantation to be developed as the permanent site of the campus. Under his direction, his students literally built their own school: making bricks, constructing classrooms, barns and outbuildings; and growing their own crops and raising livestock; both for learning and to provide for most of the basic necessities. Both men and women had to learn trades as well as academics. The Tuskegee faculty used all the activities to teach the students basic skills to take back to their mostly rural black communities throughout the South. The main goal was not to produce farmers and tradesmen, but teachers of farming and trades who could teach in the new lower schools and colleges for blacks across the South. The school expanded over the decades, adding programs and departments, to become the present-day Tuskegee University.
The Oaks, "a large comfortable home," was built on campus for Washington and his family. They moved into the house in 1900. Washington lived there until his death in 1915. His widow, Margaret, lived at The Oaks until her death in 1925.
Later career
Washington led Tuskegee for more than 30 years after becoming its leader. As he developed it, adding to both the curriculum and the facilities on the campus, he became a prominent national leader among African Americans, with considerable influence with wealthy white philanthropists and politicians.
Washington expressed his vision for his race through the school. He believed that by providing needed skills to society, African Americans would play their part, leading to acceptance by white Americans. He believed that blacks would eventually gain full participation in society by acting as responsible, reliable American citizens. Shortly after the Spanish–American War, President William McKinley and most of his cabinet visited Booker Washington. By his death in 1915, Tuskegee had grown to encompass more than 100 well-equipped buildings, roughly 1,500 students, 200 faculty members teaching 38 trades and professions, and an endowment of approximately $2 million.
Washington helped develop other schools and colleges. In 1891 he lobbied the West Virginia legislature to locate the newly authorized West Virginia Colored Institute (today West Virginia State University) in the Kanawha Valley of West Virginia near Charleston. He visited the campus often and spoke at its first commencement exercise.
Washington was a dominant figure of the African-American community, then still overwhelmingly based in the South, from 1890 to his death in 1915. His Atlanta Address of 1895 received national attention. He was considered as a popular spokesman for African-American citizens. Representing the last generation of black leaders born into slavery, Washington was generally perceived as a supporter of education for freedmen and their descendants in the post-Reconstruction, Jim Crow-era South. He stressed basic education and training in manual and domestic labor trades because he thought these represented the skills needed in what was still a rural economy.
Throughout the final twenty years of his life, he maintained his standing through a nationwide network of supporters including black educators, ministers, editors, and businessmen, especially those who supported his views on social and educational issues for blacks. He also gained access to top national white leaders in politics, philanthropy and education, raised large sums, was consulted on race issues, and was awarded honorary degrees from Harvard University in 1896 and Dartmouth College in 1901.
Late in his career, Washington was criticized by civil rights leader and NAACP founder W. E. B. Du Bois. Du Bois and his supporters opposed the Atlanta Address as the "Atlanta Compromise", because it suggested that African Americans should work for, and submit to, white political rule. Du Bois insisted on full civil rights, due process of law, and increased political representation for African Americans which, he believed, could only be achieved through activism and higher education for African-Americans. He believed that "the talented Tenth" would lead the race. Du Bois labeled Washington, "the Great Accommodator." Washington responded that confrontation could lead to disaster for the outnumbered blacks, and that cooperation with supportive whites was the only way to overcome racism in the long run.
While promoting moderation, Washington contributed secretly and substantially to mounting legal challenges activist African Americans launched against segregation and disenfranchisement of blacks. In his public role, he believed he could achieve more by skillful accommodation to the social realities of the age of segregation
Washington's work on education helped him enlist both the moral and substantial financial support of many major white philanthropists. He became a friend of such self-made men as Standard Oil magnate Henry Huttleston Rogers; Sears, Roebuck and Company President Julius Rosenwald; and George Eastman, inventor of roll film, founder of Eastman Kodak, and developer of a major part of the photography industry. These individuals and many other wealthy men and women funded his causes, including Hampton and Tuskegee institutes.
He also gave lectures to raise money for the school. On January 23, 1906, he lectured at Carnegie Hall in New York in the Tuskegee Institute Silver Anniversary Lecture. He spoke along with great orators of the day, including Mark Twain, Joseph Hodges Choate, and Robert Curtis Ogden; it was the start of a capital campaign to raise $1,800,000 for the school.
The schools which Washington supported were founded primarily to produce teachers, as education was critical for the black community following emancipation. Freedmen strongly supported literacy and education as the keys to their future. When graduates returned to their largely impoverished rural southern communities, they still found few schools and educational resources, as the white-dominated state legislatures consistently underfunded black schools in their segregated system.
To address those needs, in the 20th century Washington enlisted his philanthropic network to create matching funds programs to stimulate construction of numerous rural public schools for black children in the South. Working especially with Julius Rosenwald from Chicago, Washington had Tuskegee architects develop model school designs. The Rosenwald Fund helped support the construction and operation of more than 5,000 schools and related resources for the education of blacks throughout the South in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The local schools were a source of communal pride; African-American families gave labor, land and money to them, to give their children more chances in an environment of poverty and segregation. A major part of Washington's legacy, the model rural schools continued to be constructed into the 1930s, with matching funds for communities from the Rosenwald Fund.
Washington also contributed to the Progressive Era by forming the National Negro Business League. It encouraged entrepreneurship among black businessmen, establishing a national network.
His autobiography, Up from Slavery, first published in 1901, is still widely read in the early 21st century.
Marriages and children
Booker T. Washington with his third wife Margaret and two sons, Ernest, left and Booker T., Jr., right
Washington was married three times. In his autobiography Up from Slavery, he gave all three of his wives credit for their contributions at Tuskegee. His first wife Fannie N. Smith was from Malden, West Virginia, the same Kanawha River Valley town where Washington had lived from age nine to sixteen. He maintained ties there all his life, and Smith was a student of his when he taught in Malden. He helped her gain entrance into the Hampton Institute. Washington and Smith were married in the summer of 1882, a year after he became principal there. They had one child, Portia M. Washington, born in 1883. Fannie died in May 1884.
In 1885 the widower Washington married again, to Olivia A. Davidson (1854–1889). Born free in Virginia to a free woman of color and a father who had been freed from slavery, she moved with her family to the free state of Ohio, where she attended common schools. Davidson later studied at Hampton Institute and went North to study at the Massachusetts State Normal School at Framingham. She taught in Mississippi and Tennessee before going to Tuskegee to work as a teacher. Washington recruited Davidson to Tuskegee, and promoted her to vice-principal. They had two sons, Booker T. Washington Jr. and Ernest Davidson Washington, before she died in 1889.
In 1893 Washington married Margaret James Murray. She was from Mississippi and had graduated from Fisk University, a historically black college. They had no children together, but she helped rear Washington's three children. Murray outlived Washington and died in 1925.
Politics and the Atlanta compromise
The opening of Booker T. Washington's "Atlanta compromise" speech to the Atlanta Cotton States and International Exposition
Washington circa 1895, by Frances Benjamin Johnston
Washington's 1895 Atlanta Exposition address was viewed as a "revolutionary moment" by both African Americans and whites across the country. At the time W. E. B. Du Bois supported him, but they grew apart as Du Bois sought more action to remedy disfranchisement and improve educational opportunities for blacks. After their falling out, Du Bois and his supporters referred to Washington's speech as the "Atlanta Compromise" to express their criticism that Washington was too accommodating to white interests.
Washington advocated a "go slow" approach to avoid a harsh white backlash. He has been criticized for encouraging many youths in the South to accept sacrifices of potential political power, civil rights, and higher education. Washington believed that African Americans should "concentrate all their energies on industrial education, and accumulation of wealth, and the conciliation of the South". He valued the "industrial" education, as it provided critical skills for the jobs then available to the majority of African Americans at the time, as most lived in the South, which was overwhelmingly rural and agricultural. He thought these skills would lay the foundation for the creation of stability that the African-American community required in order to move forward. He believed that in the long term, "blacks would eventually gain full participation in society by showing themselves to be responsible, reliable American citizens". His approach advocated for an initial step toward equal rights, rather than full equality under the law, gaining economic power to back up black demands for political equality in the future. He believed that such achievements would prove to the deeply prejudiced white America that African Americans were not "'naturally' stupid and incompetent".
Washington giving a speech at Carnegie Hall in New York City, 1909
Well-educated blacks in the North lived in a different society and advocated a different approach, in part due to their perception of wider opportunities. Du Bois wanted blacks to have the same "classical" liberal arts education as upper-class whites did along with voting rights and civic equality. The latter two had been ostensibly granted since 1870 by constitutional amendments after the Civil War. He believed that an elite, which he called the Talented Tenth, would advance to lead the race to a wider variety of occupations. Du Bois and Washington were divided in part by differences in treatment of African Americans in the North versus the South; although both groups suffered discrimination, the mass of blacks in the South were far more constrained by legal segregation and disenfranchisement, which totally excluded most from the political process and system. Many in the North objected to being 'led', and authoritatively spoken for, by a Southern accommodationist strategy which they considered to have been "imposed on them [Southern blacks] primarily by Southern whites".
Historian Clarence Earl Walker wrote that, for white Southerners,
Free black people were 'matter out of place'. Their emancipation was an affront to southern white freedom. Booker T. Washington did not understand that his program was perceived as subversive of a natural order in which black people were to remain forever subordinate or unfree.
Both Washington and Du Bois sought to define the best means post-Civil War to improve the conditions of the African-American community through education.
Blacks were solidly Republican in this period, having gained emancipation and suffrage with President Lincoln and his party. Fellow Republican President Ulysses S. Grant defended African Americans' newly won freedom and civil rights in the South by passing laws and using federal force to suppress the Ku Klux Klan, which had committed violence against blacks for years to suppress voting and discourage education. After Federal troops left in 1877 at the end of the Reconstruction era, many paramilitary groups worked to suppress black voting by violence. From 1890 to 1908 Southern states disenfranchised most blacks and many poor whites through constitutional amendments and statutes that created barriers to voter registration and voting. Such devices as poll taxes and subjective literacy tests sharply reduced the number of blacks in voting rolls. By the late nineteenth century, Southern white Democrats defeated some biracial Populist-Republican coalitions and regained power in the state legislatures of the former Confederacy; they passed laws establishing racial segregation and Jim Crow. In the border states and North, blacks continued to exercise the vote; the well-established Maryland African-American community defeated attempts there to disfranchise them.
Washington worked and socialized with many national white politicians and industry leaders. He developed the ability to persuade wealthy whites, many of them self-made men, to donate money to black causes by appealing to their values. He argued that the surest way for blacks to gain equal social rights was to demonstrate "industry, thrift, intelligence and property". He believed these were key to improved conditions for African Americans in the United States. Because African Americans had recently been emancipated and most lived in a hostile environment, Washington believed they could not expect too much at once. He said, "I have learned that success is to be measured not so much by the position that one has reached in life as by the obstacles which he has had to overcome while trying to succeed."
Along with Du Bois, Washington partly organized the "Negro exhibition" at the 1900 Exposition Universelle in Paris, where photos of Hampton Institute's black students were displayed. These were taken by his friend Frances Benjamin Johnston. The exhibition demonstrated African Americans' positive contributions to United States' society.
Washington privately contributed substantial funds for legal challenges to segregation and disfranchisement, such as the case of Giles v. Harris, which was heard before the United States Supreme Court in 1903. Even when such challenges were won at the Supreme Court, southern states quickly responded with new laws to accomplish the same ends, for instance, adding "grandfather clauses" that covered whites and not blacks in order to prevent blacks from voting.
Wealthy friends and benefactors
Washington's wealthy friends included Andrew Carnegie and Robert Curtis Ogden, seen here in 1906 while visiting Tuskegee Institute.
State and local governments historically underfunded black schools, although they were ostensibly providing "separate but equal" segregated facilities. White philanthropists strongly supported education financially. Washington encouraged them and directed millions of their money to projects all across the South that Washington thought best reflected his self-help philosophy. Washington associated with the richest and most powerful businessmen and politicians of the era. He was seen as a spokesperson for African Americans and became a conduit for funding educational programs.
His contacts included such diverse and well-known entrepreneurs and philanthropists as Andrew Carnegie, William Howard Taft, John D. Rockefeller, Henry Huttleston Rogers, George Eastman, Julius Rosenwald, Robert Curtis Ogden, Collis Potter Huntington, and William Henry Baldwin Jr.. The latter donated large sums of money to agencies such as the Jeanes and Slater Funds. As a result, countless small rural schools were established through Washington's efforts, under programs that continued many years after his death. Along with rich white men, the black communities helped their communities directly by donating time, money, and labor to schools to match the funds required.
A representative case of an exceptional relationship was Washington's friendship with millionaire industrialist and financier Henry H. Rogers (1840–1909). Henry Rogers was a self-made man, who had risen from a modest working-class family to become a principal officer of Standard Oil, and one of the richest men in the United States. Around 1894 Rogers heard Washington speak at Madison Square Garden. The next day he contacted Washington and requested a meeting, during which Washington later recounted that he was told that Rogers "was surprised that no one had 'passed the hat' after the speech".[citation needed] The meeting began a close relationship that extended over a period of 15 years. Although Washington and the very-private Rogers were seen as friends, the true depth and scope of their relationship was not publicly revealed until after Rogers' sudden death of a stroke in May 1909. Washington was a frequent guest at Rogers' New York office, his Fairhaven, Massachusetts summer home, and aboard his steam yacht Kanawha.
A few weeks later Washington went on a previously planned speaking tour along the newly completed Virginian Railway, a $40-million enterprise that had been built almost entirely from Rogers' personal fortune. As Washington rode in the late financier's private railroad car, Dixie, he stopped and made speeches at many locations. His companions later recounted that he had been warmly welcomed by both black and white citizens at each stop.
Washington revealed that Rogers had been quietly funding operations of 65 small country schools for African Americans, and had given substantial sums of money to support Tuskegee and Hampton institutes. He also noted that Rogers had encouraged programs with matching funds requirements so the recipients had a stake in the outcome.
Anna T. Jeanes
In 1907 Philadelphia Quaker Anna T. Jeanes (1822–1907) donated one million dollars to Washington for elementary schools for black children in the South. Her contributions and those of Henry Rogers and others funded schools in many poor communities.
Julius Rosenwald
Julius Rosenwald (1862–1932) was another self-made wealthy man with whom Washington found common ground. By 1908 Rosenwald, son of an immigrant clothier, had become part-owner and president of Sears, Roebuck and Company in Chicago. Rosenwald was a philanthropist who was deeply concerned about the poor state of African-American education, especially in the segregated Southern states, where their schools were underfunded.
In 1912 Rosenwald was asked to serve on the Board of Directors of Tuskegee Institute, a position he held for the remainder of his life. Rosenwald endowed Tuskegee so that Washington could spend less time fundraising and more managing the school. Later in 1912 Rosenwald provided funds to Tuskegee for a pilot program to build six new small schools in rural Alabama. They were designed, constructed and opened in 1913 and 1914, and overseen by Tuskegee architects and staff; the model proved successful.
After Washington died in 1915, Rosenwald established the Rosenwald Fund in 1917, primarily to serve African-American students in rural areas throughout the South. The school building program was one of its largest programs. Using the architectural model plans developed by professors at Tuskegee Institute, the Rosenwald Fund spent over $4 million to help build 4,977 schools, 217 teachers' homes, and 163 shop buildings in 883 counties in 15 states, from Maryland to Texas. The Rosenwald Fund made matching grants, requiring community support, cooperation from the white school boards, and local fundraising. Black communities raised more than $4.7 million to aid the construction and sometimes donated land and labor; essentially they taxed themselves twice to do so. These schools became informally known as Rosenwald Schools. But the philanthropist did not want them to be named for him, as they belonged to their communities. By his death in 1932, these newer facilities could accommodate one third of all African-American children in Southern U.S. schools.
Up from Slavery to the White House
Booker Washington and Theodore Roosevelt at Tuskegee Institute, 1905
Washington's long-term adviser, Timothy Thomas Fortune (1856–1928), was a respected African-American economist and editor of The New York Age, the most widely read newspaper in the black community within the United States. He was the ghost-writer and editor of Washington's first autobiography, The Story of My Life and Work. Washington published five books during his lifetime with the aid of ghost-writers Timothy Fortune, Max Bennett Thrasher and Robert E. Park.
They included compilations of speeches and essays:
The Story of My Life and Work (1900)
Up from Slavery (1901)
The Story of the Negro: The Rise of the Race from Slavery (2 vol 1909)
My Larger Education (1911)
The Man Farthest Down (1912)
In an effort to inspire the "commercial, agricultural, educational, and industrial advancement" of African Americans, Washington founded the National Negro Business League (NNBL) in 1900.
When Washington's second autobiography, Up from Slavery, was published in 1901, it became a bestseller and had a major effect on the African-American community, its friends and allies. In October 1901, President Theodore Roosevelt invited Washington to dine with him and his family at the White House.[58] Although Republican presidents had met privately with black leaders, this was the first highly publicized social occasion when an African American was invited there on equal terms by the president. Democratic Party politicians from the South, including future governor of Mississippi James K. Vardaman and Senator Benjamin Tillman of South Carolina, indulged in racist personal attacks when they learned of the invitation. Both used the derogatory term for African Americans in their statements.
Vardaman described the White House as
so saturated with the odor of the nigger that the rats have taken refuge in the stable, and declared "I am just as much opposed to Booker T. Washington as a voter as I am to the cocoanut-headed, chocolate-colored typical little coon who blacks my shoes every morning. Neither is fit to perform the supreme function of citizenship."
Tillman said, "The action of President Roosevelt in entertaining that nigger will necessitate our killing a thousand niggers in the South before they will learn their place again."
Ladislaus Hengelmüller von Hengervár, the Austro-Hungarian ambassador to the United States, who was visiting the White House on the same day, said he found a rabbit's foot in Washington's coat pocket when he mistakenly put on the coat. The Washington Post described it as "the left hind foot of a graveyard rabbit, killed in the dark of the moon". The Detroit Journal quipped the next day, "The Austrian ambassador may have made off with Booker T. Washington's coat at the White House, but he'd have a bad time trying to fill his shoes."
Death
Booker T. Washington's coffin being carried to grave site.
Despite his extensive travels and widespread work, Washington continued as principal of Tuskegee. Washington's health was deteriorating rapidly in 1915; he collapsed in New York City and was diagnosed by two different doctors as having Bright's disease, related to kidney diseases. Told he only had a few days left to live, Washington expressed a desire to die at Tuskegee. He boarded a train and arrived in Tuskegee shortly after midnight on November 14, 1915. He died a few hours later at the age of 59. His funeral was held on November 17, 1915 in the Tuskegee Institute Chapel and it was attended by nearly 8,000 people. He was buried nearby in the Tuskegee University Campus Cemetery.
At the time he was thought to have died by congestive heart failure, aggravated by overwork. In March 2006, his descendants permitted examination of medical records: these showed he had hypertension, with a blood pressure more than twice normal, confirming what had long been suspected.
At Washington's death, Tuskegee's endowment was close to $2 million. Washington's greatest life's work, the education of blacks in the South, was well underway and expanding.
Honors and memorials
For his contributions to American society, Washington was granted an honorary master's degree from Harvard University in 1896, followed by an honorary doctorate from Dartmouth College.
At the center of Tuskegee University, the Booker T. Washington Monument was dedicated in 1922. Called Lifting the Veil, the monument has an inscription reading:
He lifted the veil of ignorance from his people and pointed the way to progress through education and industry.
In 1934 Robert Russa Moton, Washington's successor as president of Tuskegee University, arranged an air tour for two African-American aviators. Afterward the plane was renamed as the Booker T. Washington.
Booker T. Washington was honored on a Commemorative U.S. Postage stamp, issue of 1940.
On April 7, 1940, Washington became the first African American to be depicted on a United States postage stamp
In 1942, the liberty ship Booker T. Washington was named in his honor, the first major oceangoing vessel to be named after an African American. The ship was christened by noted singer Marian Anderson.
In 1946, he was honored on the first coin to feature an African American, the Booker T. Washington Memorial Half Dollar, which was minted by the United States until 1951.
On April 5, 1956, the hundredth anniversary of Washington's birth, the house where he was born in Franklin County, Virginia, was designated as the Booker T. Washington National Monument.
A state park in Chattanooga, Tennessee, was named in his honor, as was a bridge spanning the Hampton River adjacent to his alma mater, Hampton University.
In 1984 Hampton University dedicated a Booker T. Washington Memorial on campus near the historic Emancipation Oak, establishing, in the words of the University, "a relationship between one of America's great educators and social activists, and the symbol of Black achievement in education".
Numerous high schools, middle schools and elementary schools across the United States have been named after Booker T. Washington.
In 2000, West Virginia State University (WVSU; then West Va. State College), in cooperation with other organizations including the Booker T. Washington Association, established the Booker T. Washington Institute, to honor Washington's boyhood home, the old town of Malden, and Washington's ideals.
On October 19, 2009, WVSU dedicated a monument to Booker T. Washington. The event took place at WVSU's Booker T. Washington Park in Malden, West Virginia. The monument also honors the families of African ancestry who lived in Old Malden in the early 20th century and who knew and encouraged Washington. Special guest speakers at the event included West Virginia Governor Joe Manchin III, Malden attorney Larry L. Rowe, and the president of WVSU. Musical selections were provided by the WVSU "Marching Swarm".
At the end of the 2008 presidential election, the defeated Republican candidate Senator John McCain recalled the stir caused a century before when President Theodore Roosevelt invited Booker T. Washington to the White House. McCain noted the evident progress in the country with the election of Democratic Senator Barack Obama as the first African-American President of the United States.
Legacy
Sculpture of Booker T. Washington at the National Portrait Gallery in Washington, D.C.
The historiography on Booker T. Washington has varied dramatically. After his death, he came under heavy criticism in the civil rights community for accommodationism to white supremacy. However, since the late 20th century, a more balanced view of his very wide range of activities has appeared. As of 2010, the most recent studies, "defend and celebrate his accomplishments, legacy, and leadership".
Washington was held in high regard by business-oriented conservatives, both white and black. Historian Eric Foner argues that the freedom movement of the late nineteenth century changed directions so as to align with America's new economic and intellectual framework. Black leaders emphasized economic self-help and individual advancement into the middle class as a more fruitful strategy than political agitation. There was emphasis on education and literacy throughout the period after the Civil War. Washington's famous Atlanta speech of 1895 marked this transition, as it called on blacks to develop their farms, their industrial skills, and their entrepreneurship as the next stage in emerging from slavery.
By this time, Mississippi had passed a new constitution, and other southern states were following suit, or using electoral laws to raise barriers to voter registration; they completed disenfranchisement of blacks at the turn of the 20th century to maintain white supremacy. But at the same time, Washington secretly arranged to fund numerous legal challenges to such voting restrictions and segregation, which he believed was the way they had to be attacked.
Washington repudiated the historic abolitionist emphasis on unceasing agitation for full equality, advising blacks that it was counterproductive to fight segregation at that point. Foner concludes that Washington's strong support in the black community was rooted in its widespread realization that, given their legal and political realities, frontal assaults on white supremacy were impossible, and the best way forward was to concentrate on building up their economic and social structures inside segregated communities. Historian C. Vann Woodward in 1951 wrote of Washington, "The businessman's gospel of free enterprise, competition, and laissez faire never had a more loyal exponent."
Historians since the late 20th century have been divided in their characterization of Washington: some describe him as a visionary capable of "read[ing] minds with the skill of a master psychologist," who expertly played the political game in 19th-century Washington by its own rules. Others say he was a self-serving, crafty narcissist who threatened and punished those in the way of his personal interests, traveled with an entourage, and spent much time fundraising, signing autographs, and giving flowery patriotic speeches with much flag waving — acts more indicative of an artful political boss than an altruistic civil rights leader.
People called Washington the "Wizard of Tuskegee" because of his highly developed political skills, and his creation of a nationwide political machine based on the black middle class, white philanthropy, and Republican Party support. Opponents called this network the "Tuskegee Machine". Washington maintained control because of his ability to gain support of numerous groups, including influential whites and black business, educational and religious communities nationwide. He advised on the use of financial donations from philanthropists, and avoided antagonizing white Southerners with his accommodation to the political realities of the age of Jim Crow segregation.
The Tuskegee machine collapsed rapidly after Washington's death. He was the charismatic leader who held it all together, with the aid of Emmett Jay Scott. But the trustees replaced Scott, and the elaborate system fell apart. Critics in the 1920s to 1960s, especially those connected with the NAACP, ridiculed Tuskegee as a producer of a class of submissive black laborers. Since the late 20th century historians have given much more favorable view, emphasizing the school's illustrious faculty and the progressive black movements, institutions and leaders in education, politics, architecture, medicine and other professions it produced who worked hard in communities across the United States, and indeed worldwide across the African Diaspora. Deborah Morowski points out that Tuskegee's curriculum served to help students achieve a sense of personal and collective efficacy. She concludes:The social studies curriculum provided an opportunity for the uplift of African Americans at time when these opportunities were few and far between for black youth. The curriculum provided inspiration for African Americans to advance their standing in society, to change the view of southern whites toward the value of blacks, and ultimately, to advance racial equality, At a time when most Blacks were poor farmers in the South, and were ignored by the national Black leadership, Washington's Tuskegee made their needs a high priority. They lobbied for government funds, and especially from philanthropies that enabled the Institute to provide model farming techniques, advanced training, and organizational skills. These included Annual Negro Conferences, the Tuskegee Experiment Station, the Agricultural Short Course, the Farmers' Institutes, the Farmers' County Fairs, the Movable School, and numerous pamphlets and feature stories sent free to the South's black newspapers.
Washington took the lead in promoting educational uplift for the African Diaspora, often with funding from the Phelps Stokes Fund or in collaboration with foreign sources, such as the German government.
Descendants
Washington's first daughter by Fannie, Portia Marshall Washington (1883–1978), was a trained pianist who married Tuskegee educator and architect William Sidney Pittman in 1900. They had three children. Pittman faced several difficulties in trying to build his practice while his wife built her musical profession. After he assaulted their daughter Fannie in the midst of an argument, Portia took Fannie and left Pittman.
She resettled at Tuskegee. She was removed from the faculty in 1939 because she did not have an academic degree, but she opened her own piano teaching practice for a few years. After retiring in 1944 at the age of 61, she dedicated her efforts in the 1940s to memorializing her father. She succeeded in getting her father's bust placed in the Hall of Fame in New York, a 50-cent coin minted with his image, and his Virginia birthplace being declared a National Monument. Portia Washington Pittman died on February 26, 1978, in Washington, D.C.
Booker Jr. (1887–1945) married Nettie Blair Hancock (1887–1972). Their daughter, Nettie Hancock Washington (1917–1982), became a teacher and taught at a high school in Washington, D.C. for twenty years. She married physician Frederick Douglass III (1913–1942), a great-grandson of Frederick Douglass, the famed abolitionist and orator. Nettie and Frederick's daughter, Nettie Washington Douglass, and her son, Kenneth Morris, co-founded the Frederick Douglass Family Initiatives, an anti-sex trafficking organization.
Representation in other media
Washington and his family's visit to the White House was dramatized as the subject of an opera, A Guest of Honor, by Scott Joplin, noted African-American composer. It was first produced in 1903.
E. L. Doctorow's 1975 novel Ragtime features a fictional version of Washington trying to negotiate the surrender of an African-American musician who is threatening to blow up the Pierpont Morgan Library. The role was played by Moses Gunn in the 1981 film adaptation.[citation needed]
Washington was portrayed by Roger Guenveur Smith in the 2020 Netflix miniseries Self Made, based on the life of Madame C. J. Walker.
Works
Up from Slavery – 1901
Character Building – 1902
Working with the Hands – 1904
Tuskegee & Its People (editor) – 1905
The Negro in the South (with W. E. B. Du Bois) – 1907
B. D. Khobragade
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
B. D. Khobragade
Khobragade 2009 stamp of India
In office
17 December 1969 – 2 April 1972
Preceded by Violet Alva
Succeeded by Godey Murahari
In office
3 April 1958 – 2 April 1984
Personal details
Born 25 September 1925
Chandrapur, Bombay Presidency, British India (present-day Maharashtra, India)
Died 23 April 1984 (aged 58)
Political party • Republican Party of India
Occupation
Lawyer
Social activist
Politician
Known for Activisim in Ambedkarite movement and Deputy Chairman of the Rajya Sabha
Bhaurao Dewaji Khobragade (25 September 1925 – 9 April 1984), commonly known as Rajabhau Khobragade, was an Indian barrister, Ambedkarite social activist and politician. He was a member of the Rajya Sabha of the Parliament of India at various times from 1958 to 1984. He was Deputy Chairman of the Rajya Sabha from 1969 to 1972. Khobragade was an Ambedkarite and leader of Republican Party of India (RPI). He hails fom Mahar (Scheduled Caste) community and, in 1956 he got converted into Buddhism along with B. R. Ambedkar, the father of the Indian Constitution.
Khobragade had his early education at Jubilee High School, Chandrapur. He then went on to clear the Inter Science exam from Nagpur Science College in 1943 and B.A. exam from Morris College, Nagpur in 1945. On the advice of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, he went to London to study [law] in 1950. He was one of the 16 students Dr. Ambedkar sent to London to study but was an exception as he went to London bearing his own expenses and the rest were scholarship students.
The Republican Party of India (Khobragade) is a political party in India, a splinter group of the Republican Party of India and named for its leader, B. D. Khobragade.
Honors
Indian Post issued a stamp dedicated to Khobragade in 2009.
Bāhila
Bāhila was an Arab tribe based in Najd (central Arabia). Part of the tribe was settled and part of it was semi-nomadic. The Bahila was first mentioned during the early years of Islam, in the mid-7th century. During that time, many Bahila tribesmen migrated to Syria and Basra. Many of those who went to Syria later moved to Khurasan as part of the Umayyad garrison there. As a sub-tribe of Qays, they fought alongside the Qaysi coalition against the Yamani tribes during the Umayyad era. The scholar al-Asma'i and the general Qutayba ibn Muslim both belonged to the tribe. The Bahila were last mentioned in the 10th century.
Genealogy
According to W. Caskel, the genealogy of the Bahila "is somewhat complicated". The namesake of the tribe, Bahila, was a wife of Malik ibn A'sur ibn Sa'd ibn Qays, and after the latter's death, was married to Malik's brother Ma'n. Bahila mothered one son from Malik and two sons from Ma'n, and was also the foster mother of ten other sons of Ma'n (the foster sons came from two other mothers). Caskel describes this genealogy as a series of "artifices", which were familiar to the Arab genealogists, though the "accumulation" of such artifices with the origins of the Bahila was "remarkable". Among the sons of Bahila who later fathered large clans were Qutayba, Wa'il, Ji'awa and Awd. The Qutayba and Wa'il were the largest sub-tribes of the Bahila and both were engaged in a rivalry for supremacy over the Bahila.
History
Map of Bata'ih region (in orange) of the lower Euphrates
The Bahila's original homeland was called Sūd Bāhila or Sawād Bāhila. It was situated in the Najd (central Arabia). The tribe's settlements, including al-Quway', Idhnayn Shammal, Hufayra and Juzayla, were located on either side of the route between Mecca and the area corresponding with modern-day Riyadh. The Ji'awa clan of Bahila lived further west at the foot of the al-Jidd mountains. They were the northern neighbors of the Banu Ghani, another tribe that descended from A'sur ibn Sa'd ibn Qays. The Bahila were partly settled and partly semi-nomadic. They lived under the protection of the Banu Kilab and Banu Ka'b, sub-tribes of the Banu 'Amir. There is scant reference to the Bahila in the pre-Islamic period. Among these references were the slaying of a warrior from the tribe named al-Muntashir, and a battle involving the tribe. Both episodes occurred shortly before the emergence of Islam in Arabia in the 610s.
According to Caskel, "The history of the [Bahila] tribe becomes clear for the first time under Islam." In the 630s, part of the Bahila migrated from Arabia to Syria and to the vicinity of Basra.They formed part of the early Muslim army, and Bahila tribesmen from Syria were part of the Arab garrison in Khurasan. As members of the Qays, the Bahila took part in the revenge-driven battles between the Qays and Yaman coalitions in the years following the rout of the Qays at the Battle of Marj Rahit in 684. A second major exodus of Bahila tribesmen from Arabia occurred in the early to mid-9th century. Around that time, the Bahila's Arabian territories were largely overrun by the Banu Numayr, a sub-tribe of the Banu 'Amir. The Bahila migrants entered the lower Euphrates region, first in the vicinity of al-Hufayr near Basra and from there into the sandy al-Taff tract on the southern border of the Bata'ih marshes. After 837, these Bahila tribesmen settled in the Bata'ih itself, where in 871 they were attacked by Abbasid troops on their way to suppress the Zanj Rebellion. Consequently, the Bahila allied with the Zanj. Afterward nothing is heard of the Bahila.
Members
Caskel writes that the "Bahila developed an abundance of talents of all kinds". A companion of the Islamic prophet Muhammad, Abu Umamah, hailed from the tribe. Two brothers from the tribe, Salman ibn Rabi'ah and Abd al-Rahman ibn Rabi'ah, both served as generals under caliphs Abu Bakr and Umar in the 630s–640s. In the early 8th century, a member of the Bahila, Qutayba ibn Muslim, was appointed the Umayyad governor of Khurasan and was a key general in the Muslim conquest of Transoxiana. The tribe also produced al-Asma'i, the well-known philologist.
Bhagya Reddy Varma
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bhagya Reddy Varma
Born 22 May 1888
Died 18 February 1939 (aged 50)
Occupation Educational Activist
Social Reformer
Modern Thinker
Deccan Revolution Leader
Spouse(s) Madare Ragmamba
Bhagya Reddy Varma (22 May 1888 – 18 Feb 1939) was an Indian political leader, social reformer and activist. He fought against untouchability in Hyderabad State. He also fought for abolition of Jogini and Devdasi systems.
Early life
Reddy was born in Mala caste to Madari Venkaiah and Julia Ragmamba in the Princely State of Hyderabad.
Movements
Inspired by Jyotirao Phule, he raised his voice against discrimination by upper castes. Eventually, he also established the Adi Hindu ("Original Hindu"), a social organisation, to bring awareness in the dalits. He formed a group called Jagan Mitra Mandali in 1906, which involved Dalits and Malas, and started telling stories by 'Hari Katha' (popular folklore). In year 1910, he started to educate dalit children from his own expense and in a short span of time he able to run 25 centres with 2000 students.
1911 Adi Hindu social services started
1912 promoted Buddhism
In 1917, in a conference at Vijayawada town, 'Pratam Andhra - Adi Hindu' meeting was held. In same year, Bhagya Reddy Verma's speech attracted much to M.K Gandhi's attention at 'Akhila Bharata Hindu' Round Table Conference in Calcutta. In 1919 a meeting held with Jangamulu, Dasulu, Mulnavasi, for the Adi Hindu beneficial program. The purpose of this event was to resolve the internal issues in the Dalit community, he even insisted the panchayat court system to be rebuilt. The first Adi Hindu conference was held in 1921 in Hyderabad led by T.J.Papanna.
In 1925, in a conference led by N.M.R. Mukund Reddy has been officially allotted to him as chief head who led this meeting to successfully. In same year, the Adi Hindu Hand Skills Exhibition was held to showcase the Dalits skills. Bhagya Reddy also campaigned on many social issues, e.g - Child Marriage, Black Magic, Women Education, Alcohol prohibition etc. His work was spread to neighboring states Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Maharashtra and Andhra, from their some well known people joined and followed the revolution.
In 1930 in an historical speech he announced to take the dalit issues to the British notice in the upcoming All India Round Table Conference at Lucknow in the same year. He supposes to send Dr.B.R Ambedkar to lead the group. The agenda was to recognize the Dalits as Adi Hindu rather than untouchables, Mala or Madiga.
In 1931, the Nizam government has come forward to agree the demands of Reddy, and registered the dalits as Adi Hindus in the general elections. Nizam Osman Ali Khan, Asaf Jah VII praised Reddy for his social work, and recognised it with an award. Later, the Nizam appointed Varma as the chief adviser to his government. Adi Hindu Bhavan at Chadarghat, Hyderabad been the platform for many revolutionary meetings. It is said that he has given nearly 3,348 speeches.
Bhagya Memorial Girls High School at Esamia Bazar, Koti, Hyderabad, Telangana, which he started in 1913 is still functioning.
Devadasi Movement
Reddy had launched a movement against devadasi pratha, forcing the Nizam to declare it a crime.
During the Telangana Movement in 2017, the students of Telangana region renamed the G. M. C. Balayogi Athletic Stadium at Gachibowli as Bhagya Reddy Varma Stadium.
Honour
Arya Samaj in 1913 organised a function to honour him with the title Varma.
Bhagwan Das
A Legendry Ambedkarite
By S.R.Darapuri
Countercurrents.org
Mr. Bhagwan Das was born in an Untouchable family at Jutogh Cantonment, Simla (Himachal Pradesh), India on 23 April 1927. He served in the Royal Indian Air Force during World War II and after demobilisation served in different capacities in various departments of Government of India at Saharanpur, Simla and Delhi. He did M.A. in History (Punjab University) and LL.B from Delhi University. He did research on the ‘Indianisation of the Audit Department from 1840-1915'. He has been contributing articles and short stories to various papers and journals published in India.
His father Mr. Ram Ditta was fond of reading newspapers and a great admirer of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. Inspired and encouraged by his father, Mr. Das worked with Mr. T. R. Baidwan of Simla who was the most prominent leader of the Untouchables in Simla Hills, and joined the Scheduled Castes Federation at the tender age of 16. Since then he has been actively associated with the Ambedkarin movement and has done a great deal to promote the ideas of Babasaheb Ambedkar and to unite and uplift the downtrodden not only of India but also of other countries of Asia. Mr. Das is associated with many organisations of lawyers, Buddhists, Scheduled Castes and Minorities in India. He was General Secretary, United Lawyers Association, Supreme Court, New Delhi; General Secretary, Bouddh Upasak Sangh, New Delhi; Founder Chairman, Ambedkar Mission Society which has branches in many parts of the world; Revived Samata Sainik Dal (Vounteers for Equality) founded by Dr. Ambedkar in 1926-27; Regional Secretary (North). Indian Buddhist Council; Founder, Society for the Protection of Non-Smokers; Founder President of Society for Promoting Buddhist Knowledge; edited Samata Sainik Sandesh (English) 1980-1990.He was also the main person behind publication of “Bheem Patrika” an Urdu and the Hindi magazine published from Jullundar (Punjab).
His mother tongue is Urdu. He learnt English from class 7 th . His command over English and his British accent compelled many to label him as a “Black English Man.” He is Adib Fazel in Persian. He can speak and write in Hindi and Punjabi. Just like Dr. Ambedkar he was not allowed to read Hindi and he had to take up Persian at school. His knowledge about Dr. Ambedkar, Buddhism, Hindu Castes, Religion and many more subjects is so vast and thorough that he is often marked as a “Moving Encyclopaedia.” He is very modest and simple which made Bhadant Anand Kaushlayan to remark, “You are so humble.”
He was married to Ramabai (Lucknow) on 9 February, 1957 through the mediation of Shiv Dayal Singh Chaurasia who was a member of the Parliament. He has one son Rahul and two daughters Zoya and Shura. He became a Buddhist in 1957. His devotion to Ambedkarian movement is very high and he is known as a True Ambedkarite.
He remained in close contact with Dr. Ambedkar at Delhi from 1942 till his death. He also adopted Buddhism in 1956 when Dr, Ambedkar launched his Buddhist Conversion Movement on 14 th October, 1956. He has written his autobiography which has been published as “In the Pursuit of Ambedkar” in English and :”Baba ke Charnon me”in Hindi. A documentary film on his life has also been prepared by S. Anand of Navyana.
Mr. Das has been associated with the ‘Peace Movement' since the end of World War II, in which he served on the Eastern Front with the Royal Air Force (RAF) under South East Asia Command. He is one of the founder members of the World Conference on Religion and Peace (WCRP) (India) and has participated in the Conferences held in Kyoto, Japan, 1970; Princeton USA (1979); Seoul, Korea (1986); Nairobi. Kenya (1984) and Melbourne Australia (1989). He was appointed Director, Asian Centre for Human Rights (Asian Conference on Religion and Peace) in 1980 and continued to serve in this capacity till 2004 monitoring the news of violation of human rights in Asian countries and organising camps for training of human ‘ rights workers, speaking and writing for the cause.
Mr. Das was invited to deliver a lecture on ‘Discrimination by the Peace University, Tokyo (1980) and also addressed several meetings organised by the Burakuminsof Japan. He gave testimony before the United Nations in regard to the plight o Untouchables in South Asia, in the meeting of Sub-Committee on Human Rights held at Geneva, Switzerland in August, 1983. He visited England in 1975, 1983, 1988, 1990 and 1991 in connection with lectures and seminars. He participated in the seminar held in ‘Hull University in 1990 as a representative of the Ambedkar Centenary Celebration Committee, UK and also a seminar on Human Rights in India held at London University, School of Asian and Oriental Studies in February 1991.
He was invited to deliver Ambedkar Memorial Lectures in Milind Mahavidyalya, Aurangahad (1970); Marathwada University (1983); Nagpur University, PWS College, Nagpur; Ambedkar College, Chanderpur and Amrraoti University in 1990.
Mr. Das also visited Nepal (1980 and 1990); Pakistan (1989); Thailand (1988); Singapore (1989) and Canada (1979) to study the problems f deprived and disadvantaged members of society, women and children. Delivered lectures in Wisconsin University (USA) 1979 and North- field College (USA) on Caste in contemporary India. He was invited to give lectures on Dr Ambedkar at the Institute of Oriental Studies, Moscow in June, 1990.
Mr. Das practices law in the Supreme Court of India. With a view to improve the professional competence of and helping upcoming advocates belonging to Untouchable and indigenous groups he founded Ambedkar Mission Lawyers Association and Legal Aid Society in 1989. He was General Secretary of ‘Professions for People', an organisation founded in Delhi to elevate professional standards.
Mr. Das was invited to preside at the Dalit and Buddhist Writers Conference held at Akola in 1989 and is closely associated with various organisations of Dalit Writers.
Mr. Das has written more than five hundred articles, papers for seminars, short stories for various newspapers and journals. His papers on ‘Revival of Buddhism'; ‘Some problems of minorities in India'; ‘Reservation in Public Services' have been published in Social Action brought out by Indian Social Institute, New Delhi and Delhi University Buddhist Department. He has written many papers on Reservation and Representative Bureaucracy, Discrimination against the Dalits in Public Services and Minorities etc. His short stories were published in Sarita (Urdu), Naya zamana (Urdu), Milap (Urdu, Bheem Patrika (Urdu and Hindi). He has edited “Slavery and Untouchability'9incomplete book written by Baba Saheb Ambedkar). He also edited “Untouchable Soldiers- Mazhbi and Mahar” written M.A. Thesis by Ardith Basham, an American Scholar. He has also written about Dalit politics under the title “Dalit Rajniti aur Sanghathan.”(Dalit Politics and Organisations)
He was a member for the ‘Committee for evolving new strategies for the development of Scheduled Castes and Tribes - VIII Plan' set up by the Government of India and also a member of Ambedkar Centenary Committee of the Government of India. Mr. Das has written many books in Urdu, English and Hindi on Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar; Untouchables; Scavengers and Sweepers; Human Rightsl Discrimination etc. Prominent among them are Thus Spoke Ambedkar (Vol I to IV Ed) a pioneer work; Ambedkar on Gandhi and Gandhism (Ed); Ambedkar Ek Parichey Ek Sandesh (Hindi); Main Bhangi hoon(Hindi), the story of an Indian sweeper told in the first- person (this book has been translated into Punjabi, Kannada and Marathi and German); Valmiki aur Bhangi Jatian (Hindi); Valmiki (Hindi); Dhobi (Hindi), Revival of Buddhism in India and Role of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar; Dr. Ambedkae Ek Parichay Ek Sandesh; Dr. Ambedkar aur Bhangi Jatiya and Bharat me Bauddh Dhamm ka punrjagran tatha samasyayen. He has translated into Urdu former President of the USA Lyndon Johnson's book ‘My. Hope for America'; Dr Ambedkar's ‘Ranade, Gandhi and Jinnah'in to Urdu; besides editing Bhadant Anand Kaushalyayan's ‘Gita ki Buddhivadi Samiksha.'
Other books in hand are “Reservation and Representative Bureaucracy in India”; “Untouchables in the Indian Army (Mahar, Mazhbi, Chuhra, Pariahs, Mangs, Dhanuks, Dusadhs, Chamars, Kolis, Bheels)”; “Mandal Commission and the Future of Backward Classes”; “Twenty-Two Oaths of Buddhism and Conversion”; “Balmiki; Ravidassis and Balmikis of Northern India”; “Buddhism and Marxism” and “Ambedkar as a Religious Leader.”
Mr. Das has toured almost the whole of India to study the problems of Hindu-Muslim riots, religious conflicts, atrocities committed on the Untouchables and tribal people, with the group ‘Threat to Diversity', ‘Swaraj Mukti Morcha and as Chairman, Samata Sainik Dal.” He is also the founder President of “Dalit Solidarity People”, an organisation aiming at uniting Hindu Dalits, Dalit Christians, Sikh Dalits, Muslim Dalits and Burakumins of Japan and Korea. Like Marx his slogan was “Dalits of the World Unite.”
Mr Bhagwan Das has been a storehouse of insight and information, his residence at Delhi has been a mandatory stopover for many renowned scholars like Eleanor Zelliot, Mark Juergensmeyer,Owen lynch, Marc Gallanter, RK Kshirsagar, Sukhadeo Thorat down to younger scholars like Vijay Prashad,Nicolas Jaoul and Maren Bellwinkel-Schempp.
We were expecting much more from Mr. Bhagwan Das but he suddenly left us on 18.11.2010. We can pay a true homage to him only by following in his footsteps.
S.R.Darapuri I.P.S.(Retd)
Basavanna
ಬಸವಣ್ಣ
Anti-caste struggle by Basaveshwara
One of the first historical anti-caste movements in Karnataka was initiated by Basaveshwara in 12th century A.D. It is also popularly known as the Veerasaiva movement. According to Kancha Illaih the movement led by Basaveshwara entirely changed the philosophical discourse. Caste system and untouchability were the two institutions that the Veerashaiva movement tried to dismantle. Patriarchy, caste and the brahmanic religion as an intertwined system of domination and subjugation was examined closely, and methodically dismissed and replaced with a just system. Led by Basavanna, a new social order based on equality between genders and castes, in both words and deeds was being established. Anubhava Manatapa at Kalyan, played host to the intellectual, spiritual and metaphysical dialectics between diverse people drawn to this radical movement. For a period like that wherein caste system and untouchability were intrinsic Basaveshwara’s movement can be viewed as one of the radical anti-caste movements in the history of Karnataka. The movement not only focussed on caste but also on gender. Basavanna strongly criticised caste system and untouchability. In order to disassociate from his caste he refrained from wearing the sacred thread which is a symbol of caste superiority. The egalitarian principles propagated by him primarily attracted untouchable communities. Many of them belonged to the backward communities like barbers, Sudras who were particularly kept out from the ritualistic discourse by the Brahmins. Like Buddhism the movement was against Brahminism. The philosophy of Basavanna questioned the authority of the priestly castes. The Vachanas (poems) composed during this period raised many questions regarding caste, untouchability, Brahminism etc. Unlike Sanskrit that was unfamiliar to large number of people, Vachanas were composed in comprehensible Kannada. The composition of Vachanas is an epoch in Kannada literature. The Vachanas composed incorporated various aspects of society. Many of the Vachanas strongly condemned caste and untouchability. Through Vacahanas he emphasised the significance the equality and human dignity particularly for those from the downtrodden sections. The Vachanas disapproved the insincerity and hypocrisy of the Brahmins. For instance in one of his Vachanas he says that “if I say I am a Brahmin, Lord Kudala Sangamadeva laughs aloud” Though the movement is mentioned has Veerashaiva movement, it is important to note that Basavanna did not attempt to create a separate caste, instead it was the ‘linga deeksha’ (offering Linga) that was provided to untouchables as a way to include them in the ‘Anubhava Mantapa’ (The hall of spiritual experience.)’ Anubhava Mantapa was a democratic platform created for social discussions and progressive activities. Basavanna recognised the fundamental problem behind the existence of caste and untouchability. The Anubhava Mantapa was a collective attempt that included notable individuals like Akkamahadevi, Allama Prabhu and saints like Channiah and Kakkaih from the untouchable caste. One of the radical steps taken by Basavanna was that he organised an inter-caste marriage between an untouchable groom and a Brahmin bride. In the history of social reform movement the inter-caste marriage organised by Basavanna remains as a remarkable achievement. The adversity against the movement was too hostile that it resulted in political chaos in the Kingdom of Kalayan. The movement led by Basavanna remains subsided in the mainstream social reform movement. However, it is one the commendable movement that revolutionized the twelfth century social order. One can equate the Vachana movement to the Bhakti movement in fact consider it as the very first Bhakti movement of Karnataka, due to its association with the spiritual sphere and it contribution to the literature. However, this particular movement stands different in comparison to the other Bhakti movements. The time period of the movement was such that the very attempt to initiate such a moment was remarkable. The impact of the movement on the society was not alone social but also political. He advocated a political philosophy of representation of the voiceless. At present the followers of Basavanna claim themselves to be Lingayats and form one of the dominant castes in Karnataka. With time, the movement initiated by Basavanna has diverted from its original purpose, the main idea of anti-caste and anti-Brahminism has vanished. Nevertheless it continues to be the foundation of the social reform movements in South India. Basavannas teachings remain as one of the progressive thoughts in the history of reform movements.
Basaveshwara
- A visionary of total revolution
*Dr. Basavaraj Sadar
It is evident that the seeds of modern concepts of ‘sarvodaya’ and ‘total revolution’ were sowed in Karnataka, during twelfth century itself by the great revolutionary-Basaveshwara. His practical approach and act of establishment of ‘Kalyana Rajya’ (Welfare state) brought a new status and position for all the citizens of the society, irrespective of class, caste creed and sex. Thus the main aim of Vachana (poetry) movement, led by Basaveshwara was welfare of all. He proclaimed this as- “Sakala jeevatmarige lesu”(welfare of all).
Being a born progressive activist, Basaveshwara revolted against all the social evils of the traditionalistic society and brought a drastic change in various facets. We often talk about the human rights in this twenty-first century, but these human rights were being enjoyed by Sharanas (Citizens of welfare society) during 12th century itself, because of the Socialistic and Democratic approach of Basavanna .
Basaveshwara was born in Bagevadi ( of undivided Bijapur district in Karnataka) during 1131 AD. His father was Madarasa and Madalambike was his mother. They belonged to Brahmin community. As a religious tradition, he was initiated with the holy thread ‘janivara’ in Upanayana, (thread ceremony) at the early age of eight years. Basavanna revolted against this tradition, cut threw his janivara, left home and went to Kudalasangama from where he was educated in all respects.
In the later stage, he went to Kalyana, where the Kalchuri king Bijjala (1157-1167, AD) was ruling. Because of his highly intellectual personality, he was appointed as a karanika (Accountant) in the initial stage, in the court of king Bijjala and later he became the Prime minister of Bijjala after proving his administrative ability.
At this stage, Basaveshwara looked around the socio-economic status of the then society, where most of the static, superstitious and anti-social elements were ruling. There was much gap between haves and have- nots and rich people were harassing the poor. Untouchability was rampant and sex discrimination made the lives of women very pathetic. Basavanna revolted against all these evils and he himself started practicing the socialistic norms to bring about drastic change in the society. Hence, he became the guiding path to others in bringing the change. He scripted his practical experiences in a novel form of literature called –Vachana (poetry). This innovative literary form is the main contribution of “Sharanas” through which they expressed their revolutionary and reformist ideology in a very simple Kannada language.
First of all Basavanna tried to change the concept of Temple which was the main centre of various types of harassments. Priests and rich people were exploiting the common folk in the name of God and temple. Thus he tried to convince the society about the real god and temple, which are within and with us only. In one of his vachana he says-
Rich build temples for shiva
What can I a poor man do?
My legs are the pillars
My body is temple
My head makes the golden cupola
Oh, Lord kudala sangama
The standing will perish
The moving will stay on.
By saying so, Basaveshwara gave two important and innovative concepts called “ Sthavara ’’and “Jangama’’, the meaning of which is “Static’’ and ‘’Dynamic’’- respectively. Both of these concepts are the main foundation stones of the revolutionary ideology of Basavanna. By ridiculing the physical structure of temple and God; which are perishable, Basavanna gave a new dimension to the human body and soul (inner spirit), by which the self respect of all human beings was boosted.
The firm and final goal of Basavanna was to establish a democratic set up of society. Hence he fought against all types of inequalities which were existing in the rigid society at that time. He raised his voice against untouchability, which was in practice since ages. He not only mingled and mixed with untouchables but also ate food with them at their homes. This gave a new courage to the downtrodden community to come forward along with others. Likewise Basavanna brought the women folk to the forefront of the society and gave them courage to sit along with men and to express their inner feelings along with pains. Anubhavamantapa, which was established by him was a common forum for all, including downtrodden, untouchables and women to discuss about the prevailing problems of socio, economic and political strata including religious and spiritual principles along with personal problems. Hence it was an open platform for all those activists who involved themselves in bringing a radical change in the contemporary society. Thus Anubhavamantapa was the first and foremost Parliament of India, where Sharanas sat together and discussed about the socialistic principles of a Democratic set up. All those discussions of Sharanas were written in the form of Vachanas and they form a dynamic type of constitution where Liberty, Equality and Fraternity are the prominent principles which are aiming towards social justice and progress.
Basaveshwara gave two more very important socio-economic principles. They are- “Kayaka” (Work-Divine work) and “Dasoha” (Distrubution-Equal distribution). According to this, every individual of the society should take up the job of his choice and perform it with all sincerity. There is no discrimination in vocations. All members of the society are labourers (Kayakajeevigalu). Some may be intellectual labourers and others may be manual labourers. Even the Guru and Jangama, who were treated as the superiors of the society also, must work. Kayaka is not mere a work, but it is the way of realising God. It teaches the concept of dignity of labour. Ultimately the Work is worship. Even the Kayaka is equated with kailasa- The Heaven. This concept gave a new movement and people of all walks of the society started loving their work and involved them self in society building task without any feeling of class, caste and sex discrimination.
Kayaka must be followed by an accurate income. The income should not be more or less. There must be an equal income for equal work. The worker (Kayakajeevi) may lead his day-today life by his hard earned income. But he should not preserve the money or property for tomorrow. He must utilise the surplus money for the society and poors. This concept is called –“Dasoha”. Thus by advocating this principle, Basaveshwara gave the concept of equal distribution of wealth to the society. Hence, Kayaka and Dasoha are the major dynamic policies, which were given by Basavanna to the field of economics.
His contribution to the judiciary is also noteworthy. All the social and democratic principles of Basavanna are based on the legal provisions of the Sharana constitution. For an example we may see one of his vachana-
Do not steel, do not kill, and do not utter lies
Do not lose your temper, do not detest others
Do not glorify yourself, do not blame others
This alone is purity within
This alone is purity without
And this alone is the way to please our lord
Kudalasangama.
This vachana of Basavanna, which has been written in 12th century itself, is highlighting the principles of Indian penal code of our present constitution.
Basaveshwara fought against all the evils of the society which were coming in the way of progress. His aim was to give a movement to the stagnated society. Hence he involved the people of all walks of the society in his movement, including women. His intention was to bring a total change in the static world. This clearly indicates that he was a visionary of a total revolution.
There are many preachers, revolutionaries, reformists, socialists, political thinkers, economists, humanists and so on in this world. But Basaveshwra was one combination of all these. Hence he is regarded as one of the greatest human being of the entire world. Mahatma Gandhi says- “It has not been possible for me to practice principles of Basaveshwara which he taught 800 years ago and which he also practiced. I have adopted few of them; I am yet to a seeker in this aspect and not an accomplished one. Eradication of untouchability & dignity of labour were among his core concepts one does not find even shade of castism in him. Had he lived during our times, he would have been a saint worthy of worship. If his followers practice his precepts you could uplift not just Bharat but the world.” -Yes, Basaveshwara was a universal human being, with the vision of Vishvodaya.
*Dr. Basavaraj Sadar is a Retd. Station Director of AIR, Bangaluru. The views expressed are personal.
http://employmentnews.gov.in/newemp/MoreContentNew.aspx?n=WebExclusive&k=16
Bhikaji Sambhaji Gaikwad
– Martyr of the Mahad Satyagraha
On March 20, 1927, Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar led the Mahad satyagraha – for drinking water from the Cavdar tank at Mahad. It can be said that Mahad Satyagraha was the beginning of the political as well as social career of Dr Ambedkar
Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar in his book ‘Essays on Untouchables and Untouchability’, Chapter 2, titled – ‘The Revolt of the Untouchables notes, the procession in form of fours marched past and went to the Chawdar tank, and the Untouchables for the first time drank the water. Soon the Hindus, realising what had happened, went into the frenzy and committed all sorts of atrocities upon the Untouchables who had dared to pollute the water.If there was no violence from so-called upper castes during Mahad Satyagraha, some say, the event would have been forgotten within a few days. So-called upper castes started vandalising the Dalits’ properties and started beating those who were participating in the Mahad Satyagraha. Stones were thrown by so-called upper castes on Dr Ambedkar and his close associates also. Many Dalits were injured during the Mahad Satyagraha, one among them was Bhikaji Sambhaji Gaikwad.
Bhikaji Sambhaji Gaikwad was the son of Sambhaji Tukaram Gaikwad alias Dadasaheb Gaikwad. Sambhaji Tukaram Gaikwad played a vital role in organising Mahad Satyagraha and was chairman of the reception committee at Mahad.
Bhikaji Sambhaji Gaikwad got inspired from his father and he led the youth organisation. He was the first president of the Bahishkrit Aikya Sanwardhak Mahar Samajseva Sangh, which was formed 10th August 1926. Bhikaji was a bold organiser in his own style and had a personality that could inspire others. He travelled to villages and cities to get support for Mahad Satyagraha and also recorded pitiable situation of Dalits in the various places. He toured Kokan, visiting Ratnagiri, Chiplun, Kolaba, Thane and Mumbai so tell people about the Mahad Satyagraha and raise support for the important event.
When so-called upper castes attacked Dalits participating in the Mahad Satyagraha, after Dalits had touched the water, Bhikaji Sambhaji Gaikwad was in the forefront to protect others. In this violence, Bhikaji Sambhaji Gaikwad suffered serious injuries to his head. But undaunted, he continued to conduct organisational work under the auspices of the Bahishkrit Aikya Sanwardhak Mahar Samajseva Sangh.
Gail Omvedt in her book ‘Building the Ambedkar Revolution: Sambhaji Tukaram Gaikwad and the Kokan Dalits’ (2011) notes, excessive labour in his already precarious condition caused his injuries to worsen, Bhikaji succumbed to his injury and passed away on January 5, 1929. He was only 26 years old.
Gail Omvedt goes on to record Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar’s words of grief, at his cremation – ‘Dadasaheb, don’t believe that Bhikaji has gone. Believe that Bhimrao has gone and Bhikaji in my form stands before you!’.
[Source, Gail Omvedt ‘Building the Ambedkar Revolution: Sambhaji Tukaram Gaikwad and the Kokan Dalits’ ’ (2011)]
Bass Reeves
Born July 1838
Crawford County, Arkansas, United States
Died January 12, 1910 (aged 71)
Muskogee, Oklahoma, United States
Occupation Deputy U.S. Marshal, MPD Police Officer
Spouse(s)
Nellie Jennie (m. 1864–1896)
Winnie Sumter (m. 1900–1910)
Children Robert, Lula, Sally, Benjamin, Newland, Harriet, Homer, Edgar, George, Alice, Bass Jr.
Bass Reeves (July 1838 – January 12, 1910) was the first black deputy U.S. marshal west of the Mississippi River. He worked mostly in Arkansas and the Oklahoma Territory. During his long career, he was credited with arresting more than 3,000 felons. He shot and killed 14 people in self-defense.
Early life
Reeves in 1907
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bass Reeves
Crawford County, Arkansas, United States
Died January 12, 1910 (aged 71)
Muskogee, Oklahoma, United States
Occupation Deputy U.S. Marshal, MPD Police Officer
Spouse(s)
Nellie Jennie (m. 1864–1896)
Winnie Sumter (m. 1900–1910)
Children Robert, Lula, Sally, Benjamin, Newland, Harriet, Homer, Edgar, George, Alice, Bass Jr.
Bass Reeves (July 1838 – January 12, 1910) was the first black deputy U.S. marshal west of the Mississippi River. He worked mostly in Arkansas and the Oklahoma Territory. During his long career, he was credited with arresting more than 3,000 felons. He shot and killed 14 people in self-defense.
Early life
Reeves in 1907
Bass Reeves was born into slavery in Crawford County, Arkansas, in 1838. He was named after his grandfather, Bass Washington. Reeves and his family were slaves of Arkansas state legislator William Steele Reeves. When Bass was eight (about 1846), William Reeves moved to Grayson County, Texas, near Sherman in the Peters Colony. Bass Reeves may have served William Steele Reeves's son, Colonel George R. Reeves, who was a sheriff and legislator in Texas, and a one-time Speaker of the Texas House of Representatives until his death from rabies in 1882.
When the American Civil War began, George Reeves, Bass’ owner, joined the Confederate Army, taking Bass with him. It is unclear how, and exactly when, Bass Reeves left his owner, but at some point during the Civil War he gained his freedom. One account recalls how Bass Reeves and his owner had an altercation over a card game. Reeves severely beat his owner, and fled to the Indian Territory where he lived as a fugitive slave among the Cherokee, Creeks and Seminoles. Bass stayed in the Indian Territories and learned their languages until he was freed by the Thirteenth Amendment, which abolished slavery, in 1865.
As a freedman, Reeves moved to Arkansas and farmed near Van Buren. He married Nellie Jennie from Texas, with whom he had 11 children.
Career
Reeves and his family farmed until 1875, when Isaac Parker was appointed federal judge for the Indian Territory. Parker appointed James F. Fagan as U.S. marshal, directing him to hire 200 deputy U.S. marshals. Fagan had heard about Reeves, who knew the Indian Territory and could speak several Indian languages. He recruited him as a deputy; Reeves was the first black deputy to serve west of the Mississippi River. Reeves was assigned as a deputy U.S. marshal for the Western District of Arkansas, which had responsibility also for the Indian Territory. He served there until 1893. That year he transferred to the Eastern District of Texas in Paris, Texas, for a short while. In 1897, he was transferred again, serving at the Muskogee Federal Court in the Indian Territory.
Reeves worked for 32 years as a federal peace officer in the Indian Territory, and became one of Judge Parker's most valued deputies. Reeves brought in some of the most dangerous criminals of the time, but was never wounded, despite having his hat and belt shot off on separate occasions.
In addition to being a marksman with a rifle and pistol, Reeves developed superior detective skills during his long career. When he retired in 1907, Reeves claimed to have arrested over 3,000 felons. He is said to have shot and killed 14 outlaws to defend his life.
Once, he had to arrest his own son for murder. One of his sons, Bennie Reeves, was charged with the murder of his wife. Deputy Marshal Reeves was disturbed and shaken by the incident, but allegedly demanded the responsibility of bringing Bennie to justice. Bennie was eventually tracked and captured, tried, and convicted. He served his time in Fort Leavenworth in Kansas before being released, and reportedly lived the rest of his life as a responsible and model citizen.
When Oklahoma became a state in 1907, Bass Reeves, then 68, became an officer of the Muskogee Police Department. He served for two years before he became ill and retired.
Personal life and final years
Reeves was himself once charged with murdering a posse cook. At his trial before Judge Parker, Reeves was represented by former United States Attorney W.H.H. Clayton, who was a colleague and friend. Reeves was acquitted.
Reeves's health began to fail further after retiring. He died of Bright's disease (nephritis) on January 12, 1910.
He was a great-uncle of Paul L. Brady, who became the first black man appointed as a federal administrative law judge in 1972.
Legacy
In 2011, the US-62 Bridge, which spans the Arkansas River between Muskogee and Fort Gibson, Oklahoma, was renamed the Bass Reeves Memorial Bridge.
In May 2012, a bronze statue of Reeves by Oklahoma sculptor Harold Holden was erected in Pendergraft Park in Fort Smith, Arkansas.
In 2013, he was inducted into the Texas Trail of Fame.
Reeves figures prominently in an episode of How It's Made, in which a Bass Reeves limited-edition collectors' figurine is shown in various stages of the production process.
In "The Murder of Jesse James", an episode of the television series Timeless (season one, episode 12), Bass Reeves is portrayed by Colman Domingo.
Reeves was a featured subject of the Drunk History episode "Oklahoma" in which he was portrayed by Jaleel White.
In "Everybody Knows", a season two episode of the television series Wynonna Earp, Reeves is portrayed by Adrian Holmes.
Bass Reeves figures into the plot of The Royal Family 2nd season episode "Greenleaf".
Film
Bass Reeves, a 2010 fictionalized account of Reeves's life and career, stars James A. House in the titular role.
In They Die by Dawn (2013), Bass Reeves is portrayed by Harry Lennix.
A miniseries based on Burton's 2006 biography (and co-produced by Morgan Freeman) is reportedly under development by HBO.
As of April 2018, Amazon Studios is developing a biopic of Reeves with the script and direction helmed by Chloé Zhao.
Theatre
A stage play about Reeves entitled Cowboy by Layon Gray will debut in 2019 in New York City and at the 2019 National Black Theatre Festival.
Games
Bass Reeves is a character in the miniature wargame Wild West Exodus.
Bass Reeves is a playable character in the board game Western Legends.
Bass Reeves served as the inspiration for Sheriff Freeman in Red Dead Redemption 2.
Bass Reeves served as the inspiration for Cornelius Basse in the miniature wargame Malifaux.
B. C. Kamble
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
B. C. Kamble
Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha
In office
1977–1979
In office
1957–1962
Member of Bombay Legislative Assembly
In office
1952–1957
Editor of Janata
In office
1948–1954
Editor of Prabuddha Bharat
In office
1956–1958
Editor of Republic
In office
1959–1975
Personal details
Born 15 July 1919
Palus, Tasgaon taluka, Sangli District, Maharashtra, India
Died 6 November 2006 (aged 87)[1]
Nationality Indian
Political party Scheduled Caste Federation
Republican Party of India
Republican Party of India (Kamble)
Father Chandrasen Kamble
Residence Mumbai, Maharashtra
Education Bachelor of Arts
Bachelor of Laws
Alma mater Talak High School, Karad
Fergusson College, Pune
Profession Advocate, politician, writer, social worker
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
B. C. Kamble
Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha
In office
1977–1979
In office
1957–1962
Member of Bombay Legislative Assembly
In office
1952–1957
Editor of Janata
In office
1948–1954
Editor of Prabuddha Bharat
In office
1956–1958
Editor of Republic
In office
1959–1975
Personal details
Born 15 July 1919
Palus, Tasgaon taluka, Sangli District, Maharashtra, India
Died 6 November 2006 (aged 87)[1]
Nationality Indian
Political party Scheduled Caste Federation
Republican Party of India
Republican Party of India (Kamble)
Father Chandrasen Kamble
Residence Mumbai, Maharashtra
Education Bachelor of Arts
Bachelor of Laws
Alma mater Talak High School, Karad
Fergusson College, Pune
Profession Advocate, politician, writer, social worker
Bapu Chandrasen Kamble (15 July 1919 – 6 November 2006), commonly known as B. C. Kamble, was an Indian politician, writer, editor, jurist, and social activist. He is also an Ambedkarite thinker, translator and biographer. Kamble is the leader of Republican Party of India (Kamble). He is from Maharashtra. He have written a Marathi biography of B. R. Ambedkar called "Samagra Ambedkar Charitra" (Vol. 1–24).
Kamble helped Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar while drafting the Constitution of India. For nearly 50 years after Ambedkar's death, Kamble led the Republican Party of India. After the death of Babasaheb, there was a split in the Republican Party of India. He is the president of a group, Republican Party of India (Kamble).
Journalism and educational career
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar started a Satyagraha demanding the cancellation of the Poona Pact in Pune on 18 July 1946, because the Cabinet Mission to India rejected the independent political existence of untouchables in 1946. This is called 'Pune Satyagraha'. For support this Satyagraha, student Kamble wrote an article Dalit Satyagrahinchi Kaifiyat (the Pleading of the Dalit Satyagrahies) in Kirloskar, a leading journal at that time. This article was published in the November 1946 issue of 'Kirloskar'. After that, Ambedkar himself read the article and appointed him as editor of Janata weekly. From 1948 to 1954, Kamble served as the editor of the Janata weekly. From 1956 to 1958, he served as the editor of the Prabuddha Bharat weekly. From 1959 to 1975, he served as the editor of the Republic weekly. The Janata and the Prabuddha Bharat were started by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. Kamble followed Ambedkar. Due to the influence of Ambedkar, he converted to Buddhism in 1956. During 1956–57, he served as a Professor of Constitutional Law in Siddharth College of Law, Mumbai
Political career
In 1952 Bombay Legislative Assembly election, Kamble was the MLA of the Scheduled Caste Federation party in the Bombay Legislative Assembly from 1952 to 1957. During this time, he fought alone on the issue of "Samyukta Maharashtra" (United Maharashtra) in the legislature. He was twice a member of the Republican Party of India in the Lok Sabha from 1957 to 1962 and 1977 to 1979. In the parliament, he opposed the Emergency and 44th Amendment of the constitution. He was a wise and learned leader of the Republican Party of India.
Books
List of following Books written by B. C. Kamble:
Samagra Ambedkar Charitra (Vol. 1–24)
Asprushya Mulche Kon Ani Te Asprushya Kase Banale? (Marathi translation of The Untouchables: Who Were They are Why The Become Untouchables)
Aikyach Ka?
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkaranche Akherche Sansadiy Vichar (Last thoughts of Dr. Ambedkar on Parliamentary Affairs)
Raja Milindche Prashna (Questions of kind Milind)
Legislature Vs. High Court
Thoughts on 44th Constitution Amendment Bill
Dr. Ambedkar on Indian Constitution
Questions of King Milind
Tripitak (Volume Nos. 1 to 4)
Dr. Ambedkar as Parliamentarian
'Last thoughts of Dr. Ambedkar on Parliamentary Affairs
Uprooting the famine
Bhagat Chhajju Ram
भगत छज्जू राम
Today is the Death Anniversary of Late Bhagat Chhajju Ram Ji, who left this mortal World on this day 22.05.1989. Born on 07.03. 1907, he lived and served the humanity particularly in J&K state as Hon'ble member Praja Sabha before 1947; MLA R.S. Pura; MLA Bishanah; Hon'ble Cabinet Minister; MLC; President, Pradesh Congress Committee Jammu & Kashmir.
Popularly known as "रियासती गाँधी", he followed the Gandhian Philosophy throughout his life, lived a simple life and always believed in simple living and high thinking.
He was eldest of the three siblings: one brother and one sister. He lost his father when he was a young boy and had to quit his studies in 8th class to take care of the younger siblings at the tender age of 14 years. He learnt the vocation of tailoring to feed them and his mother. He was studying in Lahore when his father died. Later on, he started a cloth shop in R S Pura in which Lala Karam Chand Arora whom he invited to join as a partner. It was necessitated with his growing involvement with social awakening programmes.
He started his social journey from Arya Samaj.He had joined the Arya Samaj in Lahore and was working in Jammu in close liasion with Lal Hans Raj Mahajan ( of famous Mahajan Sports of Jalandhar , then at Lahore). Arya Samaj Movement especially against UNTOUCHABILITY and CASTEISM owes much to Bhagat Sahib. He lead the Arya Samaj in cohesing the society to rid it of the social evils existing in the sociaety particularly Hindus. He was instrumental in establishing Ary Samaj at R S Pura and Arya Samaj Mandir at Shastri Nagar (Gandhi Nagar).
On Socio-Political Front, he started his journey by forming MEGH MANDAL which primarily worked among the the huge majority of Megh community in Jammu and surrounding areas for their social and political amelioration and emancipation. He used to hold social gathering delivering lectures and exhorting people for education, Popularly known as"Yag" community kitchen was usually organised on such assemblies.
A voracious and interestingly wonderful speaker, he was. His speeches were a mount of wits to which people listened passionately with pin drop silence and heart full laughter.
He was a staunch follower of Kabir Sahib and established Kabir Kalyan Kendra at Jhiri Kahnachak as an excellent centre for social development. He had founded a social magazine "KABIR SANDESH" to spread the teachings of Kabir Sahib. He was the ideologue and patron of the Sant Kabir movement in J&K and patronised the organisation of ever first Kabir Sabha Bishnah in 1980.
He was the the campaign manager of election of Mufti Mohmmad Sayyad as MLA from R S Pura, who won ever from Jammu in1986.
He was a Friend, Philosopher and Guide.
He had established a trust " Bhagat Chhajju Ram Trust " for social service especially for the sick, destitute and infirm to whom mrdicines were distributed every month.
He did not own a house, have a fast conveyance like car all his life and lived in rented accommodation. Sheikh Mohd. Abdullah the then H'ble Chief Minister knowing that Bhagat chhajju Ram did not a house allot a govt. accommodation to him till he survives.
We remember him from the core of heart and pay our homage.
Contributed by:
Sh. Ashok Bhagat
14-C, Shastri Nagar
Jammu-180003
Barun Biswas
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Barun Biswas
Born 12 September 1972
Sutia, West Bengal, India
Died 15 July 2012 (aged 39)
Sutia, West Bengal, India
Cause of death Murdered (shot)
Nationality Indian
Occupation School teacher, social activist
Known for Protester against the gang rapes in Sutia, West Bengal.
Barun Biswas (12 September 1972 – 15 July 2012) was a Bengali school teacher and a social activist in Sutia, West Bengal, India. In 2000, he co-founded "Sutia Gonodhorshon Pratibad Mancha", an organisation which protested against a local criminal gang, who were using gang-rape to terrorise the people of Sutia. Biswas was murdered on 5 July 2012. In 2013, a Bengali film Proloy was made, based on his life and fight.
Life and career
Biswas was born on 12 September 1972 in Sutia, North 24 Parganas district, West Bengal. His parents, Gita Biswas and Jagadish Biswas, migrated from Faridpur, Bangladesh after the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War to Acharipara, Panchpota, in North 24 Parganas. His father worked as a labourer during the day and sang for a local theatre group at night to pay for his children's education.
Barun Biswas attended Panchpota Bharadanga High School. He completed his schooling at Gobardanga Khantura High School. He received his B.A. in Bengali from Gobardanga Hindu College, his master's degree from Calcutta University, and his BEd from B.T. College, New Barrackpore.
After his education, Biswas passed the West Bengal School Service exam, and chose a career in social work and education. In 1998, he started his career as a school teacher at Mitra Institution (Main) of Kolkata, where he worked till his death. He was also an active member of Panchpota Sashadanga Sarada Seba Sangha.
Activism
Ichhamati river and water
In 2000, Biswas started a campaign for the construction of a canal to check flooding of the Ichamati and Jamuna rivers. The rivers were causing widespread flooding in Sutia, Bongaon, Swarupnagar, and Gaighata. Biswas drew up a blueprint for the canal. Though initially his plan met with little enthusiasm from local leaders, the government later built the canal. Later, he was involved in the fight against gangs who were illegally blocking and diverting the Ichamati river for their businesses, causing floods in the village area.
2000—2012: Anti-rape activism
Sutia and neighbouring villages were engulfed by a criminal gang during the late 1990s and early 2000s. From 2000—2002, 33 rapes (official figure, actual figure may have been much more) and around a dozen murders were committed in Sutia. Biswas formed a group of villagers to fight crime and to demand arrests. In 2000, at age 28, he co-founded "Sutia Gonodhorshon Pratibad Mancha". The organisation started to hold public meetings to protest the rapes. During such a meeting, Biswas said:
If we can't protect our daughters, sisters, wives and mothers, then we shouldn't be living in a civilized society. If we lack the courage to take on the rapists, we deserve more severe punishment than they do.... So come and join us to protect the honour of our women.
Biswas' group helped rape victims give reports to the police that led to arrests of the gang members, including the leader of the gangs, Sushanta Choudhury. Biswas also counselled the raped women.
Death
I am a proud mother who has lost her son. Barun, my youngest, never went on the backfoot despite knowing there was a threat to his life. Till the day Pratibadi Mancha (a social service organization set up set by Barun) raises its voice against all atrocities, my son will remain immortal. Bengali: Barun chilo, Barun ache, Barun thakbe (Barun was, Barun is, and Barun will be)
At 7:20 pm on 5 July 2012, when returning from Kolkata, Biswas was shot from behind in a parking lot outside the Gobardanga railway station. Subsequently, police from Habra, Gaighata, and Gopal Nagar arrested five men with ties to the Sutia gang. This included the alleged hired killer, Sumanta Debnath, alias Fotke, Debashish Sarkar, Bishwajit Biswas, and Raju Sarkar, most of whom were local students. The alleged assassin reportedly confessed to the police that he was contracted by gang leader Sushanta Choudhury, who was serving life imprisonment in Dum Dum Central Jail.
Legacy
In 2011 a teleserial named Proloy Asche was launched by Sananda TV loosely based on the life of Barun Biswas In August 2013, a Bengali film called Proloy was made on the life of Biswas. Actor Parambrata Chatterjee portrayed the role of Barun Biswas.
In the 2013 Durga Puja, Panchpota Avijan Sangha Durga Puja Committee used Biswas' life and struggle as their puja's festive theme. They also named their puja platform Barun Mancha (Barun platform). Manobendra Biswas, joint secretary of the puja committee told—
Barun's mamabari (maternal house) was in Sutia Panchpota and he had spent his childhood here. When Sutia was virtually ruled by rapists and criminals, he started a movement to help villagers fight the reign of terror through Sutia Pratibadi Mancha... Durga Puja marks the victory of Durga over Mahishasura and Barun's fight epitomizes the victory of good over evil.
Balaji Sampath
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Balaji Sampath
Born 17 January 1973
Chennai, India
Nationality Indian
Alma mater IIT Madras,
PhD (University of Maryland, College Park, US)
Occupation Founder and Secretary, AID India & CEO of Ahaguru
Website www.ahaguru.com
Notes
Study and Enjoy
Balaji Sampath (born 17 January 1973) is an Indian educationist, social activist, the founder and secretary of a non-profit Organization, Association for India's Development, India chapter, an India-based NGO that carries out science teaching and primary school programs for children to aid their educational development.
AidIndia trains teachers in government schools with the goal of improving the quality of teaching, especially for science and mathematics by using innovative techniques and devising educational aids . The mission of AidIndia is to empower socially disadvantaged and often forgotten sections of the society through socio-economic development programs, education, providing micro credit, and imparting training in the areas of health, human rights and utilization of resources for income generation.
Balaji is also the founder and CEO of Ahaguru. A pioneer education start-up in online coaching that engages in providing training courses on different subjects online. Balaji has written many science books for primary and higher level education to explain very complex concepts in a simple and easy to understand language for students.
Personal life
Balaji was born in Chennai, India on 17 January 1973 into a family where both of his parents were government workers. Because his parents were often transferred to different locations for their government jobs, as a child Balaji was exposed to a number of schools across India. But one thing remained constant: his problem understanding scientific subjects because of ineffective teaching. Early in life, he devised his own system of analysis and arriving at solutions.
Education
Balaji appeared for IIT JEE and obtained All India Rank 4 in 1990, considered one of the most competitive exams in India. He completed his B.Tech degree in Electrical Engineering from Indian Institute of Technology Madras in 1994, and his doctorate in Electronics and communication Engineering from University of Maryland, College Park.
Career
Balaji started his career as a volunteer for AID United States chapter from 1994 while he was doing his doctorate.After completing his PhD degree, he returned to India to work full-time on social issues in 1997 and founded AID India. He worked with the Centre for Ecology and Rural Development and the Peoples Science Movement on Health and Education Programs. Balaji organized Peoples Health assembly campaign in 2000 at a national level and began campaigning for better public education and access to healthcare, especially in rural areas.
In 2011, Balaji started Ahaguru.com, an online education portal to enhance science and math learning and problem-solving skills of middle and high school students. Yahoo! News said: "This education startup, www.AhaGuru.com, a pioneer in online coaching, provides training courses completely online. From CBSE to NEET and JEE Advanced, it covers physics, chemistry and math courses from class 7 to 12.Their best seller is the full year course, which is modelled like a classroom with an expert teacher explaining the key concepts and showing how to solve different types of questions.". In 2021 his ahaguru platform became a very big hit, he is also known to be a predicter of future, with his ahaguru developing online from 2013 itself
Awards
IIT Madras Distinguished Alumnus Award 2012.
Times of India Social Impact Award for AID, 2011 from Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh in 2011.
Ashoka Fellowship for innovative work on Science Education.
Lemelson Inventor Certificate for Science Education.
MIT Indus Technovator's Award 2005 for Village Libraries and Science Education.
Rotary Distinguished Service Award by the Rotary Club of Madras South.
Pratham USA Achievement Award 2006 for improving reading skills in Tamil Nadu.
Association for India's Development JS Fellowship, 1998.
All India Rank 4 in the IIT JEE, 1990.
Bhanwari Devi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bhanwari Devi (also spelled Bahveri Devi) is an Indian social-worker from Bhateri, Rajasthan, who was gang raped in 1992 by men angered by her efforts to prevent a child marriage in their family. Her subsequent treatment by the police, and court acquittal of the accused, attracted widespread national and international media attention, and became a landmark episode in India's women's rights movement..
Bhanwari Devi
Born 1951/1952
Nationality Indian
Known for Vishaka Judgement
Awards Neerja Bhanot Memorial Award for her "extraordinary courage, conviction and commitment"
Biography
Bhanwari is a woman belonging to a caste kumhar (potter) family and living in Bhateri, a village in the Indian state of Rajasthan, located 55 kilometres (34 mi) from Jaipur, the state's capital. Most people of the village belonged to the Gurjar community of milkmen, which is higher in the caste hierarchy than Bhanwari's. In the 1990s and even now child marriages are common in the village, and the caste system is dominant. Bhanwari was married to Mohan Lal Prajapat when she was around five or six years old and her husband eight or nine, before coming to live in Bhateri while still in her early teens. They have four children together; two daughters and two sons: the eldest daughter has not been educated; two sons, who live in Jaipur, do menial jobs, while the youngest daughter Rameshwari graduated with Bachelor of Education degree and teaches English language in a school.
As a saathin
In 1985, Bhanwari Devi became a saathin ("friend"), a grassroots worker employed as part of the Women's Development Project (WDP) run by the Government of Rajasthan. As part of her job, she took up issues related to land, water, literacy, health, Public Distribution System, and payment of minimum wages at famine relief works. In 1987, she took up a major issue of the attempted rape of a woman from a neighbouring village. All of these activities had the full support of the members of her village. However, in 1992, Bhanwari found herself alienated, when she took up the issue of child marriage which is still widely practiced in India despite being illegal.
Bhanwari's intervention
In 1992, the state government of Rajasthan decided to launch a campaign against child marriage during the fortnight preceding the festival of Akha Teej, which is considered an auspicious date for marriages. Many child marriages take place during this festival. WDP members were tasked with convincing local villagers not to conduct child marriages, a task that Bhanwari took up, along with prachetas and members of the District Women's Development Agency (DWDA). The campaign was largely ignored by the villagers and faced disapproval from local leaders, including the village headman or pradhan.
One family which had arranged such a marriage was that of Ram Karan Gurjar, who had planned to marry off his nine-month-old daughter.[5] Bhanwari made attempts to persuade the family against carrying out their wedding plans. Since many Gujar families seemed determined to go ahead with child marriages, the Sub-Divisional Officer (SDO) and the Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) started making rounds of the village. On 5 May, the day of Akha Teej, the Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) and SDO went to Bhateri village to stop the marriage of Ram Karan Gurjar's infant daughter. While they succeeded in preventing the marriage from taking place on the day of Akha Teej, the marriage took place at 2 a.m. the next day. No police action was taken against this. However, the villagers associated the police visits with Bhanwari Devi's efforts. This resulted in social and economic boycott of Bhanwari and her family. The villagers stopped selling milk to the family or buying the earthen pots they made. Bhanwari was forced to leave her job when her employer was roughed up, while her husband was beaten up by another Gujar.
The gang rape
According to Bhanwari Devi, at dusk on 22 September 1992, while her husband and she were working in their field, five men from the dominant and affluent Gurjar caste from her village attacked her husband with sticks, leaving him unconscious. In her complaint with the police she named the five men: brothers Ram Sukh Gujjar, Gyarsa Gujjar and Ram Karan Gujjar, the latter whose daughter's child marriage she attempted to stop, and their uncle Badri Gujjar, along with one Shravan Sharma. She claimed that while Ram Sukh held her, Badri and Gyarsa took turns in raping her. She added that the rape occurred shortly after the said incident happened. The accused of Gurjar caste were arrested and tried in the court, but they were backed by the local MLA, Dhanraj Meena. Meena hired a lawyer called Purohit to defend the accused.
Police and medical procedures
Bhanwari reported the incident to Rasila Sharma, the pracheta (block-level worker), who took her to the Bassi police station to lodge a First Information Report (FIR). The FIR was lodged after surmounting police scepticism and indifference, a phenomenon several rape complainants have faced in the Indian context. Scholar Savitri Goonesekere notes that all across South Asia, police are reluctant to record rape cases and show callousness and indifference towards women with complaints of rape. At the police station, Bhanwari was asked to deposit her "lehanga" (long skirt) as evidence. She had to cover herself with her husband's blood-stained saafa (turban) and walk 3 km to the nearest saathin's village Kherpuria, at about 1 a.m. in the night.
This indifference continued at the Primary Health Centre (PHC) in Bassi, where the male doctor refused to medically examine Bhanwari, while no female doctor was present. The PHC doctor referred her to Sawai Man Singh (SMS) Hospital in Jaipur, but wrote in his referral that she was being sent for a test "confirming the age of the victim."
The Medical Jurist at Jaipur refused to conduct any tests without orders from a Magistrate; the Magistrate refused to give the orders until the next day, as it was past his working hours.[13] As a result, the vaginal swab was taken more than 48 hours after the alleged rape, although Indian law requires this to be done within 24 hours. Her scratches and bruises were not recorded, and her complaints of physical discomfort were ignored.
Media coverage
On 25 September 1992, the Rajasthan Patrika, a major local newspaper, carried a small news item stating that a woman from Bhateri village had registered an FIR in Bassi thana (police station) alleging gang rape Following this, a number of local Hindi dailies as well as national dailies reported the incident. On 2 October, the Rajasthan Patrika carried an editorial article Kroor Hadsa ("Brutal Incident") condemning the incident. Soon after this, many Jaipur-based women's groups and other social organizations began making inquiries about it. However, Bhanwari Devi was accused of fabricating the entire incident by the alleged rapists and their supporters, and faced public humiliation in her village. Bhanwari Devi refused monetary compensation to discourage such allegations.
The court case
Summary of evidence
The summary of evidence in the court case stated that:
The semen of five different men were indeed found in Bhanwari's vaginal swab and upon her lehenga (long skirt)
There was not even a single match between any of these five semen traces and the semen of any of the five accused (including two who she had accused of raping her and three whom she had accused of pinning her down).
Bhanwari's husband's semen was not found in the vaginal swab (none of the five semen traces were his).
District court judgment
In its verdict on 15 November 1995, the district and sessions court in Jaipur dismissed the case and acquitted all the five accused. Five judges were changed, and it was the sixth judge who ruled that the accused were not guilty, stating inter alia that Bhanwari's husband couldn't have passively watched his wife being gang-raped.
Under pressure from women's groups, the State Government decided to appeal against the judgment. The judgement led to a nationwide campaign for justice for Bhanwari Devi. However, by 2007, 15 years after the incident, the Rajasthan High Court held only one hearing on the case and two of the accused were dead.
Criticism of the judgment
Women's activists were critical of some of the judicial remarks made in the case. The judgment stated in passing that Bhanwari's husband couldn't have passively watched his wife being gang-raped. This was taken as prejudice and bias by the women's groups. The accused included an uncle-nephew pair, and the judge said that a middle-aged man from an Indian village could not possibly have participated in a gang rape in the presence of his own nephew.
Aftermath
A state MLA belonging to the Bharatiya Janata Party, Kanhaiya Lal Meena, organised a victory rally in the state capital Jaipur for the five accused who were now declared not guilty, and the women's wing of his political party attended the rally to call Bhanwari a liar.
Social boycott
Bhanwari and her family were ostracized by villagers in Bhateri and by members of her own caste living elsewhere. When her mother died, her brothers and others did not allow her to participate in the funeral. Following this incident, Bhanwari handed over to them the sum of ₹25,000 which she had received from Prime Minister Narasimha Rao. Her brothers spent this money on organizing a Kumhar caste panchayat, where people were asked to accept her back into the community. In spite of this effort, her acceptance in the community remained nominal and her son Mukesh had a difficult time finding a family willing to give their daughter in marriage to him.
The New Indian Express journalist Sukhmani Singh interviewed Bhanwari in 2001 and reported: "Feisty, outspoken, innately hospitable, she openly expressed her resentment against both the women's groups and the government, all of whom have been fiercely guarding her like their pet mannequin all these many years." He reported that she was "weary, resigned and bitter" after all these years. He also reported that Bhanwari wanted to leave Bhateri, but couldn't afford to do so. Her sole source of income was a buffalo, as her two bighas of land had become unproductive due to three years of drought. Most of the money that she received as part of the Neerja Bhanot Memorial Award in 1994 was locked away in a trust to aid women.
Official honours
Bhanwari received honours both nationally and internationally. She was invited to be a part of the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing. In 1994, she was awarded the Neerja Bhanot Memorial Award carrying ₹1 lakh cash prize, for her "extraordinary courage, conviction and commitment".
In 2002, the then-Chief Minister of Rajasthan, Ashok Gehlot, allotted a residential plot to Bhanwari Devi and announced a grant of ₹40,000 for construction of a house on the plot. He also sanctioned an additional amount ₹10,000 for the education of her son.
Impact
Bhanwari's case shaped the women's movement in India. The Bhanwari case is said by some to have encouraged more rape victims to prosecute their rapists.
By 2007, the average age of the first-time mother in Rajasthan had gone up to 16.5 years. This change was brought about by the efforts of women's groups, catalyzed by the Bhanwari case.
Women's activists and lawyers have propagated the view that Bhanwari attracted the ire of her rapists solely on the basis of her work. A number of groups which championed the latter view filed a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) in the Supreme Court of India, under the collective platform of Vishakha. The petition, filed by Vishakha and four other women's organizations in Rajasthan against the State of Rajasthan and the Union of India, resulted in what are popularly known as the Vishakha Guidelines. The judgment of August 1997 provided the basic definitions of sexual harassment at the workplace and provided guidelines to deal with it. It is seen as a significant legal victory for women's groups in India.
In films
In 2000, Jag Mundhra released a film, Bawandar, based on Bhanwari's story.
Bezwada Wilson
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bezwada Wilson (2017)
Bezwada Wilson (born 1966) is an Indian activist and one of the founders and National Convenor of the Safai Karmachari Andolan (SKA), an Indian human rights organization that has been campaigning for the eradication of manual scavenging, the construction, operation and employment of manual scavengers which has been illegal in India since 1993. His work at SKA, a community-driven movement, has been recognized by the Ashoka Foundation which has nominated him a Senior Fellow. On 27 July 2016, he was honoured with the Ramon Magsaysay Award.
Early life
Bezwada was born in 1966 in the Kolar Gold Fields (KGF) in Karnataka in Southern India. He is the youngest child of Bezwada Rachel and Bezwada Yacob, both belonging to the manual scavenging community.
His father began working for the township in 1935 as a safai karamchari, also called a manual scavenger, manually removing excreta from dry toilets. He attempted to find other manual labor but was unsuccessful. His eldest brother also worked as a manual scavenger in the Indian railways for four years and then ten years in KGF Gold mines township.
Bezwada went to upper primary school in Andhra Pradesh and stayed in the hostel for Scheduled Castes. He went to high school and intermediate in Kolar and Hyderabad. When he realized his parents' true occupation, he contemplated suicide.
Bezwada graduated in Political Science from Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Open University, Hyderabad, and was involved in community service, especially youth programs. He saw that many children dropped out of school and then took up scavenging. He believed that if he helped the children complete school and take vocational training they could keep away from scavenging.
Campaign against manual scavenging
In 1986, Bezwada began his fight to end manual scavenging. The first hurdle in his fight was at home; his parents and relatives said he should not focus his life on something that always existed. It was over years that they came to accept that he was dedicating his life to helping eradicate manual scavenging. Too many people within the community were ashamed to even admit manual scavenging existed or that they did it. Bezwada began breaking the silence.
Bezwada also began a letter-writing campaign, contacting the KGF authorities, the minister, and chief minister of Karnataka, the prime minister, and newspapers, but they remained largely unacknowledged.
In 1993, the Parliament enacted the ‘Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act in 1993',[5] which banned the construction of dry latrines and outlawed the practice of manual scavenging. Despite the ban, the practice of manual scavenging continues across India.
Bezwada took photographs of dry latrines and manual scavenging in KGF and sent it to P.A.K. Shettigar, the then managing director of KGF, threatening action under the Act. An emergency meeting was called to convert dry latrines into water-seal latrines and transfer all scavengers to non-scavenging jobs. However, it was only when photographs were published in a 1994 article in the Deccan Herald, resulting in embarrassing questions in Parliament, that the Karnataka government was forced to acknowledge that manual scavenging continued to be a problem.
Bezwada then worked for two years to organize manual scavengers in Karnataka. A platform, the Campaign Against Manual Scavenging (CAMS), was formed. This oversaw the conversion of dry latrines into flush toilets and rehabilitation of those who were engaged in manual scavenging.
Wilson moved to Andhra Pradesh and began working with Paul Diwakar, a leading Dalit activist, and S. R. Sankaran, a retired Indian Administrative Officer. In 2001 the Andhra Pradesh government agreed to a total survey of the state to identify manual scavengers and dry latrines for liberation and rehabilitation. Bezwada prepared the survey format, where volunteers photographed and documented each manual scavenger and dry latrine.
Safai Karmachari Andolan
In 1994, Bezwada helped found Safai Karmachari Andolan (SKA) along with S. R. Sankaran and Paul Diwakar. SKA's goal is to end the practice of manual scavenging and help those engaged in it find dignified work. SKA trains teams to work towards the elimination of manual scavenging in various Indian states. SKA initially worked on the state level, until 2003 when Bezwada and four other team members moved to Delhi to launch the Safai Karmachari Andolan nationwide.
In 2003, Bezwada and the SKA initiated the filing of a Public Interest Litigation in the Supreme Court of India. SKA and 18 other civil society organizations, manual scavengers, and individuals signed the affidavit as litigants naming all states and government departments of Railways, Defence, Judiciary, and Education as violators of the Manual Scavenging Prohibition Act.
The PIL was a major step in the efforts to abolish manual scavenging. All the states and central ministries were forced to address the issue of manual scavenging. The Supreme Court gave strict orders that the Chief Secretaries of States and Heads of Departments of the central ministries should appear before the court for the case hearings. To date, there have been 23 hearings and in the state of Haryana, for the first time, in 2010 the act was enforced and 16 members were taken into custody for violating the law and employing manual scavengers.
By 2007, the SKA felt the struggle was going too slow. The legal process had put the onus on the victims to prove manual scavenging existed. So they launched Action 2010, by which they vowed to end manual scavenging by 2010 by simply asking those engaged in the practice to leave the practice and find alternative work.
The liberation of safai karmacharis became an important issue during the planning of the 12th Five Year Plan of India in 2010. Bezwada met with parliamentarians, ministers, and national advisory members during this time and submitted systematic documentation of manual scavenging across the country.
In 2009, Bezwada was elected an Ashoka Senior Fellow for human rights.
In October 2010, the head of the National Advisory Council, Sonia Gandhi, wrote to the Prime Minister's office declaring manual scavenging as a national shame and to address its abolition with the utmost urgency and priority. The NAC resolved to see that manual scavenging was over by 2012. Task forces were formed by the government of India for a new survey of the entire country, rehabilitation, amendment of the law to make it stricter, and demolition of dry latrines.
The Planning Commission of India constituted a sub-group on safai karmacharis with Bezwada as its convenor. The sub-group has submitted its report.
(Image Courtesy: Youth Ki Awaaz)
Bhau Panchbhai
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bhau Panchabhai (1 March 1944 - 21Jan 2016) was an Indian Marathi language poet, writer, and Ambedkarite-Dalit activist. He is best known for his first poetry collection Hunkaar Vadaalnche (हुंकार वादळांचे) for which he was awarded by the Government of Maharashtra for the best poetry collection of 1989. His poetry is considered as a prototype of Ambedkarite poetry and is translated in various languages including English. He lived in Nagpur and worked as a lawyer. He was awarded Laxmibai Ingole, Kavya Puruskar by the Laxmibai Ingole Foundation Amravati in 2015 for his contribution to Ambedkarite literature.
Ambedkarite Activist & writings
He was active in the Ambedkarite movement and Panthers of India.
Writings -(A)poetry collection
Hunkaar Vaadalaanche ( हुंकार वादळांचे) 1989
Nikharyaanchyaa Raangolyaa (निखाऱ्यांच्या रांगोळ्या) 2004
Abhanganchya Thingya (अभंगांच्या ठिणग्या) 2014
Spandanpisara (स्पंदनपिसारा) 2014
Aakantgandha (आकांतगंधा)Being Released Shortly(B) LALIT LEKH
Jakhamancha Ajintha (जखमांचा अजिंठा) 1992(C) VAICHARIK LEKH
Samajkranti (समाजक्रांती) 1992
CEVRİ KALFA SIBYAN MEKTEBİ
Sultanahmet, Fatih - İstanbul - Turkey
GPS : 41°00'29.0"N 28°58'35.8"E / 41.008056, 28.976611
Cevri Kalfa, a slave girl who saved Sultan Mahmud II's life and was awarded for her bravery and loyalty and appointed hazinedar usta, the chief treasurer of the imperial Harem, which was the second most important position in the hierarchy. The building is one of the earliest modern school buildings in Istanbul. It was built by Sultan Mahmud II in the imperial style, in honour of the concubine Cevri Kalfa, who had rescued and carried him to safety during the events known as Alemdar Incident.
Protestors who stormed the Ottoman palace in 1808 and killed Sultan Selim III also wanted to kill Sultan Mahmut II. The prince was saved from the hands of the protestors by one of the women of the palace, Georgian Cevri Kalfa. She first hid him in her room, and then used her own body to shield him from the shooting protestors. She used ashes from a fire to try and distance the angry protestors from her room.
At that point two other palace officials, Anber and Isa Ağa, came to her assistance, rescuing the prince from the palace. Sultan Mahmut II received a knife wound to his arm, but at least he lived. When Mahmud II becomes sultan, he appointed Georgian Cevri Kalf as “hazinedarbaşı” (an office on par with that of being a vizier), and she stayed on for good.
When Cevri Hanım died, in 1819, Mahmud II had her buried alongside the grave of his mother and ordered a fountain and a primary school built in her name. The school in Sultanahmet was built by Sultan Mahmud II in 1839 as a gift of thanks to Cevri Kalfa, a slave girl from his Harem, who saved his life during an uprising of the Janissaries before he was a sultan.
Cevri Kalfa Sibyan Mektebi (Ottoman elementary school) was build in 1819 by Sultan Mahmut II in the loving memory of Cevri Kalfa Cevri Kalfa is the person that saved Sultan Mahmut’s live in 1808, when rebelstried to enter the harem after a death firman (imperial order) ruled by the Bab-ı Ali jurisdiction. Build with an empirical stylethis ottoman elementary school is the biggest one in Istanbul.
It has been used as an elementary school, art school for girls, vocational school specialized inprinting, courthouse and as a modern primary school. It was the largest primary school of its time in Istanbul and became a girl’s only school in 1858, a printing school in 1930 and reinstated as a primary school in 1945.
TURKISH LITERATURE FOUNDATION - EDEBİYAT KIRAATHANESİ
In 1985 it was donated to the Turkish Literature Foundation (Türk Edebiyat Vakfı) and in 2009 underwent full restoration. There is an attractive fountain built into the outside wall that forms an essential part of the main building.
Turkish people love deserts, coffee and tea. Yes, there’re lot of cafes offering this perfect trilogy but only a few are as historical as Edebiyat Kıraathanesi. This cafe used to be a school, Cevri Kalfa Sıbyan Mektebi, back in Ottoman Era. It was reborn four years ago when Ahmet Kabaklı, the founder of Turkish Literature Foundation, decided to open a cafe where writers, literature critics and book worms can come together and exchange their ideas while sipping their coffee or tea enjoy delicious desserts.
At the cafe, there’s a small souvenir corner. Also, there are two libraries. Today it houses The Turkish Literature Foundation and an inviting branch of the Hafız Mustafa pastry shop that has been in business since 1864.
Chodagam Ammanna Raja - activitist
Cynthia Stephen
On Brahminism, patriarchy in politics — and the need for change
"We have our governments which have been fooling us for 25 years on the issue of reservations for women in governance," says Stephen.
DSP Palanisamy said that the police had so far managed to keep things under control by settling differences between warring religious groups, however, on Sunday, the incident went out of hands.
Young leaders of a nascent group of middle-class Dalits think and act differently from veteran leaders when it comes to the violence they face.
MeToo: The NGO Sector Systematically Silences Dalit, Tribal and Bahujan Voices
While the nation is in the #MeToo movement's grip, it is the voices of non-Dalit women that are being heard and amplified.
All the media time and reams of newsprint documenting the various #MeToo revelations in India will not make up for the decades of silence imposed upon women and girls who were subject to sexual harassment at home, at work and in educational institutions.
Civil society groups have been at the forefront of social change in the area of gender and NGOs have been important stakeholders. Needless to say, there have been black sheep in the NGO sector as well, just as there are in the rest of society. Mari Marcel Thekaekara accused one well-known NGO activist in an article.
Even though I cannot claim that I was at the receiving end of sexual harassment, I can surely say that I paid a heavy personal price for speaking up against sexist and misogynist behaviour in some of the places I worked. Also, one needs to see this in the light of the subtle and not-so-subtle casteism one encounters in the sector.
As NGO work shed its focus on volunteerism and began to acquire “professionalism” in the wake of globalisation in the 1990s, there was an influx of foreign funding agencies which increased the need for professional social workers whose curricula needed project and financial management skills more than people’s issues, development and policy analysis, which used to be the forte of social workers during the 70s and 80s.
I joined the sector as a communications person in the 80s, during an exciting period. But much of this euphoria was because of my innocence – or ignorance, as it could be called. Over the years, I became experienced and of course moved up the ladder, a little slowed down by motherhood, which happened at a critical time career-wise, and by other personal setbacks.
So when, in 2004, I successfully passed an interview and written test for my first post as a director in an NGO, I was thrilled and excited by the challenging work and its scope, ideal for me, a multi-tasker and polymath. It was also the first job I had been able to land which was in line with my training, experience and skills. I often wondered at this, because peers who entered the field around the same time as I, with less training and capacities, had become directors much before me and drew double or triple of my salary. I had often attended interviews for senior positions and was shortlisted, but almost always found someone else being preferred.
Caste-based discrimination
I thought that this could be due to prejudice due to colour (I’m quite dark-complexioned), or religion – my name says it all – or even because I was South Indian – most NGO national offices are located in New Delhi. I’ve lived and worked there and can speak very fluent Hindi, travelled all over India, but still… it took sometime for me to realise that it wasn’t just colour, language or religion that was responsible for being overlooked for senior positions in NGOs. It was something that I hadn’t known about myself. I had Dalit ancestry.
Somehow, people in the sector – correctly – gauged that I was of Dalit stock. Therefore, my excellent writing, speaking and management skills were less important than the fact that maybe two or three generations ago, my forebears were probably “untouchables”, engaged in (maybe) unclean occupations and the hint of that taint was enough to keep me from being selected for any position of leadership or decision-making.
Suffice it to say that the reason I got my first post as a director was probably because I was a Dalit. The NGO was expected by the funders to show that it had programme staff from the target groups to execute the work.
Boardrooms of NGOs are complicit in enabling exploitative behaviour. Representative image. Credit: CIPE
Eventually, this assignment turned out to be very brief. Just ten months later, I lost the job despite excelling at it and having a good working relationship with the team and staff.
I was summarily terminated in the space of a day for asking the president of the board to tell the executive director of the organisation to stop having affairs with junior women staff during office time and in office space.
He failed to do his duty and instead took the side of the director. This board member now heads a national level organisation. (I fought a case in a labour court against my dismissal for several years and failed to win. I have still not got any of the money from my provident fund account because the executive director vindictively hasn’t signed and forward my application.)
The executive director continued, with his compliant board members and international funders, to run the NGO for several years, and provided an ecosystem for more women to be exploited, not only by him but by other board members and senior male staff. It gives me no joy to report that eventually, his alcohol abuse and financial profligacy caught up with him and funders withdrew after much damage was done.
The groupings withing NGOs
If just some women in male-headed NGOs speak up about their experiences, we’d have another long list of serial abusers who take advantage of the power their capacity to raise funds gives them over their staff. In fact, it is one of the reasons for civil society groups in Tamil Nadu to be clustered into two camps – one which includes NGOs headed by males and another made up of NGOs headed by women as well as autonomous women’s groups. Though there is issue-based solidarity among these camps, the NGO grouping in TN is almost exclusively based on gender.
The other divide is caste. Dalits have their own groups, the majority of them headed by men, many of them church-funded. Though there are several small poorly resourced ones headed by Dalit women, those which receive substantial foreign funding are headed by men and women from the privileged castes. (I am not comfortable using the term savarna even though it has become common these days, since I believe that as it refers to the varna, or caste, and means “with caste” – as opposed to avarna – or caste-less untouchables, and it reifies, reinforces and even legitimises caste hierarchies. This is my personal opinion.)
Be that as it may, the reality of the privileged castes dominating the leadership and decision making powers in NGOs with the field workers almost invariably made up of Dalits, Adivasis and some of the less resourced backward classes, only reflects the larger societal realities. Even though lip service used to be paid to empowering women or Dalits and especially Dalit women, the fact was – and is – that their positions in NGOs and movements continue to be marginalised and disempowered, even exploitative.
I say this with full responsibility. Even in many organisations led by Dalit women, there are hierarchies based on other considerations like kinship, language and region, though their solidarity does transcend these divisions in the larger picture.
One of the issues that #MeToo has raised is whether, if at all, Dalit women are part of the campaign, and whether Dalit women were reluctant to name their oppressors, and if so, why. We found that the percentage of convictions of those accused of harassing Dalit women is abysmal, since, as researchers found, police refused to file cases if Dalit women tried to complain against their tormentors. The police did not believe the women.
I shared my story on Facebook recently and the response was unexpectedly supportive and warm. Many of my friends knew the identity of the people involved and several asked me to name the persons. I refused because it might bring harm to many women who worked there but were not targets. Also the executive director’s fall from grace is complete and there’s nothing more pathetic than a discredited patriarch. I can’t bring myself to kick someone when they are down.
Bhanwari Devi’s case was responsible for the framing of Vishakha guidelines. Credit: Wikipedia
I seriously considered naming the board president, the man who failed to do his job and is enjoying the consequences of that sycophancy, who chose male solidarity and love for money and position and threw me under the bus. Not just him, but the whole craven bunch of so-called board members. This person is in a position of leadership at a national level organisation. However, as reliable opinion holds that he was not known to be involved in inappropriate relationships with women, I have decided not to reveal his name. However, this should not to give him a clean chit for ethical behaviour, as it is well known that his hands are not clean where money is concerned.
Information was shared by others, not by me, to the funders of the organisation where I worked about the various wrongdoings of the executive director and the board members. But as far as I know, they did nothing to intervene at the time or maybe they chose to believe his lies and nobody asked me for my side of the story. Was it because I was seen as a Dalit woman and therefore one whose opinion did not matter?
So the institutional failure of the board and the funders are even more culpable for allowing the executive director to continue with his abuse of money, institutional, sexual and social power, especially over the project beneficiaries and staff from disadvantaged backgrounds. All this while enabling him to project an image of being a champion of the poor, Dalits, women, tribals and the environment.
Structural and institutional failures
Who will answer for these structural failures?
To return to the #MeToo issue, there are two general perceptions: that the people involved are mostly from the privileged groups and Dalit women are not speaking up against their oppressors.
The first one is undoubtedly true and even the media is seen taking sides which are convenient, allowing institutional voices to emerge from within the establishment, and where all the actors are from privileged sections. The media, the NGOs, feminist/women’s movement, the police and the judiciary are all complicit in the silencing and eliding of Dalit and adivasi women even though in reality, these women put up the greatest resistance to injustice.
The famous anti-arrack movement in Andhra Pradesh in the 90s, which even brought a state government down, was headed by Rosamma, a Dalit woman. Mathura, whose courageously fought for justice in the Supreme Court against her custodial rape in the 70s, was an Adivasi girl. Bhanwari Devi, a Dalit woman, was raped for reporting an instance of child marriage to the authorities, which was her job. Her infructuous fight for justice resulted in the framing of Vishakha guidelines to prevent sexual harassment at the workplace and the passing of the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act.
When Surekha Bhootmange and her daughter were brutalised and killed by a mob in Khairlanji in 2006, there was hardly any reportage, nor did the police register an FIR till there was unprecedented agitations by Dalit youth. In contrast, the Nirbhaya case prompted protests all over the country and even internationally.
All this shows that even to this day, the resistance of the marginalised continues to be silenced, ignored and minimised by all sections of the mainstream, including the media, civil society, judiciary and government.
When will the voices and struggles of the Dalit, Adivasi, Bahujan women find a space in the mainstream? Will #MeToo be more of the same?
Cynthia Stephen is an independent journalist, activist and social policy researcher.
Dr. C. Parvathamma
the First Dalit Woman Sociologist!
Today in Dalit history, we fondly remember Dr. C. Parvathamma, the first Dalit woman sociologist in India who won multiple prestigious awards such as the Rajyothsava Award (1990), Gargi Award (1999) and Nadoja Award (2005) for her contributions to sociological research. She was awarded a doctorate at the Victoria University in Manchester (now known as University of Manchester) under the supervision of Max Gluckman, a pioneer in social anthropology. Dr. Parvathamma’s scholarship includes 70 research articles and 11 books which had policy level impact. Besides, she occupied several leadership positions in academia, including the Chair of the Department of Sociology in Mangalore University when a Postgraduate Degree in Social Work was introduced in 1977–78, the Dean of the Faculty of Arts, University of Mysore where she played a central role in building the Department of Sociology and a member of the first governing body of ICSSR besides her membership in several other committees (Kumar, 2007). She retired from Mysore University in 1988 but continued her work by establishing the Centre for Research in Rural and Tribal Development in Mysore (Kumar, 2007).
Dr. Parvathamma made several valuable contributions to the study of the status of scheduled castes and tribes, of the anti-caste movement, Veerasaivism, while also critiquing Brahminical scholarship that misrepresented caste. She was a contemporary of M.N.Srinivas, a Brahmin sociologist, whose writings she thoroughly critiqued. She points out, “Srinivas’s point of view is that of a south Indian Brahmin and it is important to understand how it influences his work. One senses that the theoretical ideal of Brahmin superiority is basic to his subjectivism.” Talking about his lack of critique of Brahminism, she says, “The brotherhood of mankind and compassion upheld by the major religions of the world may have gone wrong in practice, but the sense of brotherhood does not find a place in Brahminical Hinduism.” (Parvathamma, 1978). Yet, the Brahminical writings on caste by M.N.Srinivas are cited several times more than C. Parvathamma’s writings in the academia, showing how Brahminism operates in the academia.
In Prof. Vivek Kumar’s memoir of Dr. Parvathamma giving a speech at a conference, he quotes her as saying, “If this nation needs one Gandhi then it needs thousands of Ambedkar to break free from the age-old tyrannical Hindu social order.” Prof. Vivek Kumar also talks about the discrimination Dr. Parvathamma faced in spite of the education she attained and the positions she occupied that “she could not find rented accommodation in Mysore after completing her PhD and becoming a lecturer at Mysore University.”
We are proud of her academic achievements and want to applaud her valuable contributions to sociology and policy on caste. We celebrate her resistance and success in the academia that was never a space meant for Dalit women. We dedicate this post to all the Dalit-Bahujan women who fight for space in violence academic departments around India. Jai bhim and Jai savitri to Dr. Parvathamma and all women who demand the right to build knowledge for our people!
C. V. Kunhiraman
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
C. V. Kunhiraman
Born February 6, 1871
Died April 10, 1949 (aged 78)
Occupation Social reformer
Journalist
Known for
Spouse(s) Kunjikkavu
Children
K. Sukumaran (son)
K. Damodaran (son)
Vasanthi (daughter)
C. Kesavan (son-in-law)
Parent(s) Velayudhan
Kunjichali
by which time he had passed the lawyers' examination and resigned from the school in 1913 to take up the career of a lawyer by practicing at the Magistrate Court at Paravur. In between, he founded Kerala Kaumudi daily in 1911 and later, he shifted his base to Kollam, after quitting his career as a lawyer, resuscitated Kerala Kaumudi daily in 1920 with the assistance of his son, K. Sukumaran. His early journalistic articles were published in Sujananadini, run by Paravoor Kesavan Asan , where he became a sub-editor in due course and wrote poems and articles, mostly on social affairs.
Kunhiraman was married to Kunjikkavu and the couple had two sons, K. Sukumaran and K.Damodaran and a daughter, Vasanthi, who was married to C. Kesavan, former chief minister of Travancore-Cochin. He died on April 10, 1949, at the age of 78.
Legacy
Kerala Kaumudi
To launch a newspaper of his own was his all time-dream. In 1911, C.V. launched Kerala Kaumudi as a weekly newspaper. He was the proprietor - editor, printer, publisher and even the proofreader! Started in 1911, in Mayyanad, it had grown over the years as one of the most influential dailies in Malayalam with 9 editions from Thiruvananthapuram, Kollam, Alappuzha, Pathanamthitta, Kottayam, Kochi, Thrissur, Kozhikode and Kannur.
Other journalistic contributions
Kunhiraman was also the editor of Malayalarajyam, Navajeevan, Kathamalika, Yukthivadi, Navasakthi and Vivekodayam. He had the rare distinction in Malayalam journalism being the founder of Kerala Kaumudi and founder editor of Malayalarajyam. He had been on the editorial board of Malayala Rajyam, Navajeevan, Navasakthi, Malayala Manorama, Bhashaposhini, Kathamalika, Vivekodayam and Yuktivadi.
Literary contributions
Kunhiraman's oeuvre comprises 14 books, covering the genres of novel, short story, poetry, biography and other works including the condensed versions of Mahabharata and Ramayana, of which Valmiki Ramayanam, a prose rendering of the epic, was his first work to come out in print, in 1901, followed by Vyasabharatam, Panchavadi and other works. This include four novels, a short story anthropology, a book of poetry and his reminiscences of Kumaran Asan.
Social activities
Kunhiraman was a close associate of Narayana Guru and an active participant in the intellectual and social activities of Sivagiri Mutt. He was one of the leaders of the Vaikom Satyagraha, a social protest against untouchability, centred around the Shiva temple at Vaikom during 1924–25. He continued to be a part of the agitation which resulted in the Temple Entry Proclamation of 1936. He was a part of the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam and served as its general secretary during 1928–29 and 1931–32. He started a school for low caste Hindus at Vellamanal, Mayyanad, Quilon and became its headmaster. He was also a member of the Sree Moolam Popular Assembly.
Honours
C. V. Kunhiraman Foundation, an eponymous organization which had O. N. V. Kurup as the founder chairman,[15] have instituted an annual award, C. V. Kunhiraman Literary Award, to recognize excellence in Malayalam literature and M. Sukumaran, the writer, and Sugathakumari, the noted poet, feature among the recipients of the award which carries a purse of ₹ 10,001, a citation and a statuette designed by noted artists, B. D. Dathan.
Bibliography
Oru Noottandinu Munpu (short stories)]
Shree karthikodayam (poetry)
Panchavadi (novel)
Ragaparinamam (novel)
Sreekovil (novel)
Somanathan (novel)
Njan (memoirs)
Asan Smaranakal (biography)
Valmiki Ramayanam (condensed prose)
Vysabharatham (condensed prose)
Sree Narayana Smruthi (reminiscences)
Thiruvithamkoor Ezhava Rashtriya Mahasabha Adhyaksha Prasangam (speech)
Unniyarcha, Oru Pdanam (essay)
Chekavar (essay)
Carlota (rebel leader)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
A map illustrating the province of Matanzas, where Carlota's memorial site is held.
Carlota Lucumí, also known as La Negra Carlota (died March 1844) was an African-born enslaved Cuban woman of Yoruba origin. Carlota was known as one of the leaders of the slave rebellion at the Triunvirato plantation in Matanzas, Cuba during the Year of the Lash in 1843-1844. Carlota led the slave uprising of the sugar mill "Triunvirato" in the province of Matanzas, Cuba on November 5, 1843. Her memory has also been utilized throughout history by the Cuban government in connection to 20th century political goals, most notably Operación Carlota, or Cuba's intervention in Angola in 1974. Little is actually known about the life of Carlota due to the difficulty and availability of sources in archives (Finch 88). Scholars of Afro-Cuban history have grappled with the dearth of reliable sources that document slaves' lives, and the ability of written documents to accurately encompass the reality of slave life. Slave testimonies obtained under investigations after rebellions provide most of the information surrounding Carlota and her contemporaries, making it difficult to construct a complete understanding of her involvement in the 1843 slave rebellion, much less a detailed biography. She is considered significant by scholars due to her role as a woman in an otherwise male-dominated sphere of slave revolt, as well as the way her memory has been employed in the public sphere in Cuba. Carlota and the uprising at Triunvirato plantation are honored as part of the UNESCO Slave Route Project through a sculpture at the Triunvirato plantation, which has since been turned into a memorial and museum.
Biography and importance
Carlota is perhaps the most famous historical actor in the Triunvirato rebellion. She is known for her leadership in the Triunvirato slave rebellion alongside Eduardo, Narciso, and Felipe Lucumí, and Manuel Gangá. However, little is known about her life outside of her involvement in the rebellion. She was an African-born Lucumí woman, but the date of her birth is unclear. She died in battle at the end of the brief revolt after it had spread to the San Rafael plantation. The Triunvirato rebellion was the last in a series of slave uprisings known as La Escalera in Cuba in 1843 and 1844, which resulted in a violent wave of repression against enslaved people and free people of color by the Spanish colonial government and other whites.
According to scholarship on the topic, Carlota played a role in the Triunvirato rebellion by spreading it from the Triunvirato plantation to the neighboring Acaná plantation by garnering the support of masses of slaves, reaching a total of five plantations by the end of the revolt. Other slaves knew her at the time for her violent attack on the overseer's daughter, which was brought up throughout many of the slave testimonies collected after the rebellion. Several Cuban scholars have categorized her as a martyr who died in the fight for freedom, and whose memory has been mobilized to show slave revolts as a natural precursor to the Cuban socialist revolution of 1959.
Gender
Carlota and another slave, Firmina, were two women among a number of men who organized and executed the slave revolt at the Triunvirato plantation. Scholars have generally characterized slave insurrection as a heavily masculine and violent affair. Enslaved women such as Carlota and Firmina disrupt the idea of slave rebellion as being only organized and carried out by men. At the time, most other representations of slave women were usually traitorous or sexualized. By serving as a leader, and eventually being conceptualized in the 20th century as a martyr of the Triunvirato rebellion, Carlota became symbolized in Cuban memory as a strong woman who would eventually come to represent ideas of Cubanness and revolution.
Triunvirato rebellion
The Triunvirato rebellion was one in a series of slave uprisings throughout Cuba in 1843. It was characterized by massive violence against white overseers and plantation owners, as well as immense property damage. The series of uprisings of which Triunvirato was a part is known as La Escalera, meaning ladder in Spanish. Its name derives from the most notable form of torture inflicted on slaves and free people of color during the wave of repression that followed the violent end of the rebellion. The Triunvirato rebellion, as well as La Escalera more broadly, are important to Cuban history in that they marked the peak of white fear of slave uprising and the end of a streak of slave revolts throughout the first half of the 19th century that wouldn't pick up again until the start of Cuba’s independence movement against Spain in 1868.
Shifting imperial and economic conditions in Cuba in the first half of the nineteenth century fomented a wave of slave rebellions in the 1830s and 40s. Historians differ on where they locate the cause of the slave uprisings of the first half of the 19th century. Some cite the intensification of plantation style farming, increasing numbers of enslaved people trafficked to Cuba during the era, and the spread of rebellious news and ideology among people of color on the island as the main drivers behind the organization and execution of La Escalera. Other historians have emphasized the impact of the neighboring Caribbean island of Haiti’s independence movement and abolition of slavery, which served to intensify plantation-style sugar production in Cuba as well as spread revolutionary ideas to people on the island. Still others draw a direct line between earlier Cuban slave revolts of the century, like the 1812 Aponte rebellion led by José Antonio Aponte. It is impossible to know exactly what conditions led to the slave revolts that constituted La Escalera, but the wave of violence and repression that followed was indisputable.
The way in which La Escalera has been written about since its occurrence is wrought with controversy. Many understood it as a massive conspiracy by the Cuban government to justify the repression inflicted upon people of color at the time, with no actual slave resistance efforts taking place. This served to erase any knowledge of slave movement for freedom. However, part of La Escalera and the ensuing repression's significance came from their inspiring new rebellious groups to form throughout the century in Cuba.
Methodological difficulties
A majority of the information gleaned about La Escalera and Carlota's role in inciting slave rebellion come from slave testimonies and other archival records. Historians have pointed out the issue in utilizing certain information found in the archive, particularly slave testimonies, as fact. Historian Aisha Finch points out the irony in trying to understand the experiences of enslaved people who suffered immense oppression and violence through the writings and records of those people who inflicted said violence. Usually, slave testimonies were taken during times of intense repression, under hierarchical (if not violent) power relations between colonial officials and slaves. Slaves frequently deployed strategic answers for survival, which then had to be taken down by a mediator with undoubtedly different goals and biases than the person whose testimony was being written. Finch refers to documents created by white officials at the time as “fictitious” due to their deeply biased and violent nature. However, authors and historians have worked to read archival documents critically to understand a more nuanced perspective of biased material to complete a narrative of slave agency and insurrection.
In many scholarly analyses of La Escalera, Carlota is only mentioned briefly or left out entirely. For example, in Cuban historian José Luciano Franco's analysis of the Triunvirato rebellion, Carlota takes a backseat to the male leaders of the revolt. Similarly, in other texts on the rebellion like Ricardo Vazquez's Triunvirato – Historia de un Rincon Azucarero de Cuba and Manuel Barcia’s Seeds of Insurrection, Carlota is barely mentioned. While it is impossible to know exactly why Carlota’s impact has only been taken up by a relatively small number of scholars, her absence can serve to reify the traditional view of slave rebellion as a particularly masculine affair. The most common reference to Carlota throughout the literature is Cuba’s intervention in Angola, named after her as Operación Carlota. Additionally, testimonies of women and about women are scant in the archive. Due to Carlota’s sparse mentions and perhaps misrepresentation in the archive, as well as her absence from secondary sources, it is difficult to understand a holistic picture of her life and specific role in La Escalera.
The memory of Carlota
Long after Carlota’s death in the aftermath of the Triunvirato rebellion, her memory was mobilized by the post-revolutionary Cuban state. Cuba’s intervention in Angola in 1974 to aid in its independence struggle was named after the rebel slave woman, in an event known as Operación Carlota. Historian Myra Ann Houser and others have illuminated how Fidel Castro and his revolutionary government capitalized on Cuba’s enslaved and rebellious past to further their political aims. A key tenet of this line of thinking was Castro’s ideology of the oppressed rising up to defeat the oppressor, as enslaved people had done in Cuba throughout the 19th century. This attitude is exemplified in Cuban historian José Luciano Franco’s analysis of the Triunvirato rebellion, where he explicitly calls the slaves that incited rebellion in the 19th century “precursors” to the 1959 revolution. Franco cites Fidel Castro's own speeches linking Cuba's slave past to his revolutionary aims. This conceptualization of history as dialectical materialism characterized Castro's vision for Cuba and the thinking behind his revolutionary ideology, painting the United States as the ultimate imperial power and oppressor, and nations like Cuba and Angola as the oppressed rising up against it.
Using the name of an African-born Cuban slave woman in an intervention in Africa was no coincidence, either. Castro built upon this connection to show Cuba's intervention in Angola as a sort of homecoming, or vengeance, of the Afro-descendant population in Cuba. The revolutionary government mobilized this “claim to roots” in justifying its intervention in the African nation. The government tapped into its enslaved and rebellious past to highlight it as a natural precursor to the 1959 socialist revolution, and the continuous revolutionary spirit of 20th century Cuba. Castro's ability to do this rested on the particular conceptualization of race relations in Cuba at the time, which emphasized Cubanidad, or Cubanness, over racial identity. Ideas of nation-building took precedence over racial divisions, allowing Castro to conceptualize Cuba's African past as affecting all of its citizens equally in the 20th century, and thus justifying a “return” to Angola in the 1970s. By connecting the 19th century slave struggle for freedom, Cuba's 20th century fight against Western neocolonialism, and Africa's 20th century fight for independence, Carlota's memory proved a useful tool to advance Cuban revolutionary ideals.
Aside from Operación Carlota in Angola, Carlota came back onto the scene of public memory through UNESCO’s Slave Route Project. A memorial was erected in 1991 at the Triunvirato plantation where the rebellion took place, commemorating rebel slave leadership. The memory site at Triunvirato, according to the Cuban newspaper Granma, was erected to honor Carlota and the legacy Cuban slaves have had on Cuban society and culture today. The Slave Route Project is intended “to break the silence surrounding the slave trade and slavery that have concerned all continents and caused the great upheavals that have shaped our modern societies”. The project's goals are to better illuminate the history of slavery, understand what global transformations came from its legacies, and contribute to an international culture of peace.
In 2015, the Triunvirato memory site was used as the location to celebrate the 40th anniversary of Operación Carlota. This illuminates how Carlota's image in Cuban memory is intimately linked to the nation's intervention in Africa. In another Granma article, the aforementioned mobilization of Carlota's memory in the Cuban public sphere is reified – Carlota is exalted, and again referred to as a “precursor” to the socialist revolution of 1959. Carlota remains solidified in Cuban public memory as an embodiment of Cuban revolutionary ideals.
Chuni Kotal
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Chuni Kotal was a Dalit Adivasi of Lodha Shabar tribe, a Scheduled Tribes of India, who in 1985 became the first woman graduate among the Lodha Shabars.
Her death through suicide on 16 August 1992, after years of harassment by officials, united the Lodha Shabar community in a big way. Eventually her story was highlighted by noted writer-activist Mahasweta Devi in her book in Bengali, Byadhkhanda in (1994), ( The Book of the Hunter (2002))
Biography
Born in 1965, in village Gohaldihi, in Paschim Medinipur district, West Bengal, into a poor Lodha family with 3 brothers and 3 sisters, Chuni Kotal survived a childhood of impoverishment to become the first woman from a 'primitive' tribe to complete High School. Thereafter, she got her first job as a Lodha Social worker in 1983 at Jhargram ITDP office, surveying local villages.
Eventually she graduated in anthropology from Vidyasagar University, in 1985. Two years after graduating, she was appointed as a Hostel superintendent at 'Rani Shiromoni SC and ST Girls' Hostel' at Medinipur, here again she had to face the social stigma attached with her tribe.
Trouble really began for her when she joined the Masters course (MSc) at the local Vidyasagar University. Here she was allegedly discriminated against university administrators, who refused to give her the requisite pass grades, despite her having fulfilled the criteria, who opined that a low-born person coming from a "criminal tribe", a Denotified tribe of India, hence did not have the social privilege and pre-ordained destiny to study "higher discourse" like the social sciences.[5] In 1991, after losing two years at the course, she complained, and a high level enquiry commission was set up by the state Education minister to no avail, once the fact that she belonged to a former criminal tribe came to light.
Death
On 14 August 1992, frustrated by years casteist and racist harassment at Medinipur, she left Medinipur and went to meet her husband, Manmatha Savar, who had been working at Railway workshop at Kharagpur. They had known each other since 1981 and later married in 1990 through a court marriage; Manmatha was a high school graduate himself. It was here that she committed suicide on 16 August 1992, at the age of 27.
Her death became the focal point of immense political, human rights and social controversy in the media in West Bengal, and eastern India, where the discourse is traditionally Brahmin-Baniya dominated. However, her death did not receive the attention of Indian American social science professors as it did among Western social scientists who were studying the Indian caste system, like Professor Nicholas B. Dirks at Columbia University and Professor Jan Breman at the University of Amsterdam.
Upon her death, Bangla Dalit Sahitya Sanstha, Kolkata, organized a mass movement through different seminars and street corners, street play protesting against university teachers, on the street of Kolkata Since 1993, it organizes the Annual Chuni Kotal Memorial Lecture in Kolkata every year. Later a motivational video film has been produced on her life story by Department of Education, Govt. of India
C. K. Janu
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Chekot Karian Janu
Chekot Karian Janu in 2012
Born 1970
Thrissileri, Vellamunda, Wayanad district
Nationality Indian
Known for Sit-in Strike (2001)
Muthanga incident (2003)
Aralam Protests
Ck Janu (born 1970) is an Indian social activist.She is also the leader of Adivasi Gothra Maha Sabha, a social movement that has been agitating since 2001 for redistribution of land to the landless tribal people in Kerala. The movement has positioned itself under the aegis of the Dalit-Adivasi Action Council. In 2016, she announced a new political party, Janathipahya Rashtriya Sabha, and contested the 2016 Kerala assembly polls in alliance with BJP, as a part of NDA from Sultanbathery unsuccessfully. The JRS left the NDA in 2018.
Biography
Janu was born in chekot, near Mananthavady, a tribal village, in Wayanad to poor tribal parents from Ravula community, called Adiya due to their historical background, one of the several tribal groups in Kerala who used to be indentured labourers. Adiya literally means slave and are mostly landless agricultural labourers. She did not have any formal education but learned to read and write through a literacy campaign that was conducted in Wayanad.
Janu started her career as a domestic servant at a local school teacher's house, at the age of seven, and spent five years there. By the age of 13, she started working as a labourer for a daily wage of Indian Rupess 2 (3.5 US cents). Later, she learned tailoring and started a small shop, which had to be closed down due to financial constraints.
C K Janu was influenced by her uncle P K Kalan, a member of Communist Party of India (Marxist), and became a part of the left party.. She became an activist through Kerala State Karshaka Thozhilali Union (KSKTU), associated with the Communist Party of India in the 1970s, who led a tribal uprising in Tirunelli forest in Wyanad, and speaking out from personal experience soon became identified as the voice of tribal people. She worked as a campaigner for the Union until 1987 when she quit the party, disillusioned because she felt the party was less interested in the cause of the tribal people.She then embarked on a tribal tour to understand their problems and to mobilise them for struggle.
The Unfinished Story of CK Janu
An autobiography, a small book consisting of only 56 pages, 'Janu: The Life Story of CK Janu, was published in Malayalam by DC Books in 2003. The book was later translated into English by N Ravi Shankar under the name, Mother Forest: The Unfinished Story of CK Janu.
Personal life
C K Janu is a single mother. The tribal leader adopted a three-year-old daughter from Bilaspur in Chhattisgarh and named her as C K Janaki. The mother and daughter stay at Panavally with Janu's mother and sister.
Chakali Ilamma
A Revolutionary Bahujan Woman
By Sanjeev Gumpenapalli
Telangana was made vulnerable with brutal colonial exploitation and the power dynamics of the regional feudal Kings. The Nizam of Hyderabad was no different than the white British men who terrorised and perpetuated utter violence in the region.
While violence was perpetrated in different forms and layers, women had been the easiest prey to state capitalist interests. But some women stood tall and valiant enough to dismantle the occupation by the British and Nizam governments. One among them was a Bahujan working-class woman Chakali Ilamma.
Chakali Ilamma is a revolutionary woman freedom fighter who took part and paved the way for women in the Telangana Armed Struggle. She fought for her land and set a platform for the oppressed to rise against the ruling class domination and occupation of land. She is one of the first women to dismantle the supremacy of the feudal lords of Telangana and has inspired various women to fight for their land and dignity.
Early life and marriage
Chityala Ilamma, commonly known as Chakali Ilamma, was born into a Bahujan family whose caste was Rajaka. They were known as Chakali in the Telangana region. This valiant freedom fighter was born on September 10, 1919 in Krishnapuram Village of Warangal District. Her family earned their daily bread only through their occupation assigned by the caste structure.
They served the upper caste feudal lords by washing their clothes. Her caste has become her surname as an empowering assertion. Carrying the caste in her surname is carrying her history of slavery which always indicated a history of bravery and celebration of her intolerance for upper caste feudalism. She thus asserted the history of violence that her community had to face by upper castes.
Chakali Ilamma was married off as a child to Chityala Narasaiah. They had five children. Since the couple lived in an economically backward condition, they had to continue with their caste occupation for their livelihood – they served the upper castes.
But Ilamma was determined to defy the slavery perpetuated by upper caste feudal lords and wanted to own land on which she could earn her bread. But she and her family had to go through a lot of hardship. The story of Chakali Ilamma reflects how land was monopolised by upper caste feudal lords and her story is the celebration of a Bahujan woman’s resistance.
Rebellion of her kind
Chakali Ilamma’s fight was not exclusive of feudalism but it is of gender equality and equality within women. She questioned and stood against upper caste women who equally perpetuated caste and class slavery by commanding the lower caste women to address them as Dora (addressed to the upper caste feudal landlord which reminds the oppressed about their inferiority in class and caste structures).
She was one of the first to question upper caste women’s supremacy and identified that caste and class plays a major role in every frame of life within gender. It is safe to consider Chakali Ilamma’s struggle as a study of intersectional feminism as well.
That Chakali Ilamma fought for land and food is a common notion, but she also fought for women. Not only did her struggle target upper caste feudal lords, but also masculinities that are ingrained in the mechanisms of violence. She has been constantly challenging the toxic masculinity of upper caste feudalism. She fought against mobs of men who always tried to assault her when trying to grab land from her.
Those were the times when resources including land were monopolised and in the stranglehold of few powerful, upper caste feudal lords. They grabbed lands from the lower strata of people. This had even lead to many struggles by the exploited. Bloodshed, gang rapes, sexual assault and institutional harassment were common then.
But Chakali Ilamma was determined to take 40 acres of land for Lease from Kondala Rao, a Landlord and she started to cultivate it. This came as a shock to the upper caste feudal landlords and the Nizam Government. This came as an insult because a Bahujan woman owned land.
The Patwari (a government official who keeps records regarding the ownership of land), Veeramaneni Seshagiri tried to coerce Ilamma to give up her work on her land and work in his land along with her family, which is a form of slavery. But she refused and denied his command.
While Ilamma was already a member of the Andhra Mahasabha (An organisation in erstwhile Hyderabad state of India who along with the CPI, launched the Telangana Movement), she was aware of the strategy that the landlords would come up with. They tried to grab her land through persistent physical attacks and trying to cut her crop away. Chakali Ilamma told them, “This is my land. This is my crop. Who is this Dora to take away my land and crop? It is only possible for you when I die”.
A Bahujan woman saying it to their face was a very brave move. This anguished them the most. On knowing that Chakali Ilamma joined the Communist Party of India, Visnoor Deshmukh (a ruler of a certain territory in Hyderabad state who is entitled to a portion of collected tax who is also a DORA) Ramachandra Reddy filed a false case against Chakali Ilamma and her family and got her husband and sons arrested.
But Ilamma was able to take this atrocious act by the Deshmukh to court in which the verdict came in favour of her. He then falsely used his power to transfer Ilamma’s land in his name and asked his servants to collect all the crop from Ilamma’s Land. But Ilamma, with the help of the Andhra Sabha members, had already cut the crop and hid it safely. She even had the land transferred back to her name.
But the suppression did not stop. The Deshmukh wanted to deprive her economically. He passed an order to burn her house down. The Patwari’s servants physically attacked her husband and gang-raped her Daughter. It is all sponsored by the Nizam Government. It was all with the support of the state, for the state has been an oppressor from its origins.
Chakali Ilamma took up pestles to show her anger and rage against the Dora. She destroyed the Patwari’s house and set up a cornfield on the same land. By doing so, she exhibited the power of the oppressed. She did not just set up a cornfield but a long-lasting symbol of resistance. It is a symbol of a Bahujan woman’s struggle. It is the historic symbol of the fight against slavery.
With Ilamma’s sheer courage and fight, CPI was able to attack the landlords and they redistributed the crop and wealth to the oppressed. It is Chakali Ilamma who made this happen. Her constructive struggle and idea of anti-slavery paved the path for justice. She lost her husband, who was brutally attacked by Dora.
She has been one of the greatest and most inspiring leaders of The Telangana Armed Rebellion in 1947. She took up arms to dismantle the atrocities of the then Nizam Government in connivance with British Imperialism. Chakali Ilamma’s rebellion inspired many women to stand strong to protect their lands from the Nizam‘s Army and landlords while still facing threats of sexual assault and their husbands being killed. Paving the way for the next generation and creating revolutionary communities, Chakali Ilamma passed away on September 10, 1985.
Chityala AilammaFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Chityala Ailamma
Chakali Illama Statue
Personal details
Born : 26/09/1895
Krishnapuram village,Rayapaarthi, Warangal, Telangana
Died : 10/09/1985 (aged 90)
Palakurthi, Warangal, Telangana
Children : 4 sons 1 daughter
Chityala Ailamma,(Telugu: చాకలి ఐలమ్మ,Tamil: சாக்கிலி இல்லமா) or Chakali Ailamma (1895–1985) was an Indian revolutionary leader during the Telangana Rebellion. Her act of defiance against Zamindar Ramachandra Reddy, known as Visnoor Deshmukh, to cultivate her land became an inspiration for many during the rebellion against the feudal lords of the Telangana region.
Early life
Chityala Ailamma was born at Krishnapuram village in Rayaparthi mandal Warangal district, Telangana State, India. She belongs to Rajaka caste.
Career
Chityala Ailamma was an activist and joined the Andhra Mahasabha as well as the Communist Party. She worked actively against the Nizam government and her house was the center for activities conducted against the feudal land lords who collaborated with the Nizam.
Personal life
Chityala Ailamma was married to Chityala Narsaiah and had four sons and one daughter.
Choudhary Sadhu Ram
Sadhu Ram later known as Choudhary Sadhu Ram Mastere, a Punjabi Dalit leader was born to a well known (Chamar) Shri Jawahar Mal of Village Domeli in Kapurthala in January 1909. As a child Sadhu Ram was admitted in the Khalasa High School Domeli. On achieving adulthood Shri Sadhu Ram established his good business. From the very childhood Sadhu Ram decided to work for the welfare of his community. The condition of the Dalits in those days was no good and majority of them worked as farm labour for Land holders at minimum wages. These poor Dalits were under age-old debt of the local Banias (Business men and money lenders). Poverty, illiteracy and hate were forced upon them by manmade religious norms. So Sadhu Ram decided to dedicate his life to remove these manmade miseries and free his brethren from the centuries old slur.
Later he prefixed his surname as “Choudhary” meaning village headman, landlord, Local leader, Chieftain or foreman. He worked with Mangoram Magowalia for establishment of Ad-Dharam in 1926. To put this movement on the firm footing its aims and objectives were to establish a separate religious identity for untouchables other than Hindus on the Philosophy of Dalit Saints particularly Guru Ravidas. Discrimination on account of castes was discarded saying it was manmade as God created every one equal. Sikh way of worship was adopted declaring following of the Hindu religious books likes Shastri, Spiritless, Prams and Vedas as sin. Jai Guru Dev was adopted as a wish for greeting. Later he broke away from Ad Dharma and joined Dr.Ambedkar’s movement SCF.
Again Master Sadhu Ram broke away from SCF and joined Indian National Congress in 1946. He met Babu Jagjivan Ram, who was a prominent Congress leader with nearness to Mahatma Gandhi. Babu Jagjivan Ram and other Dalit leaders had established in 1935, a pro-Congress Dalit organization named “All India Depressed Classes League”. Master Sadhu Ram joined this organization and was made convener of PEPSU State in 1954. Master Sadhu Ram was nominated by Congress Party in 1952 for General Election to contest his first election from Phagwara (G and SC) constituency for the PEPSU Legislative Assembly and got elected. He was made Deputy Home Minister for PEPSU. This opened the destiny doors for Master Sadhu Ram. In the second general elections held in 1957 he got elected in Lok Sabha from Jallandhar (G and SC) constituency. He got elected in 1962, 1967 and1971 for the Lok Sabha from Phillaur (R) constituency. Master Sadhu Ram continued serving in different capacities till he expired on 1st August, 1975. He shall be long remembered for his good work for the welfare of his people. Although he broke away from Dr. Ambedkar politically, but he continued to keep his ideals as his guide.
Chaudhary Sadhu Ram
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Chaudhary Sadhu Ram, is an Indian politician and five-times Member of Parliament.
Chaudhary Sadhu Ram
In office
1957-1977
Succeeded by Bhagat Ram
Personal details
Born January 1909
Domeli, Kapurthala, Punjab, British India
Died August 1975
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Rao Kaur
Children 6
Early life
Chaudhary Sadhu Ram was born in Chamar caste to Jawahar Mal at Domeli, Kapurthala, Punjab. He had studied at Khalsa High School, Domeli and invested in leather trade from Jalandhar. He became one of the first and richest Dalit from Doaba.
Movement
In late 1920s he joined Ad-Dharm movement founded by Mangu Ram Mugowalia. He became an active member of the movement but due to rifts among the leaders he led a separate faction, "All Indian Ad Dharm Mandal", headquartering at Lyallpur, Punjab.
He became a close aid of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and joined Scheduled Castes Federation and became its president of state unit in 1942.
Politics
In 1946, he joined Indian National Congress and in 1954 became convenor of Depressed Classes League for PEPSU state.
In 1952, he fought his first election from Phagwara constituency of PEPSU Legislative Assembly and became Deputy Minister for Home Affairs.
In 1957 India general elections he won Jullundar Lok Sabha constituency and in 3rd, 4th and 5th Lok Sabha elections from Phillaur constituency of Punjab.
C. Natesa Mudaliar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Natesa Mudaliar
Natesa Mudaliar on a 2008 stamp of India
Born 1875
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Natesa Mudaliar
Natesa Mudaliar on a 2008 stamp of India
Born 1875
Triplicane, Madras
Died 1937
Madras
Nationality Indian
Alma mater Presidency College, Madras
Occupation politician
Political party Justice Party
C. Natesa Mudaliar (1875–1937), also known as Natesan, was a politician and activist of the Dravidian Movement from the Indian state of Tamil Nadu. He was one of the founders of the Justice Party along with Theagaroya Chetty and Dr. T. M. Nair. He belongs to the Arcot Mudaliar community.
Natesa Mudaliar was born in a Tamil family of Triplicane, Madras in 1875. He had his early schooling in Madras and graduated from Presidency College, Chennai and Madras Medical College before practising as a doctor. He founded the Madras United League in 1912 and was one of the founders of the South Indian Liberal Federation. He was elected to the Madras Legislative Council in 1923 as a candidate of the Justice Party and served as legislator till 1937. Natesa Mudaliar died in 1937 at the age of 62.
Natesan's admirers regard him as a kind-hearted gentleman. K. M. Balasubramaniam, a writer and supporter of the Dravidian Movement, compared him to Mahatma Gandhi.
Early life
Natesa Mudaliar was born in Triplicane, Madras in 1875. He had his early schooling in Madras and graduated in arts from the University of Madras. Natesan worked as a lecturer in Pithapuram Maharaja College and as an interpreter in the Gordon Woodrof Company. He graduated in medicine from Madras Medical College and practised as a doctor. In 1914, he started a hostel for non-Brahmin students in Madras Presidency. This marked his entry in South Indian politics.
Contribution in early Dravidian politics
In 1912, the Madras United League was formed. Natesa Mudaliar was one of the founders of the league and served as its Secretary. The league was largely composed of government employees and concentrated on improving the literacy of non-Brahmins by conducting adult education classes. In 1914, the Madras United League was renamed as the Madras Dravidian Association and Panaganti Ramarayaningar, later the Raja of Panagal was elected President. As a part of its programme, the Madras Dravidian Association conducted a hostel called "Dravidian Home" for the benefit of non-Brahmin students. Natesan was the caretaker of this hostel.
Formation of the South Indian Liberal Federation
Through the mediatory efforts of Mudaliar, political opponents Sir Theagaroya Chetty and Dr. T. M. Nair came together and resolved to put forth their efforts to form an organization representing the non-Brahmins of the Madras Presidency.
In November 1916, at a non-Brahmin conference presided over by Panaganti Ramarayaningar, the four important non-Brahmin organizations in the Presidency came together to form the South Indian Liberal Federation, more popularly known as the Justice Party. Theagaroya Chetty became the first President of the federation.
Natesa Mudaliar, along with Theagaroya Chetty, was instrumental in negotiating an end to the Buckingham and Carnatic Mills strike of 1921, organized by V. Kalyanasundaram.
In the Legislative Council
Natesan did not participate in the first general elections in Madras Presidency held in 1920. However, in the 1923 assembly elections, Natesan was elected to the Madras Legislative Council. He had differences with ministers in the Raja of Panagal ministry and often criticized the government. When P. Subbarayan took over as Chief Minister, Natesa Mudaliar praised Subbarayan and the Swarajists and appealed for the merger of the Justice Party with the Indian National Congress. At the Non-Brahmin confederation in Coimbatore in 1927, he led the split of the Justice Party into two camps: Ministerialists and Constitutionalists and functioned as the leader of the Constitutionalists till the two groups merged. In 1929, Natesan presided over the Justice Party conference in which a resolution was passed facilitating the admission of Brahmins in the party.
In 1933, Natesan expressed his support to C. P. Ramaswami Iyer when the latter spoke against casteism and proposed a temple entry law in order to remove restrictions on scheduled castes entering Hindu temples.
Death
Natesan was expected to contest in the 1937 elections to the legislative assembly of Madras but he died all of a sudden in February 1937 at the age of 62.
Legacy
Natesa Mudaliar was known to be a kind-hearted gentleman and was regarded as the "heart" of the Justice Party. K. M. Balasubramaniam compared him to Mahatma Gandhi in his book South Indian Celebrities.
Natesan was also known for his dedication to the Justice Party. His oft repeated phrase was: "The Justice Party is the justest Party, Give that party your support hearty."
चंद्रिका प्रसाद जिज्ञासु
20वीं सदी के दस्तावेज बनाने वाले महापुरुष
डॉ.अंबेडकर का जितना प्रचार आज है, उतना साठ के दशक में नहीं था। हिंदी बेल्ट में दो-चार लोग ही उस समय हर जिले में होते थे, जो अंबेडकर के जीवन संघर्ष से परिचित थे और एक मिशन की तरह उनके प्रचार करते थे। यह वह समय था जब डॉ. अंबेडकर के ना फोटो आम दुकानों पर मिलते थे न उनकी किताबें। डॉ.अंबेडकर की कुछ किताबें अंग्रेजी में थी जिनके पढ़ने वाले तो नहीं के बराबर थे। शायद दो-चार लोग ही पूरी बेल्ट में रहे हो। ऐसी स्थिति में हिंदी क्षेत्र में अंबेडकर साहित्य का प्रचार-प्रसार असंभव था, यदि चंद्रिका प्रसाद जिज्ञासु ने विशेष परिश्रम करके इसे संभव न किया होता। उनका निवास लखनऊ के सआदतगंज में था। वहाँ उनका कार्यालय "हिंदू समाज सुधार" के नाम से था। वे इसी कार्यालय से किताबें और पंफलेट छापा करते थे। बाद में बुद्ध के बहुजन शब्द से प्रभावित होकर "बहुजन कल्याण प्रकाशन" नाम रखा। सारा साहित्य फिर इसी प्रकाशन से उन्होंने प्रकाशित किया। इनमें सामाजिक क्रांति की पुस्तकें, गीत, कविता, नाटक, जीवनिया, भाषण और उस समय तक जितनी भी अंग्रेजी पुस्तकें डॉ अंबेडकर की उन्हें उपलब्ध हो पायी, उनका हिंदी में अनुवाद शामिल थे।
आधुनिक हिंदी दलित(SC) साहित्य के वह युग प्रवर्तक थे। उनके साहित्य और व्याख्यानों ने दलित(SC)-पिछड़ी जातियों में जागृति पैदा की, नई सोच विकसित की और उसमें अपने अधिकारों के प्रति "उतिष्ठत, जाग्रत, प्राप्य वरान्निबोधत।" का वातावरण बनाया। हिंदी प्रदेश में हजारों-हजारों नौजवान उनकी किताबें पढ़कर बुद्ध-अंबेडकर के दीवाने हो गए और ब्राह्मणवाद के खिलाफ सामाजिक परिवर्तन के आंदोलन में कूद पड़े। उन्होंने दलित(SC) और पिछड़ी जातियों को भारतीय राजनीति और भारतीय समाज तत्व को समझने की दृष्टि प्रदान की। उन्होंने सचमुच युग का निर्माण किया था और नए लेखकों की एक पूरी पीढ़ी पैदा की थी। वह साइकिल से गांव-गांव जाकर सामाजिक परिवर्तन की अलख जगाते थे। एक बार बाबू जगजीवन राम ने उनके अभिनंदन की योजना बनाई थी जिसे उन्होंने मना कर दिया था।
जिज्ञासु जी का जन्म 1889 में हुआ था। 11 साल के थे तो उनके माता-पिता का देहांत हो गया। पर घबराएं नहीं। उनके पिता ने उनको पढ़ाया नहीं था हालांकि वह स्वयं मशहूर हेडमास्टर थे। इसके पीछे उनका तर्क यह था कि पढ़े-लिखे गरीब बनते हैं और अनपढ़ धनी। उस समय का यही समाजशास्त्र शायद था भी। जिज्ञासु जी ने कठोर परिश्रम किया। मुड़िया सीखी। मुनीमगीरी की। उनकी एक बहन थी पर उससे कोई मदद नहीं ली। अपनी मेहनत से अपना पेट पाला, मकान भी बनाया। खुद रोटी बनाते व पढ़ते थे। तमाम धर्मशास्त्रों और साहित्य का अध्ययन किया। 12 घंटे निरंतर बैठकर लिखते-पढ़ते थे। हिंदी, उर्दू, बांग्ला, संस्कृत, अरबी, फारसी और पश्तो भाषाओं का ज्ञान था। कुरआन शरीफ का उन्होंने उर्दू से हिंदी अनुवाद किया।
अपने अध्यवसाय से वह पत्रकारिता के क्षेत्र में आए। "नवजीवन" में सहायक संपादक बने और वही से सेवामुक्त होकर उन्होंने समाज सेवा प्रेस कायम किया। "कलवार संदेश" और "है यह क्षत्रिय" नाम की पत्रिकाएं निकाली जो काफी समय तक चली। वह "प्रकाश लखनवी" के नाम से कविताएं लिखते थे और "सुधा" तथा "सरस्वती" में भी अपने उपनाम से लेख लिखते थे। आरंभ में जिज्ञासुजी गाँधीवादी थे और राष्ट्रीय आंदोलन में भाग लेते थे। "राष्ट्रीय डंका" और "आजादी" शीर्षक से उनकी राष्ट्रीय कविताओं के ट्रेक्ट खूब बिके और बाद में ब्रिटिश सरकार द्वारा जब्त कर लिये गए तथा "124 ए" के तहत उनको भी गिरफ्तार किया गया। शीघ्र ही गांधीवाद से उनका मोहभंग हो गया और वह बाबा साहब के प्रशंसक हो गए। धार्मिक ग्रंथों में गीता उन्हें कंठस्थ थी और उसकी व्याख्या वे अद्भुत ढंग से करते थे। एक बार राष्ट्रीय आंदोलन के समय में पंजाब की किसी छावनी में तलाशी के दौरान सिपाहियों के झोले से जिज्ञासु जी की किताबें निकली तो गिरफ्तारी की गयी।
जिज्ञासु जी कलवार जाति के थे। उन्होंने कभी अपनी जाति नहीं छुपाई। वरन महान विद्वान बनकर जाति का नाम रोशन किया कि एक अत्यंत पिछड़ी जाति भी स्वाभिमान से सर उठा कर चल सके। एक बार लखनऊ के गंगा प्रसाद मेमोरियल हाल में सर्वधर्म सम्मेलन में एक हिंदू नेता ने हरिजनों को अपना अंग बताया। इस पर जिज्ञासु जी ने मनुस्मृति का हवाला देकर उनके चिथड़े उड़ा दिए।
जिज्ञासु जी का विवाह दरियाबाग, जिला बाराबंकी के माननीय मंगल प्रसाद जी की सुपुत्री जानकी देवी के साथ हुआ। उनके ससुर ने यह विवाह सिर्फ लड़के के अनाथपन तथा गरीबी को देखकर किया था। शादी के समय सिर्फ एक झोंपड़ी थी, जिस पर छप्पर पड़ा था।
बहुजन कल्याण प्रकाशन का कार्य अभी भी जारी है जिसे उनके पौत्र आनंद देखते हैं।
जिज्ञासु जी का रचना संसार विशाल है। उनके द्वारा लिखित, संपादित और अनूदित पुस्तकों की ठीक-ठाक संख्या बताना मुश्किल है। उनकी संख्या 100 से भी अधिक हो सकती है। प्रेस की स्थापना उन्होंने 1960 में की थी।
जीवन भर पिछडो के लिए संघर्ष करने वाले इस सच्चे नेता को समाज के सशक्त प्रहरी के रूप में सदैव याद किया जाता रहेगा।-- कंवल भारती
12 फरवरी 1974 की प्रात 7:00 बजे उनका देहावसान हो गया।
साभार
पुस्तक-पिछड़ा वर्ग और उसके महापुरुष
संपादक-डॉ.सन्देश माधवराव वाघ
प्रकाशक-गौतम बुक सेंटर
1/4446, राम नगर एक्सटेंशन, गली नंबर 4
डॉ अंबेडकर गेट, मंडोली रोड, शाहदरा दिल्ली 110032
फोन-22120380, 9810123667, 9810173667
नोट-उपरोक्त लेखन में दलित/हरिजन शब्द आया है। साभार सामग्री में संशोधन करने की गुंजाइश नहीं रहती है। अतः उपरोक्त विषय वस्तु में दलित/हरिजन शब्द का प्रयोग होने से मुझे/हमें दलित/हरिजन शब्द का समर्थक न समझा जाए। दलित/हरिजन शब्द फुले-अंबेडकरी विचारधारा के अनुकूल नहीं है। इसके स्थान पर उपयुक्त शब्द एस.सी. है।
Tuesday, 15 June, 2010
खुलासा - चंद्रिका प्रसाद जिज्ञासु
इस पुस्तक के प्राक्कथन में गांधी आम्बेडकर विवाद का पूर्व वृत्तांत दिया गया है, अब पुस्तक के अंत में उसका खुलासा दिया जाता है। प्राक्कथन से पाठकों को महात्मा गांधी और बाबासाहेब आम्बेडकर के बीच हुए लेखनी संघर्ष के कारण का पता चल गया होगा। यह विवाद इस कारण अत्यंत महत्वपूर्ण है क्योंकि इसके पढ़ने से इन दोनों युग मानवों के विचारों का स्पष्टीकरण एवं इनके आंतरिक स्वरूप का दर्शन हो जाता है। तुलनात्मक दृष्टि से महात्मा गांधी पिछड़े विचारों के ÷कट्टर हिन्दू' मनमौजी बनिया संत और राजनीति के बड़े नेता नजर आते हैं, और बाबासाहेब गम्भीर विचारक, सच्चे राष्ट्रवादी, समाज तत्वदर्षी और महान् अध्ययनशीन विद्वान् दिखायी देते हैं।
अब यह बात बिल्कुल स्पष्ट हो गयी है कि महात्मा गांधी की सारी योजनाएं, अव्यावहारिक होने के कारण, फेल हो गयीं। न उनका चरखा चला ने देश खादी का सफेद समुद्र दिखाई दिया, न हिन्दू मुस्लिम एकता हुई, न अछूतोद्धार ही हो सका, न अहिंसा ही कायम रह सकी और न सम्पत्ति का विकेन्द्रीकरण हुआ। उन्होंने करांची कांग्रेस में स्वतंत्रा भारत में ÷जनता के अधिकार' नाम का जो लम्बा प्रस्ताव पास कराया था, वर्तमान कांग्रेसी हुकूमत न उसे भी दफना दिया। महात्मा गांधी ने देश को आजादी दिलायी, यह बात भी बिल्कुल सत्य नहीं है, अंग्रेज लोग खुद ही भारत को आजाद करना चाहते थे, क्योंकि द्वितीय महायुद्ध में, अपने विशाल साम्राज्य की रक्षा करने में, उन्हें अपार धन खर्च करना एवं अत्यंत कष्ट उठाना पड़ा था। अत्यधिक हानि उठा कर वे किसी तरह अपनी इज्जत कायम रख सके, अपनी हार कहीं नहीं होने दी। अतएव महायुद्ध के बाद वे अपने अधीन देशों को आजादी देने के लिए आतुर थे और उन्होंने भारत, बर्मा, लंका, मलाया, मैडागास्कर इत्यादि अनेक देशों को स्वतंत्राता देकर विश्व के इतिहास में अपनी कीर्ति को अमर बना लिया।
स्वाधीनता प्राप्त करते समय भारत अगर दो खंडों में बंट गया, तो इसमें भी अंग्रेजों को दोषी नहीं ठहराया जा सकता। हिन्दुस्तान और पाकिस्तान तो हिन्दू और मुसलमानों की धार्मिक कट्टरता के परिणाम हैं। दोनों धर्मों के अंधभक्त रहते हुए दोनों में मेल हो ही नहीं सकता और धर्म में कोई टस से मस होना नहीं चाहता।
कहा जाता है, महात्मा गांधी को ÷हिन्दू' शब्द बहुत प्यारा था। परन्तु यह उनका अंधा प्रेम था, इसके सिवा और क्या कहा जा सकता है। क्योंकि कोई ज्ञाता पुरुष ÷हिन्दू' शब्द को ठीक नहीं समझता। मुसलमान, ईसाई, जैन, बौद्ध, सिक्ख शब्द तो अपने अपने अथोर्ं में ठीक हैं, परंतु ÷हिन्दू' का अर्थ ठीक नहीं है। ÷हिन्दू' नाम का कोई धर्म नहीं है। ÷हिन्दू' नाम का न कोई अवतार या देवता है, न ÷हिन्दू' नाम का कोई पवित्रा धर्मग्रंथ है, न ÷हिन्दू' किसी ऋषि मुनि या महापुरुष का नाम है, और न हिन्दू किसी देश का ही नाम है। भारत के प्राचीन पाली प्राकृत, संस्कृत और वैदिक भाषाओं के प्राचीन साहित्य में कहीं भी ÷हिन्दू' शब्द नहीं पाया जाता। तब हिन्दू शब्द आ कहां से गया? अनुसंधान करने से पता चला कि भारतीयों का ÷हिन्दू' नाम विदेशी विजेताओं का दिया हुआ है। ÷हिन्दू' शब्द फारसी के ÷गयासुल लुगात' नामक शब्दकोष में मिलता है, जिसका अर्थ काला, काफिर, नास्तिक, सिद्धांतविहीन, असभ्य, वहशी आदि है। इस देश के समस्त निवासियों को किसी एक शब्द से पुकारने की जब मुस्लिम आक्रमणकारियों को जरूरत हुई तो उन्होंने यहां के निवासियों को ÷हिन्दू' नाम से सम्बोधित किया, और आश्चर्य तो यह है कि विदेशियों के दिये इस घृणित नाम को ब्राह्मणों ने अपने धर्म का नाम स्वीकार कर लिया तथा अपने धर्मग्रंथों को वे ÷हिन्दू शास्त्रा कहने लगे!
मजा यह है कि ब्राह्मणों के सिवा और किसी भारतीय धर्म ने अपने धर्म का नाम हिन्दू धर्म स्वीकार नहीं किया। जैन, बौद्ध, सिक्ख कोई भी अपने धर्म को हिन्दू धर्म नहीं कहते। महान् सुधारक महर्षि दयानंद ने भी ÷हिन्दू' शब्द ग्रहण नहीं किया। महर्षि दयानंद आरम्भ में थियोसोफिकल सोसाइटी के आचार्य कर्नल अलकट साहेब के साथ प्रचार करते थे। थियोसोफिस्ट लोग प्रत्येक धर्म के आंतरिक तत्वों की खोज किया करते हैं। मैडम बेलवेस्टकी ने भारतीय योग विद्या का अनुसंधान किया, मिस एनीबेसेण्ट ने गीता और उपनिषदों पर टीकाएं लिखीं और महाभारत का सार लिखा, इत्यादि। एक दिन कर्नल अलकट महोदय ने महर्षि दयानंद से ÷हिन्दू' शब्द के बारे में पूछाﾵ ''आप अपने धर्म को ÷हिन्दू धर्म' किस आधार पर कहते हैं?'' तो महर्षि दयानंद को कोई उत्तर न सुझाई दिया। उन्होंने अपने गुरु विरजानंद स्वामी के परामर्श से अपने धर्म का नाम वैदिक धर्म तथा अपने अनुयायियों को ÷आर्य' कह कर ÷आर्य समाज' का प्रवर्तन किया। ÷हिन्दू' शब्द को घृणित समझ कर त्याग दिया। परंतु सनातनी ब्राह्मण पंडित आज भी ÷हिन्दू' शब्द से बुरी तरह चिपके हुए हैं। क्यों?
इस प्रश्न का उत्तर बाबासाहेब आम्बेडकर ने दे दिया है। बाबासाहेब ने साफ दिखा दिया है कि ब्राह्मण वस्तुतः ÷हिन्दू' शब्द के वाच्य हैं अर्थात् नास्तिक, सिद्धांतविहीन, काफिर, लोभी और धर्म व्यवसायी हैं। अगर इनका कोई सिद्धांत है, तो बस स्वार्थ और भोगैश्वर्य परायणता। बाबासाहेब ने ब्राह्मणों की सिद्धांतहीनता और स्वार्थ परायणता का चित्रा खींचते हुए लिखा हैﾵ ''ब्राह्मण प्रेम और शांति के देवता विष्णु का पुजारी है, प्रलय और संहार के देवता रूद्र का भी पुजारी है, करुणा के उपदेशक परम कारुणिक भगवान बुद्ध का भी पुजारी हो जाता है, जीव दया प्रचारक तीर्थंकर महावीर का भी पुजारी बन जाता है, रक्त की प्यासी प्रतिदिन पशुबलि चाहने वाली काली देवी का भी पुजारी है, क्षत्रिाय अवतार राम का भी पुजारी है और क्षत्रिाय वंश संहारी परशुराम का भी पुजारी है। वह उस पीर का भी पुजारी बन जाता है जो ब्रह्मा विष्णु महेश को ईश्वर अल्लाह का साझीदार नहीं मानता, इत्यादि। इतने विपरीत गुण रखने वाले देव देवियों का पुजारी बनने वाले के लिए क्या कहा जा सकता है? सिवाय इसके कि वह एक स्वार्थनिष्ठ, धर्म व्यवसायी और भोगैश्वर्य प्रसक्त प्राणी है, इसके सिवा उसका न कोई सिद्धांत है और न किसी पर विश्वास।''
इन्हीं ब्राह्मणों द्वारा निर्मित बेसिर पैर के हिन्दू धर्म के महात्मा गांधी अंधभक्त थे। महात्मा जी की दलील थी कि ''अगर कोई व्यक्ति हिन्दू शास्त्राों को नहीं मानता, तो वह हिन्दू कैसे रह सकता है? जो कुरान नहीं मानता, वह मुसलमान नहीं रह सकता और जो बाइबिल नहीं मानता, ईसाई नहीं रह सकता।'' चूंकि महात्मा जी हिन्दू थे और हिन्दू ही रहना चाहते थे, अतः हिन्दू शास्त्राों पर भी उनकी अटूट श्रद्धा थी।
छुआछूत और उ+ंच नीच के सम्बंध में भी महात्मा गांधी की एक बड़ी विचित्रा मान्यता थी, जो ÷अगर मगर' पर आधारित थी। महात्मा जी छुुआछूत और उ+ंच नीच से परिपूर्ण हिन्दू शास्त्राों के सम्बंध में कहा करते थे कि मेरा यह निश्चित मत है कि ''अगर शास्त्रा वर्तमान छुआछूत का समर्थन करते हैं, तो मैं अपने को हिन्दू कहना छोड़ दूंगा। हिन्दू शास्त्रा अगर जाति का समर्थन करते हैं, तो मैं अपने आपको न हिन्दू कह सकता हूं और न ही हिन्दू रह सकता हूं।'' किन्तु जब बाबासाहेब आम्बेडकर ने पवित्रा हिन्दू शास्त्राों के ढेरों प्रमाण पेश किये, जिनमें छुआछूत, उ+ंच नीच, जाति भेद और वर्ण भेद का जबर्दस्त समर्थन और कठोर आदेश है, तो महात्मा जी तिलमिला गये, उन्हें बचने का कोई रास्ता न मिला, और वे उन शास्त्रा वचनों पर ही संदेह करने लगे, और सवर्ण हिन्दुओं से उत्तर मांगने लगे कि ''क्या जो धर्म ग्रंथ छपे हैं, उनका कोई अंश अप्रामाणिक क्षेपकों की भांति अस्वीकार किया जा सकता है?'' महात्मा जी की इस शंका का उत्तर आचार्य बिनोवा भावे भी, जिनसे उन्होंने गीता पढ़ी थी, न दे पाये, और न इनका अब तक कोई समाधान हो पाया।
किन्तु इस शंका से यह सिद्ध हो गया कि महात्मा जी स्वयं शास्त्राों का ज्ञान नहीं रखते थे, दूसरों के मुंह से सुनी सुनाई बातों के आधार पर शास्त्राों पर उनकी निष्ठा थी। जब शास्त्राों के भीतर भरा हुआ जहर माहुर सामने पेश हुआ, तो वे उन शास्त्रा वाक्यों के ही अप्रामाणिक और प्रक्षिप्त होने की शंका करने लगे, और संतों की शरण पकड़ने लगे कि शास्त्राों का जो अर्थ संतजन करते हैं, मैं उसे ठीक मानता हूं। लेकिन महात्मा जी ने ÷चैतन्य' आदि जितने संतों के नाम गिनाये, उनमें एक भी संत शास्त्राों का टीकाकार या भाष्यकार नहीं है। यह बात सभी जानते हैं कि संतों का ज्ञान आत्म अनुभवजन्य स्वतंत्रा होता है, संत जन शास्त्राों के मोहताज नहीं हैं। केवल अपने आत्म अनुभव ज्ञान की जहां कहीं किसी शास्त्रा वाक्य से पुष्टि होती है यदा कदा उसका हवाला दे दिया करते हैं। कबीर, नानक, दादू आदि जनों के साहित्य में भी वेद शास्त्रा के वचन उद्धृत मिलते हैं। ऐसी दशा में महात्मा जी की यह बात बिल्कुल भोले भाले बच्चों जैसी है कि शास्त्राों का वही अर्थ ठीक है जो साधु संत करते हैं। साधु संत तो अपने ज्ञान द्वारा जनता का हिन्दू शास्त्राों से पिण्ड छुड़ाते पाये जाते हैं, वे शास्त्राों के अथोर्ं के जिम्मेदार नहीं हैं। चतुर ब्राह्मणों ने शास्त्राादेशों के पालन करने कराने का जिम्मेदार क्षत्रिाय राजाओं को ठहराया है जिनका वे तिलक करते हैं, और विरुद्धाचरण करने पर जिन्हें वे राज्यच्युत भी कर देते हैं।
महात्मा जी की एक भारी विचित्राता ईश्वर सम्बंधी भी है। उन्होंने कई जगह लिखा है कि ''पहले मैं कहता था कि ईश्वर सत्य है किन्तु अब मैं कहता हूं, सत्य ही ईश्वर है।'' जब उनसे पूछा गया कि आप यदि ÷सत्य' को ईश्वर मानते हैं, तो फिर जन्म मरण के बंधन से ग्रसित रघुपति राघव राजाराम की धुन क्यों लगाते हैं, आपको तो लोग ÷राष्ट्रपिता' कहते हैं। राष्ट्र में हिन्दू, मुसलमान, ईसाई, पारसी, सिक्ख, जैन, बौद्ध, निर्गुणी सगुणी, सभी हैं, तो फिर आपके द्वारा यह संकीर्ण साम्प्रदायिक धुन कैसी? इस आपत्ति के उत्तर में उन्होंने कहाﾵ ''जब मैं मुसलमानों की सभा में जाता हूं , तो वहां ÷अल्लाह' कहता हूं और जब ईसाइयों की सभा में बोलता हूं, तो ÷गॉड' कहता हूं।'' इस उत्तर और पहले पिछले की मान्यता से साफ सिद्ध है कि महात्मा जी का ईश्वर सम्बंधी कोई स्थिर सिद्धांत नहीं था। जहां जैसा देखते, वहां वैसी बात कह देते। महज हिन्दुओं की नजरों में अपने को कट्टर हिन्दू साबित करने के लिए वह रघुपति राघव राजाराम की धुन लगाया करते थे। मन में कुछ, वाणी में कुछ और कमोर्ं में कुछ और ही उनका तरीका था। फारसी कोशकार ने ÷हिन्दू' शब्द का यही अर्थ किया भी है!
महात्मा जी की इस साम्प्रदायिक रामधुन के विरुद्ध जब उपर्युक्त आपत्तियां उठने लगीं, तो उन्होंने राम धुन के साथ एक मिसरा ÷ईश्वर अल्ला एको नाम, सबको सम्मति दे भगवान' और जोड़ा। लेकिन यह चला नहीं। क्योंकि साम्प्रदायिक रामधुन के साथ इसका कोई तुक न था। सब जानते हैं कि ईश्वर को कबीर, रैदास, नानक, दादू आदि महान् संत निरंजन, निर्विकार, निर्लेप, निराकार, अयोनिज, अनादि इत्यादि मानते हैं। उपनिषदों में भी उसे अकाय, अब्रण, अवाड्. मनसगोचर आदि माना गया है, तथा मुसलमान लोग भी अल्लाह को वहदहू लाशरीक कहते हैं। उस ÷ला इलाहा इल अल्लाह' के नाम के साथ ईश्वर का नाम तो लिया जा सकता है, क्योंकि ईश्वर और अल्लाह की सिफत और लक्षण एक समान है, किन्तु जन्म मरण व नस नाड़ी बंधन में फंसे तथा राग द्वेष और नारी प्रेम विरह से क्लेशित सविकार राम को न तो निर्विकार ईश्वर के साथ जोड़ा जा सकता है और न वहदहू लाशरीक अल्लाह के साथ। अल्लाह के साथ किसी भी देवता ब्रह्मा, विष्णु, रुद्र अथवा राम, कृष्णादि अवतारों को शरीक नहीं किया जा सकता। अल्लाह की जाते पाक के साथ किसी को शरीक करने वाला ÷मुशरिक' कहलाता है, और मुशरिक के लिए कुरान में लिखा हैﾵ ÷अल मुशरिको नजिस' अर्थात् मुशरिक नजिस है, उसे छूना भी पाप है। इधर राम कृष्णादि को ब्राह्मण शास्त्राकार विष्णु के अवतार कहते हैं, विष्णु भी लक्ष्मी के पति होने के कारण निर्विकार नहीं हैं। इसलिए विष्णु और विष्णु के अवतार कोई भी निरंजन निर्विकार ईश्वर के साथ जोड़े नहीं जा सकते। अवतार केवल आदर्श महापुरुष कहे जा सकते हैं, और अवतारों की उपासना आदर्श पूजा, वीर पूजा या आइडियल वर्शिप ही है। जैसा कि जैनों के तीर्थंकर और बौद्धों के सम्यक् सम्बुद्ध तथा मुसलमानों के हजरत इमाम हुसैन। प्रभु ईसा मसीह और हजरत मोहम्मद साहेब भी रसूल और पैगम्बर हैं, स्वयं ईश्वर नहीं। आर्य समाज के प्रवर्तक महर्षि दयानंद सरस्वती की भी यही मान्यता है, इसे सभी आर्य सज्जन जानते हैं। इन सबको दृष्टि में रखते हुए महात्मा गांधी की रघुपति राघव राजाराम नामक साम्प्रदायिक रामधुन के साथ ईश्वर अल्लाह एकी नाम का मेल नहीं बैठता, इसलिए यह चला भी नहीं। न मुसलमान इस वैष्णवी मायाजाल में फंस कर गुमराह हुए और न हिन्दू वहदहू लाशरीक अल्लाह का भजन कर सके। अतः इस ईश्वरबाजी में भी महात्मा जी फेल ही रहे!
महात्मा जी यदि गम्भीर और निष्पक्ष विचारक होते, तो देखते कि भारत के जाति वर्ण विहीन धर्म, जैन और बौद्ध तथा आधुनिक वैज्ञानिक इत्यादि किसी कर्ता ईश्वर के अस्तित्व के कायल नहीं हैं, उनके लिए तो यह रामधुन उबा देने वाली चीज है। राष्ट्रपिता को उनका भी ख्याल रखना चाहिए था, क्योंकि ये सब भी राष्ट्र के विशाल अंग हैं। उन बुद्धिवादियों पर साम्प्रदायिक ÷रामधुन' लादना एक प्रकार का मानसिक बलात्कार, अनैतिकता, अन्याय और उनके स्वतंत्रा चिन्तन पर प्रतिबंध लगाने जैसा अवैध अपराध है, जो किसी राष्ट्रवादी के लिए नितांत अशोभनीय है। अपने विश्वास के अनुसार प्रत्येक व्यक्ति को चलने की स्वाधीनता है, किन्तु सार्वजनिक सभाओं, स्थानों, सड़कों पर लाउडस्पीकर लगा कर इस प्रकार रामधुन का हंगामा मचाना शांतिभंग करने वाले अवांछनीय हुरदंग के सिवा और कुछ नहीं है। क्योंकि यह दूसरे सम्प्रदाय वालों को भी ऐसा ही हुरदंग मचाने की चुनौती देता है। यदि एक रामधुन का ढोल पीटे, दूसरा हरहर महादेव का सिंगीनाद करे, तीसरा अल्लाहो अकबर की बांग बुलंद करे और चौथा सत श्री अकाल का नरसिंहा बजावे, तो बेचारी राष्ट्रीयता की अर्थी निकलने के सिवा और क्या होगा?
महात्मा जी अक्सर ÷रामराज्य' का नारा लगाया करते थे। उनके इस रामराज्य का खुलासा उनकी गोष्ठी के प्रमुख सदस्य ÷श्री पट्टाभि सीतारमैया' ने अपने कांगे्रस के अध्यक्षीय भाषण में ÷ईश्वरीय राज्य' किया था। पट्टाभि सीतारमैया का संकेत महाप्रभु ईसा मसीह के स्वर्गीय राज्य की ओर था, जिसे वे धरती पर लाना चाहते थे। लेकिन कांग्रेस अध्यक्ष की यह व्याख्या निरी धोखाधड़ी रही, कांग्रेसी हुकूमत में ÷हैविन' तो ÷अर्थ' पर आया नहीं, हां कलियुग के महान् ब्राह्मण नेता श्री श्रीकरपात्राी स्वामी ने संकेत पाकर रामराज्य के नाम से ÷रामराज्य परिषद्' नाम की संस्था खोल दी, जिसका उद्देश्य दाशरथी रघुपति राघव राजा राम का आदर्श राज्य स्थापित करना है। वही रामराज्य जिसमें राम जी ने ताड़का नामक एक अबला नारी की तीर मार कर हत्या की, रावण की विधवा बहन की नाक काटी, भाई के साथ मल्लयुद्ध करते हुए बालि को पेड़ की आड़ से बहेलिए की तरह तीर का निशाना बनाया, अपनी सहधर्मिणी पत्नी राजमहिर्षी गर्भिणी सीता को पदच्युत करके एकाकी असहाय जंगल में छुड़वा दिया और वर्ण व्यवस्था के विरुद्ध शूद्र होकर तपस्या करने के कारण तपस्वी शम्बूक का सिर काट डाला। वर्तमान काल में लोकतंत्रा के नाम से जो कांग्रेसी रामराज्य चालू है, उसकी भी तुलना सारे इतिहास में किसी काल के किसी राज्य से नहीं की जा सकती जिसमें खाद्यान्न और खाद्य वस्तुओं की इतनी महर्घता, उपयोग में आने वाली चीजों की इतनी भयंकर मंहगाई, इतनी भयानक मुनाफाखोरी, चोरबाजारी, जखीरेबाजी, इतना अधिक भ्रष्टाचार, रिश्वतखोरी, गबन, कुनबापरवरी, चोरी, डकैती, धोखादिही, हत्या, आगजनी और अपहरण होता हो। मानों कि महात्मा गांधी का रामराज्य, जिसकी तुलना श्री पट्टाभि सीतारमैया ने मसीह के स्वर्गीय राज्य से की थी, अब अपने उपर्युक्त यथार्थ स्वरूप में साकार होकर देश पर छा गया है।
खुलासा यह कि बाबासाहेब के पांडित्यपूर्ण भाषण की आलोचना अपनी संकुचित हिन्दू दृष्टि से करके महात्मा गांधी बुरी तरह बाबासाहेब के तर्कजाल में फंस गये। उनकी आलोचना के उत्तर में बाबासाहेब आम्बेडकर ने उनकी मिथ्या दृष्टि और मिथ्या विश्वास की धज्जियां उड़ा दीं। चूंकि बाबासाहेब ने महात्मा जी के जीवनकाल में उनके यथार्थ आंतरिक स्वरूप का अनावरण कर दिया था, इसलिए अविवेकी, अन्यायी और विद्वेषी हिन्दू आज भी बाबासाहेब के पवित्रा नाम पर सत्तर कोण का मुंह बना कर उनकी निन्दा किया करते हैं। लेकिन कहावत है, चंद्रमा पर थूकने से थूक थूकने वाले के ही मुंह पर पड़ता है!
साभार: तद्भव दलित विशेषांक
Chithralekha
Chithralekha was born into a pulaya family, a Dalit caste in Kerala. Chithralekha’s husband Shreeshkanth is a Thiyya (an OBC caste). Both his family and the dominant Left party (CPM) structure were against Shreeshkanth marrying Chithralekha as she is a Dalit. In their attempt to make a better living, they resorted to what many Dalitbahujans of moffusil towns easily choose: an auto-rickshaw. The auto-rickshaw was bought in Chithralekha’s name in October 2004 under the Prime Minister Rojagar Yojana (PMRY) and she decided to drive it herself. Chithralekha also decided to operate from within the ambit of the Payyannur college stand itself. Payyannur is a busy town which has witnessed some of the most glorious moments in the communist and Naxal struggles against human oppression. In January 2005, she was given the card and she started driving the auto. However, her fellow drivers (mainly from the OBC caste) started creating problems just within one week of her public career on the city roads. In spite of harassment, Chithralekha turned out to be a competent driver and became very popular with her customers, especially women. The male auto-drivers gave a counter complaint against her saying that she drinks, uses drugs and parks the vehicle near college in vacant places implying that she is a sex-worker. The auto-drivers and the left cadres were so enraged against her for taking the matter to the police that she was again verbally abused at the auto station and Rameshan even tried to run over Chithralekha with his auto. However, she escaped the attack but sustained minor injuries and had to be hospitalized. From then on Chithralekha has been fighting the CITU/CPM in Kannur. She has been attacked, beaten up and even arrested many times. Her auto has been destroyed many times. She however holds out against all these attacks along with her husband and still drives her auto in Edattu, though she is socially ostracized and can hardly make her ends meet.
Kerala government orders Dalit woman, fighting to earn livelihood as auto-rickshaw driver, to vacate land
A 40-year-old Dalit woman from Kannur district in Kerala was recently sent a government notice to vacate five cents of land that was allocated to her by the previous government. She had been given the land and a sum of Rs 5 lakh to relocate at a place 40 km away from her native, Edatt, allegedly after Communist Party of India (Marxist) goons forced her to leave the area.
“I will not leave the land. I will live here and continue my fight,” said Chithralekha, who has been fighting to earn her livelihood as an auto-rickshaw driver in the region for over 13 years now.
Since Chithralekha bought an autorickshaw with a bank loan in 2004, she has had eight cases slapped against herself and her husband, been assaulted by trade union workers and has spent 20 days in jail.
To work at the Edatt auto-rickshaw stand, Chithralekha said she had to first get herself registered with the CPM-backed Centre for Indian Trade Unions (CITU).
Chithralekha with her husband (right) and British scriptwriter Fraser Scott. Image courtesy: D Jose
But despite having her registration accepted three months after applying, Chithralekha became a target for the CITU workers as women, particularly Muslim women, favoured travelling in her autorickshaw. Her fellow auto drivers considered this as a threat to their earnings and allegedly tried to dissuade Chithralekha’s passengers in various ways.
Chithralekha, who belongs to the ‘untouchable’ Pulaya community, was allotted five cents of land in 2015 after CITU workers succeeded in forcing her to leave Edatt by flexing their muscles. The United Democratic Front (UDF) government also sanctioned a sum of Rs 5 lakh for her to construct a house at Kattampilly.
But the financial grant that came after a long struggle, including a 122-day dharna outside the Kannur collectorate in 2014 and a 47-day sit-in protest in front of the state secretariat at Thiruvananthapuram in 2015, was cancelled by the CPM-led government. Citing an inquiry that revealed Chithralekha had six cents of land in Edatt, the government argued that she is not eligible for the grant as the scheme allows allotment of land only to landless people.
“I would be happy to go back to Edatt if the party workers were ready to allow me to live in peace there. But I don’t find any change in their attitude towards me or my family. They will kill me if I go back,” said Chithralekha, recalling how CITU works used muscle power to chase her away.
Burnt, beaten and chased
The windscreen of her auto was smashed and its hood ripped off in 2005; as the woman fought back, her auto was burnt. The harassment continued after she returned to the Edatt stand in 2008 with an autorickshaw bought with help from human rights activists.
Chithralekha alleged that she, her husband and her 10-year-old daughter were beaten up by CITU-backed goons. CITU workers vandalised her house on several occasions and eight “false cases” were slapped against her and her husband, she said. Chithralekha and her husband were also remanded in jail for 20 days in 2014 in connection with an attempt-to-murder case.
Chithralekha was heard after shifting her agitation to Thiruvananthapuram. The Ommen Chandy-government decided to rehabilitate her by allotting her five cents of land at the Dalit-dominated Kattampilly.
But to her misfortune, after the UDF’s loss of power in the 2016 Assembly election, the Pinarayi government has asked her to vacate the land.
Chithralekha is not ready for another round of agitation.
“If I start a fasting agitation, the CPM government will not do anything till I breathe my last. If Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan won't let me live in peace, the comrades can feed on mine and my family's corpses," Chithralekha wrote in a Facebook post.
Opposition parties extend support
But the 40-year-old Dalit woman has been promised full support by Opposition Congress leaders.
Chithralekha at a sit-in protest in front of the Kerala secretariat. Image courtesy: D Jose
Senior Congress leader from Kannur, K Sudhakaran, said the government’s claim that she owns six cents of land at Edatt was not technically correct as it (the land) is still under the possession of her grandmother.
“Chithralekha will get possession of the land only after the death of her grandmother. Till then, she is landless. If the government tries to take back her land on this ground, we will take over the fight and protect the Dalit woman,” he added.
State Congress chief MM Hassan, who is presently leading a Janamochana Yatra through north Kerala, said their party will launch a second land struggle if the government goes ahead with its plan to take back the land allotted to Chithralekha.
The Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), the second-largest constituent of the UDF, and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) also voiced support for Chithralekha.
IUML MLA KM Shaji has launched a fund mobilisation campaign to help Chithralekha complete the construction of her house at Kattampilly.
Movie offer and fresh troubles
Chithralekha, however, remains sceptical about being able to live in peace. She said that the party’s workers at Kattampally have unleashed a fresh round of campaigning against her, after British scriptwriter Fraser Scott offered to shoot a film based on her struggles.
She believes that the government may have initiated measures to take back the land only after news about the film spread. She said she would cooperate in making the movie because it is a platform for her to let the world know about “the atrocities that a powerful party like the CPM committed on a hapless woman.”
Several human rights activists feel that the bold stance that Chithralekha has taken is the reason for her troubles.
“The CPM does not like anybody to question their diktat, especially in Kannur district, which is the cradle of the communist movement in Kerala,” says Usha Nambeesan, a member of the Feminist Kerala Network.
She added that a solidarity mission commissioned by the NGO to probe the persecution of Chithralekha, had found that the travails of Chithralekha were the result of a fascist atmosphere created by the CPM.
“In Kannur, there are entire villages that are controlled by various political parties, of which the CPM is the most dominant one. Once a party takes over a village, it enforces an extra judicial power over all the people who live in that village,” the commission’s probe report said.
Chithralekha’s case is not an isolated one. Other female Dalit auto drivers in north Malabar, consisting of Kannur and Kasargod districts, have faced similar intimidation, caste-related abuses, accusations of promiscuity and immorality.
Chithralekha says she continues to be hounded as she is not willing to submit to CPM’s authority.
The author is a member of The NewsCart, a Bengaluru-based media startup.
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Dheeran Chinnamalai
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dheeran Chinnamalai
Pattakarar of Palayakottai, Kangayam Nadu
Statue of Dheeran Chinnamalai at Odanilai modelled after actor Sivakumar's drawing
Predecessor 1756-1799 Mysore Kingdom, 1799-1804 Polygar self rule
Successor British Rule
Born 17 April 1756
Melapalayam or Kasbah Palayakottai, Kangeyam, Tamil Nadu (erstwhile Mysore Kingdom)
Died 31 July 1805 (aged 49)
Sankagiri, Salem district, Tamil Nadu or Karumalai, Oddanchatram, Dindigul district, Tamil Nadu (Madras Presidency)
Burial July/August 1805
Odanilai, Arachalur, Erode district, Tamil Nadu
Names
Theerthagiri Sarkarai Uthama Kaminda Manradiar
Dheeran Chinnamalai (17 April 1756 – 31 July 1805) was a Palayakkarar Pattakarar of Kongu Nadu, now in western Tamil Nadu, who fought against the British East India Company.
Early life
Dheeran Chinnamalai was born on 17 April 1756 in present-day Kangeyam, Tiruppur district. His birth name was Theerthagiri.
Polygar wars
Chinnamalai is said to be one of the commanders in the Polygar Wars, notably during the Second Polygar War that took place in 1801–1802.
After Kattabomman and Tipu Sultan's deaths in 1799, Chinnamalai sought the help of Dhondia Wagh and Maruthu Pandiyar and lead the local Pattakarars Polygars, notably Varanavasi Gounder and Vella Gounder of Erode, Chinnamalai's sister's husband Kumara Vellai of Perundurai, Appachi Gounder of Paramathi-Velur, Aravakurichi Periya Thambi, Somandurai Muchadayandi Vanaraya Gounder of Pollachi and the Naicker Polygars of Dhali, Virupakshi and Ramagiri among others, to attack the British at Coimbatore in 1800.
British forces managed to stop the armies of the allies and hence Chinnamalai was forced to attack Coimbatore along with the above Polygars of Kongu Nadu. His army was defeated and he escaped from the British forces. Chinnamalai engaged in guerrilla warfare and defeated the British in battles at Cauvery in 1801, Odanilai kangeyam in 1802 and Arachalur in 1804.
Death
Chinnamalai was betrayed by his cook Nallapan and was captured by the British in 1805. Nallappan usurped the title of Nallasenapthi Sarkarai Manradiar with British support.[citation needed] Some sources say he was hanged at Sankagiri Fort on 2 August 1805, as also were his two brothers; other sources give the date as 31 July.
Legacy
Dheeran Chinnamalai memorial at Sankagiri
Statues and memorials commemorating Chinnamalai exist in Chennai, Tiruchirappalli, Erode and Odanilai.
On 31 July 2005, a commemorative postage stamp commemorating him was released by India Post.
Until 1997, Tiruchirapalli division of Tamil Nadu State Transport Corporation was known as Dheeran Chinnamalai Transport Corporation.
The headquarter of Erode Municipal Corporation was named after him.
Dadala Raphael Ramanayya
From Wikipedia
Dadala Raphael Ramanayya (30 June 1908 – 5 May 1991) was an Indian nationalist leader who was instrumental in the merger of the French territory of Yanam into the Republic of India.
Early life
Ramanayya was born into a poor family from Farampeta, a tiny hamlet about two kilometers from Yanam. His father, Dadala Bhairvaswamy, was a farm worker; his mother's name was Ramanamma. Ramanayya was orphaned at the age of four and was taken under the care of his paternal grandmother Veeramma, alongside whom he had to work for food in the fields of landlords of the neighbouring villages. The French priests of Yanam Catholic Church, Father Artic and later Father Gangloff, took him under their patronage and educated him. Father Gangloff helped him to enter the high school of the Petit Seminaire college in Pondicherry and later to finish his Baccalaureate (B.A.) from the Government's Arts College, Pondicherry.
In February 1932, during his student days, on the occasion of Mardi Gras and a fancy dress procession, a few European students were seen misbehaving in public with some girls from a high family. The governor dismissed the petitions sent to him, saying, "The youngsters had some fun in jovial mood. Nothing is offending in it." Ramanayya was indignant when the sons of the governor and other high officials escaped without even an apology to the parents of the girls. He organized a student group to protest this, and beat up some European students in retaliation. He was immediately arrested along with another student, but due to great public outcry he was ordered released by the Governor of Pondicherry.
In February 1933, he passed a competitive examination for French language teachers, and worked for about two months as a teacher in Bahour. Later he passed, with high marks, a competitive examination for appointment as a Sub-Inspector of Police in Mudaliarpet.
French police career
During this period, Sellane Naicker, though pro-French, had passed a bill in the assembly cutting the salaries of European officials. This enraged the French, who, through their cohorts, encouraged intimidation of Naicker's supporters in the municipal and assembly elections of 1934. Ramanayya made Mudaliarpet and all communes behind it, bastions against these goonda acts. This angered the French, and he was suspended from service by the Deputy Chief Justice. He was acquitted and reinstated three months later after a prolonged court battle.
In 1936 André Ménard (who later came back to India, in July 1950, as Governor of French settlements in India), the chef de cabinet and Secretary to the Governor's establishment, went into Bharati Mills to negotiate a settlement with striking workers, and was instead taken hostage pending fulfillment of their demands.
Ramanayya was the police officer in charge of the area, and he knew that any aggressive act against the French would be a serious affair that could harm the workers' safety, so he acted deftly to defuse the situation. With a swift surprise raid he entered the mills and liberated Ménard without any harm to either side.
After this incident he enjoyed great popularity among the French leadership in Pondicherry, some of whom even volunteered to be a godfather to his children. However, as happy as he was with his French friends, Ramanayya yearned to be an active part of the nationalist movement growing around him.
Entry into nationalist movement
After Indian Independence from British rule, and in deference to the feelings of "Mahatma" Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, France proposed a referendum in India to decide the fate of the French settlements. The referendum agreement was signed in June 1948. The main clause of this agreement expressly stated that there should be no internal or external pressure placed on voters during the referendum.
In 1948 the French India Socialist Party, a pro-French organization, was widely suspected of rigging the elections,[citation needed] and won all the seats in all but one of the Municipal Assemblies. Dr. P. Subbarayan, who was president of the P.C.C. of Tamilnad, and Dr. N. Rajkumar, Secretary for Foreign affairs of the Indian National Congress, saw the farce in these elections and sent a damaging report to Prime Minister Nehru. The first Consul General of India at Pondicherry, Sri Rasheed Ali Baig, did his best to boost the Nationalist movement, but was able to achieve little. In 1950 Sri R.K. Tandon replaced him, and Naiker, a Chevalier by title and an influential political figure of Pondicherry, persuaded Ramanayya to join and lead the existing nationalist movement.
On 14 September 1950 Ramanayya , along with Naicker, prepared a memorandum for Dr. Keskar, Deputy External Affairs minister of India, who had paid a visit to Pondicherry. This led to an immediate confrontation between him and his French superiors. His meeting with Keskar was considered treachery by the French Deputy Chief of Police, Monsieur Lagisqet, and the Chief of police, Captain Bouhard, who threatened him with arrest and punitive departmental actions. Ramanayya immediately resigned, and, expecting reprisals from the French police who now openly showed their contempt, moved his family to the safety of Cuddalore, a frontier town on the Indian side of the Penna River that separated the French and Indian territories.
Life as a nationalist leader
In his first step as a political activist, Ramanayya chose the Bahour commune, inhabited by about 25,000 people, as his area of operations. He worked hard to enroll municipal members, especially youth, as members of the "French India liberation volunteer corp", an organisation which he founded to counter violent pro-French activists. He also co-founded, with Sellane, a pro-merger independence organization dubbed the "French India Merger Congress". Sellane accepted its presidency and Ramanayya became its secretary general. Their primary goal was to cancel the referendum, as in their view the French settlements were dominated by pro-French parties who had gained control of the voting process by threats and the subjugation of citizens.
Ramanayya's aggressive nationalist programmes in French territories soon disturbed and enraged the French government, who initially tried to woo him back through influence and gain, and later by subjugation and threats. Warrants with extradition demands against him were pressed by the French ambassador on Prime Minister Nehru, who deputed Sri C Rajagopalachari, then the chief minister of Madras (now Tamil Nadu) to look into the case. Rajaji met Ramanayya in the Cuddalore collector's rest house and. after taking his full statement, approved his actions and promised his support. A few days later, along with Naicker and Advocate Sri Perumal, Ramanayya met Nehru in Bangalore in the presence of Sri Sheikh Abdullah and the chief minister KC Reddy of Mysore, and submitted to him a memorandum requesting his help.
When no visible action was taken by the Indian government against Ramanayya and other nationalist parties in French settlements, the French cabinet petitioned the UNO over violations of the referendum agreement, such as allowing "gangs" to operate against the "peaceful French citizens". The UNO, in turn, deputed a board of observers consisting of Holgar Anderson of the Netherlands, Baron Rodolfo Castro of Spain, Montieor Perreard of Switzerland, Mr Chan of the Philippines, and Mr Krabbe of Denmark to visit the French settlements and give a full report to the International Court of Justice.
The observers arrived in Pondicherry in March 1951. On 19 April, in a traveler's bungalow on the frontier, Ramanayya was summoned for a meeting with them, which he attended with proofs and reports of pro-French crimes against Indian nationalists. A month after the observers' departure from Pondicherry, the press published the report they submitted to the international court of justice. It detailed the pro-French atmosphere prevalent at that time in the French settlements, and concluded that in those circumstances a fair and impartial referendum was not possible.
Despite the damaging report, the pro-French parties continued pushing for a referendum. On 29 August 1952, gunmen fired at Naicker while he was in his house. He escaped after receiving two bullet wounds to his left thigh; four or five bullets had struck the wall of his room. He refused to lodge a complaint with the French police or to be treated in a French hospital at Pondicherry. He was taken instead to the General Hospital Madras. The local French government made no arrests. All of the Indian leaders, in particular Nehru, condemned the attempted murder in very strong words.
On 10 October 1952, the Prime Minister of India, addressing a mass public meeting on the Island grounds in Madras, referred to the episode, stating that "even a respected leader in Pondicherry, only a few days ago, was badly attacked and came to the general hospital in Madras. What has the French government in Pondicherry done about it? Nothing. I believe that they arrested someone and later released him. Now, am I to understand that there is no government left in Pondicherry and only goondaism rules there?".
On the same day, Naicker, Dr. Ambrose, Advocate Perumal, Sri Srikanta Ramanujam, Advocate Xavery, Sri I K Kumaran, Sri Baradan and Ramanayya met Nehru in the Rajbhavan, Madras, with all the top leaders of Madras also present. Nehru called upon the Tamil Nadu Congress leaders to extend all material help to the refugees of Pondicherry who were under Ramanayya's care. Sri Raghunandan Saran, Managing Partner of the Ashok Leyland Automobile Factory of Ennore, Madras, extended great help to the refugees and provided for their maintenance. He also introduced Ramanayya to Sri Lal Bahadur Shastri, for whom they shared great respect.
About 10 December 1953, Consul General R.K. Tandon was transferred and Sri Kewal Singh took his place. He stood behind Naicker and Ramanayya. He was able to sway pro-French leaders and members of the assembly away from the French camp. A provisional government, with Edouard Goubert as the head, was formed in the enclave of Nettapacom. The Indian Armed Reserve was posted around its borders.
Negotiations continued between the two governments in Delhi and Paris. Singh met all of the leaders of the Provisional Government at a conference in Kandamangalam on the night of 11 April 1954. He explained that the French authorities were making fun of the petty provisional government of Nettapacom. He suggested that if the leaders wanted real liberation of all settlements they should occupy any of the big four settlements. While dropping Ramanayya at his home after the meeting, Singh asked him what he thought of the plan and if he had any ideas. Subsequently, a plan for Ramanayya to try to liberate Yanam was formed.
Struggle for creation of a pro-merger atmosphere in Yanam
On 13 April 1954, Ramanayya arrived in Yanam for working out a possibility of its independence from the French. On arrival he realised that Yanam was dominated by a pro-French atmosphere and hence, there were no living nationalism signs. On 14 April 1954, he proceeded to Kakinada, a border town to Yanam in the East Godavari District of Andhra Pradesh State in India, where he met all of the district leaders and officials for help and aid. He did not find any encouraging responses from them.
Likewise, in Yanam, his handful of friends and relatives warned him that he would be captured and killed if he began nationalist agitation there. Everybody in Yanam seemed to have stood behind the French administration. The following day, when Ramanayya stepped in to meet some of his followers in Farampeta village, he was ambushed by the French police. He pulled out his revolver, fired in the air, and escaped over a nearby flood bank. He then hastily retreated to the Indian territory.
Returning to Kakinada he purchased a large number of Indian National Congress flags and started a house-to-house campaign, requesting students and their leaders to organise a meeting in the town hall grounds. He and his new nationalistic recruits hired lorries bedecked with Congress flags and loads of people to tour in the streets of Yanam, inviting them to the meetings. Once the meetings were organised, he urged the people to help him in his struggle for liberation of Yanam and incited patriotism in their young minds. Within a few days he was able to create an anti-French atmosphere in all surroundings.
Then the French police committed a blunder. They raided some of the villages on Indian territory. Ramanayya sent a telegram to Singh complaining about the high handedness of the French police. He installed loudspeakers around Yanam, played patriotic songs and explained to people the reasons for merger with India. Inside Yanam, the pro-French leaders organised daily meetings and processions against the merger and normally ended them with effigies being burnt.
In the beginning of June, the secretary general of the French administration from Pondicherry met Ramanayya and informed him that the government were transferring the two European officials who were residing in Yanam. He requested safety of these officials from the nationalist volunteers while leaving the place. Ramanayya followed the two officials to Kakinada, where they departed by train to Pondicherry.
Liberation of Yanam
Now with all white French leaders out of fear of any mob fury, the merger leaders decided it was time to strike. Ramanayya made the required arrangements to take the administration of Yanam after consultation with the officials of Kakinada and other local Yanam leaders, including Sri Maddimsetti Satyanandam and Kamichetty Sri Parasurama Varaprasada Rao Naidu.
In the early morning on Sunday, 13 June 1954, Ramanayya marched at the head of a few thousand volunteers from Kakinada towards the bungalow of the administrator of Yanam, in order to capture it and hoist the Indian Flag. Bayankar Achary, another famous Indian revolutionary and patriot, was also a member of the volunteer corps. Marching 50 yards ahead of his volunteers with a megaphone, he requested the French police and other officials to cooperate and surrender. The French police retaliated and threw a few grenades which fell 20 meters from Ramanayya and exploded harmlessly. Then they started firing on the volunteers. The volunteers sheltered behind the Manyam Zamindar's choultry and fired many rounds against the French police who were in the open in front of the police station. About four policemen were wounded and fell. The remaining policemen stopped firing and ran away to lock themselves inside the police building, fearing mob fury. Ramanayya surrounded them and had them disarmed. The volunteers combed the town and arrested all the pro-French leaders and conducted a court martial against them. When they admitted to their guilt, clemency was shown to them. The coup d'état of Yanam was announced by All India Radio and Press.
Return to civil life and last days
The Yanam coup d'état had enraged the French authorities of Pondicherry. Rumours were spread to the effect that the French government was despatching a cruiser to Yanam to capture merger leaders and to re-establish their authority. Towards the end of June 1954, Singh paid a visit to Yanam and requested his return to Pondicherry to continue his activities there.
On 3 July on Singh's request, Ramanayya left Yanam, after making all arrangements for its proper administration. Once in Pondicherry, he began agitating alongside the followers of Sri V Subbiah, Clemencedu Goubert, and Venkata Subbareddiar throughout the territory. One day when Ramanayya was returning with a hundred volunteers from the Bahour commune towards Cuddalore he was ambushed and fired at by a dozen French troops. He was then at the rear of a column of volunteers. A volunteer beside him was shot dead and another was wounded.
In October the Government of France agreed to the de facto transfer of power to India after holding a nominal vote of members of the Assembly and the municipal members. Edouard Goubert, also a trusted friend of Ramanayya, had played the most important role in these elections. The de facto transfer of power took place on 1 November 1954. Nehru visited Pondicherry on 16 January 1955. Ramanayya, Goubert, S. Perumal, and Sri Pakirisamy Pillai presented addresses to Nehru in a public meeting in the maidan of Gorimedu.
After the French left India, Ramanayya wanted to leave politics, which he always despised, and was anxious to settle in his home state of Andhra Pradesh and to provide his children with education in his native regional language of Telugu. For his sacrifices to the nation and from intervention of the central cabinet, he was resettled as a high-ranking officer in the then excise department of the state of Andhra Pradesh from where he has finally retired on 29 June 1963. he led a peaceful farming life until his death on 5 May 1991.
He was buried alongside his wife Subadramma and other family members and near the grave of Father Gangloff in the Catholic cemetery of Jagannaickpur, Kakinada, Andhra Pradesh. In 1993, he was honored by the Pondicherry Government, who gave him a befitting salute by installing a lifesize bronze statue in the Yanam town square near the regional administrator building and the Catholic Church. His family, consisting of six sons and two daughters, settled themselves in Kakinada, London and Chicago and did not show any interest in politics or administrative affairs and went out of public eye.
Deepak Dengle
Bhanuj Kappal speaks to Deepak Dengle of Kabir Kala Manch, the radical singing group that has been targeted by the Maharashtrian police for suspected 'revolutionary' activities."Once I was in custody, they started beating me; they hit me with their belts. They were asking me where Sachin and Sheetal were. I didn't know, so they continued to hit me. They stripped me, tied my hands and legs with a rope and hung me from the ceiling. Then they took this oil called Suryaprakash oil, and put it all over my body, including my groin. It causes burning all over and makes it hard to breathe. I was in so much pain that I asked them to shoot me and get it over with. They only untied me once I lost consciousness." Deepak Dengle of Kabir Kala Manch talks to Bhanuj Kappal about his arrest and time in custody.
SUNDAY-GUARDIAN.COM
Denmark Vesey
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Denmark Vesey memorial in Hampton Park in Charleston, South Carolina
North American slave revolts
Toussaint Louverture
Denmark Vesey (also Telemaque) (c.1767 — July 2, 1822) was a literate, skilled carpenter and leader among African Americans in Charleston, South Carolina. He was accused and convicted of being the leader of "the rising," a major potential slave revolt planned for the city in June 1822 and was executed shortly thereafter.
Likely born into slavery in St. Thomas, he was enslaved to a man in Bermuda for some time before being brought to Charleston, where he gained his freedom. Vesey won a lottery and purchased his freedom around the age of 32. He had a good business and a family, but was unable to buy his first wife Beck and their children out of slavery. Vesey became active in the Second Presbyterian Church; in 1818 he was among the founders of an independent African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church in the city, which had the support of white clergy. It rapidly attracted 1,848 members, making this the second-largest AME congregation in the nation after Mother Bethel in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
In 1822, Vesey was alleged to be the leader of a planned slave revolt. Vesey and his followers were said to be planning to kill slaveholders in Charleston, liberate the slaves, and sail to the black republic of Haiti for refuge. By some accounts, it would have involved thousands of slaves in the city and others on plantations miles away. City officials had a militia arrest the plot's leaders and many suspected followers on June 22 before the rising could begin, which was believed to be planned for July 14. No white people were killed or injured.
Vesey and five slaves were among the first group of men rapidly judged guilty by the secret proceedings of a city-appointed Court and condemned to death. They were executed by hanging on July 2, 1822. Vesey was about 55 years old. In later proceedings, some 30 additional followers were executed. His son was also judged guilty of conspiracy and was deported from the United States, along with many others. The church was destroyed and its minister expelled from the city.
Early life
Manuscript transcripts of testimony at the 1822 Court proceedings in Charleston, South Carolina, and its Report after the events constitute the chief documentation about Denmark Vesey's life. The Court judged Vesey guilty of conspiracy in a slave rebellion and had him executed by hanging.
The court reported that he was born into slavery about 1767 in St. Thomas, at the time a colony of Denmark. He was called Telemaque; historian Douglas Egerton suggested that Vesey could have been of Coromantee (an Akan-speaking people) origin. Biographer David Robertson suggested that Telemaque may have been of Mande origin, but his evidence has not been generally accepted by historians.
Telemaque was purchased around the age of 14 by Joseph Vesey, a Bermudian sea captain and slave merchant. After a time, Vesey sold the youth to a planter in French Saint-Domingue (present-day Haiti). When the youth was found to suffer epileptic fits, Captain Vesey took him back and returned his purchase price to the former master. Biographer Egerton found no evidence of Denmark Vesey having epilepsy later in life, and suggests that he may have faked the seizures in order to escape the particularly brutal conditions on Saint-Domingue.
Telemaque worked for Joseph Vesey as a personal assistant and interpreter in slave trading, including periods spent in Bermuda, and was known to be fluent in French and Spanish in addition to English. Following the American Revolution, the captain retired from the sea and slave trade, settling in Charleston, South Carolina. Colonists from Bermuda, including the first Governor (William Sayle), had settled here since 1669, and there were many ties. Numerous Bermudians, such as Thomas Tudor Tucker, had settled prior to American independence. Telemaque had learned to read and write by the time he and Vesey settled in Charleston.
Charleston was a continental hub connected to Bermuda's thriving merchant shipping trade. The trading center of the Lowcountry's rice and indigo plantations, the city had a majority-slave population and thriving port. In 1796, Captain Vesey wed Mary Clodner, a wealthy "free East Indian woman", and the couple used Telemaque as a domestic at Mary's plantation, "The Grove", just outside Charleston on the Ashley River.
Freedom
On November 9, 1799, Telemaque won $1500 in a city lottery. At the age of 32, he bought his freedom for $600 from Vesey. He took the surname Vesey and the given name of 'Denmark,' after the nation ruling his birthplace of St. Thomas. Denmark Vesey began working as an independent carpenter and built up his own business. By this time he had married Beck, an enslaved woman. Their children were born into slavery under the principle of partus sequitur ventrem, by which children of a slave mother took her status. Vesey worked to gain freedom for his family; he tried to buy his wife and their children, but her master would not sell her. This meant their future children would also be born into slavery.
Along with other slaves, Vesey had belonged to the Second Presbyterian church, and chafed against its restrictions on black members.
In 1818, after becoming a free man of color, he was among founders of a congregation on what was known as the "Bethel circuit" of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME Church). This had been organized in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania in 1816 as the first independent black denomination in the United States.
The AME Church in Charleston was supported by leading white clergy. In 1818 white authorities briefly ordered the church closed, for violating slave code rules that prohibited black congregations from holding worship services after sunset. The church attracted 1848 members by 1818, making it the second largest AME church in the nation. City officials always worried about slaves in groups; they closed the church again for a time in 1821, as the City Council warned that its classes were becoming a "school for slaves" (under the slave code, slaves were prohibited from being taught to read). Vesey was reported as a leader in the congregation, drawing from the Bible to inspire hope for freedom.
Background
By 1708, the population of the colony of South Carolina was majority slave, reflecting the numerous African slaves imported to the state as laborers on the rice and indigo plantations. Exports of these commodity crops, and cotton from the offshore Sea Islands, produced the wealth enjoyed by South Carolina's planters. This elite class controlled the legislature for decades after the American Revolution. The state, the Lowcountry and city of Charleston had a majority of the population who were slaves of African descent. By the late 18th century, slaves were increasingly "country born," that is, native to the United States. They were generally considered more tractable than newly enslaved Africans. Connections of kinship and personal relations extended between slaves in the city of Charleston and those on plantations in the Lowcountry, just as those connections existed among the planter class, many of whom had residences (and domestic slaves) in both places.
From 1791 to 1803 the Haitian Revolution of slaves and free people of color on Saint-Domingue had embroiled the French colony in violence; blacks gained independence and created the republic of Haiti in 1804. Many whites and free people of color had fled to Charleston and other port cities as refugees during the uprisings, and brought their slaves with them. In the city, the new slaves were referred to as "French Negroes". Their accounts of the revolts and its success spread rapidly among Charleston's slaves. The free people of color occupied a place between the mass of blacks and the minority of whites in Charleston.
In the early 1800s, the state legislature had voted to reopen its ports to importing slaves from Africa. This decision was highly controversial and opposed by many planters in the Lowcountry, who feared the disruptive influence of new Africans on their slaves. Planters in Upland areas were developing new plantations based on short-staple cotton and needed many workers, so the state approved resumption of the Atlantic trade. The profitability of this type of cotton had been made possible by the invention of the cotton gin just before the turn of the 19th century. From 1804 to 1808, Charleston merchants imported some 75,000 slaves, more than the total brought to South Carolina in the 75 years before the Revolution. Some of these slaves were sold to the Uplands and other areas, but many of the new Africans were held in Charleston and on nearby Lowcountry plantations.
Conspiracy
Even after gaining his freedom, Vesey continued to identify and socialize with many slaves. He became increasingly set on helping his new friends break from the bonds of slavery. In 1819, Vesey became inspired by the congressional debates over the status of Missouri, and how it should be admitted to the Union, since slavery appeared to be under attack.
Vesey developed followers among the mostly enslaved blacks in the Second Presbyterian Church and then the independent AME African Church. The latter's congregation represented more than 10% of the blacks in the city. They resented the harassment by city officials. Economic conditions in the Charleston area became difficult since an economic decline affected the city. In the year of 1821, Vesey and a few slaves began to conspire and plan a revolt. In order for the revolt to be successful, Vesey had to recruit others and strengthen his army. Because Denmark Vesey was a lay preacher, when he had recruited enough followers, he would review plans of the revolt with his followers at his home during religious classes. Vesey inspired slaves by connecting their potential freedom to the biblical story of the Exodus, and God's delivery of the children of Israel from Egyptian slavery.
In his 50s, Vesey was a well-established carpenter with his own business. He reportedly planned the insurrection to take place on Bastille Day, July 14, 1822. This date was notable in association with the French Revolution, whose victors had abolished slavery in Saint-Domingue. News of the plan was said to be spread among thousands of blacks throughout Charleston and for tens of miles through plantations along the Carolina coast. (Both the city and county populations were majority black; Charleston in 1820 had a population of 14,127 blacks and 10,653 whites.) Within the black population was a growing upper class of free people of color or mulattos, some of whom were slaveholders. Vesey generally aligned with slaves.
Vesey held numerous secret meetings and eventually gained the support of both slaves and free blacks throughout the city and countryside who were willing to fight for their freedom. He was said to organize thousands of slaves who pledged to participate in his planned insurrection. By using intimate family ties between those in the countryside and the city, Vesey created an extensive network of supporters
His plan was first, to make a coordinated attack on the Charleston Meeting Street Arsenal. Once they secured these weapons, these Freedom Fighters planned to commandeer ships from the harbor and sail to Haiti, possibly with Haitian help.Vesey and his followers also planned to kill white slaveholders throughout the city, as had been done in Haiti, and liberate the slaves. According to records of the French Consulate in Charleston, his group was reported to have numerous members who were "French Negroes," slaves brought from Saint-Domingue by refugee masters.
Failed uprising
Due to the vast number of slaves who knew about the planned uprising, Vesey feared that word of the plot would get out. Vesey reportedly advanced the date of the insurrection to June 16. Beginning in May, two slaves opposed to Vesey's scheme, George Wilson and Joe LaRoche, gave the first specific testimony about a coming uprising to Charleston officials, saying a "rising" was planned for July 14. George Wilson was a mixed-race slave who was deeply loyal to his master. The testimonies of these two men confirmed an earlier report coming from another slave named Peter Prioleau. Though officials didn't believe the less specific testimony of Prioleau, they did believe Wilson and LaRoche due to their unimpeachable reputations with their masters. With their testimony, the city launched a search for conspirators.
Joe LaRoche had originally planned to support the rising and brought the slave Rolla Bennett to discuss plans with George Wilson, his close friend. Wilson had to decide whether to join the conspiracy described by Bennett or tell his master that there was a plot in the making. Wilson refused to join the conspiracy and urged both Laroche and Bennett to end their involvement in the plans. Wilson convinced LaRoche that they must tell his master to prevent the conspiracy from being acted out.
The Mayor James Hamilton was told, and he organized a citizens' militia, putting the city on alert. White militias and groups of armed men patrolled the streets daily for weeks until many suspects were arrested by the end of June, including 55-year-old Denmark Vesey. As suspects were arrested, they were held in the Charleston Workhouse until the newly appointed Court of Magistrates and Freeholders heard evidence against them. The Workhouse was also the place where punishment was applied to slaves for their masters, and likely where Plot suspects were abused, or threatened with abuse or death before giving testimony to the Court. The suspects were allowed visits by ministers; Dr. Benjamin Palmer visited Vesey after he was sentenced to death, and Vesey told the minister that he would die for a "glorious cause".
Court of Magistrates and Freeholders
As leading suspects were rounded up by the militia ordered by Intendant/Mayor James Hamilton, the Charleston City Council voted to authorize a Court of Magistrates and Freeholders to evaluate suspects and determine crimes. Tensions in the city were at a height, and many residents had doubts about actions taken during the widespread fears and quick rush to judgment. Soon after the Court began its sessions, in secret and promising secrecy to all witnesses, Supreme Court Justice William Johnson published an article in the local paper recounting an incident of a feared insurrection of 1811. He noted that a slave was mistakenly executed in the case, hoping to suggest caution in the Vesey affair. He was well respected, having been appointed as Justice by President Thomas Jefferson in 1804, but his article appeared to produce a defensive reaction, with white residents defending the Court and the militancy of city forces.
From June 17, the day after the purported insurrection was to begin, to June 28, the day after the court adjourned, officials arrested 31 suspects and in greater numbers as the month went on. The Court took secret testimony about suspects in custody and accepted evidence against men not yet charged. Historians acknowledge that some witnesses testified under threat of death or torture, but Robertson believes that their affirming accounts appeared to provide details of a plan for rebellion.
Newspapers were nearly silent while the Court conducted its proceedings. While bickering with Johnson, the Court first published its judgment of guilt of Denmark Vesey and five black slaves; sentencing them to death. The six men were executed by hanging on July 2. None of the six had confessed and each proclaimed his innocence to the end. Their deaths quieted some of the city residents' fears, and the tumult in Charleston about the planned revolt began to die down. Officials made no arrests in the next three days, as if wrapping up their business.
Concerns about proceedings
Learning that the proceedings were conducted in secret, with defendants unable to confront their accusers or hear testimony against them, Governor Thomas Bennett, Jr. had concerns about the legality of the Court, as did his brother-in-law Justice Johnson. Bennett had served almost continuously in the state legislature since 1804, including four years as Speaker of the House. He did not take any action at first, because four of his household slaves were among those accused in the first group with Vesey, and three of these men were executed with the leader on July 2.
Bennett consulted in writing with Robert Y. Hayne, Attorney General for the state, expressing his concerns about the conduct of the Court. He believed that it was wrong for defendants to be unable to confront their accusers, yet be subject to execution. Hayne responded that, under the state's constitution, slaves were not protected by the rights available to freemen of habeas corpus and the Magna Carta. But Vesey was a free man.
Further arrests and convictions
On July 1, an editorial in the Courier defended the work of the Court. After that, in July the cycle of arrests and judgments sped up, and the pool of suspects was greatly expanded. As noted by historian Michael P. Johnson, most blacks were arrested and charged after the first group of hangings on July 2; this was after the actions of the Court had been criticized by both Justice William Johnson and Governor Bennett. The Court recorded that they divided the suspects into groups: one was those who "exhibited energy and activity"; if convicted, these were executed. Other men who seemed simply to "yield their acquiescence" to participating, were deported if convicted. Over the course of five weeks, the Court ordered the arrest of a total of 131 black men, charging them with conspiracy.
In July the pace of arrests and charges more than doubled, as if authorities were intent to prove there had been a large insurrection that needed controlling. But, the court "found it difficult to get conclusive evidence." It noted in its report covering the second round of court proceedings, that three men sentenced to death implicated "scores of others" when they were promised leniency in punishment.
In total, the courts convicted 67 men of conspiracy and hanged 35, including Vesey, in July 1822. A total of 31 men were deported, 27 reviewed and acquitted, and 38 questioned and released.
Vesey's family
Vesey had at least one child, Denmark Vesey, Jr., who remained in Charleston. He later married Hannah Nelson. The remainder of Vesey's family was also affected by the crisis and Court proceedings. His enslaved son Sandy Vesey was arrested, judged to have been part of the conspiracy, and included among those deported from the country, probably to Cuba. Vesey's third wife, Susan, later emigrated to Liberia, which the American Colonization Society had established as a colony for freed American slaves and other free blacks. Two other sons, Randolph Vesey and Robert Vesey, both children of Beck, Denmark's first wife, survived past the end of the American Civil War and were emancipated. Robert helped rebuild Charleston's African Methodist Episcopal Church in 1865, and also attended the transfer of power when US officials took control again at Fort Sumter.
White involvement
On October 7, 1822, Judge Elihu Bay convicted four white men for a misdemeanor in inciting slaves to insurrection during the Denmark Vesey slave conspiracy. These four white men were William Allen, John Igneshias, Andrew S. Rhodes, and Jacob Danders. The men were sentenced to varied fines and reasonably short jail time. Historians have found no evidence that any of these men were known abolitionists; they do not seem to have had contact with each other or any of the plotters of the rebellion. William Allen received twelve months in prison and a $1,000 fine, which was the harshest punishment of the four. When tried in court, Allen admitted to trying to help the slave conspiracy, but said that he did so because he was promised a large sum of money for his services. Reports from the judge show that the court believed that Allen was motivated by greed rather than any sympathy for the slaves.
The other white conspirators' punishments were far more lenient than that of Allen. John Igneshias was sentenced to a one hundred dollar fine and three months in prison, as was Jacob Danders. Igneshias was found guilty of inciting slaves to insurrection, but Danders was charged for saying that he "disliked everything in Charleston, but the Negroes and the sailors." Danders had said this publicly after the plot had been revealed; city officials thought his comment suspicious. Danders was found guilty for showing sympathy to the slaves who had been caught ostensibly as part of the conspiracy. The final white defendant, Andrew S. Rhodes, received a sentence of six months and a five hundred dollar fine; there was less evidence against him than any of the other whites.
White residents of Charleston feared there could be more whites who wanted to help blacks fight against slavery. They were already concerned about the growing abolitionist movement in the North, which spread its message through the mails and via antislavery mariners, both white and black, who came ashore in the city. Judge Bay sentenced the four white men as a warning to any other whites who might think of supporting slave rebels. He also was pushing state lawmakers to strengthen laws against both mariners and free blacks in South Carolina in general, and anyone supporting slave rebellions, in particular. Judge Bay thought these four white men were spared from hanging only because of a "statutory oversight." The convictions of these men enabled some white men of the pro-slavery establishment to believe that their slaves would not stage rebellions without the manipulation of "alien agitators or local free people of color."
Aftermath
In August both Governor Bennett and Mayor Hamilton published accounts of the insurrection and Court proceedings. Bennett downplayed the danger posed by the alleged crisis, and argued that the Court's executions and lack of due process damaged the state's reputation. But Hamilton captured the public with his 46-page account, which became the "received version" of a narrowly avoided bloodbath and citizens saved by the city's and Court's zeal and heroic actions. Hamilton attributed the insurrection to the influence of black Christianity and the AME African Church, an increase in slave literacy, and misguided paternalism by masters toward slaves. In October the Court issued its Report, shaped by Hamilton.
Lacy K. Ford notes that:
the most important fact about the Report was (and remains) that it tells the story that Hamilton and the Court wanted told. It shaped the public perception of events, and it was certainly intended to do just that. As such, it makes important points about the Vesey Court’s agenda, regardless of the larger historical truth of the document’s claims about the alleged insurrection and accused insurrectionists.
Ford noted that Hamilton and the Court left a major gap in their conclusions about the reasons for the slave revolt. The importation of thousands of African slaves to the city and region by the early 1800s was completely missing as a factor, although fears of slave revolt had been one of the major reasons expressed for opposition to the imports. He suggests this factor was omitted because that political battle was over; instead, Hamilton identified reasons for the rising that could be prevented or controlled by legislation which he proposed.
Governor Bennett's criticism continued, and he made a separate report to the legislature in the fall of 1822 (he was in his last year in office). He accused the Charleston City Council of usurping its authority by setting up the Court, which he said violated law by holding secret proceedings, with no protections for the defendants. The court took testimony under "pledges of inviolable secrecy" and "convicted [the accused] and "sentenced [them] to death without their seeing the persons, or hearing the voices of those, who testified to their guilt." Open sessions could have allowed the potential for the court to distinguish among varying accounts.
Believing that "black religion" contributed to the uprising, and believing that several AME Church officials had participated in the plot, Charleston officials ordered the large congregation to be dispersed and the building destroyed. Rev. Morris Brown of the church was forced out of the state; he later became a bishop of the national AME Church. No independent black church was established in the city again until after the Civil War, but many black worshippers met secretly. In the 21st century, the congregations of Emanuel AME Church and the Morris Brown AME Church carry on the legacy of the first AME Church in Charleston.
In 1820 the state legislature had already restricted manumissions by requiring that any act of manumission (for an individual only) had to be approved by both houses of the legislature. This discouraged planters from freeing their slaves, and made it almost impossible for slaves to gain freedom independently, even in cases where an individual or family member could pay a purchase price. After the Vesey Plot, the legislature further restricted the movement of free blacks and free people of color; if one left the state for any reason, that person could not return. In addition, it required each free black to have documented white "guardians" to vouch for their character.
The legislature also passed the Seaman's Act of 1822, requiring free black sailors on ships that docked in Charleston to be imprisoned in the city jail for the period that their ships were in port. This was to prevent them from interacting with and influencing slaves in the city. This act was ruled unconstitutional in Federal court, as it violated international treaties between the US and Britain. The state's right to imprison free black sailors became one of the issues in the confrontation between South Carolina and the Federal government over states' rights.
Following passage of the Seaman's Act, the white minority of Charleston organized the South Carolina Association, essentially to take over enforcement in the city of control of slaves and free blacks. As part of this, in late 1822 the City petitioned the General Assembly "to establish a competent force to act as a municipal guard for the protection of the City of Charleston and its vicinity." The General Assembly agreed and appropriated funds to erect "suitable buildings for an Arsenal, for the deposit of the arms of the State, and a Guard House, and for the use of the municipal guard" or militia. The South Carolina State Arsenal, which became known as the Citadel, was completed in 1829; by then white fears of insurrection had subsided for a time. Rather than establish the municipal guard authorized in the act, the State and city entered into an agreement with the US War Department to garrison the Citadel from those soldiers stationed at Fort Moultrie.
Historical debate
The Court published its report in 1822 as An Official Report of the Trials of Sundry Negroes ... This was the first full account, as newspaper coverage had been very restricted during the secret proceedings. In particular, the Court collected all the information available on Vesey in the last two weeks of his life and eight weeks following his hanging. Their Report has been the basis of historians' interpretations of Vesey's life and the rebellion. Since the mid-20th century, most historians have evaluated the conspiracy in terms of black resistance to slavery, with some focusing on the plot, others on the character of Vesey and his senior leaders, and others on the black unity displayed. Despite the threats of whites, few blacks confessed and few provided testimony against the leaders or each other. Philip D. Morgan notes that by keeping silent, these slaves resisted the whites and were the true heroes of the crisis.
In 1964, historian Richard Wade examined the Court's report in comparison to manuscript transcripts of the court proceedings, of which two versions exist. Based on numerous discrepancies he found, and the lack of material evidence at the time of the "trials," he suggested that the Vesey Conspiracy was mostly "angry talk," and that the plot was not well founded for action. He noted how little evidence was found for such a plot: no arms caches were discovered, no firm date appeared to have been set, and no well-organized underground apparatus was found, but both blacks and whites widely believed there was a well-developed insurrection in the works. Claiming, erroneously, that both Justice William Johnson and his brother-in-law Governor Thomas Bennett Jr. had strong doubts about the existence of a conspiracy, Wade concluded that among black and white Charleston residents, there were "strong grievances on one side and deep fears on the other," creating a basis for belief in a broad rebellion. Wade's conclusion that the conspiracy was not well formed, was criticized later by William Freehling and other historians, particularly as Wade was found to have overlooked some material.
In 2001, Michael P. Johnson criticized three histories of Vesey and the conspiracy published in 1999, based on his study of the primary documents. He suggested that historians had over-interpreted the available evidence, which was gathered at the end of Vesey's life from the testimony of witnesses under great pressure in court. He said historians too wholeheartedly accepted such witness testimony as fact, and notes specific "interpretive improvisations." For instance, historians have described Vesey's physical appearance, which was not documented at all in the court record. Free black carpenter Thomas Brown, who on occasion worked with Vesey, described him as a "large, stout man."
In a response to Johnson's work, Philip D. Morgan notes that in the 19th century, Vesey was once described as a mulatto or free person of color by William Gilmore Simms. Trial records, however, identified him as a free black man. Some historians from 1849 to the 1990s described him as a mulatto. Lacking documentation, since the later 20th century, historians have described him as black. Although free black carpenter Thomas Brown also described Vesey as dark-skinned, Morgan suggests this transformation in ancestry represents modern sensibilities more than any evidence.
Johnson found that the two versions of the court manuscript transcripts disagreed with each other, and contained material not found in the official report of the court. He concluded that the report was an attempt by the Court to suggest that formal trials had been held, when the proceedings did not follow accepted procedures for trials and due process. Their proceedings had been held in secret and defendants could not confront their accusers. After Vesey and the first five conspirators were executed, the Court approved the arrest of another 82 suspects in July, more than twice as many as had been arrested in June. Johnson suggested that, after public criticism, the Court was motivated to prove there was a conspiracy.
Morgan notes that two prominent men indicated concerns about the Court. In addition, he notes that Bertram Wyatt-Brown in his Southern Honor: Ethics and Behavior in the Old South (p. 402) said that prosecutions of slave revolts were typically so arbitrary that they should be considered a "communal rite" and "celebration of white solidarity", "a religious more than a normal criminal process." Morgan thinks that historians have too often ignored that warning and supports Johnson's close examination of the variations among the Vesey Court records.
Wade and Johnson suggest that Mayor James Hamilton, Jr. of Charleston may have exaggerated rumors of the conspiracy to use as a "political wedge issue" against moderate Governor Thomas Bennett Jr. in their own rivalry and efforts to attract white political support. Hamilton knew that four of Bennett's household slaves had been arrested as suspects; three men were executed on July 2 together with Vesey. Mayor Hamilton supported a militant approach to controlling slaves and believed that the paternalistic approach of improving treatment of slaves, as promoted by moderate slaveholders such as Bennett, was a mistake. He used the crisis to appeal to the legislature for laws which he had already supported, that would authorize restrictions of slaves and free blacks.
Hamilton's article and the Court Report examine a variety of reasons for the planned revolt. Extremely dependent on slavery, many Charleston residents had been alarmed about the Missouri Compromise of 1820 that restricted slavery from expansion to the western territories, feeling it threatened the future of slavery. Some local people suggested that slaves had learned about the compromise and thought they were to be emancipated. Whites blamed the AME Church, they blamed rising slave literacy, and the African slaves brought from Haiti during its Revolution. In 1822, beleaguered whites in Charleston uniformly believed that blacks had planned a large insurrection; such a scenario represented their worst fears.
Wade noted the lack of material evidence: no arms caches or documents related to the rebellion. Johnson's article provoked considerable controversy among historians. The William and Mary Quarterly invited contributions to a "Forum" on the issue, which was published in January 2002. Egerton noted that free black carpenter Thomas Brown and other blacks familiar with Vesey or the Reverend Morris Brown, the leader of the AME Church, continued to speak or write about Vesey's plot in later years, supporting conclusions that it did exist. In 2004, historian Robert Tinkler, a biographer of Mayor Hamilton, reported that he found no evidence to support Johnson's theory that Hamilton conjured the plot for political gain. Hamilton ruthlessly pursued the prosecution, Tinkler concluded, because he "believed there was indeed a Vesey plot." Ford noted that Hamilton presented those aspects of and reasons for the insurrection that enabled him to gain controls on slavery which he had wanted before the crisis.
In a 2011 article, James O'Neil Spady said that by Johnson's own criteria, the statements of witnesses George Wilson and Joe LaRoche ought to be considered credible and as evidence of a developed plot for the rising. Neither slave was coerced nor imprisoned when he testified. Each volunteered his testimony early in the investigation, and LaRoche risked making statements that the court could have construed as self-incriminating. Spady concluded that a group had been about to launch the "rising" (as they called it) when their plans were revealed. Perhaps it was of a smaller scale than in some accounts, but he believed men were ready to take action.
In 2012 Lacy K. Ford gave the keynote address to the South Carolina Historical Association; his subject was interpretation of the Vesey Plot. He said, "the balance of the evidence clearly points to the exaggeration of the plot and the misappropriation of its lessons by Hamilton, the Court, and their allies for their own political advantage." Charleston officials had a crisis in which not one white person had been killed or injured. Ford contrasted their actions to the approach of Virginia officials after the 1831 Nat Turner's Slave Rebellion, in which slaves killed tens of whites. Charleston officials said there was a large, complex and sophisticated conspiracy led by the "brilliant" Vesey; but Virginia officials downplayed Turner's revolt, stressing that he and his few followers acted alone. Ford concludes,
Enlarging the threat posed by Vesey allowed the Lowcountry white elite to disband the thriving AME church in Charleston and launch a full-fledged, if ultimately unsuccessful, counter-attack against the insurgency. The local elite’s interpretation of the Vesey scare prepared the state for politics centered on the defense of slavery. This agenda reinforced tendencies toward consensus latent in the Palmetto state’s body politic; tendencies easily mobilized for radicalism by perceived threats against slavery.
Legacy and honors
The Denmark Vesey House in Charleston, although almost certainly not the historic home of Vesey, was designated a National Historic Landmark in 1976 by the Department of Interior.
In 1976 the city of Charleston commissioned a portrait of Vesey. It was hung in the Gaillard Municipal Auditorium, but was controversial.
From the 1990s, African-American activists in Charleston proposed erecting a memorial to Denmark Vesey, to honor his effort to overturn slavery in the city. The proposal was controversial, as many white residents did not want to memorialize a man they considered a terrorist. Others believed a memorial would not only acknowledge his leadership but would express the slave's struggles for freedom. In 2014, a statue representing Vesey as a carpenter, holding a Bible, was erected in Hampton Park, at some distance from the main tourist areas.
पद्मभूषण कर्मवीर भाऊराव पाटिल
(22.9.1887--9.5.1959)
पद्मभूषण डा.कर्मवीर भाऊराव पाटिल का जन्म महाराष्ट्र के कम्भोज जिला कोल्हापुर में था। इनके पिताजी का नाम पैगोउनडा पाटिल और माता का नाम गंगूबाई था। भाउराव के पिताजी ईस्ट इण्डिया कम्पनी के रेवन्यू विभाग में सरकारी मुलाजिम थे। भाऊराव पाटिल का पैतृक निवास येतावड़े बुद्रुक जिला सांगली था।
भाउराव का जन्म जैन परिवार में हुआ था। परन्तु जैनियों के संस्कार भाऊराव में नहीं थे। जैन धर्म के नियमों को एक तरफ रखते हुए भाऊराव एक दूसरे ही रास्ते पर चल पड़े थे। यह रास्ता अशिक्षित पद-दलित जातियों की शिक्षा का था।
बचपन से ही भाउराव पाटिल अलग स्वभाव के थे। वे किसी भी तरह का अन्याय बर्दाश्त नहीं कर पाते थे। फिर वह अन्याय दूसरों पर ही क्यों न हो रहा हो। एक बार कुए में लगी पानी खींचने की राड और पुली उसने इसलिए तोड़ कर फैंक दी थी कि दलित जाति की महिलाओं को वहां पानी खींचने मना किया जाता था।
हाई स्कूल की पढ़ाई के दौरान बालक के दिलों-दिमाग पर कोल्हापुर रियासत के महाराजा राजर्षि शाहू महाराज के सामाजिक कार्यों का गहरा असर पड़ा था। राजर्षि शाहू महाराज ने अपने राज्य की अछूत और पिछड़ी जातियों की शिक्षा के लिए अलग से स्कूल और होस्टल खोले थे। क्योंकि, सामान्य स्कूलों में उच्च जाति के लोग इन्हें पढने से रोकते थे । इसके पहले, सामाजिक क्षेत्र में काम करते हुए महामना ज्योतिराव फुले ने इन पद-दलित जातियों की शिक्षा के लिए दरवाजे खोले थे। सामाजिक समता के लिए फुले ने 'सत्य शोधक समाज' की स्थापना की थी । भाऊराव पाटिल इसके प्रमुख सदस्य थे।
दलित और पिछड़ी जातियों की शिक्षा के लिए महर्षि विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे ने भी अपने तई काफी काम किया था। बाबा साहब आंबेडकर, जो उस समय अछूतों के मसीहा के रूप में उभरे थे, के कार्यों से भाऊराव पाटिल बेहद प्रभावित थे। समाज सुधारकों के द्वारा किए गए इन कार्यों का प्रभाव भाऊराव के मन-मस्तिष्क पर गहरा पड़ा था ।
ट्यूशन पढ़ाने के दौरान सतारा में रहते हुए भाऊराव पाटिल ने 'सत्य शोधक समाज ' के उद्देश्यों की पूर्ति के निमित्त अपने कुछ सहयोगियों के साथ बच्चों का एक होस्टल खोला। होस्टल में भर्ती के लिए किसी जाति/धर्म का बंधन नहीं था। कुछ ही समय बाद 4 अक्तू 1919 को भाऊराव पाटिल ने बहुजन की शिक्षा के लिए 'रयत शिक्षण संस्था' की स्थापना की। रयत अर्थात बहुजन। ऐसी शिक्षण संस्था जिस में बिना किसी जाति-भेदभाव के प्रवेश दिया जाता हो।
भाऊराव पाटिल, गांधीजी के अनुयायी थे। गांधीजी के नेतृत्व में जो आजादी का आन्दोलन चला था, भाऊराव पाटिल ने उस में हिस्सेदारी की थी। गांधीजी भी भाऊराव पाटिल के इन कार्यों से बहुत प्रसन्न थे। यही कारण है कि सतारा के उक्त हास्टल का नाम 25 फरवरी 1927 को गांधीजी के हाथों 'श्री छत्रपति शाहू बोर्डिंग हाउस' रखा गया था। आर्थिक सहयोग के रूप में गाँधी ने 'हरिजन सेवक फंड से इस होस्टल को प्रति वर्ष 500/- रूपये देना स्वीकार किया था। भाऊराव पाटिल ने अपने द्वारा खोले गए 100 से अधिक स्कूलों के नाम गांधीजी के नाम पर रखे थे। गांधीजी से प्रेरणा ले कर वे खुद खादी वस्त्र पहनते थे।
भाऊराव पाटिल ने 'महाराजा सयाजीराव हाई स्कूल' की स्थापना की थी, जो सतारा में था। यह अपने तरह का पहला नि:शुल्क आवासीय स्कूल था जिसकी स्थापना ' अर्न और लर्न' ( earn aur learn) के थीम पर की गई थी। इसके बाद की अवधि में भाऊराव पाटिल के द्वारा पूरे महाराष्ट्र में बहुत सारे स्कूल/ कालेज खोले गए। सन 1947 में भाऊराव ने सतारा में 'छत्रपति शिवाजी कालेज' की स्थापना की। इसी कड़ी में 'सद्गुरु गाडगे बाबा कालेज' की स्थापना करद में सन 1954 में की।
भाउराव पाटिल का कहना था कि समाज का यह जो गरीब तबका है, इसके पिछड़ने का कारण अशिक्षा है। उन्होंने इस मजदूर वर्ग को नारा दिया - 'कमाओ और शिक्षा प्राप्त करो'(Earn and learn)। आपने सतारा के काले नामक स्थान में सन 1919 दौरान जिस 'रयत शिक्षण संस्था' की नीवं रखी थी । आज इस शिक्षण संस्था के पास करीब 700 होस्टल हैं जिन में करीब 4,50,000 विद्यार्थी संस्था के विभिन्न स्कूल और कालेजों में शिक्षा प्राप्त करते हैं।
यह बात नहीं कि भाऊराव पाटिल का ध्यान सिर्फ अशिक्षितों की शिक्षा पर ही केन्द्रित था। बल्कि , वे शिक्षकों पर भी ध्यान दे रहे थे जिन की जरुरत इन अशिक्षित बच्चों को पढ़ाने के लिए आवश्यक थी। उस समय शिक्षकों की भारी कमी थी। इस कमी को भरने के लिए 'मौलाना अबुल कलाम आजाद' की स्मृति में कर्मवीर भाऊराव पाटिल ने ' आजाद कालेज ऑफ़ एजुकेशन' की स्थापना सन 1955 में की।
महाराष्ट्र शासन ने भाऊ राव पाटिल के द्वारा समाज के लिए की गई उनकी सेवाओं को याद करते हुए उन्हें 'कर्मवीर' की मानद उपाधि से सम्मानित किया। भारत सरकार ने भी सन 1959 में उन्हें राष्ट्रीय सम्मान देते हुए 'पद्म भूषण' से अलंकृत किया। इसी वर्ष पूना विश्व विद्यालय ने उन्हें 'डी लिट्' की उपाधि से नवाजा। लीक से हटकर चलते हुए इस महान हस्ती ने दबे-कुचलों की शिक्षा के लिए जो कार्य किया, इतिहास याद रखेगा।
from : amritlalukey.blogspot
Bhaurao Patil
Karmaveer Bhaurao Patil (22 September 1887 – 9 May 1959), born in Kumbhoj, Kolhapur, was a social activist and educator in Maharashtra, India. A strong advocate of mass education, he founded the Rayat Education Society. Bhaurao played an important role in educating backward castes and low income people by coining the philosophy earn and learn. He was a prominent member of Satyashodhak Samaj (Truth seeker's society), founded by Mahatma Jotirao Phule. The people of Maharashtra honoured him with the sobriquet Karmaveer (King of actions) and the Government of India awarded him with Padma Bhushan in 1959 in India.
Life
Karmaveer Bhaurao Patil was born in a Jain farmer family at Kumbhoj in Kolhapur district. Bhaurao's father was a clerk in the revenue department for East India company. Bhaurao was one of the first few Jains known to have passed 8th class of secondary school. During childhood, Bhaurao was heavily influenced by Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj, the honorable Maharaj (King) of Kolhapur, who provided a facility to Karmaveer Bhaurao Patil to stay in the palace of Kolhapur with Maharaj and study. The King of Kolhapur was promoter of social equality and education of people belonging to backward castes. Eventually, his father sent him to Kolhapur for further education, where he got in contact with Satya Shodhak Movement and found other sources of inspiration, Mahatma Phule and Maharshi Vitthal Ramji Shinde. Bhaurao garnered political interest and decided to express his role in the fight for Indian freedom struggle by working in other beneficial fields like public education. While he worked for Ogles, Kirloskars and Coopers he participated in activities of Satya Shodhak Samaj. He had realized by then that the only remedy for the social evils of those times was the education of the masses. In 1919, he started a hostel where children from lower castes and poor families could stay and get an education, while working to pay the expenses. This was the foundation of what later became Rayat Shikshan Sansthan.
As Bhaurao started working on his program to educate the masses, Gandhiji had also launched his campaign to free India (independence movement). During a public meeting in 1921, Bhaurao happened to come across Gandhiji at Mumbai. He was highly impressed by Gandhi's appearance in a loin cloth and his philosophy of Khadi. Following this encounter, Bhaurao decided to adopt Khadi attire and follow Gandhian principles in everyday living. Eventually he vowed to see it to completion, establishing 101 schools in Gandhi's name. However, Gandhiji and Bhaurao had a difference of opinion on the subject of accepting grants from government for educational activities in post-independence India. Gandhiji believed that even if the government wanted to give grants in aid to an educational institute (or institutes) without putting any restrictions on the institute(s), this would eventually devolve into edicts and oversight. No one can expect to receive money without conditions forever. Bhaurao saw no such problem with accepting grants from the government.The bountiful banyan is the biography of Karmaveer Bhaurao Patil written by Barrister P. G. Patil. Pandurang Ganapati Patil is an educationist of Maharashtra, India.
Rayat Education Society
While employed in the Kirloskar factory at Kolhapur, Bhaurao began working for the Satyashodhak Samaj. In a meeting of Satyashodhak Samaj, held at Kale near Karad, a resolution passed that in order to run the Satyashodhak movement successfully it would be necessary to educate the Bahujan Samaj. Accordingly, Bhaurao Patil established Rayat Shikshan Sanstha at a small village named Kale, on 4 October 1919. This society focused on the children of the masses, so it was named Rayat, the Marathi word for "masses". During Bhaurao's lifetime the Sanstha created thirty-eight cosmopolitan boarding schools, 578 voluntary schools, six training colleges, 108 secondary schools and three colleges.
Biography on Padmabhushan Dr. Karamveer Bhaurao Patil
The Biography of Padmabhushan Dr. Karamveer Bhaurao Patil, which was available in Marathi, has been translated into English by D.T. Bhosale, bearing the title "Karmveer Bhaurao Patil" in 2016.
Awards
People of Maharashtra bestowed him with the title, "Karmveer" (Marathi for "King of actions").
The Government of India awarded him with Padma Bhushan in 1959.
The University of Pune awarded him an honorary D.Litt in education in the same year.
The Karmveer Bhaurao Patil Samaj Seva Puraskar awards were named for him by the Dakshin Bharat Jain Sabha. They recognize people doing notable work for the cause of education and work towards community service.
People also called him Anna (big brother).
Durga Sob
- Defining Dalit Leadership
Durga Sob was just 10 when she realized she was from the Dalit. She narrates, “I drank from a water pot that other people used, and by sharing this water, I had made it ‘unclean’. I was screamed at and chased away. I told my mother and she said: “God made us Dalit, that’s just the way it is.” It was then I knew the pain of being a Dalit, and had to do something to change things.” Since then, Durga has been a brave and lifelong advocate for the rights of Dalit and Dalit women. The injustices experienced during her childhood in the remote village of Silgadi in western Nepal inspired Durga to found the Feminist Dalit Organization (FEDO) to fight against caste and gender discrimination. Education is also denied to many Dalits. Around 80 per cent of Dalit women are illiterate and the first milestone Durga achieved was being admitted to school: “My mother, a wonderful woman, encouraged me, despite everyone saying she was wasting her money.” Despite continual discrimination and bullying, Durga completed school by the age of 16. Realizing that she was equal to her classmates, and again breaking Dalit rank, she started teaching English to other Dalits: ‘I felt it was no good if I were the only one who was educated; I had to educate others. I would bring all the girls to my home and teach them. After this, many went to school and completed their education.’ Moving to Kathmandu when she was 19 years old, Durga started working for ActionAid and was inspired to found FEDO in 1994. The early days were difficult: “We needed seven Dalit women on the board before we could register FEDO and it was hard to find educated and committed Dalit women, because they were so oppressed. Moreover, women in urban areas did not wish to expose themselves as Dalit.” Durga also experienced prejudice from other women activists: ‘High caste women would not accept us and I was routinely excluded.’ Durga was, however, used to chronic discrimination and continued to strive for inclusion: ‘Initially, FEDO was small and focused on informal education and income-generation programmes. We began our work in the Lalitput district and held literacy classes for 50 elderly women. These were successful, so later we focused on formal education, health, sanitation, advocacy and awareness.’ FEDO now works in 50 districts in Nepal and has 50,000 members. Some 3,000 Dalit children were sent to school after FEDO’s school enrolment campaign. In addition, 50 Dalit health workers have been trained, 5,000 women have benefited from microfinance programmes, and 2,000 Dalit women’s groups have been established The current post-war situation in Nepal, as well as being a time of challenge, also represents an opportunity for the community. Following the 2006 Peace Agreement, political parties are currently formulating a new constitution for the country: She says “Up until now, in terms of participation and representation, there have been no Dalit women in positions of power. However, this is changing: 25 Dalit women have been elected as members of the Constituent Assembly and this is one my happiest achievements. The constitution-making process is a unique opportunity to ensure that the constitution will guarantee equality and, for the first time in Nepali history, Dalit women are represented in political processes.” Durga’s pride is palpable: ‘It’s taken 15 years, and it’s still early days, but FEDO has created an environment where Dalit women have started to see themselves as respectable citizens.’ Durga is also the past president of the Dalit NGO Federation (DNF), and from 1998 to May 2002, held the post of member secretary of the National Dalit Commission currently serves on the Board of Directors of the International Movement Against all Forms of Discrimination and Racism- Japan (IMADR), co-chairs Asia Dalit Rights Forum (ADRF) and is a member of the executive group of International Dalit Solidarity Network (IDSN)
Durga Sob (सहसंयोजक सोब in Nepali, born July 3, 1966) is a Nepalese feminist activist. Sob also identifies as a Dalit and is the founder of the Feminist Dalit Organization (FEDO) in Nepal. Sob works as a human rights activist in the country.
Biography
Durga Sob was born on July 3, 1966. She grew up in Silgadi, in western Nepal where she faced discrimination for being a Dalit. Her family was polygamous, with her father having two wives and several children, though many of Sob's siblings died in childhood. Sob went to school with her brother, who had convinced her parents to give her an education. Sob later used her education to teach girls in her neighborhood how to read and write.
When Sob was 19, she moved to Kathmandu and worked for ActionAid and later met Robin Morgan who encouraged her to start an organization to help Dalit women. In 1994, she found the Feminist Dalit Organization (FEDO). Between 2002 and 2004, Sob served as the president of the Dalit NGO Federation (DNF). Sob led an Asia Dalit Rights Forum in Kathmandu in 2014. The forum included activists from Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, and members decided to work together to end discrimination. In 2015, Sob participated in a hunger strike to protest the citizenship laws of Nepal that only allowed a father to pass down citizenship by descent.
Interview with an activist: Durga Sob in Nepal
30 January 2018 by Durga Sob
Supporting the inclusion, respect, and empowerment of Dalit women
In Nepal, the caste system combined with gendered social norms often results in women facing double discrimination. Dalits, meaning “oppressed” in Sanskrit, belong to a community deemed so impure by the traditional Hindu scriptures that they are placed outside the hierarchical Hindu caste system and are commonly considered “untouchable”. Women from such marginalised caste backgrounds experience disproportionate violence, discrimination, and barriers to accessing resources. Less than 12% of Dalit girls are enrolled in secondary school, with almost half of Dalit women encountering violence despite very few cases being reported. The country’s decade-long civil war, spanning from 1996 to 2006, served only to worsen inequalities within the country.
Today, we celebrate the work of our longstanding partner Feminist Dalit Organisation (FEDO), who work to advocate on behalf of Dalit women in Nepal at the local, national, and international level. We sat down with FEDO founder and president Durga Sob to get to know her and her work.
Durga, why and when did you get involved with Dalit women’s struggle for equal rights in Nepal?
I’m from a remote part of the country, and as a girl, I faced many difficulties. Due to the caste system, I belonged to the Dalit community, and even today there is a very big problem around untouchability. I was not accepted by my school peers – when they touched me they thought they became impure. There are other issues in the Dalit community as well: domestic violence is common, as well as childhood marriage. My parents forced me to marry young.
When I came to Kathmandu in 1986, I saw that it was possible for women to be lawyers, doctors, and more. Even if it was just a few of them, there were examples of how women could do anything if they had the chance. But even in our urban capital, Dalits were poorly treated.
I wanted to do something meaningful since I was a child, and my experiences and knowledge inspired me to act for Dalit women. Under very difficult circumstances, I started the organisation in 1994 to expand my reach beyond me alone. I didn’t know any donors; I had no access, no relations, no social inclusion. Caste issues were not prioritised amongst donors at that time either. It was a big challenge.
What does FEDO in Nepal do? Why is it needed and why do you feel it is important?
FEDO’s vision is a just and equitable society where Dalit women enjoy their rights and have opportunities for equity, development and participation. FEDO’s current priorities are 1) to ensure proportional representation of Dalit women in all aspects of socio- political life, 2) to improve Dalit women’s access to socio-economic resources, opportunities, and services, and 3) to empower Dalit women to fight against caste-based discrimination and gender-based violence. We have ongoing projects focused on a cross section of themes including food security, governance, education, justice, economic empowerment, and human rights.
Dalit women face twofold discrimination, both as women and as Dalits. Opportunities go either to Dalit men or to high caste women. Meaningful participation, equal access to services – none of this exists for Dalit women.
What does feminism mean to you?
Despite our name, I didn’t know anything about feminism when we founded this organisation. FEDO is the gifted name by feminist and writer Robin Morgan, who came to Nepal in 1994 to conduct a training. I attended and though I found it difficult, I shared the issues of Dalit women. She identified me as a feminist and recommended the name FEDO!
I believe that women should fight for equality, and that those women who are most excluded and marginalised should be the proudest feminists. I don’t want to talk about equality: I want equity.
What has been your proudest moment at work?
If you go to the grassroots level, the women there are very much organised, fighting and shouting out for their rights. The fact that they are capacitated means that our foundations are strong!
I am also proud that participation of Dalit women is increasing. We are now a well-recognised and established organisation at the local, federal and international levels.
Finally, I am proud that I have become a leader at three levels: as a woman, as a Dalit, and as a Dalit woman.
FEDO and you are so good at what you do – how important is it to connect the local to the global and why?
Sometimes when I participate in global conferences, I feel as though something is lacking. The situation for women at the grassroots level is different, and sometimes these women’s realities are not represented in those fora. When I participate, I remember and project the issues and voices of rural, grassroots women. I believe that the global women’s rights movement has to recognise the place of rural women, and contextualise it based on location. Rural women in South Asia face different issues than rural women in Africa. We can’t generalise.
What does a typical day at work look like for you?
I don’t have a typical day – there is no clear schedule! I have multiple events to attend at any given time – I have to make decisions on which ones to attend. Then, I respond to emails and to donors. Then, I’ll often need to go and give an interview. It varies a lot. There are some special days when women activists get together and share stories – I value that.
दयाराम जी
बामसेफ के पूर्व राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष एवं बहुजन सामाजिक मुद्दों के लेखक
मान्यवर दयाराम जी का जन्म 15.3.1955 को जनपद जौनपुर के किशुनपुर (लोहता) गाँव में ब्राह्मणवादी व्यवस्था की अछूत जाति "चमार"में हुआ। दयाराम जी ने जिला हरिद्वार में रुड़की एवं हरिद्वार शहर में भारतीय डाकघर सेवा में कार्य किया। संप्रति कार्यमुक्ति के बाद से रुड़की जिला हरिद्वार में रह रहे हैं।
मान्यवर दयाराम जी के जीवन की कुछ प्रेरक घटनाएं
(1)
1968 में जब मैं अपने गृह जनपद के सहकारी इंटर कॉलेज मिहरावा, जौनपुर में कक्षा आठ का छात्र था तो रसायन विज्ञान के प्रवक्ता मा.रामजीत यादव ने मुझे एक पुस्तक "बाबा साहब का जीवन संघर्ष" इस संदेश के साथ पढ़ने के लिए दिया कि तुम जिस अछूत जाति में जन्में हो उसी अछूत जाति में बाबा साहब का जन्म महाराष्ट्र प्रांत में हुआ था जिन्होंने भारत का संविधान लिखा जिससे पूरा देश चल रहा है। मैं भी आज अगर इन ठाकुरों के कॉलेज में रसायन विज्ञान का प्रवक्ता हूँ तो केवल भारतीय संविधान की वजह से। तुम सर्वप्रथम खुद पढ़ो और उसके बाद अपने लोगों को पढ़ाओ। मैंने स्वयं कई बार पुस्तक को पढ़ा। बाबा साहब के बचपन और शैक्षणिक जीवन को पढ़कर भावुक हो जाता और आंखों में आंसू भर आते और समाज के लिए कुछ कर गुजरने के लिए प्रेरित हुआ।
(2)
मा. बलई चौधरी और मा. राम प्रसाद इन्हीं दोनों महानुभावों को मैंने पहले "बाबा साहब का जीवन संघर्ष" पढ़कर सुनाया। उन्होंने सुझाव दिया है कि तुम अपने पड़ोस के 8-10 गांव के अपनी बिरादरी वालों को बुलाओ और उन्हें समझाओ कि ब्राह्मणों द्वारा हमारे ऊपर जुल्म ढाया गया है। अब हम उनकी कोई बात नहीं मानेंगे। 28.7.1975 को मेरे घर पर ही रात में एक मीटिंग बुलाई गई। इस कार्य में मेरी जीवनसंगिनी, पिता और बड़े भाई पतिराम का सहयोग मिलता रहा। परिणाम यह हुआ कि लोगों ने संकल्प लिया कि अब अपने यहां सत्यनारायण व्रत कथा नहीं करवाएंगे, ब्राह्मणों को शादी विवाह में नहीं बुलाएंगे, मरे हुए पशुओं को नहीं उठाएंगे, बच्चा पैदा होने पर कोई भी महिला नाल नहीं कटेगी।
(3)
मैंने "बाबा साहब का जीवन संघर्ष" पुस्तक अपने अछूत बंधुओं को पढ़ाने के साथ-साथ अपने गांव के प्रधान के छोटे भाई मा.लालता प्रसाद यादव को भी पढ़ने के लिए दिया। उन्होंने पुस्तक के अंतिम पृष्ठ पर कुछ और पुस्तकों की सूची छपी देखी। उन पुस्तकों को भी पढ़ने की उनमें जिज्ञासा बढ़ी। उन्होंने मुझे सलाह दी कि इन पुस्तकों को भी मंगा लो हम चंदा इकट्ठा करके पुस्तकालय खोलेंगे। मा.लालता प्रसाद यादव ने बड़ी तन्मयता के साथ रजिस्टर बनाया और पुस्तकों का आदान-प्रदान शुरू हो गया। बहुजन समाज के पढ़े-लिखे लोगों की मानसिकता बदलने लगी।
(4)
उपरोक्त फैसले से केवल उच्चवर्ण ही आग बबूला नहीं हुए बल्कि अन्य पिछड़े वर्ग के लोग भी उबल पड़े। क्योंकि उनके भी सारे काम अछूत बंधु ही किया करते थे। स्थिति को काबू करने के लिए मा.रामजीत यादव एवं मा.लालता प्रसाद यादव ने अपनी अहम भूमिका निभाई। इसी दौरान गांव के एक ठाकुर की भैंस मर गई। अछूतों ने अपने निर्णय अनुसार भैंस उठाने से मना कर दिया। ठाकुर जाति के लोग जो अछूतों को अपने पैर की जूती समझते थे, हिल गए।
क्योंकि 1975 में इमरजेंसी लगी हुई थी। मा.लालता प्रसाद यादव को जब पता लगा कि गांव के ठाकुर अमरेज सिंह की भैंस मर गई है तथा अछूतों व ठाकुरों में तनाव बढ़ता जा रहा है। उन्हें इस बात की समझ थी कि यदि उनके भाई प्रधान हुए हैं तो एससी के वोटों से, ठाकुरों के वोटों से नहीं। गांव में शांति का माहौल कायम रखने के लिए मा.लालता प्रसाद यादव अमरेज सिंह के घर पहुंचे और ठाकुरों के युवकों को ललकारते हुए कहा कि देखो भैंस का दूध हम पीते हैं और भैंस मर गई है तो चमार फेकेंगे, यह उचित नहीं है। रस्सी और बाँस लाओ हम इसे उठाकर अपने खेत में गाड़ते हैं। झगड़ा शांत हो गया। तब से सभी ने अपने-अपने मरे हुए पशुओं को स्वयं अपने खेतों में ले जाकर गाड़ना प्रारंभ किया।
(5)
1997 की बात है जब मैं आर्य वानप्रस्थ आश्रम ज्वालापुर हरिद्वार में उप डाकपाल के पद पर कार्य कर रहा था। एक दिन मैंने पुन्ना से कहा कि तुम जग में पानी भरकर लाओ। वह आनाकानी करने लगा। तब मैंने मैंने डांटा तब जाकर पानी लाया। आश्रम में चर्चा शुरू हो गई कि उप डाकपाल ने भंगी से पानी मंगवाया। मुझे इसकी जानकारी नहीं थी किंतु पुन्ना को सब मालूम था।
इसी दौरान एक दिन एक महात्मा मेरे पास आ धमके और उन्होंने हाथ जोड़कर मुझसे कहा कि पोस्ट मास्टर साहब मैं आपका पानी का जग रोज भरकर ला दूँगा। आप पुन्ना से पानी मत मंगवाया करो। मैंने उससे पूछा कि क्यों? तो उन्होंने कहा कि वह भंगी जाति का है। पाखाना साफ करता है। मैंने महात्मा से कहा कि हम और आप भी तो अपना पाखाना रोज साफ करते हैं। हाथ साफ करने के बाद और सारे काम करते हैं। यहाँ तक कि इन हाथों से भोजन भी करते हैं। पुन्ना भी तो हिंदू हैं, फिर भेदभाव क्यों? हम हिंदुओं की मां गौमाता है। गौमाता तो सड़कों पर पाखाना खाती नजर आती है। निरुत्तर होकर महात्मा वहां से चले गए फिर उन्होंने अपनी शक्ल कभी नहीं दिखाई। 21वीं सदी की इस तस्वीर से अंदाजा लगाया जा सकता है कि हमारे पुरखों का अतीत कैसा रहा होगा?
संदर्भ
पुस्तक-डॉ.अंबेडकर जीवन और मिशन
लेखक-दयाराम
के पृष्ठ 6-9 से साभार
मान्यवर दयाराम जी की महान लेखनी द्वारा लिखा गया बहुजन आंदोलन को दिशा देता हुआ क्रांतिकारी सामाजिक साहित्य
1.गीता राष्ट्रवाद का संकट
2.बहुजन आंदोलन के संपूर्ण समर्पित नेतृत्व डी के खापर्डे
3.मूलनिवासी बहुजन क्रांति के महानायक रामस्वरूप वर्मा
4.समाज परिवर्तन अथवा फिर वही ढाक के तीन पात
5.क्रांति युगपुरुष रविदास जीवन और मिशन
6.ब्राह्मणी सगूफों एवं मिथ में फंसा मूलनिवासी बहुजन समाज
7.क्रांती मिसाइल महाराज सिंह भारती जीवन और मिशन
8.ब्राह्मणी झांसे की शिकार वाल्मीकि जातियां
9.राष्ट्रपिता ज्योतिराव फुले बनाम महर्षि दयानंद सरस्वती
10.शहीदे आजम भगत सिंह की शहादत की हिफाजत क्यों और कैसे?
11.मूलनिवासी बहुजन क्रांति के महान योद्धा दीना भाना
12.पिछड़ा वर्ग क्यों और कैसे गर्व से कहो हम हिंदू हैं?
13.राम रामायण का सच
14.शोषित क्रांति नायक बहुजन लेनिन बाबू जगदेव प्रसाद जीवन और मिशन
15.क्रांतिकारी कबीर
16.मूलनिवासी बहुजनों के हृदय सम्राट दीनबंधु चौधरी सर छोटूराम
17.सामाजिक समरसता आर्य ब्राह्मणों के प्राचीन गौरव का आगाज
18.डॉ आंबेडकर जीवन और मिशन
19.भारत की बर्बादी एवं सभी समस्याओं की जड़ ब्राह्मणवाद
20.स्वतंत्रता संग्राम की प्रथम चिंगारी क्रांति नायक कुंजा नरेश राजा विजय सिंह
उपरोक्त समस्त साहित्य लागत मात्र मूल्य पर उपलब्ध है संपर्क करें
प्रकाशक-डी के खापर्डे मेमोरियल ट्रस्ट
Daya Bai
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Daya Bai
Daya Bai
Born
Mercy Mathew
1940 (age 80–81)
Nationality Indian
Occupation social worker, activist
Known for tribal upliftment
Daya Bai (born Mercy Mathew) is an Indian social activist from Kerala, working among the tribals of central India. She lives in Barul village of Chhindwara district in Madhya Pradesh.
Early life
Mercy Mathew, born in 1940, hails from a prosperous Christian family in Pala, Kerala. She had a happy childhood with a strong faith in God.
Social work
She left Pala at the age of 16 to become a nun, and later gave up her habit, to work for the tribal population in the midlands of India. She has been delivering inspirational speeches, holding satyagrahas and campaigns to press local authorities to open schools and empower neglected villages in the interior and tribal Madhya Pradesh. She was associated with Narmada Bachao Andolan and the Chengara agitation, apart from her solo struggles representing the forest dwellers and villagers in Bihar, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and West Bengal. She also lent her services to the common folk in Bangladesh during the war there. Daya Bai, who practises the theology of liberation, settled down among the Gonds of Chhindwara district in Madhya Pradesh. She set up a school in the Barul village. Daya Bai teaches each village she visits how to take care of itself and then moves on to the next village.
She started the Swayam Sahayatha Group in the late 90s, as a tool for the eradication of poverty. This earned her the wrath of the middlemen, the money lenders and village chief. She asked female officers in the bank to use their position for the uplift of the downtrodden and the distressed poor.
Awards
Daya Bai received the Vanitha Woman of the Year award in 2007. She was awarded with the Good Samaritan National Award (instituted by the Kottayam Social Service Society and Agape Movement, Chicago) in January 2012.
Legacy
Ottayal or 'One Person,' is an hour-long documentary on Daya Bai by Shiny Jacob Benjamin. Nandita Das, the film personality, wrote a tribute to her in 2005, as the one inspiration of her life.
Deepthi Sukumar
National Core member at Safai Karamchari Andolan
Chennai Area, India20 connections
Safai Karamchari Andolan
Christ King Girls Higher Secondary School
About
I am keenly interested and committed to Human Rights issues especially with Dalit women. I have significant skills in advocacy, community mobiisation, programme managment, evaluaion and monitoring, writing and building capacities.
Experience
National Core member
Safai Karamchari Andolan
Jan 2000 - Present21 years
India
Policy work, research, writing, lobby and advocacy, feild studies, commuinity mobilisation, networking, monitoring and evaluation
Emergency Programme Officer
Apr 2005 - Mar 20105 years
Partnership grant managment, monitoring and evaluation, feild studies, social inclusion
Executive General Secretary
YWCA Chennai India
Apr 2002 - Sep 20042 years 6 months
Institution governance and managment, executive officer, legal and statutory compliance
Education
Interview of Deepthi Sukumar by Bhsha Singh on Dalit Women raise violence issue in UN
दीनाभाना
दीनाभाना न होते तो बहुजन आंदोलन को कांशीराम न मिलते
By दलित दस्तक न्यूज़
यह शख्स हैं जयपुर, राजस्थान में 28 फरवरी 1928 को जन्मे बामसेफ के संस्थापक सदस्य मा० दीना भाना जी. इन्होने बामसेफ संस्थापक अध्यक्ष मान्यवर कांशीराम साहब को बाबासाहब के विचारो से प्रेरित किया. मा० कांशीराम साहब ने बाबा साहब के विचारो को पूरे भारत में फैलाया.आज पूरे देश मे जय भीम, जय मूलनिवासी की जो आग लगी है उसमे चिंगारी लगाने का काम वाल्मीकि समाज के महापुरूष मा० दीना भाना जी ने किया. दीनाभाना जी जिद्दी किस्म के शख्स थे. बचपन मे उनके पिताजी सवर्णों के यहां दूध निकालने जाते थे इससे उनके मन मे भी भैंस पालने की इच्छा हुई उन्होने पिताजी से जिद्द करके एक भैस खरीदवा ली लेकिन जातिवाद की वजह से भैस दूसरे ही दिन बेचनी पडी. कारण ? जिस सवर्ण के यहा उनके पिताजी दूध निकालने जाते थे उससे देखा नहीं गया उनके पिताजी को बुलाकर कहा तुम छोटी जाति के लोग हमारी बराबरी करोगे तुम भंगी लोग सुअर पालने वाले भैस पालोगे यह भैस अभी बेच दो उनके पिता ने अत्यधिक दबाब के कारण भैस बेच दी. यह बात दीनाभाना जी के दिल मे चुभ गयी उन्होने घर छोड दिया और दिल्ली भाग गए.
वहां उन्होने बाबासाहब के भाषण सुने और भाषण सुनकर उन्हे यह लगा कि यही वह शख्स है जो इस देश से जातिवाद समाप्त कर सकता है.दीनाभानाजी ने बाबासाहब के विचार जाने समझे और बाबासाहब के निर्वाण के बाद भटकते भटकते पूना आ गये और पूना मे गोला बारूद फैक्टरी (रक्षा अनुसंधान और विकास संगठन – DRDO) मे सफाई कर्मचारी के रूप मे सर्विस प्रारंभ की. जहां रामदासिया चमार मा० कांशीराम साहब (15.03.1934 – 09.10.2006) रोपड़ (रूपनगर) पंजाब निवासी क्लास वन आॅफिसर थे लेकिन कांशीराम जी को बाबासहाब कौन हैं ? यह पता नही था. उस समय अंबेडकर जयंती की छुट्टी की वजह से दीनाभाना जी ने इतना हंगामा किया कि जिसकी वजह से दीनाभाना जी को नौकरी से बर्खास्त कर दिया गया. इस बात पर कांशीराम जी नजर रखे हुये थे उन्होने दीनाभाना जी से पूछा कि यह बाबासाहब कौन हैं जिनकी वजह से तेरी नौकरी चली गयी. दीनाभाना जी व उनके साथी विभाग में ही कार्यरत महार जाति में जन्मे नागपुर, महाराष्ट्र निवासी मा० डी०के० खापर्डे जी (13.05.1939 – 29.02.2000) जो बामसेफ के द्वितीय संस्थापक अध्यक्ष थे, ने कांशीराम जी को बाबासाहब की ‘जाति विच्छेद’ नाम की पुस्तक दी जो कांशीराम जी ने रात भर में कई बार पढ़ी और सुबह ही दीनाभाना जी के मिलने पर बोले दीना तुझे छुट्टी भी और नौकरी भी दिलाऊगा और इस देश मे बाबासाहब की जयंती की छुट्टी न देने वाले की जब तक छुट्टी न कर दूं तब तक चैन से नही बैेठूगा क्योकि यह तेरे साथ साथ मेरी भी बात है तू चुहड़ा है तो मैं भी रामदासिया चमार हूं. कांशीराम साहब ने नौकरी छोड दी और बाबासाहब के मिशन को ‘बामसेफ’ संगठन बनाकर पूरे देश मे फैलाया उसके संस्थापक सदस्य दीनाभाना जी थे. इस महापुरुष का परिनिर्वाण पूना में 29 अगस्त 2006 को हुआ. यदि दीनाभाना जी न होते तो न बामसेफ होता और न ही व्यवस्था परिवर्तन हेतु अंबेडकरवादी जनान्दोलन चल रह होता. इस देश में जय भीम! का नारा भी गायब हो गया होता और न आज ब्राह्मणों की नाक में दम करने वाला जय मूलनिवासी! का नारा होता. सभी वाल्मीकि भाईयो से निवेदन है कि तथाकथित अपने महापुरुष रामायण के रचयिता वाल्मीकि एवं मा० दीनाभान जी संस्थापक सदस्य बामसेफ से प्रेरणा लेकर गंदे और नीच समझे जाने वाले कर्मों को छोड़ने का प्रयास करते हुए शिक्षित बनो! संगठित रहो! संघर्ष करो! के सिध्दांतो पर चल कर अपनी व अपने मूलनिवासी समाज की उन्नति में एक मिसाल कायम करने का भरसक प्रयास करें.
" दीना भाना और महारों " की कहानी , साहिब श्री कांशी राम जी की जवानी
( Some facts about Deena Bhana & Mahars )
Dadaji Khobragade
‘Rice Man’ of India, Dadaji Khobragade Died: The Scientist Among the Farmers
‘Rice Man’ of India, Dadaji Khobragade Died: The Scientist Among the Farmers
Dadaji died, but people will continue to live on his inventions. On a very small plot of land, this genius invented many varieties of rice, and most of his varieties are now commercialised and marketed and sold in the large quantities.
Dadaji was an illiterate person and having no formal education in the agricultural college. He did not have any degree in the science. What he had was an unwavering love for the agriculture and agricultural processes and desire to invent something new. He went on experimenting and producing different variations of the rice seeds by his experiments in mutations and careful observation.
His work was recognised and he won awards from the Punjabrao Krishi Vidyapeeth (PKV), he got Krishi-Bhushan award in 2003-04, the award that turned out to be a fake metal award and it did not ensure any financial benefit. His practices were stolen and commercially exploited by the bigger cultivators.
He was also selected among India’s seven most powerful Entrepreneurs by Forbes in 2010.
Imagine if he could have patented his innovations. He could have become one of the richest persons in a few days time. He did not get support from the government as it was needed to keep his innovative practices studied deeply and documented from the scientific point of view so that more new seeds would have been created.
He was inspired by Dr Ambedkar and was an Ambedkarite. Only when the social activists from the Ambedkarite movement started paying attention to the work of this great genius, he began to get some recognition, but he was a very old man then and he could have perhaps not been able to take benefit of this attention.
His life and his innovative brain can be compared with the great giant from African American community, J.W. Carver, who invented many things in the field of agriculture. Dadaji Khobragade is the “Rice Man” of India.
Author – Mangesh Dahiwale, Human Rights Activist, Image credit – Forbes
Divya Kandukuri
With Blue Dawn, this 24-year-old is providing easy access to mental health facilities for Bahujan communities
We spoke to Blue Dawn founder Divya Kandukuri to find out how the support group is bringing mental health access to the people of Bahujan communities
Edex Live
Why mental health should be looked at from a caste angle | Graphic: Naveen Kumar Manoharan
"People in India sometimes don't even acknowledge that caste exists in India, forget bringing it into your therapy sessions," says Divya Kandukuri (24), who believes that mental health cannot be apolitical and has to be looked at through the caste angle in this country. With this very idea in mind, Divya set up Blue Dawn in 2018, a community support group that reaches out to Bahujans for support and makes mental health resources accessible to the marginalised sections.
Set up two years ago, Blue Dawn started off as an online Google email group to create a community/network where young people from SC/ST/OBC communities facing institutional discrimination could come and speak about their mental health issues. The idea of the community also stemmed from Divya's personal experiences of caste discrimination that she had faced at several junctures, which she did not want to speak about in detail. "When I faced such discriminations, I wasn't aware of the effects it could have on people's mental health or that we could do something about it. I knew how it felt but never thought it could have a long-term effect, traumatic to an extent where you can't function and thus, disrupt your daily routine. I researched and then I felt that while we fight institutional casteism, we should also come up with something to take care of each other during this fight, our well-being. There is also our own health, emotions that we need to nurture. The idea behind Blue Dawn is mainly that," explains the 24-year-old.
Evils of the caste system | Illustration: Kiran Valake
Along with two other core members, Pranjali Kureel and Kiran Valake, Blue Dawn was created as a safe space for people from similar backgrounds to come together, be there for each other and begin nurturing a sense of community. "The popular notion around mental health is that there is something inherently wrong with your body and mind. We, at Blue Dawn, are trying to disrupt that thought because we believe that is not what it is. Caste divide, patriarchy — such kinds of institutions/structures affect our mental health in numerous ways. We are not machines that have a mechanical issue or a loose screw that can be fixed, we are trying to disrupt that thought process. We are people who face these issues due to problems at the structural level," adds Divya. Soon after that, the team launched their social media channels and formed a WhatsApp group to make it more accessible, the process more seamless.
In their initial year, the team’s primary focus was facilitating sponsorships for therapy and connecting people to experts, psychologists and counsellors. Now, they have moved on to groundwork, engaging hands-on with different groups. "After the group became known to more people, we called out to psychologists, counsellors, mental health experts. We wanted people, including medical professionals, who identify themselves as 'anti-caste', 'anti-oppression' and understand structural issues, and believe in Ambedkarite values and are willing to offer affordable therapy, to reach out to us. We have a network of these experts now whom we trust," says Divya, explaining how Blue Dawn is addressing mental health challenges among Bahujans. "Even if you understand the concept of mental health, access to these services is lacking. There's a gap in terms of how some therapists function within their casteist bigotry and mindset, they come from their inherent prejudice. They do not want to or cannot understand where the mental health issues stem from," she adds.
Why mental health should be accessible, affordable | Credit: Blue Dawn
In India, mental health is never really looked at from the caste angle, says the 24-year-old. "It's very hard to get a therapist who will locate my problem outside my body. Mental health discourse came from these Western ideas of what's normal and what's not, the literature is developed by 'white men from the West' with no context of the issues that are faced by the Indian population. It can prove to be more harmful to us than doing good. There are these catalytic ideas about fixing your body, fixing the loose screw in your head, getting the treatment done, taking the pills — no one speaks about the prejudices that people around you are transphobic, homophobic, casteist and that is why they might make you feel uncomfortable or unwanted. No one tells you that even when people have that mindset, it doesn't mean you are abnormal," elaborates Divya.
There's also the problem of accessibility to mental health therapy. A lot of people from Bahujan communities belong to economically-backward families and regular therapy sessions would cost `1,000–1,500 approximately per day, which means it might be equal to someone's monthly salary. This becomes highly impossible to afford then for lower-income families and students especially, says Divya. "We facilitate sponsorships for such individuals or families where the donor/sponsor can directly send money to the therapist or to us. But we also feel it's just one way of dealing with an immediate crisis, but in the long run, what we are trying to do is organise workshops and facilitate discussions to inculcate the idea of community healing," she adds.
The pandemic and lockdown have quite severely affected Blue Dawn's groundwork, however, they have facilitated few workshops online. "A lot of people do not have access to smartphones, forget about internet connectivity. But we are continuing to stay in touch with the community in whatever way possible," she concludes.
Edex and The New Indian Express have been curating the 40 Under Forty list since 2017. We featured collections of impactful grassroots teachers in 2017, innovative start-ups in 2018 and environmental impact-makers in 2019. All the people selected have been chosen after a careful process of editorial selection and nomination. Reach out to us at edexlive@gmail.com
Dagdu Maruti Pawar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Daya Pawar or Dagdu Maruti Pawar (1935–20 September 1996) was an Indian Marathi language author and poet known for his contributions to Dalit literature that dealt with the atrocities experienced by the dalits or untouchables under the Hindu caste system. He was born to a Mahar Dalit family in Dhamangaon (Taluka: Akole, District: Ahmednagar, Maharashtra, India). He was a Buddhist by religion.
Works
Baluta
He gained fame for his autobiographical 1978 novel Baluta (बलुत), written as a story told by Dagdu Pawar to the more literate Daya Pawar, both being personas of the author. The novel recounts the "experiences of an untouchable struggling for a peaceful existence, mentally tormented but incapable of retaliation in word and deed." There was "strong anti-Dalit reaction" when it was published in Maharashtra.
Baluta created ripples in literary circles and earned him many awards at all levels, including one from the Ford Foundation. It got translated into several languages. The strengths of the book are the simple, straightforward and to-the-point portrayal and a transparent realistic illustration of the ethos around him. The book created a new genre in Marathi literature. Many autobiographical books talking about harsh experiences hard realities were written after Baluta. Pawar's use of language is not merely that of revolt but of a deeply introspecting analytical intellectual.
Pu La Deshpande reviewed Baluta: "On reading this book the cataract of blind traditions stuck to our eyes that makes us unaware of facts will melt away in the tears that fill our eyes on seeing this horrifying reality will emerge new rays of hope. Reader will then seek to be more humane henceforth in life, What else is the intent of all good literature? Creating new kinship among mankind and free the society from artificial and vexing bonds, right? The same can be said for all Pawar’s literature."
Poetry and other work
Although he earned fame through his autobiographical prose in Baluta, poetry was his forte. He gave expression to the oppression of the Dalits through his verse.
"Shilekhali haat hota, tari nahi phodla hambarda,
Kitr janmachi kaid, kuni nirmila ha kondvada"
(The hand was crushed under a stone, yet no outcry was hear
How many generations of imprisonment? Who created this prison?)
With effective verses like the above from his first collections of poems Kondvada, he voiced the atrocities and oppression faced by generations of Dalit. Published in 1974, Kondvada earned him a literary award from the State.
Among his other famous works are Chavdi and Dalit Jaanivaa, two of his compilation of articles, and Vittal, a collection of short stories. He wrote the screenplay for Jabbar Patel’s film Dr. Ambedkar. He was appointed with the National Film Development Corporation. Pawar won the prestigious Padmashri award the Government of India.
Pawar’s writing’s reflects his active participation in the social, cultural and literary movements on the national level, his avid following of foreign literature, analytical and contemplative thinking, unwavering stance, deep understanding and empathy towards social happenings and issues. His work was highly effective. He received some amount of recognition by way of awards. But due to oppressive circumstances, he suffered mentally and physically in his personal life. It is this perennial suffering that comes through sharply in his writings. One of his poems gives a feel for his suffering:
"Dukhaana gadgadtaana he zhaad me paahilela
Tashi yaachi mule kholvar boudhivrukshaasaarkhi
Boudhivrukshaala phula tari aali
He Zhaad saaryaa rutut kolpun gelela
Dhamani dhamanit phutu paahnaaryaa yaatanaa
Mahaarogyaachyaa botsanssarkhi zadleli paane
He khod kasla? Phandiphandila jakhadleli kubdi
Maran yet naahi mhanun marankalaa sosnaara
Dukhaana gadgadtaanaa he zhaad me paahila"
(I have seen this tree tremble in pain
Albeit the tree has deep roots like the Bodhi tree
The Bodhi tree at least bore flowers
This tree though is withered in all seasons
Pain trying to burst through its very pore
Leaves withered like those of a leper’s fingers
What is this disease? Crutches hung on every branch
Death does not befall and so bearing the pains of death
I have seen this tree tremble in pain)
Chronology
1935 Birth
1956 Joined as a clerk as well as a laboratory assistant in a veterinary college, Mumbai
1967 First Dalit poem published in Asmitadarsh
1968 Took active part in Dalit literature movement
1969 First article on Dalit literature published in Pratisthan
1975 Maharashtra Government Award for Kondwada
1979 Maharashtra Government Award for Balute
1982 Ford Foundation Fellowship, visited USA
1984 Visited World Book Fair at Frankfurt and read a paper on Dalit literature
1988-94 Member of textbook committee ‘Bal Bharti’
1987-94 Member of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Source Material Publication Committee, Maharashtra State
1990 Received Padmashri
1993 Chairman Drama Pre-scrutiny Board, Maharashtra State
1996 20 December, died in New Delhi.
D Borappa
Born on August 1, 1935, at Doddalghatta village in Chitradurga district, Mr. Borappa has been selected for the award for his outstanding contribution in the field of education.
Mr. Borappa, who holds MA degrees in Kannada and Political Science, has founded educational institutions and started many hostels for the benefit of poor students. He was the founder of the District Madakarinayaka Association, Chitradurga, and has donated funds for the construction of a Valmiki temple and other temples in Chitradurga district.
DIGAMBER HANSDA
QUICK FACTS
Publish Date:Fri, 20 Nov 2020 07:00 AM (IST)Author: Jagran
पद्मश्री प्रोफेसर दिगंबर हांसदा का जनजातीय और उनकी भाषा के उत्थान में महत्वपूर्ण योगदान रहा।
जासं, जमशेदपुर : पद्मश्री प्रोफेसर दिगंबर हांसदा का जनजातीय और उनकी भाषा के उत्थान में महत्वपूर्ण योगदान रहा है। वे केंद्र सरकार के जनजातीय अनुसंधान संस्थान व साहित्य अकादमी के भी सदस्य रहे। इन्होंने कई पाठ्य पुस्तकों का देवनागरी से संताली में अनुवाद किया था। उन्होंने इंटरमीडिएट, स्नातक और स्नातकोत्तर के लिएसंताली भाषा का कोर्स बनाया। उन्होंने भारतीय संविधान का संताली भाषा की ओलचिकि लिपि में अनुवाद किया था। प्रोफेसर हांसदा कोल्हान विश्वविद्यालय के सिडिकेट सदस्य भी रहे। वर्ष 2017 में दिगंबर हांसदा आईआईएम बोधगया की प्रबंध समिति के सदस्य बनाए गए थे। प्रो. हांसदा ज्ञानपीठ पुरस्कार चयन समिति (संताली भाषा) के सदस्य रहे हैं। सेंट्रल इंस्टीच्यूट आफ इंडियन लैंग्वैज मैसूर, ईस्टर्न लैंग्वैज सेंटर भुवनेश्वर में संथाली साहित्य के अनुवादक, आदिवासी वेलफेयर सोसाइटी जमशेदपुर, दिशोम जाहेरथान कमेटी जमशेदपुर एवं आदिवासी वेलफेयर ट्रस्ट जमशेदपुर के अध्यक्ष रहे। जिला साक्षरता समिति पूर्वी सिंहभूम एवं संताली साहित्य सिलेबस कमेटी, यूपीएससी नई दिल्ली और जेपीएससी झारखंड के सदस्य रह चुके हैं। दिगंबर हांसदा ने आदिवासियों के सामाजिक व आर्थिक उत्थान के लिए पश्चिम बंगाल व ओडिशा में भी काम किया। जिला प्रशासन की ओर से उपायुक्त सूरज कुमार तथा एसएसपी एम तमिल वणन ने करणडीह स्थित प्रोफेसर हांसदा के घर उन्हें श्रद्धासुमन अर्पित किए। जिला प्रशासन की ओर से जानकारी दी गई उनका अंतिम संस्कार राजकीय सम्मान के साथ होगा। दस बजे करणडीह स्थित सरजोम टोला से शव यात्रा निकलेगी। ग्यारह बजे बिष्टुपुर स्थित पार्वती घाट पहुंचेगी। वहां झारखंड सरकार के प्रतिनिधि रूप में परिवहन मंत्री चंपई सोरेन उपस्थित रहेंगे।
सेवानिवृत्ति के बाद भी लेते रहे कक्षाएं :
स्कूल, कालेजों की पुस्तको में संताली भाषा को जुड़वाने का श्रेय प्रोफेसर दिगंबर को ही जाता है। प्रो. हांसदा लालबहादुर शास्त्री मेमोरियल कालेज करनडीह के प्राचार्य भी रहे। सेवानिवृत्ति के बाद वे लगातार अपनी स्वेच्छा से कक्षाएं लेते रहे। इन्हीं के कारण कोल्हान विश्वविद्यालय में ट्राइबल लैंग्वेज विभाग स्थापित हो पाया। वे कोल्हान विवि के एकमात्र शिक्षक हैं, जिन्हें पद्मश्री सम्मान प्राप्त हुआ।
Hansda was awarded the Padma Sri civilian honour by the President of India, for his work in the field of literature and education.
EARLY LIFE
Hansda was born in a small place situated outside of Jamshedpur named Dovapani. His parents were farmers, and from a young age, Hansda helped his parents on the farm. He completed schooling from Rajdoha Middle School and Manpur High School. He did his graduation and post-graduation studies in political science from Ranchi University.
CAREER
He is a retired professor, and he continues to columns for newspapers to highlight the plight of the tribal communities. He is a pioneer of the Santhali language literature, and he is the founding member of Santhal Sahitya Akademi. He has developed the intermediate, post-graduate and under-graduate courses in the Santhali language under the directive of the state government. In 2005, he translated the Constitution of India to Santhali language from the Devanagari script.
RECOGNITION
In 2018, Hansda was awarded the Padma Sri civilian honour by the President of India, for his work in the field of literature and education. This was followed by the Lifetime Achievement Award conferred by the All India Santali Film Association (AISFA).
Dashrath Manjhi
Quick Facts
Born: 1934
Nationality: Indian
Famous: Indian Men
Died At Age: 73
Born In: GehlaurFamous As: Mountain Man
Family:
Spouse/Ex-: Falguni Devi (M. ?–1959)
Children: Bhagirath Manjhi
Died On: August 17, 2007
Place Of Death: New Delhi
Dashrath Manjhi was a poor Indian laborer who earned the epithet, ‘Mountain Man’ for sculpting a track via a hillock with just a mallet and chisel. His carving out a trail through the ‘Gehlaur’ mound which took him 22 long years is a burning example of the extraordinary feat(s) an ordinary man is capable of achieving when the odds are stacked against him. Manjhi used to be a simple villager earning his livelihood by cutting trees in the jungle and selling the wood in the market. Dire poverty compelled him to flee his home and take up a job as a miner in one of the coalmines of Dhanbad, a city in Jharkhand known as the ‘Coal Capital of India’. After toiling in the coalmines for several years, he came to his native village and set up a home with his wife Falguni Devi. Falguni had to climb up and down the hillock everyday to carry lunch for her husband who’d be engaged either in cutting trees or working in the fields. While carrying lunch for Dashrath one day, a pregnant Falguni suffered a fall, injuring herself fatally, and subsequently dying. Extremely grief-stricken by the unfortunate event, Manjhi made up his mind to cut through the knoll to create a passageway so that nobody in future suffered the same fate his wife did.
Childhood & Early Life
Dashrath Manjhi was born in 1934 in the village of Gehlour in Bihar to laborer parents who were very destitute and needy. India was still under British Rule then. Gehlour is situated in Muhra Tehsil in the district of Gaya, and the Gaya Town was situated several kilometers away.
Not much is known about his childhood and early life except that he started working as a woodcutter while still in his teens in order to make ends meet. Dashrath got married in his childhood, keeping with the traditional and cultural norms of his caste
About the Hamlet Dashrath Hailed From
Gehlour, the village Dashrath was born in, still happens to be backward and the villagers continue to follow the orthodox caste system that by its very nature is disruptive. Villagers belonging to the lowermost hierarchies of the caste system are treated as outcasts and their womenfolk, regarded as mere chattels.
The majority of villagers residing in Gehlour are Dalits who tend to eke out a livelihood by serving others and working as scavengers. Before Dashrath hammered his way through the hillock straddling Wazirgunj and Atri subdivisions in Gaya, villagers had to trudge via a narrow and precipitous path going over the mound to hail a transport.
Dashrath Weds Falguni Devi: Unfolding of a Saga of Lifelong Devotion
Manjhi left his village and traveled all the way to Dhanbad, the 2nd largest city of Jharkhand, situated in Damodar Valley—called ‘Ruhr of India’—as the region accounts for 60% of India’s coal deposits. He toiled in one of the collieries of Dhanbad for close to seven years before returning to his village.
Upon his return, Dashrath was smitten by a village belle by the name of Falguni. Later on he discovered that the young woman he fell for was the same girl he had been married off to during his childhood. However, Falguni’s father dissuaded Dashrath from taking her along with him owing to his unemployment.
Manjhi’s steely resolve to reunite with Falguni saw him eloping with his childhood bride. Subsequently, they started living together under one roof as man and wife. Very soon, they became the proud parents of a baby boy and Falguni became pregnant again with their 2nd child in 1960.
How a Tragedy Transformed the Life of Dashrath
One fateful day, Falguni, who was in an advanced stage of pregnancy, was bringing lunch for Dashrath working in the fields when she suddenly tripped while climbing the hillock. Dashrath, who was anxiously waiting in the blistering heat for his wife to show up, was unaware of the sudden development and unexpected mishap.
After tripping, Falguni Devi rolled downwards from the Gehlour mound and lay in an unconscious state. Dashrath was alerted by a villager about the catastrophe that had befallen his wife. Panic-stricken, he rushed to the spot only to find her in a blood-splattered state and took her to a hospital, 70 km away.
The physician who examined Falguni Devi after Dashrath had rushed her to the hospital announced that she was lifeless. He was beset with overwhelming grief as he found it very difficult to come to terms with the fact that his wife had passed away. Falguni Devi had given birth to a baby girl before breathing her last.
Thoroughly disconsolate and inconsolable, Manjhi started imprecating the knoll that had snatched away his beloved. Afterwards when he took his grief in his stride, he took an oath to shatter the ego of the mound—he made up his mind to keep chipping away at the hillock until a wide passage was created.
When his father and other villagers came to know about Dashrath’s plan, they tried their level best to dissuade him by reiterating to him that he was about to embark on an impossible mission. However, it was his enduring love for his wife that further strengthened his resolve to accomplish a task that indeed was inconceivable.
The Making of the Mountain Man
Dashrath simply did not explore the option of requesting the local, state or central government for assistance, financial or otherwise, as he was certain of being turned away. So, he took it upon himself to cut through the hillock and create a path single-handedly.
He bought a hammer and chisel by selling a few goats he owned and set upon the task in 1960. He would start hammering away at the Gehlour mound at 4 a.m. and would continue till 8 p.m., taking a few hours’ break in the afternoon to work in the fields.
His dedication and missionary zeal earned him the epithet, “Mountain Man”. Oftentimes, he would be without food and water for hours on end and at other times subsist just on leaves. A few years later, there was an exodus of villagers from Gehlaur owing to a severe drought but he stayed put.
Gradually, Dashrath’s perseverance and his devotion towards his mission attracted the attention of the media and he even received help from fellow villagers and neighbors who had once openly criticized him. At last, in 1982, his long cherished wish of burrowing his way through the knoll was fulfilled.
After 22 years of relentless hammering and chipping, he had achieved the impossible—he had constructed a path, 360 feet long, 30 feet wide, and 25 feet high. The tunneling through the hillock had created a passageway that decreased the distance of 55 km between Atri and Wazirgunj by 40 km.
Manjhi accomplished another challenging task soon after—he journeyed to New Delhi, travelling on foot for three months to plead with the administration for assistance. Eventually, the government lent a helping hand by completing the Herculean task of carving the hummock to create a traversable passage and also helped establish a dispensary.
The Tragic Demise
Dashrath Manjhi breathed his last on 17 August 2007. He was suffering from gall bladder cancer. He was accorded a public funeral by state government.
The Legacy of the Mountain Man
The Bihar state government sent a proposal to the central government, recommending Dashrath’s name for ‘Padma Shree’—an award given to civilians for exemplary social service—in 2006.
A documentary titled, ‘The Man Who Moved the Mountain,’ revolving around Dashrath’s life, was released in 2011. A Bollywood movie named, ‘Manjhi-The Mountain Man’ was released for commercial screening in August 2015. Two Kannada movies were also made that were based on Dashrath Manjhi.
In 2011, the government of Bihar named the road going through the Gehlour mound as ‘Dashrath Manjhi Path’.
माउन्टेन मैन : दशरथ मांझी in Hindi
(14.2.1934--17.8.2007)
वह बिहार में गया जिले के करीब गहलौर गांव में रहने वाला एक गरीब खेत मजदूर था, जिसने केवल एक हथौड़ा और छेनी लेकर अकेले अपनी हिम्मत के सहारे ही 360 फुट लम्बी, 30 फुट चौड़ी और 25 फुट ऊंचे पहाड़ को काटकर एक सड़क बना डाली. 22 वर्षों के अत्यंत ही कठिन परिश्रम के बाद, दशरथ मांझी द्वारा बनाई सड़क ने अतरी और वजीरगंज ब्लाक की दूरी को 55 किलोमीटर से घटाकर मात्र 15 किलोमीटर ही कर दिया.
गहलौर गांव में 1934 में जन्मे इस सज्जन ने ये साबित किया है कि अगर इंसान ठान ले तो कोई भी काम असंभव नहीं है. एक इंसान जिसके पास पैसा नहीं, कोई ताकत नहीं, मगर उसने इतना बड़ा पहाड़ खोदकर उस में से सड़क बनानी, उनकी जिन्दगी से हमें एक सीख मिलती है कि अगर इंसान दृढ़ निश्चय करले तो हम किसी भी कठिनाई को पार कर सकते है, बस उस काम को करने की दिल में जिद्द और जनून होना चाहिए. उनकी 22 वर्षो की कठिन मेहनत से उन्होंने अकेले ही अपने गांव को शहर से जोड़ने वाली एक ऐसी सड़क बनाई जिसका उपयोग आज आसपास के सभी गांव वाले करते है.
दशरथ मांझी की शादी कम उम्र में ही फाल्गुनी देवी से हो गई थी. एक दिन जब दशरथ मांझी खेत में काम कर रहा था और उसकी पत्नी, नित प्रतिदिन की भांति अपने पति के लिए खाना ले जाते समय पहाड़ से फ़िसलकर गिर गई और गम्भीर रूप में घायल हो गई, और उस वक़्त वह गर्भवती भी थी. दशरथ मांझी उसे उठाकर घर ले आया मगर उसे इलाज़ के लिए शहर ले जाना था, जिसके लिए उसके पास कोई साधन नहीं था. गांव के अमीर ठाकुर लोग जिनके पास गाड़ियां थी, दशरथ मांझी उन सब के पास बारी-बारी से गए और मदद के लिए बिनती की कि उसकी पत्नी को गाड़ी में डालकर अस्पताल पहुंचा दें, मगर पूरे गांव में किसी ने उसकी मदद नहीं की. आख़िर में उसने पत्नी को बैलगाड़ी पर लेटाया और शहर की और चल दिया. देर शाम को जब वह अस्पताल पहुंचा, तब तक बहुत देर हो चुकी थी और डॉक्टरों ने उसकी जांच पड़ताल करके बताया कि उसने पत्नी को अस्पताल लाने में बहुत देर कर दी, खून ज़्यादा बहने से फाल्गुनी का निधन हो गया. अगर फाल्गुनी देवी को समय रहते अस्पताल ले जाया गया होता, तो शायद वो बच जाती. यह बात उसके अन्दर तक इतनी बुरी तरह चुभ गई कि दशरथ मांझी ने संकल्प कर लिया कि, भले ही सरकार या और कोई संस्था उसकी सहायता करें या ना, वह अकेले ही पहाड़ के बीचों बीच से रास्ता निकालेंगे, ताकि देर से डॉक्टरी सहायता ना मिलने की वजह से गांव के किसी और व्यक्ति को मौत न देखनी पड़े. तो ऐसे संकल्प में बंधे हुए उसने गहलौर की पहाड़ियों में से रास्ता बनाना शुरू किया. इन्होंने बताया, “जब मैंने पहाड़ी तोड़ना शुरू किया तो लोगों ने मुझे पागल कहा- कि ऐसे कभी हुआ है कि एक अकेला आदमी इतनी ऊंची पहाड़ी को काटकर, वह भी बिना मशीनों और विस्फोटक पदार्थों के, सड़क बना दे. लेकिन मैंने अपने पक्के निश्चय और भी मजबूत इरादे के चलते हुए यह सब सम्भव कर दिखाया.”
इतने बड़ी परियोजना को पूरा करने के लिए उसे 22 वर्ष (1960-1982) लगे और अतरी और वज़ीरगंज सेक्टर्स की दूरी 55 किमी से घटकर 15 किमी तक रह गई. दशरथ मांझी का यह पहाड़ से भी ज्यादा मजबूत प्रयास एक बहुत बड़ा सराहनीय कार्य है. उसके इतने बड़े कार्य के लिए अख़बारों/मैगज़ीनों/टीवी इत्यादि में चर्चा तो हुई ,मग़र इनाम के नाम पर एक मेहनतकश इंसान को मिला कुछ भी नहीं. बिहार की सरकार ने उसे पांच लाख रूपये देने की घोषणा भी की, मग़र यह धनराशि उसे कभी वितरण नहीं की गई. बिहार की राज्य सरकार ने उनकी इस उपलब्धि के लिए सामाजिक सेवा के क्षेत्र में 2006 में पद्मश्री हेतु उनके नाम का प्रस्ताव भी केन्द्रीय सरकार को भेजा, मग़र उसे यह भी मिला कभी नहीं. कारण- दशरथ मांझी भी एक एससी परिवार से सम्बन्ध रखने वाला इंसान था और यह तो हमारे समाज की एक बहुत बड़ी कुरीति और कुचाल ही कहेंगे, कि एससी लोग जितना मर्जी बड़ा असम्भव कार्य करके दिखा दें, समाज को उसे जितना मर्जी फ़ायदा पहुंचा हो, मगर तथाकथित बड़े लोग कभी सम्मानजनक धनराशि, इनाम और पद प्रदिष्ठा देने में हमेशा से अवेहलना करते ही आये हैं. दशरथ मांझी के साथ भी यही कुछ हुआ. मशहूर फ़िल्म अभिनेता आमिर खान ने अपने एक टीवी सीरियल “सत्यमेव जयते” में उसके इस महान कार्य पर एक एपिसोड भी बनाया, उसे दो-ढाई करोड़ की कमाई भी की मग़र, उसके परिवार को घर बनाने के लिए वादा की हुई धनराशि 15 लाख रूपये कभी नहीं मिले. अगर यही असम्भव सा कार्य दशरथ मांझी की जगह किसी ब्राह्मण या क्षत्रिय ने किया होता तो सरकार ने उसे कब से भारत रत्न प्रदान कर दिया होता और न जाने देश कितनी बड़ी-बड़ी कम्पनियों ने उसे दिल खोलकर कितनी बड़ी-बड़ी धनराशि भी इनाम में दे दी होती. दशरथ माँझी की 17 अगस्त, 2007 को दिल्ली में मृत्यु हो गई थी.
फ्रांस के एक बहुत बड़े विद्वान, राजनैतिक विश्लेषक और दार्शनिक- रूसो ने बहुत वर्ष पहले कहा था कि अगर आप सच्चे दिल से चाहते हो कि आपका देश खूब उन्नति, विकास करे, प्रगति की बुलंदियां छुए और इस पथ पर हमेशा आगे बढ़ता ही रहे तो इसके लिए यह अत्यंत ही आवश्यक है कि समाज में रहने वाले सभी धर्मों और जातियों के लोगों को पढ़ाई-लिखाई के बराबर अवसर दिए जाए. किसी भी क्षेत्र में अच्छा कार्य करने वालों का समय-समय पर यथासम्भव मान-सम्मान व सराहना भी होनी चाहिए, ताकि समाज के अन्य लोगों के लिए यह एक प्रेरणा स्रोत बनते रहें. मगर हमारे देश का एक बहुत बड़ा दुर्भाग्य ही कहेंगे कि यहां पर जातिपाति आधारित अनेकों मतभेद, शोषण और तिरस्कार हज़ारों वर्षों से होते आए हैं, यही कारण है कि हमारा देश अन्य देशों के मुकाबले वैज्ञानिक उन्नति, विकास और प्रगति की श्रेणी में विकासशील देशों से बहुत पिछड़ा हुआ है, हालांकि आबादी की दृष्टि से हम पूरी दुनियां में दूसरे नंबर पर हैं. जितनी जल्दी से जल्दी यह सिलसिला बदला जाएगा/विसंगतियां दूर की जाएंगी, पूरे देश और समाज के लिए उतना ही बेहतर, लाभकारी और हितकारी होगा.--आरडी भारद्वाज ‘नूरपुरी’ ने लिखा है.
from-Dalit Dastak
नोट-साभार लेख व स्रौत के नाम में दलित शब्द आया हैं। साभार सामग्री में संशोधन की ज्यादा गुंजाइश नहीं रहती। इसलिए मुझे/हमें दलित शब्द का समर्थक न समझा जाए बल्कि मैं/हम इसके स्थान पर उपयुक्त संवैधानिक शब्द अनुसूचित जाति (एस.सी.) का प्रयोग करते हैं।
Eshwari Bai
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Eshwari Bai
Member of the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly
In office
1967–1978
Preceded by T. N. Sadalakshmi
Succeeded by Tadur Bala Goud
Personal details
Born 1 December 1918
Died 25 February 1991 (aged 72)
Nationality Indian
Political party Republican Party of India
Children Geeta Reddy, daughter
Occupation Politician
Jetti Eshwari Bai[a] (1 December 1918 – 25 February 1991) was an Indian politician, a Member of the Legislative Assembly and president of the Republican Party of India. She worked for the upliftment of the backward classes who were subjected to slavery and caste discrimination for generations by the upper castes.
Life
Eshwari Bai was born on 1 December 1918. She started her career as a teacher in Paropakarini School in Secunderabad and later started a school named Geetha Vidyalaya in Chilkalguda, Secunderabad. She held workshops for the poor women of the locality, who learned crafting, tailoring, painting etc., helping economically poor women to secure to support themselves and their families.
Bai was elected as a councillor of the Secunderabad Municipal Corporation in 1950.
She founded the Civic Rights Committee (CRC) in the 1960s to contest the Hyderabad municipal elections as an apolitical party. It won four seats in those elections.[citation needed]
Inspired by B. R. Ambedkar, Bai joined the Scheduled Castes Federation (SCF) and in 1958, when SCF was renamed as the Republican Party of India (RPI), she was elected as General Secretary. She went on to become the President of RPI later. In 1962 general elections she lost on RPI ticket from Yellareddy Assembly constituency, but won in the 1967 polls. She was the Vice Chairperson of the Telangana Praja Samithi (TPS) and won a ticket in 1972 elections again from Yellareddy on an RPI – TPS ticket.
As a chairperson of the Women and Child Welfare, Bai was instrumental in bringing legislation for free education of girl students up to higher education. She was the secretary of Indian Conference of Social Welfare and member of the Indian Red Cross Society.[citation needed] She also fought for separate statehood for Telangana in 1969 and was imprisoned at the Chanchalguda jail in Hyderabad.
Personal life
Bai had four brothers and a sister. She was married to Jetti Laxminarayana, a dentist from Pune, at the age of 13. Her daughter, J. Geeta Reddy, is a politician with the Indian National Congress party.
Bai died on 25 February 1991.
The Eshwari Bai Memorial Award was instituted in her honour.
Eknath Awad
Advocate Eknath Awad, who is also known as “Jija” fondly, (meaning “the respected”). he was born in Maharashtra on 19th January 1956 in a Potraj (Mang) family. Potraj is an oppressive profession assigned to some Dalit castes. They grow long dreadlocks, smear vermillion on their forehead, wear a multi-coloured cloth around the waist and a whip in hand, whip themselves as they dance. Eknath’s difficult childhood was steeped in these humiliations of caste, untouchability and poverty. However, Awad was a bright young man, he finished his schooling in village schools and went on to attain his Bachelors of Arts (BA), graduated with a Masters of Arts (MA), Masters in Social Work (MSW) and later LLB. During his time in college, he was exposed to Phule-Ambedkarite ideology.
He became an active member of the Dalit Panthers. As a politically empowered Dalit man, he was at the forefront of Namantar (renaming) struggle of Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University that unleashed violence against Dalits of Marathwada affecting more than 25,000 people in Marathwada. His time in this struggle exposed him to the understanding of oppressive structures holding caste-marginalized people hostage. He realized that dalits lived as bonded laborers and as slaves in the fields of dominant castes generation after generation. If they asserted for their rights, upper caste landlords countered with gruesome atrocities. Awad realized that tackling just the issues of human rights was inadequate, these issues had to be complemented with economic and social overhaul. With these things in mind, he established Rural Development Centre (RDC) in 1985 with the vision that reform could be effective only if it was supported by peoples’ movements.
In 1990, Manvi Hakka Abhiyan or Campaign for Human Rights (CHR) was born inspired from the struggles of Ambedkar, Phule, Annabhau Sathe, Shahu Maharaj, Martin Luther King and Nelson Mandela. This movement worked to legalize barren land in villages under as property of Dalits. More than 24,607 Dalit families submitted grazing land ownership claims from 1100 villages. Awad’s struggle managed to free more than 70,000 hectares of land. He had a broad vision for Bahujan well-being and worked on not only Dalit rights but the issues of child rights, education, gender justice, conservation and sustainable agriculture in drought-inflicted Marathwada. He advocated for peoples’ to be free of the shackles of caste, patriarchy and superstition. between 1995 and 2012, he started the satyashodhak (truthseekers), debrahminised congregational marriages. in an act of liberation, Along with his thousands of followers in 2006, he also converted to Buddhism in Nagpur. We honour his work and legacy that are celebrated in Maharashtra and nationwide. credit: Nilesh Kumar, First published in Round Table India
Gunda Dhur
AdithyanSalee
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During 1910, Gunda Dhur was a tribal leader of village Netanar, of Bastar district, in Chattisgarh. He played a major role on the rebellion of the Dhurwas of Kanger forest in Bastar on 2 February 1910. He was joining by his companion called Murat Singh Bakshi, Balaprasad Nazir and Kalandri.
More than 50 tribal people fought against the colonial power in Bastar and made every possible effort to drive the power away from Bastar.
The 1910 Rebellion and Gunda Dhur’s role:
The British colonial government proposed to reserve two-thirds of the Kanger Forest as a reserved forest in 1910. This new proposal was opposed by a number of tribal in the area as they could be affected due to the proposal.
Gunda Dhur played a major role in organizing tribes in Bastar district against the British. Red chili, Soil, Bows & arrows, mango-twigs became the symbol of spreading massage among the tribal like Chapatis and lotus for the revolution in 1857.
As per the decision they had taken each family contributed to the rebellion. The rebels led by Gunda Dhur robbed, looted and burnt British granaries and redistributed grains to the poor. Apart from that, they fought against injustice being done to the tribal by local zamindaar and leaders as well.
The British’s stand on Gunda Dhur.
British power was in great trouble as long as Gunda Dhur along with the tribal troop was opposing. As per the historical records, the British Troops had to take shelter in local caves here.
Later, tribal power began to diminish. The Adivasi leader Gunda Dhur tried to negotiate but the British fired their camps and villages. Although the British succeeded, they never managed to capture Gunda Dhur. But the partial victory of Gunda Dhur was that the British reduced the reservation of forests to roughly half of what was proposed before.
Aftermath:
Now the things that brought about changes after the protest.
The British had to change their plan to reserve the forest made it almost half of what it proposed.
Even today, tribal people living across the Kanger Forest region praise the heroic acts of Gunda Dhur in various folk songs, stories etc.
Many educational institutes are named after Guda Dhur.
Gangaram Thaware
Not real picture
From Wikipedia
Gangaram Thaware (23 April 1902 – 16 August 1952) was a member of the Rajya Sabha. Shri Gangaramji Thaware was born in Jamb, in Maharashtra. His father's name was Mathaji Thaware and mother's name was Kautukabai Thaware.
Early life
Shri Gangaramji Thaware completed his primary education in Jamb in 1912. Then he was sent to Tumsar for higher education. He went to Nagpur in 1916 for further education. However, he discontinued his education in 1918.
He married Champa in 1918 and after her death he married Mainavati. Thaware had a son named Nana Thaware (Rushikesh Thaware).
Shri G. M. Thaware was a strict Mahanubhav Panthi. As such he was strict vegetarian and teetotaler throughout his life. It is said that he was inspired by the thoughts and deeds of Kisan Fagu Bansod and dedicated himself to social service.
Shri Thaware thought that all the sub-castes should not adhere to the castes system. They should encourage inter-dining and inter-caste marriage. They should discard all the old traditions and superstitions. They should be educated and unite for a common cause.
Political life
The Mahanubhav Panthiya Ashprushya Samaj was established in the year 1935. Its President was Raosheb Thaware. In the year 1920, he opened one primary school and one library in Nagpur. In the year 1922, he founded an educational institute. Classes commenced at the night school at Sadar Bazaar, Nagpur in 1920.
From 1926 to 1944, he was the secretary of All India Depressed Classes Association. However after the death of Shri M. C. Rajah (its president) the association virtually came to an end. He was in the SCF from 1945 to 1949. He tried to organize the labor force working in Public Work Department (PWD), Railway Textile Industries and Bidi Factories. He became the president of Cottons Union of Textile NA Co.
He joined the Congress in 1950. He had contested the elections for the legislative assembly of CP and Berar in 1937, for the Bhandara Sakoli Reserved seat, but he was defeated by ILP candidate Raghobaji Ghadichor. He was to contest for the first Lok Sabha for the Bhandara Constituency but his nomination was rejected. He was then elected to the Rajya Sabha from Madhya Pradesh State for Indian National Congress (INC) in the year 1952 (3 April 1952 to 16 August 1952).
He died at New Delhi on 16 August 1952 at the age of 50.
Gopal Baba Walangkar
Gopal Baba Walangkar, also known as Gopal Krishna, (ca. 1840-1900) is an early example of an activist working to release the untouchable people of India from their historic socio-economic oppression, and is generally considered to be the pioneer of that movement. He developed a racial theory to explain the oppression and also published the first journal targeted at the untouchable people.
Life
Gopal Baba Walangkar was born into a family of the untouchable Mahar caste around 1840 at Ravdal, near Mahad in what is now Raigad district, Maharashtra. He was related to Ramabai, who in 1906 married the polymathic social reformer, B. R. Ambedkar. In 1886, after serving in the Army in 1886. Walangkar settled at Dapoli and became influenced by another early social reformer, Jyotirao Phule, thus being a link between two of the most significant reform families of the period.
Walangkar was appointed to the local taluk board of Mahad in 1895, which displeased the members from the upper castes and caused considerable debate in newspapers. He died at Ravdal in 1900.
Activism
The Aryan invasion theory, since discredited, was in vogue at this time. Walangkar extended Phule's version of this racial theory, that the untouchable people of India were the indigenous inhabitants and that the Brahmin people were descended from Aryans who had invaded the country. Walangkar claimed that "high-caste people from the south were 'Australian–Semitic non-Aryans' and African negroes, that Chitpavan Brahmans were 'Barbary Jews', and that the high-caste Marathas' forebears were 'Turks'".
In 1888, Walangkar began publishing the monthly journal titled Vital-Vidhvansak (Destroyer of Brahmanical or Ceremonial Pollution), which was the first to have the untouchable people as its target audience. He also wrote articles for Marathi-language newspapers such as Sudharak and Deenbandhu, as well as composing couplets in Marathi that were intended to inspire the people.
Having read Hindu religious texts, Walangkar concluded that caste was contrived by the Aryan invaders to control the Anaryans (indigenous people). In 1889, he published Vital Viduvansan (Annihilation of Ceremonial Pollution), which protested the position of untouchables in society and raised consciousness regarding what those people should expect. He addressed this pamphlet, which was crafted as a collection of 26 questions, to the elites of Maharashtrian society. T. N. Valunjkar says that Walangkar "can be regarded as the first intellectual rebel from the dalit community to have launched a scathing criticism of the caste system and the position of dalits in it." Nonetheless, his criticism was intended to cause change through an appeal to those elites, rather than an opposition to them. It was an awareness-raising style, in the hope that the paternalist elements of society would take heed but it also warned that the untouchables might leave India unless their situation improved. A further significant work, titled Hindu Dharma Darpan, appeared in 1894.
Walangkar also at once empowered the Mahars and diminished the influence of Brahmin priests by forming a group of Mahar astrologers to set the times for religious ceremonies, which was effectively the only service that Brahmins had been willing to perform for the caste.
Walangkar founded the Anarya Dosh-Parihar Mandali (Society for the Removal of Evils Among the Non-Aryans). Some sources say this took place in the same year that he left the army but Anand Teltumbde gives 1890 as the date and suggests it was connected with an issue relating to military recruitment. The Mahar were initially heavily recruited into British military units, but this process slowed after the Indian Rebellion of 1857. Their recruitment was halted under Lord Kitchener in the early 1890s. Before the rebellion, Mahar regiments made up one-sixth of the Bombay units of the British East India Company but thereafter they were pensioned off and gradually removed from military service. Mahar recruitment reached its nadir in the early 1890s (sources differ as to exact year) when Kitchener halted the recruitment of untouchables in Maharashtra in favour of "martial races," such as the Marathas and other north-western communities. The Mahar community attempted to confront this block with a petition circulated among the Mahar, Chamar, and Mang former soldiers—all Marathi-speaking untouchables—but the movement was unable to organise and submit their petition. It was Walangkar, through the Anarya Dosh-Parihar Mandali, who attempted this petition.
Walangkar is generally considered to be the pioneer of the Dalit movement, despite the work of Harichand Thakur through his Matua organisation involving the Namasudra (Chandala) community in Bengal Presidency. Ambedkar himself believed Walangkar to be the progenitor.
Gopal Baba Walangkar, also known as Gopal Krishna, (ca. 1840-1900) is an early example of an activist working to release the untouchable people of India from their historic socio-economic oppression, and is generally considered to be the pioneer of that movement. He developed a racial theory to explain the oppression and also published the first journal targeted at the untouchable people.
Life
Gopal Baba Walangkar was born into a family of the untouchable Mahar caste around 1840 at Ravdal, near Mahad in what is now Raigad district, Maharashtra. He was related to Ramabai, who in 1906 married the polymathic social reformer, B. R. Ambedkar. In 1886, after serving in the army, Walangkar settled at Dapoli and became influenced by another early social reformer, Jyotirao Phule, thus being a link between two of the most significant reform families of the period.
Walangkar was appointed to the local taluk board of Mahad in 1895, which displeased the members from the upper castes and caused considerable debate in newspapers. He died at Ravdal in 1900.
Activism
The Aryan invasion theory, since discredited, was in vogue at this time. Walangkar extended Phule's version of this racial theory, that the untouchable people of India were the indigenous inhabitants and that the Brahmin people were descended from Aryans who had invaded the country. Walangkar claimed that "high-caste people from the south were 'Australian–Semitic non-Aryans' and African negroes, that Chitpavan Brahmans were 'Barbary Jews', and that the high-caste Marathas' forebears were 'Turks'".
In 1888, Walangkar began publishing the monthly journal titled Vital-Vidhvansak (Destroyer of Brahmanical or Ceremonial Pollution), which was the first to have the untouchable people as its target audience. He also wrote articles for Marathi-language newspapers such as Sudharak and Deenbandhu, as well as composing couplets in Marathi that were intended to inspire the people.
Having read Hindu religious texts, Walangkar concluded that caste was contrived by the Aryan invaders to control the Anaryans (indigenous people). In 1889, he published Vital Viduvansan (Annihilation of Ceremonial Pollution), which protested the position of untouchables in society and raised consciousness regarding what those people should expect. He addressed this pamphlet, which was crafted as a collection of 26 questions, to the elites of Maharashtrian society. T. N. Valunjkar says that Walangkar "can be regarded as the first intellectual rebel from the dalit community to have launched a scathing criticism of the caste system and the position of dalits in it." Nonetheless, his criticism was intended to cause change through an appeal to those elites, rather than an opposition to them. It was an awareness-raising style, in the hope that the paternalist elements of society would take heed but it also warned that the untouchables might leave India unless their situation improved. A further significant work, titled Hindu Dharma Darpan, appeared in 1894.
Walangkar also at once empowered the Mahars and diminished the influence of Brahmin priests by forming a group of Mahar astrologers to set the times for religious ceremonies, which was effectively the only service that Brahmins had been willing to perform for the caste.
Walangkar founded the Anarya Dosh-Parihar Mandali (Society for the Removal of Evils Among the Non-Aryans). Some sources say this took place in the same year that he left the army but Anand Teltumbde gives 1890 as the date and suggests it was connected with an issue relating to military recruitment. The Mahar were initially heavily recruited into British military units, but this process slowed after the Indian Rebellion of 1857. Their recruitment was halted under Lord Kitchener in the early 1890s. Before the rebellion, Mahar regiments made up one-sixth of the Bombay units of the British East India Company but thereafter they were pensioned off and gradually removed from military service. Mahar recruitment reached its nadir in the early 1890s (sources differ as to exact year) when Kitchener halted the recruitment of untouchables in Maharashtra in favour of "martial races," such as the Marathas and other north-western communities. The Mahar community attempted to confront this block with a petition circulated among the Mahar, Chamar, and Mang former soldiers—all Marathi-speaking untouchables—but the movement was unable to organise and submit their petition. It was Walangkar, through the Anarya Dosh-Parihar Mandali, who attempted this petition.
Walangkar is generally considered to be the pioneer of the Dalit movement, despite the work of Harichand Thakur through his Matua organisation involving the Namasudra (Chandala) community in Bengal Presidency. Ambedkar himself believed Walangkar to be the progenitor.
Gopi Shankar Madurai
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Gopi Shankar Madurai
Gopi Shankar Madurai at WorldPride Madrid Summit, Spain (June 2017)
Born 13 April 1991
Education American College, Madurai
Occupation Writer, Speaker, Equal Rights Activist
Awards The Commonwealth Nations Youth Worker Award 2016, HCR Queen's Young Leader Award 2017.
Gopi Shankar Madurai (Tamil: கோபி ஷங்கர் மதுரை, born 13 April 1991) is an Indian equal rights and Indigenous rights activist. Shankar was one of the youngest, and the first openly intersex and genderqueer, candidates to contest in 2016 Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly election. Shankar is also the founder of Srishti Madurai Student Volunteer Collective. Shankar’s work inspired the Madras High Court (Madurai Bench) to direct the Government of Tamil Nadu to order a ban on sex reassignment surgeries on intersex children. In December 2017 Shankar was elected to the Executive board of ILGA Asia. In August 2020 the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment appointed Shankar as the South Regional representative in the National Council for Transgender Persons.
Early life
Shankar was born as Sarvapunya in Sellur slum at Madurai, Tamil Nadu. At the age of fourteen, Shankar started volunteering Ramakrishna Mission. Later Shankar was accepted as a probationer for being a monk at Ramakrishna Math. In 2005, Shankar was given spiritual initiation under the spiritual lineage of Swami Vivekananda by Swami Gitanandaji (Former Vice-president of Ramakrishna Math and Mission) who is also a disciple of Swami Virajananda. During Shankar's tenure in Ramakrishna Math, Shankar served as the assistant to the editor of Sri Ramakrishna Vijayam Magazine. In April 2010 Shankar left Ramakrishna Math to pursue Religion, Philosophy, and Sociology studies at The American College in Madurai (affiliated to Madurai Kamaraj University). Gopi is a student of Yoga for more than 15 years and served as Yoga Instructor for 5 years. Shankar taught Yoga for free to more than 5000 children and Indian Philosophy class for many westerners including Tony MacMahon of Ireland. Shankar partly freelanced the New Horizon Media Pvt Ltd (Tamil Publications).[6] Shankar was awarded a Leadership Degree "Leading Change" exclusively for The Queen's Young Leaders from the University of Cambridge in 2017.
Social activist
Shankar is founder of Srishti Madurai Volunteer Movement one of the first inclusive non-funded pro bono group of its kind which has involved academicians, Independent scholars, human rights activist, environmentalists, animal rights activists and LGBTQIA, genderqueer activists aiming to protect the Indigenous traditions. In October 2011 Shankar launched India's first helpline for genderqueer, LGBTQIA people at Madurai. Later in June 2013 the helpline turned to offer service for 24 hours with a tagline Just having someone understanding to talk to can save a life. Shankar also organized Asia's first Genderqueer Pride Parade at Madurai. Shankar also introduced LGBTQIA courses in few schools and universities curciculam Shankar was also a young panelist to share chair in University Grants Commission of India (UGC) and Indian Council of Social Sciences Research (ICSSR) sponsored National Seminars in India, Shankar conducted more than 85 Seminars, Interactive sessions on Gender & Sexuality for 8000 students in Madurai. Shankar coined the regional Tamil terms for genderqueer people and wrote Maraikkappatta Pakkangal the first book on Gender-Variants in Tamil. In April 2015, Shankar was invited by Tiruchi Siva to witness the passing of historical Rights of Transgender Persons Bill, 2014 at Rajya Sabha upper house of the Parliament of India. For contributions as a gender minority to Hinduism, Shankar was presented "Young Hindu Award" by writer Aravindan Neelakandan, Joe D Cruz at 6th Hindu Spiritual Services Fair.
Gopi Shankar M speaking on Intersex and Medical Violations at Autonomous University of Madrid with Katrina Karkazis of Stanford University School of Medicine & Carlos Duarte from Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Portugal)
Shankar petitioned the case of Asian Games medalist Santhi Soundarajan who was stripped of her medal after a gender test to the State and Central Government. Shankar launched multiple complaints on behalf of athlete Santhi in National Commission for Scheduled Castes and National Human Rights Commission of India also initiated Justice For Santhi Campaign which was instrumental in fetching her a permanent posting as athletic coach in Tamil Nadu Sports Development Authority in December 2016.
Asia's first genderqueer Pride Parade at Madurai Gopi Shankar M with Anjali Gopalan
Shankar was a speaker at WorldPride Madrid Summit 2017. Shankar shared chair with Federico Mayor Zaragoza Director-General of UNESCO, Myrna Cunningham of United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues and Zanele Muholi (Artivist) for the historic MADRID SUMMIT DECLARATION.
The State Council of Educational Research and Training under Government of Tamil Nadu has called Shankar to give inputs on Sex, Gender and Sexuality studies for the 2017 New School Curriculum Development Committee of Tamil Nadu to include LGBTQIA+ community in school studies. Shankar was also part of the panel on Theological Reader on Gender & Sexuality for National Council of Churches in India.
Shankar is one of the core committee members of Intersex Asia, it is the Asia's first collective forum for Intersex Individuals and organisations, the first state policy briefing on Intersex Human Rights was organised by Shankar in July 2019.
Transgender activism
Shankar through Srishti Madurai helpline rescued several trans women from forced sex work and begging. Shankar also mentors the Transgender India forum India's first 24x7 holistic help and support discussion forum for intersex and transgender people, as well as their families.
Shankar and trans woman S. Swapna staged a protest in Madurai collectorate on 7 October 2013 demanding reservation and to permit alternate genders to appear for examinations conducted by TNPSC, UPSC, SSC and Bank Exams. Later, Swapna successfully moved the Madras High Court in 2013 seeking permission to write the TNPSC Group II exam as a ‘woman’ candidate.
Death threats
In 2016, Shankar was sexually, verbally harassed and received death threats from a member of one of the political parties during Shankar's campaign, then the Tamil Nadu Police assigned Shankar with three security officers whenever Shankar is out campaigning. Shankar also expressed dismay on homophobia and transphobia in Tamil Muslim community when the youth wing of the Indian National League, a Muslim party, Calling LGBTQIA+ people as "cultural terrorists", the poster calls for the "death sentence under section 377" and warns of terror against the community as homosexuality is "against Tamil culture" was put up by a day after Orlando nightclub shooting in the United States.
Protection for intersex people in India
In 2015 Shankar urged Indian parliament to include intersex people in bill protecting trans rights, Shankar also launched an official complaint to National Human Rights Commission of India to ban the forced sex selective surgeries on intersex infants also to ensure their fundamental constitutional rights in India for which the NHRC issued directions to the Secretary Union Health Ministry Government of India to respond Shankar within 8 weeks.
On 22 April 2019 the Madras High Court (Madurai Bench) passed a landmark judgment and issued direction to ban Sex-Selective Surgeries on Intersex Infants based on the works of Gopi Shankar, the Court took note of the issue of the rampant practice of compulsory sex reassignment surgeries performed on inter-sex infants and children. The Court also expressed its gratitude to Shankar, noting that Shankar's work has had been a humbling and enlightening experience for the Court
Awards and accolades
Shankar was also awarded the Diversity Leadership Award 2016 by the World HRD Congress and featured in ‘India’s 8 LGBT role models under 30’ by Gaysi for voicing intersex rights in India.Out Leadership recommended Gopi Shankar as one of the expert and openly advocating leaders on LGBT+ issues along with Indian Minister Arun Jaitley and human rights activist Anjali GopalanIndia Times listed Shankar as one of the 11 Human Rights Activists Whose Life Mission Is To Provide Others With A Dignified Life
Global Innovator 2020 - Human Rights Campaign
Chanakya Award 2018 - Vision India Foundation
The Commonwealth Youth Worker Finalist 2016 - The Commonwealth Secretariat, London.
Highly Commended Runner Queen's Young Leader 2017 - Queen Elizabeth Diamond Jubilee Trust, in partnership with Comic Relief and the Royal Commonwealth Society.
16 Inspiring LGBTQIA people in the World 2017 - Vagabomb,(ScoopWhoop Media)
Youth of the Year 2016 - Neeya Naana, Star Vijay TV
Great People of Great Madurai - Radio Mirchi Award 2016
Young Hindu Award 2014 - Tamil Hindu Team, Chennai
Star Speaker Award 2013 - PPK Show, Star Vijay TV
Star Speaker Award 2012 - PPK Show, Star Vijay TV
YearAwardHonouring bodyNotes
2016 The Commonwealth Youth Worker Award The Commonwealth, London Awarded for using arts and sports as a social tool to empower young people with positive alternate space
YearTitleHonouring bodyNotes
2017 Highly Commended Runner Queen's Young Leader Award 2017 Queen Elizabeth Diamond Jubilee Trust, in partnership with Comic Relief and the Royal Commonwealth Society. Recognised as agent of change for the remarkable work done by Shankar in LGBTQIA community.
Media
GOPI a Brazilian/English Documentary movie on Shankar's life directed by Viviane D'Avilla was premiered at Festival do Rio 2018 have won multiple awards.
Shankar appeared on Living Foodz Dakshin Diaries to curate the gender specific sacred spaces of Indigenous gender-variants of ancient India.
Singer Chinmayi produced a three part YouTube video series with Shankar to support Intersex Human Rights in Tamil Nadu
Bibliography
Author
Maraikappatta Pakkangal (Hidden Pages) Unedited Version, Illustrator Julian Wrangler, Germany, Srishti Madurai., 2014, ISBN 9781500380939.
Maraikkappatta Pakkangal: Paal - Paalinam - Paaliyal Orunginaivu- Gopi Shankar (Edited Version), 296 Pages, ISBN 9789386737328, Publisher: Kizhakku Pathippagam, 2017.
Contributor
Definitions- Understanding Gender, Sex, and Sexuality. A Theological Reader on Human Sexuality and Gender Diversities: Envisioning Inclusivity - ISBN 9788184656220. Publisher: ISPCK and National Council of Churches in India (NCCI).
Giani Ditt Singh
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Giani Ditt Singh (1858–1901) was a historian, scholar, poet, editor and an eminent Singh Sabha reformer.[1] Singh wrote over 70 books on Sikhism, the most famous of which is Khalsa Akhbar. His Dayanand naal mera Samvaad and Durga Parbodh are considered major texts of Sikh philosophy.
Early life
There is little information regarding the early life of Singh, despite a resurgence of interest in him caused by the desire of some people to recast his life as that of a dalit hero. Anshu Malhotra has argued that such a recasting says more about the motives of the present-day researchers than it does about the effects of social status on Singh himself.
While Singh's date of birth is generally recognised as being 21 April, the year is variously stated as 1850, 1852 and 1853. He father, Diwan Singh, was a weaver whose knowledge of the Nyaya and Vedanta religious philosophies was passed on to his son. The family origins lay in the Chamar caste of leatherworkers, from which they had moved to self-identify as members of the relatively ritually clean Ravidasi weaving community, described by Malhotra as an "upwardly mobile section of the Chamar community".
After initial schooling given by his father, Singh was sent at the age of 8 or 9 to be taught by Gurbakhsh Singh and Lala Dayanand in the village of Tiur, Ambala district. There he studied Gurmukhi, Urdu and Persian, as well as prosody, Niti Shastra and Vedanta, until aged around 16. Gurbakhsh Singh was an adherent of the Gulabdasi sect and his pupil's next move was to the Gulabdasi centre at Chathian Wala, near Lahore.
Formally initiated into the sect of Sant Desa Singh, he became a Gulabdasi preacher. Not long afterwards, he came under the influence of Bhai Jawahar Singh, formerly a follower of Gulabdasi sect, who had joined the Arya Samaj.
Early reform activities
Soon, Singh was drawn into the Sikh fold through Bhai Gurmukh Singh, then an active figure in the Singh Sabha movement. In 1886, he became a principal contributor to and subsequently the second editor of the weekly Khalsa Akhbar Lahore, a newspaper founded by Bhai Gurmukh Singh following the establishment of the Lahore Khalsa Diwan.
Singh He had passed the Gyani examination the same year and was appointed a teacher at the Oriental College. He used the Khalsa Akhbar as a vehicle for the spread of Singh Sabha ideology.
When the Amritsar Khalsa Diwan excommunicated Bhai Gurmukh Singh, Ditt Singh responded by publishing excerpts from his book Svapan Natak, a thinly veiled satire ridiculing the Amritsar leaders, in the Khalsa Akhbar. This resulted in a lawsuit filed by one of the targets of the satire, which, although eventually dismissed, cost the Khalsa Akhbar dearly in time and money to defend. The paper shut down in 1889. With support from the Maharaja of Nahba, the paper resumed publication in 1893, again under Ditt Singh as editor. This led to the eventual launch of an English-language weekly, titled simply Khalsa.
Through all of his Sikh Sabha activities, Singh had maintained his ties to the Arya Samaj, but in 1888, the increasing discord between the Arya Samaj and Sikh leaders led to Singh's ultimate departure from the movement. After this, he threw himself entirely into the work of the Singh Sabha movement.
As an educator, Singh helped in the setting up of Khalsa College, Amritsar, and wrote textbooks for the students of the college.
Discussion with Swami Dayanand
Swami Dayanand was the founder of the Arya Samaj movement, but Singh found Dayanand's belief in the supremacy of the Vedas and the role of Hinduism as the sole true religion at odds with the multi-cultural and multi-religious world of the time. Singh planned to set things right. During a religious gathering in 1877 at Lahore, Singh visited Dayanand "to know his mind and to know his ideals". Singh published these dialogues in his book Sadhu Daya Nand Naal Mera Sambad. During the course of the discussion, Singh takes issue with Dayanand's beliefs, and attempts to expose the fallacies therein. Malhotra describes the discussions with Dayanand as "putative" and the booklet as "controversial".
Literary career
Singh wrote prolifically, producing both prose and verse. He wrote books and pamphlets on Sikh theology and history and on current polemics.
Well-known among his works are:
Guru Nanak Prabodh
Guru Arjan Chariltar
Dambh Bidaran
Durga Prabodh
Panth Prabodh
Raj Prabodh
Mera ate Sadhu Dayanand da Sambad
Naqh Siah Prabodh
Panth Sudhar Binai Pattar
Abla Naari
He also published accounts of the martyrdoms of Tara Singh of Van, Subeg Singh, Matab Singh Mirankotia, Taru Singh and Bota Singh.
Personal life
Singh's married Bishan Kaur in a Sikh rite in Lahore in 1880. They had two children: a son, Baldev Singh, born in 1886, and a daughter, Vidyavant Kaur, born in 1890
Death
The death of Singh's daughter on 17 June 1901 was a great blow to Singh, who was already suffering exhaustion from his workload as leader of the Singh Sabha movement. He continued to work, but his health deteriorated rapidly and he fell seriously ill. Singh died at Lahore on 6 September 1901.
Memorials
After Singh's death, Bhai Vir Singh wrote a poem in his honor that was published in the Khalsa Akhbar. In addition, the Giani Ditt Singh Memorial International Society regularly organizes functions to keep Singh's memory alive.
G. S. Ghurye
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
G. S. Ghurye.
Born 12 December 1893
Malvan, Bombay Presidency, British India
Died 28 December 1983 (aged 90)
Bombay, Maharashtra, India
Nationality Indian
Citizenship Indian (formerly British subject
Alma mater University of Cambridge
Spouse(s) Sajubai Ghurye.
Scientific career
Fields Sociology, Anthropology
Institutions University of Bombay
Doctoral advisor W. H. R. Rivers & A. C. Haddon.
Influences W. H. R. Rivers.
Govind Sadashiv Ghurye (12 December 1893 – 28 December 1983) was an Indian professor of sociology. In 1924, he became the second person to head the Department of Sociology at the University of Bombay..
Education
Ghurye was born on 12 December 1893, at Malvan, in present-day Maharashtra. His early schooling was at the Aryan Education Society's High School, Girgaum, in Bombay, and then at Bahadur Khanji High School, Junagadh, in the princely state of Janugadh. He joined Bahauddin college at Junagarh, in 1912, but moved on to Elphinstone College, Bombay, after a year, and received his B. A. (Sanskrit) and M. A. (Sanskrit) degrees from there. He earned the Bhau Daji prize with his B. A., and the Chancellor's gold medal with his M. A. degree. After completing his M. A., Ghurye received a scholarship for further studies in England, and earned his PhD from Cambridge University in 1922. Ghurye was deeply influenced by W. H. R. Rivers, who was his PhD guide. After Rivers' untimely death in 1922, he completed his thesis under A. C. Haddon.
Personal life
Ghurye was married to Sajubai of Vengurla, a town near Malwan. His son, Sudhish Ghurye is a Mathematician and Statistician, and daughter Kumud G. Ghurye was a barrister.
Career
Ghurye was appointed as Head of Department of the Department of Sociology in Bombay University in 1924, and retired in 1959. The department was founded by Patrick Geddes in 1919. However, when Ghurye took it over, it was on the verge of closure. The department came alive once again with Ghurye, and now, Ghurye is regarded as the real founder and "shaped" the study of sociology there from then on. He also founded the Indian Sociological Society and its newsletter, Sociological Bulletin, and served as head for both. He also headed the Bombay Anthropological Society for some years. After retirement, he served as Professor Emeritus for Bombay University and at least three festschrifts were produced in his honour, of which two were during his lifetime. He guided a total of 80 research theses and authored 32 books and a number of other papers. Later, at least two theses were written on him. Among his students were personalities like noted social reformer and intellectual Dr. Uttamrao K. Jadhav, A. J. Agarkar, Y. M. Rege, L. N. Chapekar, M. G. Kulkarni, M. S. A. Rao, Iravati Karve, Y. B. Damle, M.N. Srinivas, A. R. Desai, D. Narain, I. P. Desai, M. S. Gore, Suma Chitnis and Victor D'Souza. He also had the opportunity to see the "Dr. G. S. Ghurye Award" being instituted in his honour. His book Caste and race in India is regarded as a classic in the field.
गाडगे महाराज
पूरा नाम – देवीदास डेबुजी झिंगराजि जानोरकर (Sant Gadge Baba)जन्म – 23 फरवरी, 1876
जन्मस्थान – अँजनगाँव सुरजी, जिला. अमरावती, महाराष्ट्र
पिता – झिंगराजि
माता – सखुबाई
संत गाडगे बाबा की जीवनी
डेबुजी झिंगराजि जानोरकर साधारणतः संत गाडगे महाराज और गाडगे बाबा के नाम से जाने जाते थे। वे एक समाज सुधारक और घुमक्कड भिक्षुक थे जो महाराष्ट्र में सामाजिक विकास करने हेतु साप्ताहिक उत्सव का आयोजन करते थे।
उन्होंने उस समय भारतीय ग्रामीण भागो का काफी सुधार किया और आज भी उनके कार्यो से कई राजनैतिक दल और सामाजिक संस्थान प्रेरणा ले रहे है।
जीवन:
उनका वास्तविक नाम देवीदास डेबुजी था। महाराज का जन्म महाराष्ट्र के अमरावती जिले के अँजनगाँव सुरजी तालुका के शेड्गाओ ग्राम में एक धोबी परिवार में हुआ था। गाडगे महाराज एक घूमते फिरते सामाजिक शिक्षक थे। वे पैरो में फटी हुई चप्पल और सिर पर मिट्टी का कटोरा ढककर पैदल ही यात्रा किया करते थे। और यही उनकी पहचान थी।
जब वे किसी गाँव में प्रवेश करते थे तो गाडगे महाराज तुरंत ही गटर और रास्तो को साफ़ करने लगते। और काम खत्म होने के बाद वे खुद लोगो को गाँव के साफ़ होने की बधाई भी देते थे।
गाँव के लोग उन्हें पैसे भी देते थे और बाबाजी उन पैसो का उपयोग सामाजिक विकास और समाज का शारीरिक विकास करने में लगाते। लोगो से मिले हुए पैसो से महाराज गाँवो में स्कूल, धर्मशाला, अस्पताल और जानवरो के निवास स्थान बनवाते थे।
गाँवो की सफाई करने के बाद शाम में वे कीर्तन का आयोजन भी करते थे और अपने कीर्तनों के माध्यम से जन-जन तक लोकोपकार और समाज कल्याण का प्रसार करते थे। अपने कीर्तनों के समय वे लोगो को अन्धविश्वास की भावनाओ के विरुद्ध शिक्षित करते थे। अपने कीर्तनों में वे संत कबीर के दोहो का भी उपयोग करते थे।
संत गाडगे महाराज लोगो को जानवरो पर अत्याचार करने से रोकते थे और वे समाज में चल रही जातिभेद और रंगभेद की भावना को नही मानते थे और लोगो के इसके खिलाफ वे जागरूक करते थे। और समाज में वे शराबबंदी करवाना चाहते थे।
गाडगे महाराज लोगो को कठिन परिश्रम, साधारण जीवन और परोपकार की भावना का पाठ पढ़ाते थे और हमेशा जरूरतमंदों की सहायता करने को कहते थे। उन्होंने अपनी पत्नी और अपने बच्चों को भी इसी राह पर चलने को कहा।
महाराज कई बार आध्यात्मिक गुरु मैहर बाबा से भी मिल चुके थे। मैहर बाबा ने भी संत गाडगे महाराज को उनके पसंदीदा संतो में से एक बताया। महाराज ने भी मैहर बाबा को पंढरपुर में आमंत्रित किया और 6 नवंबर 1954 को हज़ारो लोगो ने एकसाथ मैहर बाबा और महाराज के दर्शन लिये।
मुत्यु और महानता:
उन्हें सम्मान देते हुए महाराष्ट्र सरकार ने 2000-01 में “संत गाडगेबाबा ग्राम स्वच्छता अभियान” की शुरुवात की। और जो ग्रामवासी अपने गाँवो को स्वच्छ रखते है उन्हें यह पुरस्कार दिया जाता है।
महाराष्ट्र के प्रसिद्ध समाज सुधारको में से वे एक है। वे एक ऐसे संत थे जो लोगो की समस्याओ को समझते थे और गरीबो और जरूरतमंदों के लिये काम करते थे।
भारत सरकार ने भी उनके सम्मान में कई पुरस्कार जारी किये।
इतना ही नही बल्कि अमरावती यूनिवर्सिटी का नाम भी उन्ही के नाम पर रखा गया है। संत गाडगे महाराज भारतीय इतिहास के एक महान संत थे।
संत गाडगे बाबा सच्चे निष्काम कर्मयोगी थे। महाराष्ट्र के कोने-कोने में अनेक धर्मशालाएँ, गौशालाएँ, विद्यालय, चिकित्सालय तथा छात्रावासों का उन्होंने निर्माण कराया। यह सब उन्होंने भीख माँग-माँगकर बनावाया किंतु अपने सारे जीवन में इस महापुरुष ने अपने लिए एक कुटिया तक नहीं बनवाई।
संत गाडगे बाबा
by Gyani Dunia
संत गाडगे बाबा जिन का बचपन का नाम डेबूजी था और उनका पूरा नाम देबूजी झिंगरजी जानोरकर था जो एक समाज सुधारक और घुमक्कड़ दीक्षित थे उनका जन्म अंजनगाव सुर्जी जिला अमरावती महाराष्ट्र में 23 फरवरी 1876 को हुआ था उनके पिता का नाम झिंगराजि और माता का नाम सखुबाई था उन्होंने अपने समय में भारतीय ग्रामीण इलाकों में महत्वपूर्ण समाज सुधार के कार्य किए थे उनके सामाजिक कार्यो से आज भी कई राजनीतिक और सामाजिक संस्थान प्रेरणा ले रहे हैं.आधुनिक भारत को जिन महापुरूषों पर गर्व होना चाहिए, उनमें राष्ट्रीय सन्त गाडगे बाबा का नाम सर्वोपरि है।
संत गाडगे बाबा की जीवनी / संत गाडगे महाराज निबंध:बाबा गाडगे के का जन्म एक साधारण धोबी परिवार में हुआ था. बाबा गाडगे महाराज एक घूमते-फिरते सामाजिक शिक्षक और समाज सुधारक व्यक्ति थे उनके पैरों में टूटी हुई चप्पल और सिर पर मिट्टी का कटोरा लेकर पैदल ही यात्रा किया करते थे और यही उनकी पहचान थी .जब वह किसी गांव में जाते थे तो तुरंत ही वहां की गंदी नालियों और रातों को साफ करने लग जाते थे और अपना काम खत्म होने के बाद खुद ही गांव के लोगों को गांव के साफ होने की बधाई देते थे. गांव के लोग उनके कार्यों से उन्हें कुछ पैसे दे देते थे जिनसे वह अनेक सामाजिक कार्य जैसे धर्मशालाएं, गौशालाएं, विद्यालय,चिकित्सालय तथा छात्रावासों का उन्होंने निर्माण कराया। यह सब उन्होंने भीख मांग मांग कर बनाया किंतु अपने लिए इस महापुरुष ने एक कुटिया तक नहीं बनाई.
गाडगे बाबा खुद अनपढ़ थे, किंतु बड़े विद्वान और बुद्धिवादी व्यक्ति थे। पिता की मौत हो जाने से उन्हें बचपन से अपने नाना के यहाँ रहना पड़ा था। अपने बचपन में उन्होंने गायें चराने और खेती का काम किया । सन् 1905 से 1917 तक वे अज्ञातवास पर चले गये और इसी बीच उन्होंने जीवन को बहुत नजदीक से देखा।
गाँवो की सफाई करने के उपरांत वे शाम को गाँव में भजन- कीर्तन का आयोजन करते थे और अपने कीर्तनों के माध्यम से जन-जन तक लोकोपकार और समाज कल्याण कार्यो का प्रसार करते थे। अपने लोकभजनो के माध्यम से वे लोगो को अन्धविश्वास की भावनाओ के विरुद्ध शिक्षित करते थे। अपने भजन कीर्तनों में वे प्रसिद्ध सूफी संत कबीर के दोहो का भी उपयोग करते थे।
संत गाडगे बाबा को जानवरों से अत्यधिक लगाव था और वे लोगो को जानवरो पर अत्याचार करने से रोकते थे और वे समाज में चल रही जातिभेद और रंगभेद की भावना को नही मानते थे और लोगो को इसके खिलाफ वे जागरूक करते थे और पूर्ण रूप से वे ऐसी कुप्रथाओ को समाज से खत्म कर देना चाहते थे । उन्हें शराब से भी घृणा थी और समाज में वे शराबबंदी करवाना चाहते थे।
अंधविश्वासों, आडंबरों, रूढ़ियों तथा सामाजिक कुरीतियों एवं दुर्व्यसनों से समाज को कितनी भयंकर हानि हो सकती है, इसका उन्हें भलीभाँति अनुभव हुआ। इसी कारण इनका उन्होंने घोर विरोध किया करते थे ।संत-महात्माओं के चरण छूने की प्रथा आज भी समाज में प्रचलित है, परन्तु गाडगे बाबा इसके प्रबल विरोधी थे।
गाडगे बाबा के जीवन का एकमात्र ध्येय था- लोकसेवा। दीन-दुखियों तथा उपेक्षितों की सेवा को ही वे ईश्वर की सच्ची भक्ति मानते थे। धार्मिक आडंबरों का उन्होंने पुरजोर विरोध किया। गाडगे महाराज लोगो को कठिन परिश्रम, साधारण जीवन और परोपकार की भावना का पाठ पढ़ाते थे और हमेशा जरूरतमंदों की सहायता करने को कहते थे। उन्होंने अपनी पत्नी और अपने बच्चों को भी इसी राह पर चलने को कहा।उनका विश्वास था कि ईश्वर हमे न तो तीर्थ स्थानों में मिलेंगे और न मंदिरों या मस्जिद में। इश्वर तो दरिद्र नारायण के रूप में मानव समाज में विद्यमान है। जरूरत है तो बस उसे पहचानने की और उसकी तन-मन-धन से सेवा करे। जो की भूखों को भोजन, नंगे को वस्त्र, अनपढ़ को शिक्षा, बेरोजगार को रोजगार , और मूक जीवों को अभय प्रदान करना ही भगवान की सच्ची भक्ति व सेवा है।
संत गाडगे बाबा ने तीर्थ स्थानों पर बारह बड़ी-बड़ी धर्मशालाएँ स्थापित करवाई ताकि गरीब यात्रियों को वहाँ मुफ्त में ठहरने को जगह मिल सके। वहाँ यात्रियों को सिगड़ी, बर्तन आदि भी निःशुल्क देने की व्यवस्था की गई है। दरिद्र व्यक्ति के लिए वे प्रतिवर्ष अनेक बड़े-बड़े अन्नक्षेत्र भी किया करते थे, जिनमें अंधे, लंगड़े तथा अन्य अपाहिजों को कम्बल, बर्तन आदि भी बाँटे जाते थे।नासिक में उन्होंने बहुत बड़ी धर्मशाला बनवाई है जिसमे 500 यात्री एक साथ ठहर सकते हैं।
संतश्री गाडगे बाबा कई बार आध्यात्मिक गुरु मेहेर बाबा( मेहेर बाबा एक ईरानी मूल के भारतीय चिंतक और दार्शनिक ) से भी मिल चुके थे। मेहेर बाबा ने भी संतश्री गाडगे महाराज को उनके पसंदीदा संतो में से एक बताया। Gadge Baba ने भी मैहर बाबा को पंढरपुर (महाराष्ट्र प्रान्त का एक शहर) में आमंत्रित किया और 6 नवंबर 1954 को हज़ारो लोगो ने एक साथ मेहेर बाबा और संतश्री गाडगे महाराज के दर्शन किये ।
संत गाडगे बाबा की उपलब्धिया :संत गाडगे बाबा महाराष्ट्र के प्रसिद्ध समाज सुधारको में से एक थे ।जिहोने अपना पूरा जीवन लोकसेवा के लिए समाज को समर्पित कर दिया . वे एक ऐसे संत थे जो समाज की समस्याओ को समझते थे और गरीबो और जरूरतमंदों के लिये काम करते थे।
उनकी समाजसेवा को देखते हुए भारत सरकार ने भी उनके सम्मान में कई पुरस्कार जारी किये। जैसे की महाराष्ट्र सरकार ने 2000-01 में “संत गाडगेबाबा ग्राम स्वच्छता अभियान” (gram swachata abhiyan)की शुरुवात की थी और जो ग्रामवासी अपने गाँवो को स्वच्छ रखते है उन्हें यह पुरस्कार दिया जाता है।
अमरावती यूनिवर्सिटी का नाम “Sant Gadge Baba Amravati University” भी उन्ही के नाम पर रखा गया है।
संत गाडगे द्वारा स्थापित ‘गाडगे महाराज मिशन‘ आज भी 12 धर्मशालाओं, 31 कॉलेज व स्कूलों, छात्रावासों आदि संस्थाओं के संचालन तथा समाज सेवा में कार्यान्वित है।
संत गाडगे बाबा की मुत्यु : बाबा गाडगे अपने अनुयायियों से कहा की जहां मेरी मृत्यु हो जाय, वहीं पर मेरा अंतिम संस्कार कर देना, मेरी मूर्ति, मेरी समाधि, मेरा स्मारक मन्दिर नहीं कुछ नही बनाना। मैने जो कार्य किया है, वही मेरा सच्चा स्मारक है। जब बाबा की तबियत खराब हुई तो चिकित्सकों ने उन्हें अमरावती ले जाने की सलाह दी किन्तु वहां पहुचने से पहले बलगाव के पास पिढ़ी नदी के पुल पर 20 दिसम्बर 1956 को रात्रि 12 बजकर 20 मिनट पर बाबा की जीवन ज्योति हमेशा के समाप्त हो गयी पर वो आज भी लाखो लोगो के दिलो में जिन्दा है । जहां बाबा का अन्तिम संस्कार किया गया। आज वह स्थान गाडगे नगर के नाम से जाना जाता है।
Gangadhar Pantawane
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Gangadhar Pantawane
Born 28 June 1937
(now in Maharashtra, India)
Died March 27, 2018 (aged 80)
Aurangabad, Maharashtra, India
Occupation Writer, social activist
Language Marathi
Nationality Indian
Education D.C. Mission School, Nagpur
Genre Ambedkarite movement
Notable works Dhammacharcha (1963)
Mulyavedha (1972)
Mooknayak (1978)
Leni (1997)
Children 2 daughters: Nandita and Nivedita
Gangadhar Vithoba Pantawane (28 June 1937 – 27 March 2018) was an Indian Marathi language writer, reviewer and Ambedkarite thinker from the state of Maharashtra. He was the follower of B. R. Ambedkar, polymath and the father of the Indian Constitution. He is one of the pioneers of the dalit literary movement" in Maharashtra. In 2008, he was elected president of the first Marathi Vishwa Sahitya Sammelan that was held in the United States. His pioneering journal, Asmitadarsh, galvanised generations of Dalit writers and thinkers. In 2018, he was honored with the Padma Shri by the Government of India.
Life and career
Gangadhar Pantawane was born on 28 June 1937 in a dalit family in the Pachpawali area of Nagpur city. His father Vithoba Pantawane was not well-educated but he was linked to Babasaheb Ambedkar's egalitarian movement. Their lives have been spent in poverty. Gangadhar completed his elementary education from D.C. Mission school and secondary education from Navyug Vidyalaya and Patwardhan High School, Nagpur. When Babasaheb Ambedkar had come to Nagpur in 1946, when he was 9 years old, he was very impressed by seeing them. For the second time when Babasaheb came to Nagpur, he got a chance to meet and talk to him. After matriculation examination in 1956, Gagangadhar Pantawane got BA and MA degree from Nagpur College. in 1987, he got PhD from Marathwada University (now Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University. His PhD's thesis research is about on journalism of Ambedkar named "Patrakar Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar" (English: Journalist Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar). Before moving to Aurangabad in the early 1960s as a professor in Milind College, Aurangabad where he spent 15 years of service and than worked as a professor of Marathi at Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Marathwada University, Aurangabad for 20 years. He used to write articles and plays with studies, teachers and editorials. "Mrutyu Shala" (School of Death) is a drama written by him. He also organized the Asmitadarsh Sahitya Sammelan every year.
Conversion
With the presence of 6,00,000 Ambedkarite people Pantawane embraced Buddhism at the hands of Babasaheb Ambedkar at Deekshabhoomi, Nagpur on 14 October 1956.
Death
Pantawane died on 27 March 2018 in city of Aurangabad due to illness.
Writings
Pantawane, had written 16 books and edited 10 books in Marathi language. He was also a founder of journal called 'Asmitadarsh'.
Marathi books
Ambedkari Janivanchi Aatmapratyayi Kavita (Goda publication)
Sanity: Shod ani Samvadh (2002)
Sahitya Nirmiti: Charcha ani Chikitsa
Sahitya: Prakruti ani Pravruti (1999)
Arth ani Anvayarth
Chaitya Dalit Vaicharik Wangmay
Dusrya Pidhiche Manogat
Kille Panhala te Kille Vishalgad
Dhamma Charchha
Patrakar Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar (1987)
Mulyavedhleni (1972)
Lokrang
Wadlache Vanshaj
Vidrohache Pani Petale Aahe (1976)
Smrutishesh (Suvidya publication)
Dalitanche Prabodhan (1978)
Prabodhanachya Disha (1984)
Editing
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Yanche Nivdak Lekh
Asmitadarsh
Dalit-Gramin Marathi Shabdkosh
Dalit Atmakatha
Dalit Sahitya
Charcha ani Chintan
Lokrang
Shtri Atmakatha
Maharancha Sanskrutik Itihas
Honors & awards
List of awards and honours won by Gangadhar Pantawane.
Padma Shri, 2018
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Jivan Gaurav Award, 2016
Maharshi Vittal Ramaji Shinde Award, 2006, Wai, Satara
Phadakule Pursakar, 2018
Aurangabad Bhushan Award, 2014, Rotary club of Aurangabad
Gunabhiram Barua
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Gunabhiram Barua
Born 1837
Died 1898 (aged 60–61)
Occupation Dramatist, historian, essayist, social reformer
Language Assamese
Nationality Indian
Citizenship India
Spouse Bishnupriya Devi
Children Swarnalata Devi
Karunabhiram Barua
Jnanabhiram Barua
Gunabhiram Barua (1837-1894) was a nineteenth century Indian intellectual from Assam who ushered in new ideas of social reform in the early years of colonial rule in Assam. He was deeply influenced by the progressive intellectual currents of the Bengal Renaissance. He was among the few Assamese publicists who had formally entered the Brahmo Samaj. All his life he propagated its liberal ideas through his writings.
Biography
Barua completed his college education from Presidency College, Calcutta and became an assistant commissioner under the colonial government. He remained in the job for the next 30 years.
After his first wife's death, his 1879 marriage with a Brahman widow, Bishnupriya Devi, created a sensation in the orthodox society of Assam. Bishnupriya and their daughter Swarnalata Barua were encouraged by him to write and publish their work in magazines and newspapers.
Barua advocated the cause of women's education and took the bold step of sending his daughter Swarnalata Devi to a boarding school in Calcutta when he was working in the small town of Nagaon in Assam as an Extra Assistant Commissioner.
His son Jnanadabhiram Barua went on to become a well-known lawyer and leader of the Indian National Congress. Gunabhiram wrote a number of tracts for children, published under the heading Lara Bandhu (Friend of Boys) in Arunodoi, the first Assamese newspaper, published by American missionaries. Lara Bondhu was also named as the first children's magazine in Assamese literature.
Gunabhiram Barua was a cousin of Anandaram Dhekial Phukan. In fact, Gunabhiram grew up under Anandaram's tutelage, as his parents died when he was a child.
Literary works
The first social drama in Assamese - Ramnabami-Natak - was written by Gunabhiram in 1857 and published as a book in 1870. The play tells the tragic story of a young widow, Nabami, and her lover, Ram, both of whom were compelled to commit suicide because of social disapproval of their relationship.
Gunabhiram is also remembered as a historian and biographer. In 1887 he published an Assam Buranji, which went on to become a school textbook. He also wrote regularly on issues such as women's education and marriage reforms. Kathin Shobdor Rohasyha Bakhya is a humorous work by Barua, published posthumously in 1912. .
Gunabhiram Barua published and edited the short-lived but hugely influential literary journal Assam-Bandhu(1885-1886). Famous conservative intellectuals such as Ratneshwar Mahanta and Rudraram Doloi also contributed to its pages.
Trivia
Hindi film actor Sharmila Tagore is the granddaughter of Gunabhiram's son Jnanadabhiram on her maternal side.
Gail Omvedt
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Gail Omvedt
Born 2 August 1941
Died : 25 August 2021
Minneapolis, Minnesota, United States
Occupation Writer, essayist, activist
Nationality Indian, since 1983
Alma mater Carleton College
Period 1970–present
Notable works Dalits and the Democratic Revolution, We Shall Smash this Prison: Indian Women in Struggle, Reinventing Revolution: New Social Movements and the Socialist Tradition in India
Notable awards Dr. Ambedkar Chetna Award, Manavwadi Rachna Manch Punjab, August 2003, Savitribai Phule Puraskar, Padmashri Kavivarya Narayan Surve Sarvajanik Vacanalay, Nashik, 2002
Spouse
Bharat Patankar (m. 1976)
Gail Omvedt is an American-born Indian scholar, sociologist and human rights activist. She is a prolific writer and has published numerous books on the anti-caste movement, Dalit politics, and women's struggles in India. Omvedt has been involved in Dalit and anti-caste movements, environmental, farmers' and women's movements, especially with rural women.
Omvedt's dissertation was titled Cultural Revolt in a Colonial Society: The Non-Brahman Movement in Western India, 1873-1930.
Omvedt's academic writing includes numerous books and articles on class, caste and gender issues. Besides having undertaken many research projects, Dr Omvedt has been a consultant for FAO, UNDP and NOVIB and has served as a Dr Ambedkar Chair Professor at NISWASS in Orissa, a Professor of Sociology at the University of Pune and an Asian Guest Professor at the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, Copenhagen. She was a Senior Fellow at the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library and Research Director of the Krantivir Trust.
Biography
Gail Omvedt was born in Minneapolis, and studied at Carleton College and at UC Berkeley where she earned her PhD in sociology in 1973. She has been an Indian citizen since 1983. She currently lives in rural India in a town in Maharashtra called Kasegaon with her husband, Bharat Patankar, her mother-in-law Indumati Patankar and cousins. In recent years she has been working as a consulting sociologist on gender, environment and rural development, for the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Oxfam Novib (NOVIB) and other institutions. She has been a consultant for UN agencies and NGOs, has served as a Dr. Ambedkar Chair Professor at NISWASS in Orissa, a Professor of Sociology at the University of Pune, as Asian Guest Professor at the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, Copenhagen and as a Senior Fellow at the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi. She has been a Visiting Professor and Coordinator, School of Social Justice, University of Pune and a Fellow at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla. Gail Omvedt is a former Chair Professor for the Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Chair of Social Change and Development at IGNOU.
Activism
She has worked actively with social movements in India, including the Dalit and anti-caste movements, environmental movements, farmers’ movements and especially with rural women. She has been active in Shramik Mukti Dal, Stri Mukti Sangarsh Chalval which works on issues of abandoned women in Sangli and Satara districts of southern Maharashtra, and the Shetkari Mahila Aghadi, which works on issues of women's land rights and political power.
Views
Omvedt is critical of the religious scriptures of Hinduism (or what she specifically regards as "brahminism") for what she argues is their promotion of a caste-based society.
In addition to her criticism of their purported advocacy for the caste-system, Omvedt has also dismissed the Hindu tradition of venerating the Vedas as holy. In a 2000 open letter published in The Hindu addressed to then-BJP President Bangaru Laxman, Omvedt gives her perspective on the Rigveda:
As for the Vedas, they are impressive books, especially the Rg Veda. I can only say this only from translations, but I am glad that the ban on women and shudras reading them has been broken, and that good translations by women and shudras themselves are available. But to take them as something holy? Read them for yourself! Most of the hymns are for success in war, cattle- stealing, love-making and the like. They celebrate conquest; the hymns about Indra and Vrtra sound suspiciously as if the Aryans were responsible for smashing dams built by the Indus valley people; though archeologists tell us there is no evidence for direct destruction by "Aryan invasion", the Rg Veda gives evidence of enmity between the Aryans and those they called dasyus, panis and the like.
Omvedt posits that Hindutva groups foster an ethnic definition of Hinduism based on geography, ancestry and heritage in order to create a solidarity amongst various castes, despite the prevalence of caste-based discrimination.
Omvedt endorsed the stand taken by Dalit activists at the 2001 World Conference Against Racism that caste discrimination is similar to racism in regarding discriminated groups as "biologically inferior and socially dangerous".
She has called the United States a "racist country" and has advocated for affirmative action; however, she compares American positive-discrimination policies favorably to those of India, stating:
It is a sad comment on the state of Indian industrialists' social consciousness that such discussions have begun in an organised way in the U.S. before they have been thought of in India itself.
and, with respect to perceptions of "group performance", in the United States and India, Omvedt writes:
Whereas the U.S. debate assumes an overall equal distribution of capacity among social groups, in India the assumption seems to be that the unequal showing of different caste groups on examinations, in education, etc. is a result of actual different capacities.
She has on occasion supported big-dam projects and GMO crops.
Controversy and criticism
Andre Beteille's criticism
Omvedt's portrayal of caste-discrimination and violence as forms of "racism" was opposed by the Indian government and sociologists in India, including Andre Beteille, who while acknowledging that discrimination exists, deeply opposed treating caste as a form of racism "simply to protect against prejudice and discrimination", describing such attempts as "politically mischievous" and "worse, scientifically nonsense". Beteille argues (that):
In the past, some groups claimed superior rights on the ground that they belonged to the Aryan race or the Teutonic race. The anthropologists rejected such claims on two grounds: first, on the ground that within the same human species no race is superior to any other; but also on the ground that there is no such thing as an Aryan race or a Teutonic race. We cannot throw out the concept of race by the front door when it is misused for asserting social superiority and bring it in again through the back door to misuse it in the cause of the oppressed. The metaphor of race is a dangerous weapon whether it is used for asserting white supremacy or for making demands on behalf of disadvantaged groups.
Marxist critique
Omvedt has been criticized for a perceived "anti-statist" bias in her writing as well as "neo-liberal" economic sympathies. Scholars have also questioned the sincerity of her claims regarding the "authenticity" of her work, writing:
"In this paragraph, Omvedt is transformed from dangerous American outsider to revolutionary insider, player of a song proclaiming: 'We will cut the throats of the rich!' The chapter strategically ends with these words, which, written and sung though they are by anonymous labourers, can be heard only through Omvedt's (technological) agency. The rest, as they say, is history. The remainder of the book unsubtly suggests what Omvedt does not say explicitly--that she has accepted the leadership role thrust upon her by the initially skeptical masses."
Works
Omvedt's dissertation was on Cultural Revolt in a Colonial Society: The NonBrahman Movement in Western India, 1873-1930 (reprint of 1976 book) (New Delhi, Manohar, 2011).
Omvedt's academic writing includes numerous books and articles on class, caste and gender issues, most notably:
Cultural Revolt in a Colonial Society: The NonBrahman Movement in Maharashtra" (Scientific Socialist Education Trust, 1966)
We Shall Smash This Prison: Indian Women in Struggle (1979)
"We Will Smash This Prison!.: Indian Women in Struggle " (Zed, 1980)
"Violence Against Women: New Movements And New Theories In India" (Kali for Women, 1991)
Reinventing Revolution: New Social Movements in India (M.E. Sharpe, 1993)
Gender and Technology: Emerging Asian Visions (1994)
Dalits And The Democratic Revolution: Dr. Ambedkar And The Dalit Movement In Colonial India " (Sage India, 1994)
Dalit Visions: the Anticaste movement and Indian Cultural Identity (Orient Longman, 1995)
Growing Up Untouchable: A Dalit Autobiography (Rowman and Littlefield, 2000)
Buddhism in India : Challenging Brahmanism and Caste (SageIndia, 2003)
"Ambedkar: Towards an Enlightened India " (Penguin, 2005)
Seeking Begumpura: The Social Vision of Anticaste Intellectuals (New Delhi, Navayana, 2009)
"Understanding Caste: From Buddha To Ambedkar And Beyond" (New Delhi: Orient Blackswan, 2011)
Songs of Tukoba with Bharat Patankar she has published (translations)" (Manohar, 2012)
Jotirao Phule and the Ideology of Social Revolution in India
Awards
BA received Magna Cum Laude, with Distinction in Senior Comprehensive Examinations
PhD qualifying examinations passed with Distinction
Honorary Woodrow Wilson Fellowship, 1964-65
Fulbright Fellowship as Tutor in English in India, June 1963-March 1964
University of California Graduate Fellowships, l964-65, l965-66
American Institute of Indian Studies, Junior Fellowship for PhD research in India on “The NonBrahman Movement in Maharashtra,” January–December 1971
American Association of University Women, Fellowship for research on “Women’s Movement in India,” January–December 1975
Savitribai Phule Puraskar, Padmashri Kavivarya Narayan Surve Sarvajanik Vacanalay, Nashik, 2002
Dr. Ambedkar Chetna Award, Manavwadi Rachna Manch Punjab, August, 2003
ABP Majha Sanman Purskar, 2012
Vitthal Ramji Shinde Award, April 2015
GAURI KUMARI
STATE COORDINATOR, BIHAR
Gauri works with AIDMAM as a State Coordinator. She is perhaps the first Dalit woman lawyer from her community in Bihar. She has worked with All India Dalit Mahila Adhikar Manch since 2008 and has been actively mobilising voices of Dalit women in the state. She currently practises in Munger civil court as an advocate and was also appointed a Special Public Prosecutor. She is a woman who has overcome several layers of oppression both from within and outside the community. Her struggle continues every day as I push my way into administrative and legal institutions of this country. She has also served for two years as elected representatives in local governance, attempting to bring development schemes to her people.
This Dalit lawyer wants to educate and empower women
>Ajeet Singh,
IT was a normal sunny day for Sunita (name changed), a seven-year-old Dalit girl, two years ago.
As a labourer, it was her job to sprinkle water on the cricket ground.
On that day too, she went to get water and while crossing the pitch accidentally spilled water on it. The upper class boys who were playing got so enraged that they beat her black and blue.
In normal circumstances, being young, a Dalit and a girl the matter would have been hushed up, but for Gauri Kumari, a feisty lawyer and then a member of District Juvenile Board.
She took up the case, fought it all the way up to the High Court and ensured that the boys who dared to hit the kid were sent to jail.
This is just one of the many battles this young lawyer activist has fought and won.
Gauri says, "That day I felt that I have really achieved something".
Inicio
G. R. Khairnar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
G R Khairnar
Born 14 April 1942
[Pimpalgaon (w), Maharashtra, India
Nationality Indian
Occupation ex-Deputy Commissioner, Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation
Children 2
Govind Ragho Khairnar is a former civil servant in Mumbai's Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation who rose from the rank of Clerk to Deputy Commissioner. He was known for his uprightness and fearlessness while carrying out his duties in the face of political opposition. He was brought to trial for supposed insubordination and heavy-handedness but was cleared of these charges. He is still hailed as a hero of the middle-class Indian.
Early life
He was born in the family of a farmer on 14 April 1942, in the village named Pimpalgaon (wakhari) taluka Deola district Nashik. He had twin elder brothers who tended to the family farming while his father became a middle man for local produce. Khairnar graduated from Bhikusa Yamasa Kshatriya College of Commerce, Nasik, Maharashtra studying in Marathi medium, which later led to difficulties with English. He graduated with honours and was awarded "ideal student" award from the college. While at the college he also participated in National Cadet Corps.
Career
In 1964 he joined the state services in Maharashtra as Upper Division Clerk.
With BMC
In 1974, he joined the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation BMC) as accounts officer. In 1985, as a ward officer he took on then chief minister Vasantdada Patil when he demolished "Step In", a hotel run by the CM's son Chandrakant. In 1988, he became a Deputy Commissioner in BMC. In 1993, he took on the then Chief Minister Sharad Pawar calling him corrupt and unethical.
In 1994, he was suspended after an inquiry committee headed by a High Court judge found him guilty of various charges including overstepping of authority and specifically of making "willful mistatements". In 1995, the Bhartiya Janta Party and Shiv-Sena combined to take up Khairnar's cause in the run up to elections and managed to wipe out the Congress. While the suspension was being contested in court, Khairnar was variously harassed; he was even asked to vacate his house of 15 years to make way for a swimming pool superintendent. Eventually, the High Court passed judgement ordering the reinstation of Khairnar, but the new government refused to comply. In 1995, he joined hands with Anna Hazare to fight for his cause. In 1997, he won a case against BMC alleging that he had been unjustly suspended due to political pressure. Despite this he was not fully awarded the court's mandate until 2000 when he was reinstated as the Deputy Commissioner.
From 2000 to 2002, Khairnar once again lived up to the title of "One Man Demolition Army" by fighting back land mafias and clearing public land of encroachments, even suffering injuries in doing so. In 2002, the then Municipal Commissioner V. Ranganathan did not extend the retirement age of Khairnar and he had to retire. The popular opinion was that the then Mayor Hareshwar Patil of the Shiv Sena was against the continuation of Khairnar's services.
In an ironic turn of events, upon his retirement, his position of Deputy Commissioner (Special – Demolitions) was temporarily handed to Chandrashekhar Rokde, the IPS officer who had served him eviction notice during his suspension. Then his successor, Kalam Patil, was allegedly caught by the Anti Corruption Bureau(ACB) accepting an INR 250,000 bribe and while under investigation, was appointed by the Maharashtra State Road Development Corporation(MSRDC) as their Commercial Officer as well as Public Relations Officer(PRO). He was acquitted by the court subsequently. He is serving collector of Sangli District.
Post BMC
During his suspension from BMC, he wrote his autobiography Ekaki Zunj (The Lonely Fight) in Marathi in 1995.
Although he first followed Anna Hazare for guidance in social work, he later found Hazare to be too politically aligned for his liking and set off independently. Khairnar was known for rescuing minor girls from human trafficking and prostitution. He used eunuchs to rescue minor girls from Kamathipura, a red light district in Mumbai. This was an innovative spin on the practice of loan collection agents to send eunuchs to debtors' homes to embarrass them into repaying debts.
Khairnar later took up living in Bibipura village in Sabarkhata District, 70 km from Ahmedabad, working on a few development projects in rural Gujarat, funded by a US-based non-governmental organisation. While in Gujarat his health suffered a setback due to his experiments with naturopathy and thereby lacking essential salts in his body.
G. N. Devy
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ganesh Narayandas Devy
Born 1 August 1950
Bhor, Pune, Bombay State (Now in Maharashtra)
Occupation Critic, thinker , editor, educator , cultural activitist
Nationality Indian
Genre Literary Criticism
Notable awards
Padmashri 2014
Linguapax Prize 2011
Prince Claus Award 2003
SAARC Literary Award 2001
Ganesh N. Devy (born 1 August 1950) is a thinker, cultural activist and an institution builder, best known for the People’s Linguistic Survey of India and the Adivasi Academy created by him. He is credited to start the Bhaashaa research and Publication Centre. He writes in three languages—Marathi, Gujarati and English. His first full length book in English After Amnesia (1992) was hailed immediately upon its publication as a classic in literary theory. Since its publication, he has written and edited close to ninety influential books in areas as diverse as Literary Criticism, Anthropology, Education, Linguistics and Philosophy..
Biography
G. N. Devy was educated at Shivaji University, Kolhapur and the University of Leeds, UK. Among his many academic assignments, he held fellowships at Leeds University and Yale University and has been THB Symons Fellow (1991–92) and Jawaharlal Nehru Fellow (1994–96). He was a Professor of English at the Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda from 1980 to 96. In 1996, he gave up his academic career in order to initiate work with the Denotified and Nomadic Tribes (DNT) and Adivasis. During this work, he created the Bhasha Research and Publication Centre at Baroda, the Adivasis Academy at Tejgadh, the DNT-Rights Action Group and several other initiatives. Later he initiated the largest-ever survey of languages in history, carried out with the help of nearly 3000 volunteers and published in 50 multilingual volumes
Dakshinayan
In response to the growing intolerance and murders of several intellectuals in India, he launched the Dakshinayan (Southward) movement of artists, writers, and intellectuals. In order to lead this movement and to initiate his work on mapping the world’s linguistic diversity, he moved to Dharwad in 2016. Devy returned his Sahitya Akademi Award in October 2015 as a mark of protest and in solidarity with other writers sensing a threat to Indian democracy, secularism and freedom of expression and "growing intolerance towards differences of opinion" under the right-wing government. The Dakshinayan movement follows the ideas of Mahatma Gandhi and Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. The movement has spread to several states in India such as Gujarat, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Goa, Telangana, West Bengal, Uttara Khand, Punjab and Delhi.
Awards
G. N. Devy has received several Lifetime Achievement Awards. He was awarded Padma Shri on 26 January 2014 in recognition of his work with denotified and nomadic tribes and endangered languages. He was awarded the Sahitya Akademi Award (1993) for After Amnesia, and the SAARC Writers’ Foundation Award (2001) for his work with denotified tribals. He was given the reputed Prince Claus Award (2003) for his work for the conservation of tribal arts and craft. His Marathi book Vanaprasth received eight awards including the Durga Bhagwat Memorial Award and the Maharashtra Foundation Award. Along with Laxman Gaikwad and Mahashweta Devi, he was one of the founders of The Denotified and Nomadic Tribes Rights Action Group (DNT-RAG). He won the 2011 Linguapax Prize for his work for the preservation of linguistic diversity.
Works
Critical Thought (1987)
After Amnesia (1992)
Of Many Heroes (1997)
India Between Tradition and Modernity (co-edited, 1997)
In Another Tongue (2000)
Indian Literary Criticism: Theory & Interpretation (2002).
Painted Words: An Anthology of Tribal Literature (editor, 2002).
A Nomad Called Thief (2006)
Keywords: Truth (contributor, date unknown)
Vaanprastha (in Marathi, date unknown)
Adivasi Jane Che ( Tribal People Knows, in Gujarati, date unknown).
The G. N. Devy Reader (2009)
The Being of Bhasha (2014)
Samvad ( in Gujarati, 2016)
The Crisis Within: On Knowledge and Education in India (2017)
Trijyaa (in Marathi, 2018)
The question of Silence (2019)
Countering Violence (2019)
गोपबंधु दास ( Gopu Das )
By : Jivani.org
गोपबंधु दास (१८७७-१९२८) ओड़िशा के एक सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता, स्वतंत्रतता संग्राम सेनानी एवं साहित्यकार थे। उन्हें उत्कल मणि के नाम से जाना जाता है। ओड़िशा (उड़ीसा) में राष्ट्रीयता एवं स्वाधीनता संग्राम की बात चलाने पर लोग गोपबंधु दास का नाम सर्वप्रथम लेते हैं। उड़ीसावासी उनको "दरिद्रर सखा" (दरिद्र के सखा) रूप से स्मरण करते हैं। उड़ीसा के पुण्यक्षेत्र पुरी में जगन्नाथ मंदिर के सिंहद्वार के उत्तरी पार्श्व में चौक के सामने उनकी एक संगमर्मर की मूर्ति स्थापित है। उत्कल के विभिन्न अंचलों को संघटित कर पूर्णांग उड़ीसा बनाने के लिये उन्हांने प्राणपण से चेष्टा की। उत्कल के विशिष्ट दैनिक पत्र "समाज" के ये संस्थापक थे।
9 अक्टूबर 1877 को जन्मे स्वर्णयी देवी और पुरी, पुरी के निकट सुंदो गांव में श्री दायती दैश, गोपीबंधु भारतीय संस्कृति में एक किंवदंती थीं। उन्होंने अपने परिवार की कीमत पर भी अपने लोगों की सेवा की। बारह वर्ष की आयु में, उन्होंने Apti से शादी की, लेकिन अपनी शिक्षा जारी रखा। प्राथमिक शिक्षा पूरी होने के बाद, वह 1893 में पुरी जिला स्कूल में शामिल हो गए, जहां उन्होंने अपने शिक्षक मुख्तार रामचंद्र डैश से मुलाकात की, जो न केवल प्रतिभाशाली बल्कि राष्ट्रवादी भी थे यह इस स्कूल में था और इस शिक्षक के साथ कि गोपाबंधु ने कई राष्ट्रवादी मूल्यों को सीखा। हैजा के पीड़ितों के लिए अधिकारियों की अपर्याप्त प्रतिक्रिया ने उन्हें एक स्वैच्छिक कोर पुरी सेवा समिति शुरू करने के लिए प्रेरित किया। बाद में इस आंदोलन ने पुरी में हैजा के मरीजों के लिए एक अलग अस्पताल की स्थापना की और समाज में गोपाबंधु का नाम बना दिया।
एक छात्र के रूप में गोपाबंधु का साहित्यिक उत्साह उत्कृष्ट था। उन दिनों के दौरान उड़ीसा साहित्यिक दुनिया को प्राचीन, इंद्रधनु और आधुनिकतावादियों, बीजुली के बीच विभाजित किया गया था। गोपाबधु को एहसास हुआ कि एक राष्ट्र के साथ ही उसका साहित्य उनकी परंपरा से जीता है। उनका मानना था कि वर्तमान का एक राष्ट्रीय अधिरचना केवल अगर केवल राष्ट्रीय विरासत की ठोस नींव पर आधारित है, तो सहन कर सकता है। इंद्रधनुण में उनकी व्यंग्यपूर्ण कविता ने एक बदसूरत घटना और दंड स्कूलों के निरीक्षक द्वारा मुलाकात की। गोपाबन्दू ने सजा के बदले ऐसे लेखन के लिए माफी मांगी।
राजनीतिक कैरियर
1903 में गोपालबंधु के उत्कल सम्मेलन के साथ राजनीतिक सम्पर्क शुरू हुआ, लेकिन उन्होंने दूसरों को राजी कर दिया कि वह राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस के साथ ओडीआई आंदोलन को भारतीय राष्ट्रीय आंदोलन का हिस्सा बनाने के लिए मर्ज करे। इस प्रकार वह ओडिशा में कांग्रेस के संस्थापक अध्यक्ष बने। स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन में भाग लेने के लिए उन्हें कई बार कैद किया गया था। उन्होंने कांग्रेस छोड़ दिया, सत्ता की खोज में नेताओं के बीच में झगड़े से निराश हुए और लोगों की सीधे सेवा करने के लिए लौट आए। फिर उनकी मृत्यु तक लोक सेवाक मंडल के राष्ट्रीय उपाध्यक्ष बने।
गोपीबंधु 1917 से 1920 तक चार साल के लिए ओल्ड बिहार और ओडिशा विधान परिषद का सदस्य रहे। उन्होंने चार प्रमुख समस्याओं पर बल दिया, अर्थात् सभी ओडिया बोलने वाले इलाकों का एकीकरण बाढ़ की रोकथाम के लिए स्थायी उपाय ओडिशा में अकाल उत्पाद शुल्क से मुक्त नमिया के निर्माण के लिए ओडिडिया के अधिकार की बहाली और सत्यबादी मॉडल पर शिक्षा का प्रसार गोपाबंधु नियमित रूप से उपस्थित थे और उत्कल सम्मेलन की वार्षिक बैठक में भाग लेते थे। उन्होंने 1919 में अपने अध्यक्ष के रूप में चुना गया। उन्होंने 'ओडिया' की एक व्यापक परिभाषा दी - ओडिशा का कोई भी शुभचिंतक ओडीया है। चक्रधरपुर सत्र में उत्कल सम्मेलन के हिस्से के रूप में भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस के उद्देश्यों और वस्तुओं को स्वीकार करने के उनके प्रस्ताव को मंजूरी दी गई थी।
क्रांतिकारी गतिविधियाँ
शिक्षा पूरी करने के बाद गोपबंधु दास आजीविका के लिए वकालत करने लगे। वे जीवन पर्यंत शिक्षा, समाज सेवा और राष्ट्रीय कार्यों में संलग्न रहे। राष्ट्रीय भावना इनके अन्दर बाल्यकाल से ही विद्यमान थी। गोपबंधु दास विद्यार्थी जीवन से ही 'उत्कल सममिलनी' संस्था में शामिल हो गये थे। इस संस्था का एक उद्देश्य सभी उड़िया भाषियों को एक राज्य के रूप में संगठित करना भी था। उन्होंने इसे स्वतंत्रता संग्राम की अग्रवाहिनी बनाया। जब महात्मा गाँधी ने 'असहयोग आन्दोलन' प्रारम्भ किया' तब गोपबंधु दास ने अपनी संस्था को कांग्रेस में मिला दिया।
जेल यात्रा
गोपबंधु दास उड़ीसा में राष्ट्रीय चेतना के अग्रदूत थे। स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में उन्होंने अनेक बार जेल की यात्राएँ कीं। 1920 की नागपुर कांग्रेस में उनके प्रस्ताव पर ही कांग्रेस ने भाषावार प्रांत बनाने की नीति को स्वीकार किया था। उड़ीसा राष्ट्रवाद के वे श्रेष्ठ पादरी बन गए थे तथा 1921 में उन्होंने उड़ीसा में 'असहयोग आंदोलन' की अगुवाई की। उन्हें दो वर्ष की कैद हुई। गोपबंधु दास लाला लाजपत राय द्वारा स्थापित 'सर्वेन्ट ऑफ दी प्यूपल सोसायटी' के भी सदस्य बने थे।
स्कूल की स्थापना
वर्ष 1909 में गोपबंधु दास ने साक्षी गोपाल में एक हाई स्कूल की स्थापना की। यह विद्यालय शांतिनिकेतन की भाँति खुले वातावरण में शिक्षा देने का एक नया प्रयोग था।
साहित्यिक कृतियाँ
बचपन से ही गोपबंधु में कवित्व का लक्षण स्पष्ट भाव से देखा गया था। स्कूल में पढ़ते समय ही ये सुंदर कविताएँ लिखा करते थे। सरल और मर्मस्पर्शी भाषा में कविता लिखने की शैली उनसे ही आंरभ हुई। उड़िया सहित्य में वे एक नए युग के स्रष्टा हुए, उसी युग का नाम "सत्यवादी" युग है। सरलता और राष्ट्रीयता इस युग की विशेषताएँ हैं। "अवकाश चिंता", "बंदीर आत्मकथा" और "धर्मपद" प्रभृति पुस्तकों में से प्रत्येक ग्रंथ एक एक उज्वल मणि है। "बंदीर आत्मकथा" जिस भाषा और शैली में लिखी गई है, उड़ियाभाषी उसे पढ़ते ही राष्ट्रीयता के भाव से अनुप्राणित हो उठते हैं। "धर्मपद" पुस्तक में "कोणार्क" मंदिर के निर्माण पर लिखे गए वर्णन को पढ़कर उड़िया लोग विशेष गौरव का अनुभव करते हैं। यद्यपि ये सब छोटी छोटी पुस्तकें हैं, तथापि इनका प्रभाव अनेक बृहत् काव्यों से भी अधिक है।
Gopabandhu Das in HEnglish
From Wikipedia
Gopabandhu Das
Born 9 October 1877
Suando, Puri district, Odisha, British India
Died 17 June 1928 (aged 50),
Occupation Poet, philosopher, social activist
Nationality Indian
Alma mater Puri Zilla School, Ravenshaw College, Calcutta University
Period 20th century
Notable works Bandira Atma Katha, Dharmapada
Gopabandhu Das (1877–1928), popularly known as Utkalamani (Jewel of Utkal or Odisha)] was a social worker, reformer, political activist, journalist, poet and essayist.
Early life
Gopabandhu Das was born on 9 October 1877 in Suando village, near Puri in what was then called Orissa. His mother was Swarnamayee Devi, the third wife of Daitari Das. His father was a mukhtiar and the family were reasonably well-off. Das married Apti at the age of twelve but continued his education. He had basic schooling in the village before progressing to a middle school nearby. Then, in 1893, by which time his mother had died, Das joined Puri Zilla School. There he was influenced by Mukhtiar Ramchandra Das, a teacher who was both a nationalist and a proponent of public service in aid of people in distress. Becoming adept at organising his fellow children in the spirit of co-operation, the inadequate response of authorities for the victims of an outbreak of cholera prompted him to start a voluntary corps called Puri Seva Samiti. Its members helped those suffering from the outbreak and also cremated the dead.
Das, whose father by now had died, progressed to Ravenshaw College in Cuttack. He became a regular contributor to local literary magazines called Indradhanu and Bijuli, where he argued that any modern literary movement, just like any modern nation, could not be a clean break with the old but rather had to acknowledge and base itself on its past. In one instance, he submitted a satirical poem that so enraged the Inspector of Schools that Das was punished when he refused to apologise for it.
It was while at Ravenshaw that Das started a discussion group, called Kartavya Bodhini Samiti (Duty Awakening Society), in which he and his friends considered social, economic and political problems. It was also during this time, in 1903, that he attended a meeting of the Utkal Sammilani (Utkal Union Conference), where he disagreed with Madhusudan Das's suggestion that Odia-speaking areas should be amalgamated with Bengal Presidency. These extra-curricular activities, which also included helping the victims of flooding, impacted on his academic studies such that he failed his degree examination, although he gained his BA at the second attempt. It was also while at Ravenshaw that his new-born son died; he explained his preference to deal with flood victims on that occasion rather than be with his sick son as being because "There are so many to look after my son. What more can I do? But there are so many people crying for help in the affected areas and it is my duty to go there. Lord Jagannath is here to take care of the boy".
Das progressed to Calcutta University, where he obtained an MA and LL.B while simultaneously devoting much of his energies in attempts to improve the education of Oriya people who were living in the city, for whom he opened night schools. His desire to bring about social reform and educational improvements was influenced at this time by the philosophy of the Swadeshi movement. His wife died on the day he heard that he had passed his law examinations. Now aged 28, all of his three sons had died and he chose to give up care of his two daughters to an older brother, along with his share of property in Suando.
Legal career
Das arrived at his first job as a teacher in Nilagiri in Balasore district of Orissa. He then became a lawyer, variously described as being based in Puri and in Cuttack. In 1909, Madhusudan Das appointed him to be State Pleader for the princely state of Mayurbhanj.
Education work
Sculpture of Gopabandhu Das at State Museum, Bhubaneswar
Finding that law did not interest him, Das gave up his practice and worked for the welfare of the people.
In 1909, Das established a school at Sakhigopal, near Puri. Popularly known as Satyabadi Bana Bidyalaya (Now Satyabadi High School, Sakhigopal) but called the Universal Education League by Das, it was inspired by the Deccan Education Society, operated in the gurukula tradition and aimed to impart a liberal education on a non-sectarian basis, despite opposition from orthodox Brahmins. He believed education was necessary if people were to become aware of their both of their innate freedom and their duty to their country. He thought that education could help the child to grow mentally, physically and spiritually. His system allowed children of all castes and backgrounds to sit together, dine together and study together. The school had features like residential schooling, teaching in a natural setting and cordial relationship between the teacher and the taught. Das laid emphasis on co-curricular activities and wanted to generate nationalistic feelings in students through education and teach them the value of service to mankind.
Hugely motivated by the positive response he received, the school was converted into a high school in the following year. It secured affiliation from Calcutta University and held its first matriculation exam in 1914. The school further secured an affiliation from Patna University in 1917. It became a National School in 1921. The school faced financial problems and ultimately was closed in 1926. Das had not taught much at the school due to pressures on his time elsewhere but he did act unofficially as its manager. He also attempted to raise funds for it, guide its curriculum and attract pupils.
Political career and imprisonment
Madhusudan Das encouraged Gopabandhu Das to stand for election to the Legislative Council that had been created in 1909 under the terms of the Morley-Minto Reforms. He eventually overcame his reluctance, stood and was elected in 1917. There he concentrating his efforts on four themes:
Administrative amalgamation into a single entity of the Oriya-speaking regions of Bengal Province, Central Province, Madras Presidency and Bihar and Orissa Province
Eradication of famine and flood in Orissa
Restoration of the region's right to manufacture salt without incurring excise duty
Expansion of education on a model similar to that he had established at the Satyabadi school
Das ceased to be a member of the Legislative Council in 1919 or 1920.
Prior to his Legislative Council role, Das had been involved in regional politics. He had been a member of Utkal Sammilani from 1903 and was its president in 1919. After its members decided to join the Non-Cooperation movement, made at a conference on 31 December 1920, Das effectively became a member of the Indian National Congress. This was something he had worked towards, having attended meetings of the All India Congress Committee at Calcutta and Nagpur to persuade Mahatma Gandhi to adopt the Utkal Sammilani's primary goal of organising states based on the language spoken. He became the first president of Utkal Pradesh Congress Committee in 1920, holding the post until 1928, and he welcomed Gandhi to the province in 1921.
Das was arrested in 1921 for reporting the alleged molestation of a woman by police but was acquitted due to lack of evidence. He was arrested again in 1922, when he received a two-year prison sentence. He was released from Hazaribagh jail on 26 June 1924.
Contribution to journalism
In 1913 or 1915, Das launched and acted as editor for a short-lived monthly literary magazine titled Satyabadi from the campus of his school. Through this he was able to indulge his childhood aspirations to be a poet, while contributions also came from other members of the school's staff, including Nilakantha Das and Godabarish Mishra.
Das saw journalism as a means to educate the masses even though they were illiterate. He initially accepted a role editing Asha, a newspaper published in Berhampur, but found it to be too constraining. Thus, in 1919, he started a weekly newspaper called The Samaja, based at the school campus. This was more successful than the literary journal and became a daily publication in 1927 and eventually a significant media presence for Indian nationalists. The writing style was intentionally simplistic.
Das had been persuaded to join the Lok Sevak Mandal (Servants of the People Society) some time after meeting Lala Lajpat Rai at a session of Congress in 1920 and the newspaper became a means of promoting it, although operated independently. He served as editor until his death, at which time he bequeathed it to the Society.
Published literary works
Karakabita
Bandira Atmakatha Translated as The prisoner's autobiography
Das, Gopabandhu (1946). "Dhramapada" (in Odia). OCLC 1126286052. Retrieved 26 February 2020.
Das, Gopabandhu (2013). Correspondence of Pandit Gopabandhu = Dāse āpaṇeṅka ciṭhipatra (in Latin). Pune Bhubaneswar: Nilakantha Rath,Distributer, Shikshasandhan. ISBN 978-81-87982-77-7. OCLC 904902700.
Das, G. (1976). Gopabandhu racanābaḷī: Śikshā, śikshaka, o chātra. Gopabandhu racanābaḷī (in Quechua). Gopabandhu Janma Śatabārshikī Samiti. Retrieved 26 February 2020.
Death
Gopabandhu became All India Vice-President of the Lok Sevak Mandal in April 1928. He became ill while attending a society meeting in Lahore and died on 17 June 1928.
Brahmananda Satapathy, a professor of political science, has said of Das that "His crusade against untouchability, advocacy of widow remarriage, campaign for literacy, new model of education, stress on both rights and duties, emphasis on women education, particularly vocational training and above all a deep commitment and compassion for poor and destitutes have immortalised him in Orissa and India".
Guru Chand Thakur
Sri Sri Guru Chand Thakur son of Sri Sri Hari Chand Thakur a social reformist of Bengal ( Now Bangla Desh) reportedly passed away on 9th February 1897. He was born in Namasudra or Namassej(also called Chandal ).From early age he had inclinations for reformist. His father Sri Sri Hari Chand Thakur who founded “Matua Mahasang”was born on 11 March,1811 and passed away in 1877 .The Matua believe that male and female are equal. They discourage early marriage. Widow Remarriage is allowed. Both men and women can be religious teachers.Main principles Namasudra were:
(1) No necessity of entering the temples of higher castes for the purpose of worship,
(2) Discarding Brahmin priest for any ceremony,
(3) Worship on Shri Hari,
(4) Not to worship idols and not to visit pilgrimage centers of Hindus and
(5) Maintain good moral conduct and lead an ideal family life.
The sect became popular in East Bengal (now a part of Bangladesh) and he led the untouchability movement called the Chandal movement in India. He built an English high school at Orakandhi ( now in Bangladesh ) for the people of lower community called Nama Shudra (untouchable community). He united the people of this community, but was against religion conversion. However some Bengali Brahmins have made him a Maithili Brahmin. Harichand’s doctrine is based on three basic principles-truth, love, and sanctity. The doctrine treats all people as equal. Shri Shri Harichand Thakur and his son Guruchand Thakur were great social reformers who worked to reform the society of chandal (charal). Guruchand Thakur started Namasudra Welfare Association.He called an all Bengal Namasudra Conference in 1881 at Duttadanga in Khulna district( Now Bangladesh). He united the people of lower community people, and protect them from religion conversion. Guruchand Thakur appealed to the then Governor of West Bengal and Assam to give employment to Namasudra in Government services.He also worked to get removed Chandal,a disdraceful name by a new name. In the censes of 1911 Chandal word was substituted by four different clans or Gotras.( Source:-Wikipedia)
Grace Banu
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dalit and transgender activist Grace Banu from Tamil Nadu, India
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dalit and transgender activist Grace Banu from Tamil Nadu, India
Grace Banu is a Dalit and transgender activist. She was the first transgender person to be admitted to an engineering college in the state of Tamil Nadu. As of 2014, she discontinued her studies at Sri Krishna College of Engineering. She lives in the Thoothukudi district, Tamil Nadu.
Early life
Banu was born and raised in Tuticorin district, Tamil Nadu. A Dalit, she says that from early in her schooldays she was not allowed to attend the regular hours of 9.30 am to 4 pm.
She was told that in order to attend school she had to agree to come in to school at 10 am, after all the other students were in and settled, and leave at 3.30 pm before others finished. Other students were told that they would be punished if they interacted with her. This kind of untouchability, based on both her caste and gender identity, caused her to attempt suicide and give up on the idea of finishing school. Banu's family rejected her in 2008 when she told them of her gender identity.
Despite financial difficulties and discrimination from classmates and teachers, Banu undertook a Diploma in Computer Engineering.
She was the first transgender person to be admitted to an engineering college in the state of Tamil Nadu. Banu struggled financially to remain in college, in part because she was not receiving any support from her family at the time. Responding to a call for help, a local businessman launched an online campaign raising funds for her to complete the course. Her adopted daughter Tharika Banu is also first to attend secondary education as a transgender person in India.
Professional life
After completing her Diploma with honours (95%), Banu was selected to work for a software firm when she had excelled at a campus interview. She worked as a programmer until she quit due to alleged discrimination.
She filed a Right to Information (RTI) to find out if Anna University accepted transgender students. On finding out that they did not, she applied against their rules anyway and was given admission to a private affiliated college, Sri Krishna College of Engineering.
Activism
Banu believes that ultimately Reservation, dedicated places for members of different groups, is key to the uplift of transgender people. "No amount of temporary governmental and non-governmental schemes can have the transgenerational impact that reservations can have. Reservations are the only way," she says. She has been advocating for Dalit and transgender rights, demanding along with other transgender people for reservation based on gender identity as well as caste.
Banu insists that the intersectionality of these oppressions matter. She believes that Dalits can be transphobic and that the transgender community replicates structures of caste privilege. She says that upper-caste transgender people bring Brahminism into transgender cultural, community and organizing spaces. Despite being pressed, upper-caste transgender women dominate all the positions of leadership, call the shots and define the needs for the whole community." Denying caste in the transgender community is like "hiding a whole pumpkin in a plate of rice," she says.
Banu was active in voicing concerns and questioning the death of a fellow trans woman named Tara (Thara), who burned to death in Chennai.
Gadis Arivia
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Gadis Arivia
Arivia in 2016
Born 8 September 1964
New Delhi, India
Nationality Indonesian
Occupation Philosopher, activist
Known for Establishing Jurnal Perempuan
Website www.filsafatgadisarivia.com
Gadis Arivia (born 8 September 1964) is an Indonesian feminist philosopher, lecturer, scholar, and activist. While teaching feminism and philosophy at the University of Indonesia, Arivia founded Jurnal Perempuan [id], Indonesia's first feminist journal, in 1996. She was arrested by the Suharto government for protesting against the regime in 1998.
Biography
Arivia was born in New Delhi, India, in 1964. The daughter of an Indonesian diplomat, she spent most of her childhood abroad; aside from living in India, she also spent time in Ethiopia and Hungary, where she studied at the British Embassy School in Budapest. After some time studying in Indonesia, she completed her senior high school studies at McLean High School in McLean, Virginia, while her brother was stationed in Washington D.C..
After completing her high school studies, Arivia studied the French language in a diploma program at the University of Indonesia, later completing a degree in philosophy at the same university. While completing her baccalaureate studies, Arivia became interested in feminism. She read several works on the subject, including the writings of her lecturer, Toeti Heraty, as well as Barbara Smith's All the Women Are White, All the Blacks Are Men, But Some of Us Are Brave: Black Women's Studies. She began teaching at the University of Indonesia in 1991, and was responsible for the inaugural Feminist Paradigms course before she enrolled at EHESS the School for Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences in 1992. Arivia received her DEA in social psychology two years later.
Upon her return to Indonesia, Arivia resumed teaching. Noting the difficulty of finding feminist materials in Indonesia and hoping to promote democratization efforts and protect minority rights, she began work, supported by Ida Dhanny, Asikin Arif, and Toeti Heraty, to establish the country's first feminist journal. She founded the Jurnal Perempuan Foundation in 1995, and the inaugural Jurnal Perempuan (Women's Journal) was published the following year; Krishna Sen of the University of Western Australia describes it as "Indonesia’s first journal of feminist theory". The journal had limited funds for its publication and later social work, and in the eight years that Arivia served as the journal's director, she did not receive a salary She remains on the journal's board of editors.
During the Asian Financial Crisis, Arivia – recognized as one of Jakarta's leading feminist scholars – protested against the government using the rising price of milk as a camouflage. On 23 February 1998, she joined some twenty other women at the Hotel Indonesia roundabout to protest high prices in a protest organized by Jurnal Perempuan and established Suara Ibu Peduli ("Voice of Caring Mothers"), an organization coordinated by Arivia. The protesters prayed, sang, distributed flowers, and read a statement that called for greater women's participation in resolving the crisis. Arivia was arrested with two other women, the astronomer Karlina Leksono Supelli and the activist Wilasih Noviana. After receiving extensive public support, the three were released.
In 2002, Arivia completed her doctorate studies at the University of Indonesia's philosophy department. Her dissertation, "Dekonstruksi Filsafat Barat, Menuju Filsafat Berperspektif Feminis" ("Deconstructing Western Philosophy, Moving Towards a Feminist Perspective Philosophy") was published the following year as Filsafat Berperspektif Feminis (Feminist Perspective Philosophy).
In 2009, Arivia published a poetry collection titled Yang Sakral dan yang Sekuler (The Sacred and the Profane). This collection, published a year after the controversial Pornography and Pornoaction law was passed, has been read as a condemnation of the Indonesian state's continued power over women's bodies and sexuality. Arivia in 2006 received the Tasrif Award by Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI)
Arivia teaches contemporary philosophy and feminist theory at the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Indonesia until 2017. In 2018 she joined Montgomery College, Takoma Park, Silver Spring, Maryland as an adjunct professor in sociology and sociology of gender. She is married to Richard Pollard, with whom she has two children, Anisa Joyce Pollard and Benjamin Arif Pollard. She currently lives in Bethesda, Maryland.
Govind Sadashiv Guhurye
: Biography and Contribution to Indian Sociology
Govind Sadashiv Guhurye : Biography and Contribution to Indian Sociology!
Govind Sadashiv Ghurye (1893-1984) is a towering figure in intellectual and academic circles for his unique contribution in the field of Indian sociology. He has often been acclaimed as the ‘father of Indian sociology’, ‘the doyen of Indian sociologists’ or ‘the symbol of sociological creativeness’. Ghurye had been engaged in building up; almost single handedly, the entire first generation of Indian sociologists in post-independence period.
M.N. Srinivas has rightly said, “Nothing disguises the fact that Ghurye was giant”. Efforts of individuals, who have variously been regarded as the ‘founding fathers’, ‘pioneers’ ‘first-generation sociologists’ etc., constituted the most important factor in the growth of Indian sociology. These pioneers provided direction to shape the future of sociology in India. And, of all these, none did as much for sociology in India as Ghurye.
Two aspects of Ghurye’s work are worth inquiring into:
a. First, his role in promoting and directing the course of research in diverse fields of Indian society (as a teacher, as an institution builder and as a scholar); and
b. Second, his own substantive writings, his theoretical postulates, his vision of the role of sociology, etc.
Ghurye excelled in both of them.
Background:
Ghurye was born on 12th December, 1893 in a Saraswat Brahmin family in Malavan, Maharashtra, and the West Coast of India. He died on 28th December, 1983 at the age of 91 in Bombay. Sociology was not a school or college subject when Ghurye was a student. From the very early years, Ghurye showed a flair for Sanskrit.
After passing the matriculation examination, Ghurye got himself admitted to the Elphinstone College, Bombay with Honours. He had a brilliant academic career throughout. He stood first class second at the BA examination and was awarded the Bahu Dazi prize – the blue ribbon of Sanskrit competence in the university.
He stood first class first at the MA examination in English and Sanskrit in 1918 and was awarded the Chancellor’s Gold Medal. None before that time had obtained a first class at the MA with Sanskrit. With this type of background in Sanskrit, Ghurye finally came to sociology, which profoundly influenced later Ghurye’s own writings and the course of research made in the field of sociology under his leadership.
While teaching at the Elphinstone College, Ghurye submitted an essay to Patrick Geddes on “Bombay as an Urban Centre”. It won him a foreign scholarship. The scholarship was instituted by the University of Bombay to train promising young men in sociology. Ghurye went to London School of Economics where he briefly worked with L.T. Hobhouse.
He later moved to Cambridge where he worked with W.H.R. Rivers. Rivers died in 1922 before Ghurye completed his doctoral work. In 1923, he completed his PhD under A.C. Hadden on Caste and Race in India. His work was published by Routledge and Kegan Paul in 1932 in C.K. Ogden’s History of Civilization Series. It immediately established Ghurye’s reputation.
Sociology in Bombay developed under the leadership of G.S. Ghurye. Patrick Geddes was invited by the University of Bombay to start a Department of Sociology in 1919. Ghurye succeeded Geddes as head and as a Reader, took charge of the Department of Sociology at Bombay University in 1924.
He was appointed as Professor in 1934 and retired in 1959. When he retired in 1959, the University of Bombay made him an Emeritus Professor. Ghurye was the first Emeritus Professor in Bombay University. He did not cease to be academically active after retirement from service. His last research student submitted thesis in 1971. During these about fifty years’ span, he supervised as many as eighty theses. Of these, forty have been published as books.
As a teacher, Ghurye was very serious and meticulous in preparing his lectures notes. Many of his students have testified that his lectures were heavily documented. As a research guide, he was more impressive and more successful. He created a ‘sociological awareness’.
The ‘second generation’ of Indian sociologists was largely his creation. They include M.N. Srinivas, K.M. Kapadia, I. Karve, K.T. Merchant, I.P. Desai, A.R. Desai, Y.B. Damle, D. Narain, M.S.A. Rao, K.N. Venkatarayappa, A. Bopegamage, M.G. Kulkarni, K.C. Panchnadikar, M.L. Sharma, D.B. Unwalla and many others.
As an institution-builder, deservedly, the most profound impact on Indian sociology was made by Ghurye. Ghurye was the principal architect of the Department of Sociology of Bombay University and produced a batch of renowned scholars including M.N. Srinivas, who is now internationally known. His students headed (and many of them are still heading) the departments of sociology in many universities in India.
Ghurye was the prime mover in the formation of Indian Sociological Society in 1952 and was also instrumental in the publication of its mouthpiece, Sociological Bulletin, as its official bi-annual journal. However, the first sociological journal in India, The Indian Journal of Sociology, was started in January 1920 under the editorship of Alban G. Widgery of Baroda College in Baroda.
Ghurye was elected the president of the anthropological section of the Indian Science Congress in 1934. In the same year, he was also elected as the nominee to the Royal Asiatic Society and continued to hold this position till 1948. During his lifetime, he won several top honours accorded to any intellectual in India.
As a scholar, in fact, throughout his life, Ghurye has been active from the academic standpoint. His 16 books, out of a total of 31 books, published during his lifetime. His output is indeed prodigious by any standard. Several of them are noteworthy as pioneering contributions to the sociology field.
Even so, Ghurye is most likely to be remembered by Caste and Race in India (titled Caste and Class in India in subsequent editions). His persistent research endeavor, wide ranging interest and upholding of the base of academic tradition made him the centre of sociological creativity and research for several generations of Indian sociologists.
Ghurye’s broad area of interest was general process of evolution of culture in different civilizations in general, and in Indian (Hindu) civilization in particular. The origin and subsequent proliferation of the different varieties of Indo-European civilization constitute the range of Ghurye’s study.
Indian society, through its long historical process of growth, presents a picture of a vast mosaic of culture held together by religion, values and norms of Hinduism. As a sociologist, Ghurye feels the imperative of exploring this unifying and synthesizing process.
In spite of many diversions, exploration and analysis of the process of cultural unity in India through ages constitutes the major thrust of Ghurye’s writing. He moves to establish his thesis with perfect case, back and forth, from the Vedic to the present-day India.
Theoretical Approach and Methodological Application of Ghurye:
Ghurye’s rigour and discipline are now legendary in Indian sociological circles. In the application of theories to empirical exercises or in the use of methodologies for data collection that legendary rigour is not somehow reflected. To put it differently, Ghurye was not dogmatic in the use of theory and methodology.
He seems to have believed in practising and encouraging disciplined eclecticism in theory and methodology. Despite his training at Cambridge under W.H.R. Rivers and his broad acceptance of the structural-functional approach, Ghurye did not strictly conform to the functionalist tradition when interpreting the complex facets of Indian society and culture, which he chose to investigate.
The pioneers were ‘armchair’ or ‘lecture-ism’ sociologists. Even Ghurye had conducted village, town and community studies. It was said that “Ghurye insisted on fieldwork, though he himself was an armchair scholar” (Srinivas and Panini, 1973: 188). This was not intended as a pejorative comment (Srinivas, 1973), but it reflected the tremendous premium placed on single-handed ‘anthropological fieldwork’.
Therefore, it may be said that although trained in the craft of Indology, Ghurye was not averse to the fieldwork traditions of social and cultural anthropology. His field survey of Sex Habits of Middle Class People in Bombay conducted in the 1930s and published in 1938 and the monograph on the Mahadev Kolis (1963) demonstrated Ghurye was far from promoting an armchair textual scholarship. He was an empirical field worker also. Later generations of Indian sociologists and social anthropologists used Ghurye’s inexhaustible themes for their researches.
It would be appropriate to characterize Ghurye as a practitioner of ‘theoretical pluralism’. Basically interested in inductive empirical exercises and depicting Indian social reality using any source material – primarily Indological – his theoretical position bordered on laissez-faire. Similarly, when Ghurye conducted survey-type research involving primary data collection, he did not conform to accepted methodological canons.
He often ventured into generalization on the basis of scanty and unrepresentative evidence, e.g., Social Tensions in India (Ghurye, 1968). It is also likely that Ghurye’s flexible approach to theory and methodology in sociology and social anthropology was born of his faith in intellectual freedom, which is reflected in the diverse theoretical and methodological approaches that his research students pursued in i heir works. Ghurye also used historical and comparative methods in his studies which have also been followed by his students.
Ghurye was initially influenced by the reality of diffusionist approach of British social anthropology but subsequently he switched on to the studies of Indian society from indological and inthropological perspectives. He emphasized on Indological approach in the study of social and cultural life in India and the elsewhere. This helps in the understanding of society through literature.
Ghurye utilized literature in sociological studies with his profound knowledge of Sanskrit literature, extensively quoted from the Vedas, Sbastras, epics, and poetry of Kalidasa or Bhavabhuti to shed light on the social and cultural life in India. He made use of the literature in vernacular, e.g., Marathi, and cited from the literature of modern writers like Bankimchandra Chatterjee as well.
Works of Ghurye:
Ghurye’s writings have enormous diversity of themes and perspectives. The range is very wide, indeed. As the two principal branches of the Indo-European people subsequently prospered in India (the Indo-Aryan) and Europe (the Anglo-Saxon), for example, he has shown wide similarities between these two peoples as regards the two principal institutions, viz., the family and the caste.
Not only this, a host of other things also came with Ghurye’s range of interests. Rajput architecture and funerary monuments, sadhus in India and sex in America, Shakespeare and Kalidas, castes, tribes and races, metropolitan civilization – everything was grist to his sociological mill. His writings have been gathered from all sources – literary, historical, archaeological, sculptural, painting and iconography. This gives an extra dimension to his research.
Up to 1980, he authored thirty-one books; only five of them were written before 1950 and thirteen up to 1959 when he retired from the university service.
The important works of Ghurye are as follows:
1. Caste and Race in India (1932, 1969)
2. Culture and Society (1947)
3. Indian Sadhus (1953)
4. Bharatnatyam and Its Costume (1958)
5. Family and Kin in Indo-European Culture (1955, 1961)
6. Cities and Civilization (1962)
7. Gods and Men (1962)
8. Anatomy of a Rural-Urban Community (1962)
9. Scheduled Tribes (first published as The Aborigines So-called and their Future) (1943, 1959, 1963)
10. Religious Consciousness (1965)
11. Indian Costume (1966)
12. Social Tensions in India (1968)
13. I and Other Explorations (1973)
14. Whither India (1974)
15. Indian Acculturation (1977)
16. Vedic India (1979)
17. Bringing Cauldron of North East India (1980)
The whole range of Ghurye’s works can be classified into a number of broad themes. The classification has not always been a neat one, sometimes a little bit of discretion had to be used but this enabled us to arrange more systematically his ideas.
Pramanick (1994) has divided Ghurye’s writings into six broad areas. These are:
1. Caste
2. Tribes
3. Kinship, family and marriage
4. Culture, civilization and the historical role of cities
5. Religion
6. Sociology of conflict and integration
Besides these, there are a number of important writings of Ghurye, which could not be fitted into the above scheme. We would briefly discuss here the important works of Ghurye.
Caste and Kinship:
We first take up Ghurye’s Caste and Race in India (1932), which cognitively combined historical, anthropological and sociological perspectives to understand caste and kinship system in India. He tried to analyse caste system through textual evidences using ancient texts on the one hand and also from both structural and cultural perspectives on the other hand.
Ghurye studied caste system from a historical, comparative and integrative perspective. Later on he did comparative study of kinship in Indo-European cultures.
In his study of caste and kinship, Ghurye emphasizes two important points:
1. The kin and caste networks in India had parallels in some other societies also.
2. The kinship and caste in India served in the past as integrative frameworks.
The evolution of society was based on the integration of diverse, racial or ethnic groups through these networks.
Ghurye highlights six structural features of caste system as follows:
1. Segmental division
2. Hierarchy
3. Pollution and purity
4. Civil and religious disabilities and privileges of different sections
5. Lack of choice of occupation
6. Restrictions on marriage
Besides the above characteristics, Ghurye laid particular stress on endogamy as the most important feature of the caste system. Any effective unit of the caste hierarchy is marked by endogamy. Every caste had in the past segmented into smaller sub-divisions or sub-castes. Each of these sub-castes practised endogamy. For example, Vaishya (Baniya or Mahajan) castes are divided into various sub-castes such as Agrawal, Maheshwari etc.
Caste is also linked with kinship through caste endogamy and also clan (gotra) exogamy. Gotra has been treated as thoroughly exogamous unit by the Brahmins and later by the non-Brahmins. The basic notion here is that all the members of a gotra are related to one another, through blood, i.e., they have rishi (sage) as their common ancestor. Therefore, marriage between two persons of the same gotra will lead to incestuous relationship. It will lead the lineage of the gotra to near extinction.
The relationship between caste and kinship is very close because:
(i) exogamy in our society is largely based on kinship, either real or imaginary, and
(ii) the effective unit of caste, sub-caste is largely constituted of kinsmen.
To Ghurye, there are three types of marriage restrictions in our society, which shape the relationship between caste and kinship. These are endogamy, exogamy and hypergamy. Exogamy can be divided into two parts:
(i) spinda or prohibited degrees of kin, and
(ii) sept or gotra exogamy.
The gotra and charna were kin categories of Indo-European cultures which systematized the rank and status of the people. These categories were derived from rishis (saints) of the past. These rishis were the real or eponymous founder of the gotra and charna.
In India, descent has not always been traced to the blood tie. The lineages were often based on spiritual descent from sages of the past. Outside the kinship, one might notice the guru-shishya (teacher-student) relationship, which is also based on spiritual descent. A disciple is proud to trace his descent from a master.
Likewise, caste and sub-caste integrated people into a ranked order based on norms of purity-pollution. The rules of endogamy and commensality marked off castes from each other. This was integrative instrument, which organized them into a totality or collectivity.
The Hindu religion provided the conceptual and ritualistic guidelines for this integration. The Brahmins of India played a key role in legitimizing the caste ranks and orders through their interpretation of Dharamashastras, which were the compendia of sacred codes.
Tribe:
Ghurye’s works on the tribes were general as well as specific. He wrote a general book on Scheduled Tribes in which he dealt with the historical, administrative and social dimensions of Indian tribes. He also wrote on specific tribes such as the Kolis in Maharashtra. Ghurye presented his thesis on tribes at a time when a majority of the established anthropologists and administrators were of the opinion that the separate identity of the tribes is to be maintained at any cost.
Ghurye, on the other hand, believes that most of the tribes have been Hinduized after a long period of contact with Hindus. He holds that it is futile to search for the separate identity of the tribes. They are nothing but the ‘backward caste Hindus’. Their backwardness was due to their imperfect integration into Hindu society. The Santhals, Bhils, Gonds, etc., who live in South-Central India are its examples (Ghurye, 1963).
There has been fierce debate between G.S. Ghurye and Verrier Elwin. Elwin in his book Loss of Nerve said that tribals should be allowed to live in isolation, whereas Ghurye argued that tribals should be assimilated into Hindu castes.
Thus, Ghurye holds the view that a grand historical process of merger between two communities has almost been completed. Consequently, tribes, now, may be regarded as ‘backward Hindus’. The incorporation of Hindu values and norms into tribal life was a positive step in the process of development.
The tribes in India had slowly absorbed certain Hindu values and style of life through contact with the Hindu social groups. Today, it is being considered a part of Hindu society. Under Hindu influence, the tribes gave up liquor drinking, received education and improved their agriculture.
In this context, Hindu voluntary organizations, such as Ramakrishna Mission and Arya Samaj, played a constructive role for the development of the tribes. In his later works of north-eastern tribes, Ghurye documented secessionist trends. He felt that unless these were held in check, the political unity of the country would be damaged.
Ghurye presents a huge data on the thoughts, practices and habits of the tribes inhabiting the Central Indian region. He quotes extensively from various writings and reports to show that Katauris, Bhuiyas, Oraons, Khonds, Gonds, Korkus etc. have substantially adopted Hinduism as their religion. Ghurye suggests that the economic motivation behind the adoption of Hinduism is very strong among the tribes. They can come out of their tribal crafts and adopt a specialized type of occupation, which is in demand in society.
Rural-Urbanization:
Ghurye remained occupied all through his life with the idea of rururbanization securing the advantages of urban life simultaneously with nature’s greenery. Therefore, he discusses the process of rural-urbanization in India. He views that the urbanization in India was not a simple function of industrial growth.
In India, the process of urbanization, at least till recent years, started from within the rural area itself. He traced Sanskrit texts and documents to illustrate the growth of urban centres from the need for market felt in a rural hinterland. Development of agriculture needed more and more markets to exchange the surplus in food grains.
Consequently, in many rural regions, one part of a big village started functioning into a market. This led to a township, which in turn developed administrative, judicial and other institutions. In the past, urban centres were based on feudal patronage, which had demands for silk cloths, jewellery, metal artifacts, weapons etc. This led to the growth of urban centres such as Banaras, Kanchipurum, Jaipur, and Moradabad etc.
In brief, it may be said that Ghurye’s approach to ‘rural-urbanization’ reflects the indigenous source of urbanism. During colonial times, the growth of metropolitan centres altered the Indian life. The towns and cities were no longer the outlets for agricultural produce and handicrafts but they became the major manufacturing centres.
These centres used rural areas for producing raw materials and turned into a market for selling industrial products. Thus, the metropolitan economy emerged to dominate the village economy. Therefore, the urbanization started making inroads into the rural hinterland in contrast to previous pattern. A large city or metropolis also functioned as the centre of culture of the territory encompassing it.
For Ghurye, the large city with its big complexes of higher education, research, judiciary, health services, print and entertainment media is a cradle innovation that ultimately serves cultural growth. The functions of the city are to perform a culturally integrative role, to act as a point of focus and the centre of radiation of the major tenets of the age. Not any city, but large city or metropolis having an organic link with the life of the people of its region can do this work well.
According to Ghurye, an urban planner must tackle the problems of:
(1) sufficient supply of drinking water,
(2) human congestion,
(3) traffic congestion,
(4) regulation of public vehicles,
(5) insufficiency of railway transport in cities like Mumbai,
(6) erosion of trees,
(7) sound pollution,
(8) indiscriminate tree felling, and
(9) plight of the pedestrians.
Culture and Civilization:
There are two conflicting views about the growth and accumulation pattern of culture. One theory maintains that in any community culture grows quite independently of similar events happening elsewhere or predominantly with reference to local needs and local situation. The other group believes that culture grows by diffusion. A single invention or discovery is made at one place and ultimately this cultural trait diffuses throughout the world. Sir G.E. Smith was the most ardent advocate of the diffusion theory.
In one of his papers, “The Disposal of Human Placenta”, published in 1937, Ghurye examines the practices of human beings with regard to the disposal of discard of human body like first out hair, nail pairing, first fallen teeth and the after birth. The purpose of this paper is, as he says, to compare the methods of disposal of the human placenta in the different regions of the world to see if they shed any light on the problem of diffusion of culture.
Culture diffusion is essentially an anthropological theory, which is concerned with the nature of culture contact operating principally among the preliminary people. According to Ghurye, culture constitutes the central or core element for understanding society and its evolution. In fact, culture is a totality involving the entire heritage of mankind. Ghurye’s abiding interest was to analyse the course of cultural evolution and the nature of heritage which mankind has denied from the past.
Culture relates to the realm of values. It is a matter of individual attainment of excellence and creativity. Ghurye had a strong faith in the power of man to preserve the best of his old culture, while creating from his own spirit of new culture. He was more concerned with the process of evolution of Hindu civilization, which has been termed as a ‘complex civilization’.
And, Ghurye thought that for analyzing the dynamics of culture in such a long historical civilization. In this context, the process of acculturation is more relevant than the process of diffusion. He thinks that the challenging task of a sociologist is to analyse this complex acculturation process in India.
According to him, India has been the home of many ethnic stocks and cultures from pre-historic times. In his analysis of caste, Ghurye refers to how caste system was developed by the Brahmins and how it spread to other sections of the population. The operation of the process of Hinduization also provides the general backdrop of his analysis of the trial phenomenon.
Ghurye was promoted by the belief that there is a “common heritage of modern civilization” and that civilization is a “collective endeavour of humanity”. He holds that behind the rise and fall of civilization, there has occurred a steady growth of culture. Cutting across the vicissitudes of civilization growth, there are certain values, which have been established as final. These values have been termed by Ghurye as the ‘foundations of culture’.
He delineates five such values or foundations of culture. These are:
1. Religious consciousness
2. Conscience
3. Justice
4. Free pursuit of knowledge and free expression
5. Toleration
According to Ghurye, “civilization is the sum total of social heritage projected on the social plane”. It is also an attribute of the society. Different societies can be differentiated with reference to their civilizational attainment.
Ghurye makes four general conclusions with regard to the nature of civilization:
i. Firstly, as yet, there has been no society, which has been either completely civilized or very highly civilized.
ii. Secondly, Ghurye believes in the law of continuous progress.
iii. Thirdly, gradation of civilization is also correlated with the distribution of values. In a high civilization, the humanitarian and cultural values will be accepted by a wide cross-section of population.
iv. Fourthly, every civilization, high or low, possesses some distinctive qualities.
Sociology of Religion:
Religion is fundamental to man. Man becomes conscious of some power beyond his comprehension almost at the dawn of civilization. This field has drawn the attention of sociologists like Weber (The Protestant Ethic and Spirit of Capitalism, 1930) and Durkheim (The Elementary Forms of Religious Life, 1915).
Ghurye thinks that religion is at the centre of the total cultural heritage of man. He gives the five foundations of culture as mentioned earlier in the description of culture and civilization, out of which ‘religious consciousness’ is most important. It moulds and directs the behaviour of man in society.
Ghurye made original contribution to the study of Indian religious beliefs and practices. He wrote six books to bring out the role of religion in society. These are: Indian Sadhus (1953), Gods and Men (1962), Religious Consciousness (1965), Indian Accumulation (1977), Vedic India (1979), and The Legacy of Ramayana (1979).
All these works reflect Ghurye’s interest related to the sociology of religion. For example, in Gods and Men, Ghurye discusses the nature of the Hindu ideas of Godhead and the relations, if any, between the climate of an age and the type of Godhead favoured.
In Religious Consciousness, Ghurye analyses the three oldest human civilizations, viz., the Mesopotamian, the Egyptian and the Hindu, in their various aspects of mythological beliefs, speculation, cosmology, life after death, view of Godhead, temple architecture, etc. And, in the Indian Sadhus, Ghurye considers the genesis, development and organization of asceticism in Hindu religion and the role ascetics have played in the maintenance of Hindu society.
Indian Sadhus:
Indian Sadhus (1953 and 1964) is an excellent sociography of the various sects and religious centres established by the great Vedantic philosopher Sankaracharya and other notable religious figures. In this work, Ghurye highlights the paradoxical nature of renunciation in India. A sadhu or sannyasin is supposed to be detached from all castes, norms and social conventions, etc.
He is outside the pale of society. Yet strikingly enough, since the time of Sankaracharya, the Hindu society has more or less been guided by the sadhus. These sadhus were not the lonely hermits. Most of them belonged to monastic orders, which have distinctive traditions.
The monastic organization in India was a product of Hinduism and Buddhism. The rise of Buddhism and Jainism marked the decline of individual ascetics like Viswamitra. Indian sadhus have acted as the arbiters of religious disputes, patronized learning of scriptures and the sacred lore and even defended religion against external attacks.
National Unity and Integration:
Ghurye had interest in contemporary Indian situations. As a sociologist, he had been extremely concerned with the concept of integration, the process of national unity in India, and the contemporary challenges to the situation. This concern became apparent even at the time he wrote Caste and Race in India in 1932 and The Aborigines-so-called-and their Future in 1943.
However, this concern with the present ‘disturbing trends’ in Indian society has come back in a big way in the later writings of Ghurye (Pramanick, 1994). There are three books of Ghurye, known as his ‘triology’ in this field, which are relevant in this connection.
These are Social Tensions in India (1968), Whither India (1974) and India Recreates Democracy (1978). In these books he has developed a theoretical framework to explain unity at the social or cultural level. Ghurye holds that though groups play an integrational role in society, this is true only up to a certain extent.
In modern society, there are five sources of danger for national unity coming as they do form a sense of excessive attachment with groups:
(1) The Scheduled Castes
(2) The Scheduled Tribes
(3) The Backward Classes
(4) The Muslims as religious minority groups
(5) The linguistic minorities
As we know, the main focus of Ghurye’s writings is on culture. He thinks that it is largely as a result of Brahminical endeavour that cultural unity in India has been built up. All the major institutions of Hindu society originated among the Brahmins and gradually they were accepted by other sections of the community.
Though Ghurye calls it process of acculturation, it was basically a one-way flow, in which the Brahminical ideas and institutions infiltrated among the non-Brahmins. It is the background of such an approach that Ghurye analyses the problems and prospects of Indian unity in contemporary India.
Ghurye’s concept of cultural unity is new one and is not secular in orientation. He is concerned with India of ‘Hindu culture’ and uses the terms ‘Indian culture’ and ‘Hindu culture’ synonymously. He is concerned with India, he says provided an excellent normative base for maintaining social and political unity in the country. Hinduism had brought within its fold widely different groups in India.
The various sects of Hinduism constitute vast mosaic holding together millions of people in different parts of India. First, he analysed the normative structure of Hinduism, and the teaching of sacred religious texts such as the Vedas, the Upanishads, and the Brahmins etc., to show how they provide the common cultural foundation. Second, the role of such great Hindu thinkers as Panini, Patanjali, Tulsidas etc. has also been discussed by Ghurye.
He blames the political leaders for this, because they followed a course of action, which was more or less exactly the one which should have been avoided but the foundation for this national cultural unity had been built and maintained by the Hindus for one hundred years. According to Ghurye, society is not just an aggregation of isolated individuals but that group life, which provides the bridge between the individual and society.
An individual acquires social attributes and is socializes through groups. This is the integrative function of groups in society. When groups perform the function efficiently, integration is achieved. Tensions in the process of this integration in India arise today because the various groups of people have failed to transient their narrow group loyalties. Religious and linguistic minorities are the most potential source of danger to the unity in modern India. Religion and linguistic groups are the prime areas which came disintegration to India’s cohesion.
Ghurye gives great importance to the role of language in the process of nation-building in India. Even, in case of tribes, tribal life and culture can be improved only when the pickup developed language of a neighbouring community. Ghurye holds the view that the regional language has a symbolic integrational value of the region. The regional languages ensure the unity of territory at the local level and all efforts should be made to improve.
Discourse:
During his creative period of writing, Indian sociology was engaged in the debate on tradition and modernity. Ghurye neither entered into this controversy, nor he took up the issue of the role of tradition in Indian society. He further stressed that Indian traditions are actually Hindu traditions. One must know the Hindu traditions to understand Indian society.
In fact, Ghurye created a special kind of Hindu sociology. The traditions of India are only Hindu traditions. He did not define traditions. He also did not discuss the impact of modernity. His main concern was the core of Hindu society. In this sense, the traditions of Indian society have its roots in scriptures, which is a very narrow vision about Indian society.
It has been argued that the most of Ghurye’s works are based on textual and scriptural data. The choice of scripture and the way of writing may have bias towards one section of society to another. Ghurye further fails to recognize that qualitative change has occurred in modern India. Past is important for present.
The question is that how much of the past is useful. Some argue that Ghurye did not have this realization as his knowledge of the India’s past, instead of helping him, stood in his way of analysis. However, Ghurye was not only concerned with the past evolution of Indian society but also with its present tensions and problems.
The task of sociologists, according to him, is to explore the social history of past. He says, one cannot understand the present without the reference of the past. Ghurye introduced a down-to-earth empiricism in Indian sociology and social anthropology. He was an ethnographer, who studied tribes and castes of India, using historical and Indological data. His knowledge of Sanskrit enabled him to study the religious scriptures in the context of Indian society.
Conclusion:
The sweep of Ghurye’s works and the wide range of his intellectual interests have had a profound influence on the development of the twin disciplines (sociology and social anthropology) in India. Like a discreet butterfly, Ghurye moved from one theme to another with equal interest, erudition and ability.
He showed India to an inexhaustible mind where sociologists and social anthropologists could conduct endless explorations. He indicated innumerable but unexplored dimensions of Indian society, culture and social institutions, which would occupy social analysis for decades if they had both the desire and the ability to know.
Ghurye’s basic discipline may be regarded as social anthropology, since his PhD was under W.H.R. Rivers at Cambridge (UK). The range of Ghurye’s scholarly interests and research is astounding. Exploration of diverse aspects of Indian culture and society through the use of Indological sources permeated Ghurye’s otherwise shifting intellectual concerns and empirical research pursuits. His erudition and versatility, therefore, are substantiated by the wide range of his research from Sanskrit text, through interpretation of Indian culture and society.
This rare spirit of inquiry and commitment to advancing the frontiers of knowledge was one of Ghurye’s precious gifts to Indian sociology and social anthropology. His diversified interests are also reflected in the great variety of works of his research students produced on themes ranging from family, kinship structures, marriage, religious sects, ethnic groups, castes and aboriginals, their customs and institutions, to social differentiation and stratification, caste and class, education and society, the Indian nationalist movement, social structure and social change in specific villages or religions of India, and also urbanization, industrialization and related social problems in India.
The range of Ghurye’s interests is encyclopaedic. His abiding interest is in the course of world civilization in general and in Hindu civilization in particular. He has analysed various aspects like the origin and evolution of caste, the evolution of Indo-Aryan family structures and its connections with the Indo-European family structure, and specific institutions like gotra etc. Analysis of the diverse aspects of the evolution of Indian social history and culture thus constitutes the major preoccupation of Ghurye.
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Gangadhar Gade
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Gangadhar Gade is an Indian politician and Ambedkarite sociopolitical activist. He is the former leader of the Republican Party of India, and is president of the Panther Republic Party. He is former minister of Maharashtra. He is a popular Buddhist leader. Gade was the leader of the Namantar Andolan (Name Change Movement) of Marathwada University. On 7 July 1977, Dalit Panthers general secretary Gangadhar Gade firstly demanded that the name of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar be given to Marathwada University.
Gangadhar Sukhdevrao Gade
AURANGABAD (WEST) (SC) (AURANGABAD)
Party:Panthers Republican Party
S/o|D/o|W/o: Shinde Dilip Kondaji
Age: 39
Address: Plot no.45,Gat no.8,Firdos Gardan, Padegaon ,Chavani,Aurangabad
Name Enrolled as Voter in: 108 Aurangabad West (Maharashtra) constituency , at Serial no 2882 in Part no 8
Profession:Housewife
Contact Number: 8237383264
Spouse Profession:Service
Girish Sant
From Wikipedia
Girish Sant
Energy Analyst
Born 23 January 1966
Thane, Maharashtra, India
Died 2 February 2012
New Delhi, India
Nationality Indian
Alma mater IIT Bombay
Occupation Founder and coordinator, Prayas (Energy Group)
Girish Sant was a noted energy analyst held in high esteem as an energy policy commentator from India. He co-founded the non-governmental organisation Prayas in Pune, India. His analytical inputs helped shape India's energy policy over the decades of the 1990s and 2000s. He was considered an effective team builder and mentored several energy researchers and activists.
Formative years
Girish spent his childhood in Thane, and joined IIT Mumbai in 1982 for BTech in Chemical engineering. After completing BTech in 1986, he also completed Masters in Energy Systems in 1988 from IIT.
Girish's years in IIT Mumbai brought out his leadership, team building and mountaineering skills. He was an accomplished mountaineer and rock climber, and made important rock climbing ascents with fellow mountaineers including the first ever climb of the Konkan Kada. He was an active member of the IIT Mountaineering Club and also the Institute Mountaineering Secretary during 1985–86.
During his stay at IIT, particularly during his Masters study, Girish started thinking about full-time work in a field of direct social relevance along with friends – Ajit Gaunekar and Aniruddha Ketkar. He started interacting with Subodh Wagle, then research fellow at Center for Technology Alternatives for Rural Areas, with whom he explored appropriate technologies, rural society and related developmental paradigms.
Entry to the energy sector
By 1988, when Girish completed Masters in energy systems, he developed a clear idea that he wanted to work for the betterment of society and not for personal prosperity, using his professional skills on issues related to energy.[3] He relocated to Pune and initially worked as a lecturer in an engineering college, undertook sporadic energy audit and industrial consultancy projects and then worked at Systems Research Institute. This was a period of exploration along with other like-minded friends – Shripad Dharmadhikary, Sanjeevani and Vinay Kulkarni – that brought him closer to people's movements, particularly the NBA.
During this period he came across the Development Focused End Use Oriented (DEFENDUS approach to power sector planning developed by Prof. Amulya Kumar N. Reddy. Subsequent interactions with Prof. Reddy shaped his thinking and work in the energy sector in the early period. By this time, Girish started working with Shantanu Dixit who continued to be his colleague for the rest of his life. Analytical motivation from DEFENDUS, along with the support of friends and a scholarship from Dr. Ashok Gadgil, led to his first major work on development of a least cost plan for Maharashtra. Development of the least cost plan, its dissemination to various quarters and subsequent responses from power sector actors and activists contributed to his understanding of the energy sector and the broader political economy and institutional dynamics of the sector in India.
This was also the time of reforms for the power sector in India, which witnessed entry of projects such as Dabhol Power Company built by Enron. Girish, Subodh and Shantanu were able to see the long term implications of such projects and reforms for the Indian power sector and economy at large. Realising the need to de-mystify such complex projects and to highlight their implications for people of the state and the country, they worked relentlessly to unravel the complex power purchase agreement of Enron and communicate the devastating impact of the project to activists and the wider community. These early experiences shaped his vision for the power sector as well as his strategic and substantive approach to work in the energy sector.
Formation of prayas, institution building and approach to policy analysis
Girish Sant at New Rajendra Nagar in New Delhi, January 2002
In 1994, his work in the energy sector evolved into the formation of Prayas, Initiatives in Health, Energy, Learning and Parenthood along with Sanjeevani and Vinay Kulkarni.
Girish believed in and ensured teamwork and democratic working of the group. Under his leadership, the Energy Group within Prayas (PEG), which started with three people, expanded to a team of over 15 researchers from a variety of backgrounds. Girish had the ability to connect with a wide range of professionals, which attracted senior researchers as well as young engineers to join Prayas.
Girish was particular about encouraging intellectual and substantive growth of colleagues, and supported new initiatives in the form of Resources and Livelihoods group of Prayas as well as academic interests of young researchers. Girish paid meticulous attention to the internal processes within Prayas and ensured that proper procedures were followed. Many peers and friends of Girish consider his institution building abilities as important a contribution and achievement as his substantive work in the energy sector. Girish assisted the likes of Sucheta Dalal, then a columnist in the Times of India, in understanding the controversial Dabhol power project and the Enron India scam that they unearthed.
Girish emphasised the need to be agile and to undertake strategic interventions in the sector. High quality and in-depth analysis, comprehensive approach, and prioritising interests of disadvantaged sections became the hallmark of his work and he successfully cultivated these principles across PEG. He believed that improving governance in infrastructure sectors like energy has the dual advantage of improving lives of the poor as well as saving public money that can then be spent on other services such as education. He successfully motivated and actively supported many young researchers to take up the task of policy advocacy in the energy sector based on public interest analysis.
In spite of several accomplishments and achieving an important stature in the energy sector in India, Girish remained humble and self-effacing, as is reflected in many of the tributes on his memorial webpage and in the Smriti Grantha (or Collection of Memoirs). He was mild mannered and soft-spoken, even when trying to convince someone holding a contrary opinion. This quality endeared him to many in the sector resulting in increased impact.
Interventions in the electricity sector
Girish was known in the energy sector for his use of high quality analysis to expose inadequacies of conventional planning and projects that result out of such a process. Under his guidance, PEG undertook techno-economic analysis of three large hydro-electric projects, Sardar Sarovar and Maheshwar in India and Bujagali in Uganda. The group analysed Sardar Sarovar and Maheshwar projects and highlighted inefficiencies therein, proposing several techno-economically feasible and socially desirable alternatives. Analysis of Bujagali Hydroelectric Power Station brought out inflated capital costs and one-sided nature of the power purchase agreement and led to renegotiation of the contract.
The wave of independent power producers in the 1990s was followed by State Electricity Board (SEB) reforms supported by the World Bank and Asian Development Bank, starting from Orissa in 1996. Under these reforms unbundling the SEB into generation, transmission and distribution companies, setting up a regulatory commission and gradually privatising the distribution was presented as the solution to all problems in power sector. PEG was the first to prepare a public interest critique of the Orissa model of reforms in 1998 and the role of Multi-lateral Development Banks, arguing that democratising governance is the key to addressing the power sector crisis, rather than focusing only on infusing capital or changing ownership.
PEG realised that the fight against unjust, inefficient projects needs to be started at the macro-level planning stage itself. Experience of disseminating least cost plan and struggle against Enron project, highlighted the influence of political economy on decision making and underscored the need for improving governance through enhanced transparency, accountability and participation (TAP) in the energy sector decision making. These insights have since guided the group's work in the energy sector and led to the group undertaking early interventions in improving the newly emerging independent regulatory commissions. Girish provided strategic guidance on the initial idea of bringing together a transnational network of civil society groups, called the Electricity Governance Initiative, that would work together to advance the principles of transparent, inclusive and accountable governance of electricity.
Girish was keen that analysis is followed by actual interventions aimed at pro-people changes. Accordingly, PEG actively engaged with several state as well as central regulatory commissions, with the aim of making regulatory process more transparent, accountable, participatory and helped serve the public interest more effectively. Subsequent to enactment of Electricity Act 2003, PEG was actively involved in giving inputs to national policies such as National Electricity Policy, Tariff Policy and Competitive Bidding Guidelines. This analysis of the Indian power sector and its role in the regulatory process was acknowledged by many in the sector.
Work beyond the electricity sector
Girish Sant at a UN Climate Change Workshop, 2011
Since 2006, Girish focused more on macro issues of resource availability, utilisation, and growing importance of global climate debate on India's energy policy. In 2009, he co-authored a report, 'An Overview of India's Energy Trends', highlighting important differences in energy production and consumption trends of India, US, European Union and China Based on this work, he was invited to make presentations at high level meetings at COP15 at Copenhagen and at The Center for Clean Air Policy, Washington, D.C. He was India's representative at a UN workshop on non-Annex 1 NAMAs.
Subsequently, he was one of India's representatives in the BASIC Expert Group (an informal energy expert group formed by BASIC governments) that worked towards developing greater understanding of energy use in BASIC countries and for evolving common approach to climate negotiation. All these efforts and analysis contributed to strengthening India's position in the global discourse on climate change and energy, and also helped shape the domestic policy discourse.
On the domestic front, while welcoming the investment in renewable energy (RE), Girish suggested measures to improve effectiveness and equity in RE expansion. He was instrumental in making a case for setting up a National Wind Energy Mission, which is scheduled to begin in 2014.
Search for innovative solutions to vexed problems was another characteristic of Girish. This search led to a unique and novel concept for improving efficiency of commonly used domestic appliances. Though Girish and several other researchers had pointed out that energy efficiency of commonly used domestic appliances is very poor and using most efficient appliances instead of these inefficient appliances will lead to savings of thousands of MWs, a workable large scale solution to achieve this transformation was elusive. Girish, along with colleagues at Prayas, developed a concept called 'Super-Efficient Equipment Program – SEEP' under which nominal incentives are provided to appliance manufacturers to bring super-efficient equipment into the market. He successfully convinced Government of India and Planning Commission officials of the benefits of implementing such a program. Under this program, which will be launched in 2014 as part of the 12th Five Year Plan, it is expected that over five million 'super-efficient' fans, which consume half the electricity of normal fans, will be sold in the market. This approach is also being adopted at the global level under the auspices of the Clean Energy Ministerial.
Girish was also part of several official committees, such as Planning Commission's working groups for 11th and 12th five-year plans, Planning Commission's Steering Committee on Energy, the Supreme Court appointed Committee on Solid Waste Disposal, and Planning Commission's Expert Group on Low Carbon Strategies for Inclusive Growth.
Death
Girish died on 2 February 2012 in New Delhi due to cardiac arrest.
A committee consisting of people from within and outside Prayas was formed to manage activities organised in Girish's memory and "to further his work of independent analysis and advocacy to promote public interest issues in the energy sector". These activities include an annual memorial lecture organised in Pune and a fellowship for young researchers pursuing public interest research and advocacy.
Membership in policy related committees
Member, BASIC Expert Group (2011–12)
Convener Transport Working Group, of The Expert Group appointed by The Planning Commission (India) in 2010, to work out the 'Low Carbon Strategy for Inclusive Growth’
Member, World Bank Expert Committee to review West Bengal Power Sector Reforms (2008)
Member, 'Working Group on Power' for formulation of XIth five-year plan for the National Planning Commission (India) (2006–07)
Member, Expert Group, convened by Secretary of Power (Government of India) to seek "radical" policy suggestions (2006)
Member Expert Group on "Financing access to basic utilities for all" formed by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in co-operation with the Financing for Development Office, June 2006.
Member, Expert Committee appointed by The Supreme Court of India for evaluating 'Waste to Energy projects from Municipal Solid Waste', appointed through Ministry of Non-Conventional Energy Sources (2005–06)
Member, Central Advisory Committee of Central Electricity Regulatory Commission (India), since 1998 till 2010
Member, State Advisory Committee of Maharashtra Electricity Regulatory Commission, since 1999 till 2010
Member, 'Consultative Group on Power & Energy' of Planning Commission (India) for review of energy sector performance in the Xth plan
Member, Advisory Committee, ADB Policy Research Network to strengthen policy reforms – Infrastructure Development for Poverty Reduction: Priorities, Constraints and Strategies (2004–05)
Member, Western Regional Energy Committee Confederation of Indian Industries (CII) (2003 and 2004)
Member Advisory Committee, Distribution Reforms Upgrade Management (DRUM) program of Government of India and USAID (2003)
Member, Study Group on Benefits of Sardar Sarovar Dam Project, Government of Maharashtra (2001)
Member, Task Force to review Narmada Dams, Government of M.P. (1998)
Member, International team of civil society to review status of rehabilitation of project affected persons at by Coal mines and Thermal plants at Singrauli (UP) (1995)
Recognition
Dr. T. N. Khoshoo Memorial Award in 'Conservation, Environment and Development' for year 2010, – Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and the Environment (Bangalore)
'Best Energy Alumni' – Energy Department, IIT Bombay (2008).
'Life Time Achievement – Encouragement Award' – Workers' and Engineers' union of Power utility in Maharashtra (2003), which he accepted on behalf of Prayas (energy group)
As a student, received citation for 'Exceptional Contribution Award' for enhancing Mountaineering activity at IIT Bombay.
'Annual Girish Sant Memorial Lecture' – IIT Bombay
Dedication of the book "Churning the Earth"
Gogu Shyamala
Gogu Shyamala, being Dalit and woman is survival, beyond victimhood and outside of it
She recognised caste discrimination for what it was, only as an adult
Nitin B.
@Facebooare @twitteare @reddit
(Editor's Note: The News Minute is interviewing Dalit women writers in the four major south Indian languages. This is the first of these interviews.)
Jovial is the first word that comes to mind when one sees Gogu Shyamala. “This is my desk,” she says, with a welcoming smile, pointing at a table clustered with books, papers and other trivial items.
We are at the Anveshi Research Centre for Women's Studies in Hyderabad, where Shyamala is a senior fellow. Over a cup of tea, she talks about her childhood growing up in the Madiga wada in the 1970s, and her transition from the Left to an Ambedkarite position, her fiction writing, and what it means to be a Dalit feminist.
“I never realized that there was any discrimination as a kid. It was after growing up that I discovered it. We had a Madiga area to the east of the village where we all lived, away from the upper castes,” she says.
Shyamala grew up in Peddemul village in Telangana’s (then Andhra Pradesh) Ranga Reddy district. In the Acknowledgements at the end of her English translation of her book titled “Father may be an elephant and mother only a small basket, but…” Shyamala writes very simply, how her education was possible. She described the attitude in her village thus:
‘“If you get your children educated, who will slog for free in our fields?” Under such pressure from the karnam, reddy and other dora of the village, my eldest brother Ramachandrappa was forced into agricultural labour.’
(Karnam is Brahmin caste whose task it was be maintain land records, reddy is a landowning farming caste, dora is the most powerful landlord in the village is also the power centre)
However, she escaped this. Her parents, both agricultural labourers, insisted on sending her to school. She is the only one of her three siblings (including her oldest brother who died as a child) who obtained a higher education. She is all praise for her father, and says that she owes everything to him.
“School was the one place where everyone sat together. I remember sitting with a girl who was a reddy and neither of us had a problem. But I was never invited to her house, and she was never invited to mine,” she recalls.
The prejudice was always there, but she did not recognize it for what it was. “I had three bench mates — a Muslim, one BC girl and one upper caste girl, and we had all met once at the BC girl's house, but the upper caste girl was swiftly taken back home on some pretext. The actual reason is obvious to me now,” she says.
“The politics started when my dad put me in a social welfare hostel (Tandur) to continue my schooling. I was one of the student leaders who used to protest for clean food and hostel facilities and things like that. It continued in college where I was an active student leader. I did it only for justice. Nothing else," she says.
After completing her intermediate (Class 12), she could not immediately enroll in college on account of financial difficulties. Eventually, she obtained a degree in Sociology from BR Ambedkar Open University.
Around that time, she become an activist with the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), but insists that she never let the politics overshadow the education. “It was a good change because I was no longer a Dalit. I was a comrade. We were all equal. But over time, I realized that the caste element still crept in. Children of the upper caste people were well shielded and could pull strings with the police if they were arrested. We on the other hand, were helpless.”
On August 6, 1991, eight Dalits in a small village called Tsundur in Andhra's Guntur district were killed and several injured by upper caste people, in an incident now known as the 'Tsundur' or 'Chundur' massacre.
The police had filed charge-sheet against 219 people, of whom 33 died during the course of the trial and seven were let off due to lack of evidence.
“When the massacre happened, I was shocked. I saw all the authorities trying to spin the story and say that there were other elements that prompted the killing, while it was clearly caste-based. It also made me wonder how many isolated caste killings occurred, but were dismissed with some other reason. Tsundur was a bigger number, so people took notice. What about all the cases where just one individual was killed?” she asks.
It was at this point that Shyamala began to question the Left. “I slowly began to read Ambedkar and understood how deep-rooted caste was in Indian society. That's also when I understood that communism may have removed religion, but the caste divide still existed. Even today, if you see any Dalit parliamentarians, it is only because of reservation,” she says.
When asked why the Left couldn't get rid of the caste-divide, she says, “What America had was open slavery but our kind of slavery is much more closed. This is even more dangerous, and it is difficult to acknowledge the problem and tackle it.”
She says that the system was a continuous one, practices and attitudes passed on from one generation to another. Thus, she said that caste slurs were hurled at her father to such an extent, that the generation that followed still called him by the caste slur, but didn't even realize its origin.
But suddenly, she chuckles. With a glint in her eye, she said: “I actually wrote a story where an upper caste boy who uses the slur gets into a fight with a Dalit boy as the latter feels insulted. During the fight, the Dalit boy explains the origins of the slur and the upper caste boy goes back home and tells his parents not to use it.”
This cheeky and defiant attitude, is very much a part of her stories. “There are two types of Dalit narratives that you will read and hear about. Either the person is a hero who fought all odds, or a victim. With my writing, I try to present them as normal people like everyone else, to try and battle the mainstream stereotype.”
In one of the stories, a young girl named Balamma, wary as she is of the village dora, is nonetheless not willing to put up with his nonsense. The story is named after Tataki, whom Valmiki calls a rakshasi, but whom Dalit discourse identifies as a Dalit woman who protected the forests and was killed by Rama.
These stories are drawn from her own life. “My book is entirely based on my experiences - things that I have seen, heard or felt. I do add a few elements here and there to brighten up the book, but the writing is largely from experience.”
In a strange way, one of the stories in the book could easily be applied to the discussions about students who avail of reservations, and which were heard after Rohith Vemula’s suicide. Bayi Talam (Bottom of the Well) raises questions about caste, privilege, and access to education. A group of teachers from Hyderabad happen to watch Dalit boys enthusiastically playing all kinds of games in the well. Taken aback by their intelligence, they wonder what caste these boys belong to, and how they might shine with an education. This between the teachers in the story is a study in attitudes and perceptions.
At the mention of Rohith’s suicide, the sign of a frown appears on Shyamala’s face.
“The purpose of universities is knowledge. Any person, irrespective of his background, can go to a university to learn. However, there is discrimination even here as most of the professors are upper caste and they aren't empathetic to the background of a Dalit student,” she says.
As far as Rohith is concerned, we are losing a little focus of the main issue with all the incidents that followed and all the politicians going in and out of the campus. He was a student filled with hope and was pushed to commit suicide,” she adds.
The time is ticking and it is time for the last question. What is the biggest problem she faces as a self-identified Dalit feminist?
“Being a Dalit woman is hard. In the Tsundur massacre for example, all those widowed women from the killings did not have anyone to turn to. They raised their children, worked hard to feed them, and still had to go to court to fight the case. This lack of a support mechanism in the patriarchal system really makes it hard for them,” she says.
Even in everyday life, she says, women are stronger. “I remember (women) agricultural labourers who would gather together, make sure that all the work was done, and ensure that the landlords gave them every rupee they earned. I always saw them being bold and courageous. But, that does not deny the difficulties that they face living in a patriarchal society,” she says.
H L Dusadh
H L Dusadh, Diversity Man of India
This day in 1953 the Diversity Man of India was born. H L Dusadh Dusadh is one of the greatest public intellectuals in the country and a prolific writer of over 70 enlightening books.
His literary discourse has the agenda of subaltern in the centre. India’s #SocialJustice movement had been deeply enriched by his peerless volume of political literature.
In a country where caste discrimination rules the roost and war for rightful representation of OBC/SC-ST is still being fought on many levels, voice of enlightened commentator like Heera Lal Dusadh becomes the voice of the voiceless.
My intellectual conversation with the Diversity Man Dusadh had always been uplifting and inspiring.
Frankly speaking, teading his works motivate me to read and write more about the cause and concern of the oppressed communities.
Moreover, I am absolutely in awe of his vast reading of world literature, especially sagas of liberation and civil rights movement in the United States of America, Africa and elsewhere.
Very few language writers of the country are so very animatedly conversant with the legends of black heroes and achievers of Hollywood, Los Angeles and Beverley Hills studios or the success story of blacks in the British and European arts world.
He can talk hour and hour about the feat of Morgan Freeman, Will Smith and Denezel Washington, black powerhouse stars of Hollywood in the same breath as he can mesmerise you with long discourse on Ambedkar, Phule, Periyar, Kanshi Řàm and Behan Mayawati, Lalu Prasad and Akhilesh Yadav.
During several rounds of conversation Dusadh saheb has been expressing his concern about the lack of diversity in Indian media and Bollywood.
Woefully frightening lack of diversity in Media, Academia and Judiciary gives him goosebumps more often than not.
Genuine grievance I share with him and wonder when Prime time broadcast will have OBC – Dalit, ST & Muslim anchors in India and when Bollywood will have top-billing actors and artists from the largest humanity pool?
Happy birthday, sir. You are a versatile genius. Many more to come. I raise the toast in cheer for you!
https://socialistfactor.com/happy-birthday-h-l-dusadh-diversity-man-of-india/
HARI RAOJI CHIPLUNKAR
Birth : 1842
Death : 1896 (aged 54 years)
Rao Bahadur Hari Raoji Chiplunkar (1842-1896) Honorary Magistrate and President of the Landlord's Association in Pune, was a reformer, activist, and philanthropist, and close friend of intellectual and reformer, and founder of Satyashodhak Samaj, Jyotirao Phule. A prominent figure in the social and intellectual circles of Maharashtra, primarily Pune, Chiplunkar donated his land and funds, enabling Savitri and Jyotirao Phule to start the first girls schools in India in 1851 on Chiplunkar's estate, including donating a building for the primary education of lower caste children in 1864, currently operating as the Bholagir School, Municipal School No. 4.
On March 19, 1883 Chiplunkar was appointed as a member of the Poona Municipal Corporation where he effected administrative reform currently practiced, an honor given to twelve distinguished citizens including Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Jyotirao Phule, Dr. R.P. Paranjpe (KCIE), Hari Narayan Apte, Dr. Vishram Ramji Ghole, and Sir M Visvesvaraya.
Chiplunkar was a founding member of the Deccan Education Society, Pune, and Fergusson College, and remained an active member of the Satyashodhak Samaj from 1858-1883.
Known for his charismatic personality and affable nature, Hari Raoji Chiplunkar struck a friendship with the Duke of Connaught for whom he hosted a reception and banquet in 1888. Chiplunkar built the Connaught House in what is known today as Sadhu Vaswani Chowk, where the Duke and Duchess of Connaught were given a red carpet reception. It was at this banquet, on March 2, 1888 where among the royal guests, dignitaries, industrialists and preeminent families from Bombay and Pune, Mahatma Phule chose to appear as a poor farmer wearing only a short dhoti, an old shirt, and worn out shoes. He proceeded to make a stirring speech on the destitution of the untouchables and lower classes, encouraged the Duke to visit the villages of India and witness the conditions shared by nearly nineteen crore Indians living in abject poverty. In the speech Phule also asked the Duke convey to Queen Victoria his message about emancipating the masses through education.
Social reformer Savitribai Phule was present at Hari Raoji Chiplunkar's funeral in 1896. In 1991, the City of Pune, named the Hari Raoji Chowk commemorating Chiplunkar in Somwar Peth.
The contents of this page are sourced from Wikipedia article. The contents are available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license.
Harshali Potdar
Aarefa Johari
Anti-caste activist Harshali Potdar was briefly arrested by Mumbai’s MRA Marg police on Monday afternoon for sharing an allegedly inflammatory Facebook post in March 2020. By evening, she was released after being made to fill out several arrest forms.
Potadar’s application for anticipatory bail in this case had been rejected by a sessions court on January 6.
The police had filed its case against Potdar on April 4, 2020, accusing her of sharing a post by a Facebook user, Mohsin Sheikh, who blamed the Central government for targeting the Muslim community and the Tablighi Jamaat group with claims that it was responsible for spreading Covid-19 in India.
The first information report claims the post appealed to Muslims to act against Brahmins, and has booked Potdar under Section 153A (1) of the Indian Penal Code, dealing with promotion of communal disharmony.
In a Facebook live video she shared after her release, Potdar denied sharing any such post. “I have given them [the police] my statement before, whenever they have asked for it – I have not shared that post,” said Potdar in the video. “But even if the police claims I have shared it, they have listed me as accused number one, and the person who wrote the post has been listed as accused number two. And the FIR also claims the post was deleted within 30 minutes.”
Potdar was arrested despite the Supreme Court itself criticising the Central government for its handling of the media coverage of the Tablighi Jamaat event. In October and November 2020, the Supreme Court pulled up the government for its inaction towards media channels that had communalised the Jamaat event.
Connection to Bhima Koregaon
Potdar’s lawyer Ishrat Ali Khan also refuted these charges against her client. “She is being targeted because of her connection with the Bhima Koregaon case and because of her involvement in several protests and dharnas,” she said.
Potdar is a member of the Republican Panthers Caste Annihilation Movement, and was one of the organisers of the Elgar Parishad event that took place in Pune city on December 31, 2017 – a day before caste-based violence broke out near Bhima Koregaon in Maharashtra’s Pune district.
At least 16 activists and intellectuals have been arrested since June 2018 for allegedly conspiring to provoke the Bhima Koregaon violence. Meanwhile, no major action has been taken against two right-wing Hindutva leaders – Sambhaji Bhide and Milind Ekbote – who have also been accused of making provocative speeches before the Bhima Koregaon vioence.
Although Potdar was one of the accused in the case, she has not been arrested or charge-sheeted for it so far.
In her Facebook video on Monday, Potdar claimed her arrest was an intimidation tactic, likely because organisers of the 2017 Elgar Parishad have announced another Elgar event in Pune on January 30 in support of the 16 arrested activists.
“Through such false cases, the police is trying to spread fear among activists working in the Ambedkarite and progressive movements so that they don’t come forward to do their work,” Potdar said. “But they will not be able to silence us like this.”
Stan Swamy, 83, is among those arrested for allegedly conspiring to set off the violence in Bhima Koregaon.
Stan Swamy, 83, is among those arrested for allegedly conspiring to set off the violence in Bhima Koregaon.Unauthorised arrest
Potdar has also questioned the MRA Marg police about the manner in which she was arrested while she was in a public place. “I was eating in a restaurant with a few activist friends when four or five police officials in civil dress surrounded us and demanded that I go to the police station with them,” Potdar said in the Facebook video. The officials did not have any summons or arrest warrant, she said, and refused to tell her why they wanted to arrest her. “They also asked me to surrender my phone, which I refused to do, since they did not have a seizure panchnama.”
At the police station, she was not allowed to speak to her lawyer or activist friends, and was told about the case in which she was arrested only after making her fill up arrest forms. “At around 6.30 pm, after informing my family and lawyer that I would be in the lock-up tonight, they suddenly told me they were releasing me,” she said. “So then what was the dramatic arrest all about? Only the police can answer.”
Officials at the MRA Marg Police Station were unavailable for comment.
Hemendra Singh Panwar
Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Hemendra Singh Panwar
Born 22 March 1937
India
Awards Padma Bhushan
Hemendra Singh Panwar is an Indian conservationist and civil servant, known for his efforts in the fields of wildlife and conservation. He was the first director of the Wildlife Institute of India and was the director of Project Tiger. The Government of India honoured him, in 2013, with Padma Bhushan, the third-highest civilian award, for his services to the environment and conservation..
Biography
Hemendra Singh Panwar was born on 22 March 1939. He started his career in Indian Forest Service, which took off with his posting at Mandla. In 1969, he was transferred to South Mandla which covered the forest areas of Kanha which had a sparse head count of 30 tigers and Barasinghas (swamp deer) numbering 66. Panwar's efforts on deer conservation was given a boost when he was put in charge of barasingha conservation as an independent unit.
During his stint at Kanha, Panwar is reported to be successful in converting the park into an efficiently managed unit, and the park won the award for the best managed park in India in 1976. The headcount of tigers grew to 150 and the deer to over 400 and the park management was able to relocate 22 interior villages.
In 1981, Panwar was transferred to Delhi, as the head of Project Tiger, a project conceptualised in 1973, for the protection of tiger population in India. He worked for 4 years on the project, till 1985, during which time, the project brought seven additional reserves under its umbrella. The population of tigers in India rose from 1900 to 3000. He was also invited to present a paper on the subject by the Smithsonian Institution.
At this time, the idea of setting up an institute focusing wildlife conservation was being mooted by V. B. Saharia, and as a result of his efforts, the Wildlife Institute of India was established in 1985 with Hemendra Singh Panwar as its first director. Panwar established the institute into a full-fledged learning centre with specialised focus on wildlife biology, management, and extension. Research facilities were also set up in the topics of focus. The Wildlife Institute of India is rated as one of the six best conservation research institutions by the World Conservation Union and has won Rajiv Gandhi Conservation Award. Panwar retired as its director in 1994.
Awards and recognition
Hemendra Singh Panwar has won several awards and honours for his services.
Padma Bhushan – 2013
The Duke of Edinburgh Conservation Medal – WWF International – 2002
Rajiv Gandhi Wildlife Conservation Award – 1998
Tree of Learning Award – World Conservation Union (WCA-IUCN) – 1996
Fred M. Parker International Parks Merit Award – World Conservation Union (WCA-IUCN) – 1996
Prime Minister's Memento in 1992 for Project Tiger
Government of Madhya Pradesh Gold Medal – 1981
Henry Bibb
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Henry Bibb, copper engraving by Patrick H. Reason Henry Walton Bibb (May 10, 1815 in Shelby County, Kentucky – 1854) was an American author and abolitionist who was born a slave. After escaping from slavery to Canada, he founded an abolitionist newspaper, The Voice of the Fugitive. He returned to the US and lectured against slavery.
Biography
Bibb was born to an enslaved woman, Milldred Jackson, on a Cantalonia, Kentucky, plantation on May 10, 1815. His people told him his white father was James Bibb, a Kentucky state senator, but Henry never knew him. As he was growing up, Bibb saw each of his six younger siblings, all boys, sold away to other
In 1833, Bibb married another mulatto slave, Malinda, who lived in Oldham County, Kentucky. They had a daughter, Mary Frances.
In 1842, he managed to flee to Detroit, from where he hoped to gain the freedom of his wife and daughter. After finding out that Malinda had been sold as a mistress to a white planter, Bibb focused on his career as an abolitionist. He traveled and lectured throughout the United States.
In 1849-50 he published his autobiography Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Henry Bibb, An American Slave, Written by Himself, which became one of the best known slave narratives of the antebellum years. The passage of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1850 increased the danger to Bibb and his second wife Mary E. Miles, of Boston. It required Northerners to cooperate in the capture of escaped slaves. To ensure their safety, the Bibbs migrated to Canada and settled in Sandwich, Upper Canada now Windsor, Ontario.
In 1851, he set up the first black newspaper in Canada, The Voice of the Fugitive The paper helped develop a more sympathetic climate for blacks in Canada as well as helped new arrivals to adjust. Due to his fame as an author, Bibb was reunited with three of his brothers, who separately had also escaped from slavery to Canada. In 1852 he published their accounts in his newspaper.
Bibliography
Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Henry Bibb, An American Slave, Written by Himself, Self-published, New York: 1849
Hasrat Mohani
Pen Name :'hasrat'
Real Name :Syed Fazl ul Hasan
Born :01 Jan 1875, Unnao, India
Died :13 May 1951
chupke chupke raat din aañsū bahānā yaad hai
ham ko ab tak āshiqī kā vo zamānā yaad hai
bā-hazārāñ iztirāb o sad-hazārāñ ishtiyāq
tujh se vo pahle-pahal dil kā lagānā yaad hai
baar baar uThnā usī jānib nigāh-e-shauq kā
aur tirā ġhurfe se vo āñkheñ laḌānā yaad hai
tujh se kuchh milte hī vo bebāk ho jaanā mirā
aur tirā dāñtoñ meñ vo uñglī dabānā yaad hai
khīñch lenā vo mirā parde kā konā daf.atan
aur dupaTTe se tirā vo muñh chhupānā yaad hai
jaan kar sotā tujhe vo qasd-e-pā-bosī mirā
aur tirā Thukrā ke sar vo muskurānā yaad hai
tujh ko jab tanhā kabhī paanā to az-rāh-e-lihāz
hāl-e-dil bātoñ hī bātoñ meñ jatānā yaad hai
jab sivā mere tumhārā koī dīvāna na thā
sach kaho kuchh tum ko bhī vo kār-ḳhānā yaad hai
ġhair kī nazroñ se bach kar sab kī marzī ke ḳhilāf
vo tirā chorī-chhupe rātoñ ko aanā yaad hai
aa gayā gar vasl kī shab bhī kahīñ zikr-e-firāq
vo tirā ro ro ke mujh ko bhī rulānā yaad hai
dopahar kī dhuup meñ mere bulāne ke liye
vo tirā koThe pe nañge paañv aanā yaad hai
aaj tak nazroñ meñ hai vo sohbat-e-rāz-o-niyāz
apnā jaanā yaad hai terā bulānā yaad hai
mīthī mithī chhed kar bāteñ nirālī pyaar kī
zikr dushman kā vo bātoñ meñ udānā yaad hai
dekhnā mujh ko jo bargashta to sau sau naaz se
jab manā lenā to phir ḳhud ruuTh jaanā yaad hai
chorī chorī ham se tum aa kar mile the jis jagah
muddateñ guzrīñ par ab tak vo Thikānā yaad hai
shauq meñ mehñdī ke vo be-dast-o-pā honā tirā
aur mirā vo chheḌnā vo gudgudānā yaad hai
bāvajūd-e-iddi.ā-e-ittiqā 'hasrat' mujhe
aaj tak ahd-e-havas kā vo fasānā yaad hai
Syed Fazlul Hasan (1875-1951) who chose the nom de plume of Hasrat was born at Mohan in the Unnao district of Uttar Pradesh. After receiving his early education in Arabic, Persian, and Urdu at home, he moved to Aligarh where he acquired his degree of B. A. but abandoned his further studies in law that he had joined soon after his graduation.
Hasrat was acutely conscious of the socio-political condition of his time. Ever since his graduation from Aligarh in 1903 till his death at Lucknow in 1951, he worked incessantly and played various roles as a social activist, a politician, a freedom fighter, a journalist, a critic, a poet, a deeply religious Muslim of a liberal makeup, and a God-fearing communist. Working in multiple directions, he laid the foundation of an influential journal Urdu-i-Mualla, worked for the Indian National Congress Party holding important offices, remained active with Swadeshi Movement, moved the first-ever resolution for complete freedom, and chaired sessions at divergent platforms like Indian National Congress, Muslim League, Jamiat-ul Ulama-i-Hind, and the Communist Party of India which he also helped found. As he gave the call of Inquilab Zindabad—Long Live Revolution—he always fought for complete independence of India from the British rule. He was imprisoned on several occasions for his rebellious attitude towards the British but he always kept his spirit high without succumbing to any under-hand policy or upper-hand pressure. After India’s independence, he worked as a member of the Constituent Assembly that drafted the Indian Constitution but did not sign it as he had his own reservations in this matter. In all his positions and responsibilities, Hasrat worked in all humility, living a simple life like a dervish with absolutely no place for pomp or pretension in his life. He passed away in Lucknow and was buried there.
Hasrat started composing verse at an early age. He is acknowledged essentially as a poet of ghazal who combined the best values of the classical and the modernist styles of composition. He kept ghazal alive especially at a time when it was being marginalised and imparted a new lease of life to it. He wrote on the traditional subjects of love and romance but also found a space for the socio-political subjects that represented acute contemporary reality. His works have been included in Kulliyaat-e Hasrat. He has also left behind an annotated edition of Ghaib’s poetry entitled Sharh-e-Kalaam-e Ghalib, and his diary written during his imprisonment called Mushahidat-e-Zindaan. Hasrat has also collected the poetry of the classical and modern poets in seven volumes which bear witness to his critical taste.
Hanumappa Sudarshan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Hanumappa Sudarshan
Dr. Sudarshan, a well-known social worker and tribal activist recognised for his work with the Soligas in BR Hills
Born : 30 December 1950
Yemalur, Karnataka, India
Other names : Dr. Sudarshan
Education : Doctor
Known for : Public Health, Tribal rights, Activism, Gandhism
Awards : Right Livelihood Award
Dr. Hanumappa Sudarshan (born 30 December 1950) is an Indian social worker and tribal rights activist. He is well known for his contributions to the upliftment of the forest dwelling tribes (mainly Soligas) in the Chamarajanagar district of Karnataka. He is also a recipient of the Right Livelihood Awardand the Padma Shri.
Early life and education
Sudarshan was born in Yemalur on the outskirts of Bangalore. He graduated from Bangalore Medical College and became a medical doctor in the year 1973. He is also an Adjunct Professor at IGNOU.
Career
After graduation, he joined the charitable health institutions of Ramakrishna Mission which took him to the Himalayas of Uttar Pradesh, Belur Math in West Bengal and Ponnampet in Karnataka as part of the job. Instead of pursuing a medical practice in the cities, he decided to work with tribal communities and in 1980, he started the Vivekananda Girijana Kalyana Kendra for the integrated development of the tribals in the Chamarajanagar district of Karnataka. He is also the founder and Honorary Secretary of the Karuna Trust, which is dedicated to rural development in the states of Karnataka and Arunachal Pradesh. He claims inspiration from the man-making and nation-building ideals of Swami Vivekananda. He advocates Gandhian ideals for rural development.
Vivekananda Girijana Kalyana Kendra (VGKK)
VGKK is an organisation with a mission of Sustainable development of tribal people through rights-based approaches to health, education, livelihood security and biodiversity conservation. Founded in October 1981 by Dr. Sudarshan, VGKK has worked with tribals in the Chamarijanagar district and Mysore district of Karnataka and also with tribals in the states of Tamil Nadu, Arunachal Pradesh and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands and has interacted with about 20,000 people. The organisation has always had a tribal youth as its President. Jadeya Gowda, one of the first few children who was taught by Dr. Sudarshan, is the President. He did a graduation and post-graduation in agriculture and is doing his PhD at the University of Agricultural Sciences, Bangalore.
VGKK runs a 450 pupil school for the tribes of B R Hills where the students are provided education equivalent to that provided in the urban areas. Subjects related to the tribal welfare such as environmental issues, tribal values and culture are also a part of the curriculum. VGKK also has a vocational training institute where 16 crafts are taught. As a result of the efforts of VGKK, about 60% of the Soliga tribe now get a minimum of 300 days of employment per year from the Forest Department of Karnataka and other agencies.VGKK also has a system of co-operatives which employ the tribals directly and it has also made an effort towards sustainable extraction of non-timber products and creation of tribal enterprises to process them.
VGKK is an established voluntary agency recognised by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India.
Karuna Trust
Started in the year 1986 by Dr. Sudarshan, Karuna Trust (India) is an organisation involved with integrated rural development and is affiliated to VGKK. The prevalence of leprosy in Yelandur Taluk of Chamarajanagar district was the motivation to start this trust. Another focus area for this trust is education and livelihood improvement. Karuna Trust runs 72 Primary Health Care (PHC) Centres in all the districts of the state of Karnataka and Arunachal Pradesh. The organisation promotes Public Private Partnership with NGOs on a non-profit basis to achieve primary health care.
Positions held
Dr. Sudarshan has held many positions in his career, prominent among them being, the chairmanship of the Task Force on Health and Family Welfare organised by Government of Karnataka, the Task Force on Public Private Partnership organised by National Rural Health Mission (NRHM) of Government of India and Institute of Health management & Research (IHMR), Bangalore. He was also associated as a member of Working Group 6 on Macro-economics & Health organised by the World Health Organization and was also a Steering Group member of the Planning Commission on the Empowerment of Scheduled Tribes in India's 11th Five Year Plan. He has also been the Vigilance Director for the Karnataka Lokayukta, an ombudsman organisation. During his tenure, he adopted a method of regular visits and raids to several Government departments and earned critical acclaim for this.
Awards
Right Livelihood Award (1994), for showing how tribal culture can contribute to a process that secures the basic rights and fundamental needs of indigenous people and conserves their environment.
Padma Shri Award (2000)
Rajyotsava State Award for social work (1984) – Government of Karnataka.
Mother Teresa Awards for Social Justice in 2014.
Quotes
To eliminate disease you have to remove poverty. The only way to do that, I have realised, is to organise the people for their rights.
The so-called civilised society has a lot to learn from the tribals.
Corruption is at various levels: In medical education, starting from joining the medical college — you can buy a seat, you can buy the examiner, the examination system, you can buy the question papers. This is much less now with the University trying to bring in some reforms, but still, in the viva-voce and practical, many people continue to pay and pass; we are not sure if we have plugged that.
There are no pills for poverty.
Ila Mitra
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ila Mitra
Mitra in 1955
Member of the
for Maniktala
In office
1962 – 1971, 1972-1977
Preceded by Ranendra Nath Sen,Anila Debi
Succeeded by Anila Debi,Suhrid Mallick Chowdhury
Constituency Maniktala
Personal details
Born
Ila Sen
18 October 1925
Died 13 October 2002 (aged 76)
Kolkata, India
Political party Communist Party of India
Spouse(s) Ramendra Mitra
Ila Mitra (née Sen; 18 October 1925 – 13 October 2002) was a communist and peasants movement organizer of the Indian subcontinent, especially in East Bengal (now Bangladesh).
Early life and education
Young Mitra with her awards in athletics
Mitra's ancestors were from Bagutia village in the present-day Jhenaidah District. She was born on 18 October 1925 in Kolkata. She completed her IA and BA examinations from Bethune College in Calcutta in 1942 and 1944 respectively.
Ila Mitra First 2 Student
Late. Mst.Rahima Begam
Mst.Hira Begam
Leading role in peasant uprising
Mitra was the leader of peasants and indigenous Santhals in greater Rajshahi region, currently in the district of Chapai Nawabganj, and was often referred to by them as RaniMa (Queen mother). She organized a peasant-santhal uprising in Nachole Upazila, Chapai Nawabganj on 5 January 1950, but the uprising was thwarted by the police and Ansar Bahini. Mitra was arrested by the police while trying to escape. She was detained at the Nachole police station for four days, and during the detention, she was repeatedly gang-raped and tortured by the policemen. Then she was sent to the Rajshahi Central jail on 21 January 1950, where she was reportedly tortured for not accepting her involvement in the rebellion. After a trial for treason, Mitra was sentenced to life imprisonment.
Later life
Mitra at Dhaka Medical College, 1954
Partly due to the torture, Mitra fell very sick in jail. In 1954, the United Front government of Pakistan paroled her and sent her to Kolkata for treatment. As she was a Hindu and a Communist activist, to avoid persecution, she did not return to Pakistan and stayed the rest of her life in India. She also participated in mobilizing public opinion and support during the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971.
She was elected to the West Bengal Legislative Assembly for Maniktala constituency during 1962–1971 and 1972–1977.
She played part in stopping riot against Muslims in West Bengal in 1965.
Ila Mitra mural in Tebhaga Chattar, Dinajpur, Bangladesh
Mitra died in Kolkata on 13 October 2002.
Awards
Soviet Land Neheru for literary translation work
Tamra Patra from the government of India.
Iyothee Thass
– Great Social reformer and Buddhist Scholar
Iyothee Thass was an intellectual and social critic of 19 – 20 century Tamilnadu. In the primordial collective consciousness of the Dravidians he sensed the Buddhist values of equality and compassion. Working them out he severely criticized the brahminic hegemony that brought in estrangement and caste division among the people. Though a man of secular credentials he upheld the ethico-rational sensitivity that genuine religion can cultivate in promoting justice, righteousness and truthfulness. In this paper a brief attempt is made to construct the reformistic work which done by Iyothee Thass Pandithar.
Who is Iyothee Thass?
Born on 20 May 1845, Thass’s original name was Kaathavarayan. His grandfather had served as a butler to Lord Arlington. Kaathavarayan gained expertise in Tamil literature, philosophy, Siddha and had good knowledge of English, Sanskrit and Pali. After organizing the tribal people in the Nilgris in the 1870s, he established the Advaidananda Sabha in 1876. He launched a magazine called ‘Dravida Pandian’ along with Rev. John Rathinam in 1885. He issued a statement in 1886 announcing that the so-called untouchables’ are not Hindus. He established the Dravida Mahajana Sabha in 1891 and during the very first Census urged the so-called untouchables to register themselves as casteless Dravidians. This in fact makes Tamil Dalits the true descendents of the anti-Brahmin legacy which is today claimed by non-Brahmin non-Dalits. Iyothee Thass’s meeting with Olcott was a turning point not only in his life but also for the Tamil Dalit movement. In many ways, Thass was a forerunner of Dr B.R. Ambedkar.
Iyothee Thass and Buddhism
He led a delegation of prominent Dalits to Olcott and pleaded for his help in reestablishing Tamil Buddhism. With Olcott’s help Thass visited Sri Lanka and got diksha from Bikkhu Sumangala Nayake. On his return, he established the Sakya Buddhist Society in Chennai with branches in many places including Karnataka. Returning from his sacred pilgrimage to Colombo, Iyothee Thass issued a pamphlet in Tamil, entitled, Buddha: The light without distinction of day and night. In this, he systematically stated his project “Tamil Buddhism” a brief statement of Sakya Buddha’s life was followed by an exploratory survey of the Tamil epical-ethical literary tradition to explain the past glory, the fall and the present degradation of the Tamil lower caste and the antagonism between Brahmins and Sakya –Valluva (Parayar) Tamils; the emancipatory future for the original Tamils was sought to be projected as the modern rediscovery of the earlier Buddhist traditions through construction of Buddhist Temples, maintenance of Buddhist medical halls, Buddhist college, Buddhist young men association, celebration of Buddha’s birthday anniversaries and establishment of Buddhist charity fund to feed the poor. The pamphlet closed with an appeal to join these effort by singing the apprehend forms. The coming together of the initial group to implement project Tamil Buddhism was, thus, based on a common understanding of a collective-historical rationale and a social consensus in the modern sense of the term. However, not all the founding members of the society took ‘pancha silam’ and became Buddhist. The Sakya Buddhist society started its activities in 1898 with religious meetings on Sundays, semi-public lectures on socio-religious issues by learned men of all faiths and confessions and conversions to Buddhism that is, taking of pancha silam and enrolling as members, though in small numbers, yet continuously. Soon the Sakya Buddhists were recognized as an independent entity by other international Buddhist bodies and a flow of visitors, monks and lay people started and increased with passing years. Writing about those early years, Iyothee Thass says: “lectures are delivered every week in the hall of the society in addition to the occasional lectures delivered here and there in the city of Madras. Thus a great interest is aroused in the minds of people in the life and teaching of our Lord Buddha. And not a few have been the conversion to the faith of the master… Some 260 Buddhist visitors, bhikkus and lay men and women from Holland, china, Japan, Burma, Ceylon, Siam, Singapore, Chittagong, Benares, Calcutta, Bodh Gaya and other places have called and stayed here on different occasions”.
The followers of the Buddha were accused of godlessness, anti-religion customs and tradition, defiance of Vedas and Vedic authorities and, in general, of abetting anarchy and chaos in the society. But such opposition and obstacles, apparently were not new to the founding – father of the society, Iyothee Thass. His generally calm and courteous behaviour, particularly his gentle persuasive language, worthy of disciple of the compassionate polemics was to continue for long as part and parcel of the subaltern religious movement. Men from all walks of life and entire social spectrum began to gather around the erudite Pandit Iyothee Thass to hear him, expound his views supported with extensive and numerous reference to Tamil literature, history and religion.
Oru Paisa Tamilan
Iyothee Thass launched “Oru Paisa Tamizhan”, a weekly newsmagazine, from his Royapettah Office and printed it at the Buddhist Press of one Thiru Adimoolam. The journal’s statement of intent explains; “….some philosophers, natural literateurs got together and published this Oru Paisa Tamizhan in order to teach justice, right path, and truthfulness to people who could not discriminate between the excellent, mediocre and the bad”. However, Swapneswari Ammal, an early colleague of Iyothess Thass, publisher and editor of a magazine called Tamil Woman, put down the objective of the paper simply as ‘to explain and propagate Buddhism’. Of the two, it was probably the editor Iyothee Thass’s view that was more accurate. Oru Paisa Tamizhan was, also indeed, a Buddhist weekly as Swapneswari Ammal put it; it served as a newsletter linking all the new branches of the Sakya Buddhist Society. It instructed the neophytes in the tenets, traditions and practices of
Tamil Buddhism, gave information and reports of the new developments in the buddhist world, sought to interpret the subcontinent’s history, in general, and tamilakam’s in the particular, from the Buddhist point of view, etc. But it was note national-moral discourse against all forms of brahminism that had gained ascendancy under the colonial regime.
Oru Paisa Tamizhan came out week after week without fail for the rest of Pandit Iyothee Thass’s life, carrying a wealth of information on current events, interpretation of Tamil history, religion and literature and polemics, against the dominant and oppressive religio-cultural discourses of the time. The influence and significance of this modern vehicle of thought went far beyond the narrow confines of religious Buddhism. Along with the creation and nurture of a religiously united community cutting across caste barriers it undoubtedly sowed the early seeds of social revolution, cultural renaissance and political movement in colonial tamilakam as a whole.
The role of Iyothee Thass in wielding this double-edged sword was clearly primary and his initiative certainly bore the marks of charisma. Soon, the eidtor-publisher was able to gather around himself progressive elements from all over the Tamil land men and women no less erudite and committed to the emancipatory cause of the sub-alternised communities. Regular writers in the opening years of the journal included C.M.E.Murthy, Swapneswari Ammal, T.C.Nayarana Pillay, A.P.Periasswami Pulavar and others. The intellectual contribution of these combined with the material support by scores of others. Thamizhan was shortly transformed into a centre and an institution with a distinct religio-cultural ideology and strategy for social action.
Dravidian Upsurgence: Iyothee Thass and the Justice party
Iyothee Thass, a Dalit by birth and a Buddhist by conviction, was an outstanding figure in the socio-cultural awakening which preceded the spectacular rise of a non-brahman movement in Tamil land. An ideologue and a cultural crusader, Iyothee Thass’ novel ideas and activities broke new ground in the subaltern struggle for identity, human dignity and justice. Realizing the liberatory potential of Buddhist tradition and drawing o the Tamil-Buddhist connection in the past, Iyothee Thass was the first to interpret the history, religion and literature of the Tamils from the view point of a Buddhist presence in the region. His writings taken together with the work of some of his associates like Masilamani comprise a corpus which represents a Buddhist vision of the Indian past. Part history and part polemic, their writings anticipated, in many ways, the historiographical writing of Ambedkar.
Iyothee Thass who led this movement from the front also spearheaded a campaign for education among the untouchables. Along with his colleagues he set up several schools in lowered caste enclaves in urban centers. A Tamil scholar and Siddha medical practitioner, he ran a popular weekly, ‘Tamizhan’, for years. Besides, he published scores of pamphlets and tracts by him and his associates which were widely circulated among Tamils every where. The articles he wrote for Tamizhan give an idea of the astounding range of his concerns: caste hegemony, untouchability, indigenous medicine, agricultural rituals, folk deities, issues involved in a census and conversion, Buddhism and Jainism in the Tamil land. His writings are remarkably modern not only for their insight into the nature of society, but also for espousing the cause of social emancipation, Buddhism, rationalism and the new egalitarian Dravidian identity.
Iyothee Thass was among the earliest non-brahman, Adi Dravida intellectuals who presented a systematic and sharp critique of brahmanical power, the brahman’s role in the modern society and polity, and above all, the brahman’s espousal of a problematic nationalism. He drew attention to rampant civil injustices and various acts of social and ritual discrimination that ensured Brahman exclusivity. He cited several instances of prejudice and discrimination practiced by not only Brahman proponents of nationalism, but by the largely Brahman owned press and the Brahman publicists who mediated and engineered public opinion. It is remarkable that he located the power of the modern, secular Brahman in the control he excercised over the construction of public opinion. On many occasions, he pointed out the caste bias and rancour prevalent in the orientation and presentation of events or opinions in the brahman-dominated nationalist press.
Led by a host of civic leaders and social critics like Iyothee Thass, the southern people began a battle for the recovery of their past as well as establishment of their rights in the present. The intellectual ferment thus generated unleashed forces that led to the Madras Presidency consisting of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra and Malabar Kerala. The south Indian Liberal Federation, commonly known the Justice party was formedin1916, on an anti-congress, anti-brahmanical plank with the objective of radical redistribution of socio-political power. Thyagaraya Chetty and T.M. Nair played a pivotal role in the shudra movement by issuing in December 1916 the Non-Brahman Manifesto against the overwhelming preponderance of brahmans in the fields of education, public service, and politics.
Leading Justicites hammered home the point that the brahmans had usurped all real power, while the toiling masses, cultivators and others who constitute 97 per cent of the population had not even a semblance of power in their hands. Demanding democratic representation fro non-brahman castes in the fields of education, administration and legalization, Justice leaders lashed out at the brahman-dominated Congress nationalism, and claimed that the non-brahman movement cherished very different ideas about Indian nation-building and national representation.
Presenting the Justice road-map, leaders like Thyagaraya Chetty and Nair exuded confidence that the non-brahmans could attain a unity and wholeness, both in their resistance to the Brahman power and through assertion and practice of an alternative culture and community with their own values and conventions.
In 1920, the Justice party won a remarkable victory in the elections to run a diarchic government in the Madras Presidency. On assuming office, it passed a Government Order on 16th September 1921 directing an increase in the proportion of posts in government offices held by non-brahmans. During its tenure the Justice party also brought in progressive legislation pertaining to intermarriage, franchise for the common man, abolition of devadasi system, throwing open temples to depressed classes, regulating temple administration and bringing it under the control of the state, and educational facilities and reduction of fees for weaker sections. Above all, it did a splendid job in promoting primary education, women’s education and a more viable technical, industrial and agricultural education.
Conclusion
The thoughts of Iyothee Thass orbit around sole trait, reinterpretation. That means, reinterpreting the history, religion, literature, tradition, etc. In this context, his illustriousness in literature, linguistics, and history supports him in the construction of a grand discourse called Tamil Buddhism. His expertise in languages like Pali and Sanskrit other than Tamil dispenses radically interesting vestiges for this project.
Therefore the disgusting socio-cultural reality of dalits in present day Tamilnadu is not because of their origin as perplexed by Brahminic traditions, but through the political annoyance as well as the cowardliness of Brahmins, the dalits were inscribed as untouchables. Iyothee Thass spent most pages in his writings for arousing the consciousness of being transgressed. Similarly he desired to cognize the dalits about their Buddhist antecedents. Once the historical fallacy is reasoned out by the ‘ancient Buddhists’, he visualized the reinvention of tradition that affects the rescue from the castiest context. Despite Iyothee Thass accomplished as a multifarious personality till his unanticipated demise on May 5th 1914, mysteriously the modern historians forgot him.
Source- Krantijyoti (Written By Mr. Ashish Jiwane)
Ilaiah Shepherd
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Kancha Ilaiah
Kancha Ilaiah
Born 5 October 1952 (age 66)
Papaiahpet, Warangal, Hyderabad State, India
(now in Telangana, India)
Education
Osmania University (M.A. Political Science)
Osmania University (M.Phil Political Science)
Occupation Director, Centre for Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy (CSSEIP) at Maulana Azad National Urdu University,
Hyderabad
Known for Writer and speaker on Indian political thought; Dalit activism
Honours Mahatma Jyotirao Phule Award Nehru Fellow 1994-97
Manyawar Kanshiram Smriti Mahanayak Puraskar
Kancha Ilaiah, who now refers to himself symbolically as Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd, (born 5 October 1952) is an Indian political theorist, writer and activist for Dalit rights. He writes in both English and Telugu.
Early life
Kancha Ilaiah was born in the village of Papaiahpet, Warangal district in erstwhile Hyderabad State. His family belonged to the sheep-grazing Kuruma Golla caste, a community designated by the Government of India as an Other Backward Class group. Ilaiah credited his mother, Kancha Kattamma, as pivotal in shaping his political thought. According to Ilaiah, she was at the forefront of the Kurumas' struggle against the forest guards' discriminatory behaviour. Kancha Kattamma was killed during a violent confrontation while protesting against police brutality.
A Dalit activist, Ilaiah is often identified as being a Dalit himself in news reports, although he was in fact born into an Other Backward Class community.
Professional life
Ilaiah received an M.A. degree in political science and an M.Phil., awarded for his study of land reform in the south Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. He has been a recipient of the Mahatma Jyotirao Phule Award and was a Nehru Fellow between 1994-97.
Ilaiah earned a Ph.D on the basis of his work exploring the political dimension of Buddhism, culminating in God as Political Philosopher - Buddha Challenge to Brahminism.
Ilaiah has encouraged proficiency in the English language for Dalits, arguing that it would allow Dalits in India to intellectually engage the world outside India without non-Dalits speaking "for them". In May 2016, in protest against "Brahmanic hegemony" he claims continues to persist in India, Ilaiah appended "Shepherd" to his name. Ilaiah identified in this choice recognition and reaffirmation of his family origins. As an English-language proper noun rather than its equivalent in an Indian language, "Shepherd" is meant to demonstrate a symbolic break with the cultural norms Ilaiah believed "Brahmins" sought to "impose" on Indian society. Ilaiah characterises his name change as a tool for the upliftment of Dalits.
Currently, Ilaiah is serving as director of the Centre for Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy at Maulana Azad National Urdu University (MANUU) in Hyderabad.
Criticism
While working as an associate professor in the Department of Political Science at Osmania University, several of Ilaiah's colleagues as well as academics affiliated with the university expressed, in an open-letter, their concern with respect to certain articles and opinions Ilaiah had contributed to a local newspaper and advised him against writing material that could inflame sectarian discontent or prejudice.
In February 2013, at the Jaipur Literary Festival, Ilaiah and Javed Akhtar engaged in a heated discussion over the implications of religion in Indian social life.
Ilaiah has also been criticised for believing in the Aryan invasion theory. In November 2015, Ilaiah stated that if Vallabhbhai Patel, the first Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of India credited with forging national unity amidst the intense violence and bloodletting that followed the creation of Pakistan, had been Prime Minister of India, India "would have become Pakistan".
In April 2016, Ilaiah gave a controversial remark that vegetarianism is anti-nationalism. On 18 September 2017, T. G. Venkatesh, a member of Indian Parliament representing the Telugu Desam Party and a prominent leader of Arya Vysya said at a press conference that Ilaiah was a traitor and should be hanged.
Irom Chanu Sharmila
From Wikipedia
Irom Chanu Sharmila (Iron Lady)
Irom Sharmila at a reception given by Solidarity Youth Movement to her in Kozhikode
Born 14 March 1972
Nationality Indian
Occupation Civil rights activist, political activist, poet
Known for Hunger strike against Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act
Spouse(s) Desmond Anthony Bellarnine Coutinho
Children Nix Shakhi and Autumn Tara
Parent(s) Irom c Nanda (father)
Irom Ongbi Sakhi (mother)
Irom Chanu Sharmila (born 14 March 1972), also known as the "Iron Lady of Manipur" or "Mengoubi" ("the fair one") is an Indian civil rights activist, political activist, and poet from the Indian state of Manipur, which is located on the north-eastern side of India. On 5 November 2000, she began a hunger strike in favour of abolishing the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 that applies to the seven states and grants Indian armed forces the power to search properties without a warrant, and to arrest people, and to use deadly force if there is "reasonable suspicion" that a person is acting against the state. She ended the fast on 9 August 2016, after 16 long years of fasting. Having refused food and water for more than 500 weeks (she was nasally force fed in jail), she has been called "the world's longest hunger striker". On International Women's Day, 2014 she was voted the top woman icon of India by MSN Poll.
In 2014 two parties asked her to stand in the national election, but she declined. She was then denied the right to vote as a person confined in jail cannot vote according to law. On 19 August 2014 a court ordered her release from custody, subject to there being no other grounds for detention. She was re-arrested on 22 August 2014 on similar charges to those for which she was acquitted, and remanded in judicial custody for 15 days Amnesty International has declared her as a prisoner of conscience.
Background
Sharmila grew up and lives in Manipur, one of the Seven Sister States in India's northeast, which has suffered from an insurgency for decades; from 2005 to 2015 about 5,500 people died from political violence. In 1958, the Indian government passed a law, the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 that applies to just the seven states and grants security forces the power to search properties without a warrant, and to arrest people, and to use deadly force if there is "reasonable suspicion" that a person is acting against the state; a similar Act applies to Jammu and Kashmir.
She was already involved in local peace movements with regard to human rights abuses in Manipur when, on 2 November 2000, in Malom, a town in the Imphal Valley of Manipur, ten civilians were shot and killed while waiting at a bus stop. The incident, known as the "Malom Massacre", was allegedly committed by the Assam Rifles, one of the Indian Paramilitary forces operating in the state. The victims included Leisangbam Ibetombi, a 62-year-old woman, and 18-year-old Sinam Chandramani, a 1998 National Bravery Award winner.
The fast and responses
Sharmila, who was 28 at the time of Malom Massacre, began to fast in protest. Her primary demand to the Indian government has been the repeal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA). She began her fast in Malom on 5 November, and vowed not to eat, drink, comb her hair or look in a mirror until AFSPA was repealed.
Three days after she began her strike, she was arrested by the police and charged with an "attempt to commit suicide", which was unlawful under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) at that time, and was later transferred to judicial custody. Her health deteriorated rapidly, and nasogastric intubation was forced on her from 21 November in order to keep her alive while under arrest.
Sharmila has been regularly released and re-arrested every year since her hunger strike began.
By 2004, Sharmila had become an "icon of public resistance." Following her procedural release on 2 October 2006 Sharmila went to Raj Ghat, New Delhi, which she said was "to pay floral tribute to my ideal, Mahatma Gandhi." Later that evening, Sharmila headed for Jantar Mantar for a protest demonstration where she was joined by students, human rights activists and other concerned citizens. On 6 October, she was re-arrested by the Delhi police for attempting suicide and was taken to the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, where she wrote letters to the Prime Minister, the President, and the Home Minister. At this time, she met and won the support of Nobel-laureate Shirin Ebadi, the Nobel Laureate and human rights activist, who promised to take up Sharmila's cause at the United Nations Human Rights Council.
In 2011, she invited anti-corruption activist Anna Hazare to visit Manipur, and Hazare sent two representatives to meet with her.
In September 2011, Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) (CPI ML) openly stated its support for her and for repeal of AFSPA, calling for nationwide agitation.
Following that in October 2011, the Manipur Pradesh All India Trinamool Congress announced their support for Sharmila and called on party chief Mamata Banerjee to help repeal the AFSPA. Then in November, at the end of the eleventh year of her fast, Sharmila again called on Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to repeal the law. On 3 November 100 women formed a human chain in Ambari to show support for Sharmila, while other civil society groups staged a 24-hour fast in a show of solidarity.
In 2011 the Save Sharmila Solidarity Campaign (SSSC) was launched to highlight Sharmila's struggle and in December 2011, Pune University announced a scholarship program for 39 female Manipuri students to take degree courses in honour of Irom Sharmila Chanu's 39 years of age.
She only met her mother once during the fast, as she believed that seeing her mother's anguish might have broken her resolve. She said "The day AFSPA is repealed I will eat rice from my mother's hand."
On 28 March 2016, she was released from judicial custody as charges against her were rejected by a local court in Imphal. Sharmila kept her vow of neither entering her house nor meeting her mother till the government repeals AFSPA and went to continue her fast at Shahid Minar, Imphal on the same day of her release. She was again arrested by the police under the same charge of attempt to commit suicide by means of indefinite fast.
End of the fast
On 26 July 2016, Irom Sharmila, who had been on a hunger strike since 2000, announced that she would end her fast on 9 August 2017. She also announced that she would contest the next state elections in Manipur.
The objective of her fast and entering politics is to fight for the removal of AFSPA as she has asserted "I will join politics and my fight will continue."
International attention
Sharmila was awarded the 2007 Gwangju Prize for Human Rights, which is given to "an outstanding person or group, active in the promotion and advocacy of Peace, Democracy and Human Rights". She shared the award with Lenin Raghuvanshi of People's Vigilance Committee on Human Rights, a northeastern Indian human rights organisation.
In 2009, she was awarded the first Mayillama Award of the Mayilamma Foundation "for achievement of her nonviolent struggle in Manipur".
In 2010, she won a lifetime achievement award from the Asian Human Rights Commission. Later that year, she won the Rabindranath Tagore Peace Prize of the Indian Institute of Planning and Management, which came with a cash award of 5,100,000 rupees, and the Sarva Gunah Sampannah "Award for Peace and Harmony" from the Signature Training Centre.
In 2013, Amnesty International declared her a Prisoner of conscience, and said she "is being held solely for a peaceful expression of her beliefs." The influence made by Irom Sharmila is often considered as powerful as the influences by personalities in the past and present.
Subsequent work
In October 2016, she launched a political party named Peoples' Resurgence and Justice Alliance to contest two Assembly constituencies of Khurai and Khangabok. Khangabok is the home constituency of Chief Minister Okram Ibobi Singh. In the 2017 Manipur Legislative Assembly election, the winner in Thoubal, Ibobi Singh, received 18,649 and Sharmilla received 90 votes; the fewest of the five candidates.
In 2019, after the death of Gauri Lankesh, Sharmila criticized the NDA government, accusing it of disregarding people's sentiments when making policy decisions. In an interview with The Economic Times, she mentioned that she was no more interested in politics as she already experienced electoral politics and the dirtiness involved in the process.
In popular culture
Deepti Priya Mehrotra's Burning Bright: Irom Sharmila and the Struggle for Peace in Manipur details Sharmila's life and the political background of her fast. IronIrom: Two Journeys : Where the Abnormal is Normal (2012, with Minnie Vaid and Tayenjam Bijoykumar Singh)
Ojas S V, a theater artist from Pune, performed a mono-play titled Le Mashale ("Take the Torch"), based on Irom Sharmila's life and struggle. It is an adaptation of Meira Paibi (Women bearing torches), a drama written by Malayalam playwright Civic Chandran. The play was performed at several venues in several Indian states.
Personal life
On Thursday 17 August 2017, Irom Sharmila Chanu married her British partner Desmond Anthony Bellarnine Coutinho in Kodaikanal, a hill station in Tamil Nadu. On Sunday 12 May 2019, at the age of 47, she gave birth to twin daughters in Bengaluru, Karnataka, named Nix Shakhi and Autumn Tara.
John Dayal
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
John Dayal
Secretary-General
Assumed office
1998
Vice-President, All India Catholic Union
In office
2000–2004
President, All India Catholic Union
In office
2004–2008
Preceded by Maria Emilia Menezes
Succeeded by Remy Denis
Personal details
Born 2 October 1948
Nationality Indian
Domestic partner Married
Profession Activist
Website johndayal.com
John Dayal (born 2 October 1948) is an Indian human rights and Christian political activist. He is a member of the National Integration Council (NIC) of India, Secretary-General of the All India Christian Council and a past president of the All India Catholic Union. He has been outspoken in opposition to communal polarisation, bigotry and the spread of hatred between religious communities.
Biography
John Dayal was born in New Delhi to Christian parents from South India. He studied Physics at St. Stephen's College, Delhi before deciding to become a journalist. He served as war correspondent or foreign correspondent in the Middle East, North Africa, South Asia and Europe. He became editor and CEO of the Delhi Mid Day, a small afternoon newspaper, and treasurer of the Editors' Guild of India. In June 1998, Dayal was one of the signatories of a statement by a group of journalists calling on India to return to the global nuclear disarmament agenda. He continues to provide commentary and analysis in print and on national TV and radio. Dayal has headed the governing boards of several colleges of Delhi University, and has taught as a visiting teacher at several universities in north India.
John Dayal became an activist in the early 1970s. In this role he has worked on such issues as displacement of tribal people, opposition to nuclear weapons, forced disappearances and impunity. During more than forty years he has investigated a great many cases of human rights abuse aimed at minority group of Christians.
Dayal was one of the founders of the ecumenical All India Christian Council (AICC) and the United Christian Forum for Human Rights. Dayal was National Secretary for Public affairs of the All India Catholic Union (AICU) during the presidency of Norbert D'Souza (1996–2000). In 2000 he was elected vice-president of the AICU and on 20 September 2004 he was elected AICU president, succeeding Dr Maria Emelia Menezes. He held that position until 2008 when he was succeeded by Dr. Remy Denis. In March 2005, Dayal was a member of a delegation led by Vincent Conçessao that presented a memorandum on minorities to the prime minister. The delegation was assured that the government would issue a White Paper on minority communities.
Dayal has been appointed to many fact finding committees and tribunals. In December 2007, he was one of a five-member Fact Finding Team that went Phulbani area of Kandhamal district in Orissa to investigate recent violence against Christians. According to his account, he was forcibly expelled by the police. In September 2008, Dayal won the Maanav Adhikaar Paaritaushik (Human Dignity Award) in memory of Professor M. M. Guptara. In 2010, Dayal was again nominated as a member of the National Integration Council. As of March 2012, Dayal was secretary general of the All India Christian Council, founded in 1999. Dayal is married and has a son and a daughter.
Views
Hindutva
In January 2002 the AICC issued a statement signed by Joseph D'souza and John Dayal asking State governments and the national government to prevent efforts by the Sangh Parivar to stir up communal violence in the Adivasi tribal belt in Northern India. It talked of a "vicious Hindutva communal rhetoric .. targeting Christians in the region". It said RSS cadres were running schools that "follow a curricula and textual material, which is outside the pale of any academic and public scrutiny, blatantly rewrites history, and poisons young minds". In 2005 Dayal again expressed concern that Ekal Vidyalaya ("single teacher") schools run by the RSS Hindu nationalist organisation in tribal districts were spreading hatred towards members of the Christian minority.
Dayal has made unsubstantiated claims that the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has spent millions of dollars in an attempt to convert tribal people in central India into Hindu nationalists. On 17 October 2004 a ceremony was organised by the World Hindu Council (Vishva Hindu Parishad – VHP) in Orissa at which about 300 tribal Christians were "reconverted" to Hinduism. Dayal said the event was part of a well-organized and respectful ghar vapasi program, that he wholeheartedly agrees with. In a 2004 interview following the defeat of the Bharatiya Janata Party and the return to power of the Congress Party, Dayal said that the change was because "People have rejected the ideology of hate, consisting of xenophobia, narrow nationalism and a sustained persecution of Muslims and Christians". He went on to compare Hindutva to neo-Nazism and Apartheid.
Attacks on other religions
Dayal has said that militant groups exploit economically backward people in attacks on Christians and Muslims: "Dalits and tribals are used as instruments. He said, though the Irish and Scottish Missionaries introduced distilled alcohol (Indian-made foreign liquor or IMFL) the depiction of Anglo-Indians and Christians as alcoholics is real and threatens to consume Christianity. He also said Christians are paid, drugged, alcoholized, they are in a stupor. Even wine at communions should be banned". Speaking after the Bharatiya Janata Party had made gains in riot-affected parts of Gujarat, Dayal said "[Christians] have never been more afraid ... I have been expecting the very worst since the B.J.P. came to power, and the worst, I think, may still be in the future. With levels of violence in Gujarat rising, on 1 October 1998, Dayal remarked "The AICU is surprised that Union Government and members of the ruling coalition, including the BJP, have not come out categorically in denouncing the violence against Christians".
In February 2002, after a renewed series of attacks on Christians, Dayal said "Physically, many of the incidents are now less obvious, but there is a 24-hour reign of terror, which occasionally bursts into violence".
Church property
Dayal represents the conservatives in the AICU. At a seminar in Goa in August 2009, former Union minister Eduardo Faleiro said that church property should be brought under the ambit of state laws, as was the case with other religions. This was endorsed by Remy Denis and other liberals. However, Dayal opposed any change. He said that the "Christian situation" was radically and materially different from that of the Hindu, Muslim and Sikh religions, and existing laws were sufficient.
In March 2012, two Baptist churches in Imphal, Manipur were ordered to vacate within 15 days. The authorities threatened to use force if the churches were not dismantled on schedule. The All India Christian Council took up the issue with the national and state minority commissions. According to Dayal, "Christians in Manipur are facing increasing threats from the public as well as the state government". The same month, the Grand Mufti of Saudi Arabia said that it is "necessary to destroy all the churches of the region". As AICC Secretary General, John Dayal asked that India and other countries help assure the safety of churches in other countries of the Arabian peninsula. The AICC pointed out that destruction of churches would be counter to the United Nations Charter and to the UN Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance And of Discrimination Based on Religion Or Belief.
Dalit rights
A survey by the NGO Rashtriya Garima Abhiyan found that the "Self-Employment Scheme for Rehabilitation of Manual Scavengers" was being abused. Apart from encouraging Dalits to remain in menial jobs, in many cases some or all of the money was embezzled.officials, politicians and middle men to fleece ignorant people who are given 50 per cent of the loan only but made liable for the full amount even as rest of the money is taken away by crooks. Collectors in villages must crack down on such miscreants and wherever such cases are found, government must waive off the loans or it would be condoning cheating and criminal actions".
John Dayal has spoken out against bills that prevent or penalise conversion to Christianity passed in various states in India.A deeply religious person, Dayal has written "How a community treats its poor is, for the Bible, the acid test of its life. And the way a community will be changed is through the poor".
Criticism
Rediff.com columnist Varsha Bhosle wrote in 2002 that "John Dayal and his Catholic cohorts are the worst act I've ever seen... Christian activists ... aggressively seek to weaken Hindu society in terms of numbers as well as space". Noting that Dayal had objected that on the 2001 census form a scheduled caste, or Dalit, could choose only among the Hindu, Sikh and Buddhist faiths, she said "If conversion to Christianity certifies social equality, why would there be a 'Dalit Christian'? As for guaranteeing economic freedom, don't make me laugh".
Discussing Dayal's 2005 letter to the prime minister about attacks on Christians including the rape of nuns, murder of priests and destruction of churches, P.N Benjamin, coordinator of the Bangalore Initiative for Religious Dialogue, said Dayal "opens his mouth and wields his pen only to spew venom on the Hindu community". Benjamin said most of the attacks on Christians had been in response to aggressive evangelizing. In 2008, journalist François Gautier described Dayal as a fanatic who was "radicalizing" his flock. The assertion was made in an op-ed in The Indian Express that accused Sonia Gandhi of responsibility for the 2006 Mumbai train bombings.
Rajiv Malhotra, in his book Breaking India, has also criticized Dayal for spreading lies about Hinduism and painting a biased picture of the situation of Indian minorities for a western audience.
Testimony against India at U.S. House of Representatives
John Dayal on 4 April 2014, appeared at a hearing on The plight of religious minorities in India which was convened by Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission. This commission is a mostly white bipartisan caucus of United States House of Representatives that was set up with the help of the Council on Foreign Relations. In his short testimony he made unsubstantiated remarks about his views of religious tolerance in India. While as a member of National Integration Council (government of India), he, as a witness, recommended the panel of commission to incorporate his concerns in U.S.-India relationship and U.S. policy vis-a-vis the United States-India strategic dialogue which is framework of engagement of the United States Department of State with India. Further, he cited the house resolution 417 and urged that human rights should be the part of strategic U.S.-India dialogue.
Dayal's attempt to advance this resolution was strongly criticized by others, such as the United States India Political Action Committee, the Hindu American Foundation, as well as U.S. Congresswoman (D-HI) Tulsi Gabbard. The HAF expressed concerns that the panel was 'unbalanced' in favor of anti-Hindu activists. In particular, Gabbard characterized his testimony as a thinly veiled attempt to covertly influence the upcoming General Elections in India which would "contribute to further sectarian division", an action deemed "inappropriate" for the US Congress and "against the shared interests" of both nations.
Jean Baptiste Point du Sable
From Wikipedia
Jean Baptiste Point du Sable
There are no known portraits of Jean Baptiste Point du Sable made during his lifetime. This depiction is taken from A. T. Andreas' book History of Chicago (1884).
Born before 1750
Died 28 August 1818 (age 68+)
St. Charles, Missouri Territory, U.S.
Nationality unknown; traditionally stated to be Haitian, from the French colony of Saint-Domingue
Other names Point de Sable, Point au Sable, Point Sable, Pointe DuSable
Occupation Trader
Known for Founder of Chicago
Spouse(s) Kitihawa (also known as, Catherine)
Children 2
Jean Baptiste Point du Sable (also spelled Point de Sable, Point au Sable, Point Sable, Pointe DuSable; before 1750 – 28 August 1818) is regarded as the first permanent non-Indigenous settler of what would later become Chicago, Illinois, and is recognized as the "Founder of Chicago". A school, museum, harbor, park, bridge, and road have been named in his honor. The site where he settled near the mouth of the Chicago River around the 1780s is identified as a National Historic Landmark, now located in Pioneer Court.
Point du Sable was of African descent, but little else is known of his early life prior to the 1770s. During his career, the areas where he settled and traded around the Great Lakes and in the Illinois Country changed hands several times among France, Britain, Spain and the United States. Described as handsome and well educated, Point du Sable married a Native American woman, Kitiwaha, and they had two children. In 1779, during the American Revolutionary War, he was arrested by the British on suspicion of being an American Patriot sympathizer. In the early 1780s he worked for the British lieutenant-governor of Michilimackinac on an estate at what is now the city of St. Clair, Michigan north of Detroit.
Point du Sable is first recorded as living at the mouth of the Chicago River in a trader's journal of early 1790. By then he had established an extensive and prosperous trading settlement in what later became the City of Chicago. He sold his Chicago River property in 1800 and moved to the port of St. Charles, where he was licensed to run a ferry across the Missouri River. Point du Sable's successful role in developing the Chicago River settlement was little recognized until the mid-20th century.
Biography
Map of eastern North America in the late 18th century, just prior to the American Revolutionary War. Point du Sable lived near Lake Michigan and the Illinois Country (center left).
There are no records of Point du Sable's life prior to the 1770s. Though it is known from sources during his life that he was of African descent, his birth date, place of birth, and parents are unknown. Juliette Kinzie, another early pioneer of Chicago, never met Point du Sable but said in her 1856 memoir that he was "a native of St. Domingo" (the island of Hispaniola).[9] This became generally accepted as his place of birth. Historian Milo Milton Quaife regarded Kinzie's account of Point du Sable as "largely fictitious and wholly unauthenticated", later putting forward a theory that he was of African and French-Canadian origin. A historical novel published in 1953 helped to popularize the claim that Point du Sable was born in 1745 in Saint-Marc in Saint-Domingue (later known as Haiti). If he was born outside continental North America, there are competing accounts as to whether he entered as a trader from the north through French Canada, or from the south through French Louisiana.
Point du Sable married a Potawatomi woman named Kitihawa (Christianized to Catherine) on 27 October 1788, in a Catholic ceremony in Cahokia in the Illinois Country, a longtime French colonial settlement on the east side of the Mississippi River. It is likely that this couple was married earlier in the 1770s in a Native American tradition. They had a son named Jean and a daughter named Susanne. Point du Sable supported his family as a frontier trader and settler during a period of great upheaval for the former southern dependencies of French Canada and in the Illinois Country, where the regions changed hands several times over the course of half a century.
In a footnote to a poem titled Speech to the Western Indians, Arent DePeyster, British commandant from 1774 to 1779 at Fort Michilimackinac (a former French fort in what was then the British province of Quebec), noted that "Baptist Point de Saible" was "a handsome negro", "well educated", and "settled in Eschecagou". When he published this poem in 1813, DePeyster presented it as a speech that he had made at the village of Arbrecroche (now Harbor Springs, Michigan) on 4 July 1779. This footnote has led many scholars to assume that Point du Sable had settled in Chicago by 1779. But letters written by other traders in the late 1770s suggest that Point du Sable was at this time settled at the mouth of Trail Creek (Rivière du Chemin) at what is now Michigan City, Indiana.
In August 1779, during the American Revolutionary War, Point du Sable was arrested as a suspected Patriot at Trail Creek by British troops and imprisoned briefly at Fort Michilimackinac. An officer's report following his arrest noted that Point du Sable had many friends who vouched for his good character.The following year, Point du Sable was ordered transported to the Pinery on the St. Clair River north of Detroit. From the summer of 1780 until May 1784, Point du Sable managed the Pinery, a tract of woodlands owned by British officer Lt. Patrick Sinclair, on the St. Clair River in eastern Michigan. This may have been a choice given by him from the British, offering him release from his imprisonment to manage the Pinery. Point du Sable with his family lived in a cabin at the mouth of the Pine River in what is now the city of St. Clair.
Drawing of the former home of Jean Baptiste Point du Sable in Chicago as it appeared in the early 1800s
At some time in the 1780s, after the US achieved independence, Point du Sable settled on the north bank of the Chicago River close to its mouth.The earliest known record of Point du Sable living in Chicago is an entry that Hugh Heward made in his journal on 10 May 1790, during a journey from Detroit across Michigan and through Illinois. Heward's party stopped at Point du Sable's house en route to the Chicago portage; they swapped their canoe for a pirogue that belonged to Point du Sable, and they bought bread, flour, and pork from him. Perrish Grignon, who visited Chicago in about 1794, described Point du Sable as a large man and wealthy trader. Point du Sable's granddaughter, Eulalie Pelletier, was born at his Chicago River settlement in 1796.
In 1800 Point du Sable sold his farm to John Kinzie's frontman, Jean La Lime, for 6,000 livres. The bill of sale, which was rediscovered in 1913 in an archive in Detroit, detailed all of the property Point du Sable owned, as well as many of his personal effects. This included a house, two barns, a horse-drawn mill, a bakehouse, a poultry house, a dairy, and a smokehouse. The house was a 22-by-40-foot (6.7 m × 12.2 m) log cabin filled with fine furniture and paintings.
After Point du Sable sold his property in Chicago, he moved to St. Charles, west of St. Louis. It is now in Missouri but at that time still in Spanish Louisiana. He was commissioned by the colonial governor to operate a ferry across the Missouri River. In St. Charles, he may have lived for a time with his son, and later with his granddaughter's family. Late in life, he may have sought public or charitable assistance. He died on 28 August 1818, and was buried in an unmarked grave in St. Charles Borromeo Cemetery. His entry in the parish burial register does not mention his origins, parents, or relatives; it simply describes him as nègre (French for negro).
The St. Charles Borromeo Cemetery was moved twice in the 19th century. Oral tradition and records of the Archdiocese of St. Louis suggested that Point du Sable's remains were also moved. On 12 October 1968, the Illinois Sesquicentennial Commission erected a granite marker at the site believed to be Point du Sable's grave in the third St. Charles Borromeo Cemetery.
In 2002 an archaeological investigation of the grave site was initiated by the African Scientific Research Institute at the University of Illinois at Chicago.Researchers using a combination of ground-penetrating radar, surveys, and excavation of a 9-by-9-foot (2.7 m × 2.7 m) area did not find any evidence of any burials at the supposed grave site, leading the archaeologists to conclude that Point du Sable's remains may not have been reinterred from one of the two previous cemeteries.
Theories and legends
Early life
Though there is little historical evidence regarding Point du Sable's life before the 1770s, several theories and legends that give accounts of his early life. Writing in 1933, Quaife identified a French immigrant to Canada, Pierre Dandonneau, who acquired the title "Sieur de Sable" and whose descendants were known by both the names Dandonneau and Du Sable. Quaife was unable to find a direct link to Point du Sable, but he identified descendants of Pierre Dandonneau as living around the Great Lakes region in Detroit, Mackinac, and St. Joseph. He speculated that Point du Sable's father may have been a member of this family, while his mother was likely an enslaved woman.
In 1951 Joseph Jeremie, a native of Haiti, published a pamphlet in which he said he was the great grandson of Point du Sable. Based on family recollections and tombstone inscriptions, he claimed that Point du Sable was born in Saint-Marc in what was then Saint Domingue, studied in France, and returned to Haiti to deal in coffee before traveling to French Louisiana. Historian and Point du Sable biographer John F. Swenson has called these claims "elaborate, undocumented assertions ... in a fanciful biography".
Fiction
In 1953 Shirley Graham drew from the work of Quaife and Jeremie in a historical novel about Point du Sable. She described it as "not accurate history nor pure fiction", but rather "an imaginative interpretation of all the known facts". This book presented Point du Sable as the son of the mate on a pirate ship, the Black Sea Gull, and a freedwoman called Suzanne. Despite lack of evidence and the continued debate about Point du Sable's early life, parentage, and birthplace, this popular story has been repeated and widely presented as being definitive.
Peoria
In 1815 a land claim that had been submitted by Nicholas Jarrot to the land commissioners at Kaskaskia, Illinois Territory, was approved. In the claim Jarrot asserted that a "Jean Baptiste Poinstable" had been "head of a family at Peoria in the year 1783, and before and after that year", and that he "had a house built and cultivated land between the Old Fort and the new settlement in the year 1780". This document has been taken by Quaife and other historians as evidence that Point du Sable lived at Peoria on the Illinois River prior to going north to settle in Chicago. Other records demonstrate that Point du Sable was living and working under the British at the Pinery in Michigan in the early 1780s. The Kaskaskia land commissioners identified many fraudulent land claims, including two previously submitted in the name of Point du Sable. Nicholas Jarrot, the claimant, was involved in many false claims, and Swenson suggests that this one was also fraudulent, made without the knowledge of Point du Sable. Although perhaps in conflict with some of the above information, some historical records suggest that Point du Sable bought land in Peoria from J. B. Maillet on 13 March 1773, and sold it to Isaac Darneille in 1783 before he became the first "permanent" resident of Chicago.
Departure from Chicago
Point du Sable left Chicago in 1800. He sold his property to Jean La Lime, a trader from Quebec, and moved to the Missouri River valley, at that time part of Spanish Louisiana. The reason for his departure is unknown. By 1804, John Kinzie, who also settled in Chicago, had bought the former du Sable house. In her 1852 memoir, Juliette Kinzie, Kinzie's daughter-in-law, suggested that "perhaps he [du Sable] was disgusted at not being elected to a similar dignity [great chief] by the Pottowattamies".
In 1874 Nehemiah Matson elaborated on this story, claiming that Point du Sable was a slave from Virginia who had moved with his master to Lexington, Kentucky, in 1790. According to Matson, Point du Sable became a zealous Catholic to convince a Jesuit missionary to declare him chief of the local Native Americans, and left Chicago when the natives refused to accept him as their chief. Quaife dismisses both of these stories as being fictional.
In her 1953 novel, Graham suggests that Point du Sable left Chicago because he was angered with the United States government. It wanted him to buy the land on which he had lived and called his own for the previous two decades. The 1795 Treaty of Greenville, which ended the Northwest Indian War, and the subsequent westward migration of Native Americans away from the Chicago area might also have influenced his decision.
Legacy and honors
Founder of Chicago
The French came to the North American mid-continent region in the 17th century. Louis Jolliet and Jacques Marquette, during their 1673 Mississippi Valley expedition, though probably not the first Europeans to visit the area, are the first in the written record to have crossed the Chicago Portage and traveled along the Chicago River. Over the following years visits continued, and occasional intermittent posts were established, including those by René LaSalle, Henri Tonti, Pierre Liette and the four-year Mission of the Guardian Angel. Point du Sable 1780s establishment is recognized as the first settlement that continued on and ultimately grew to become the city of Chicago. He is therefore widely regarded as the first permanent resident of Chicago and has been given the appellation "Founder of Chicago".
Memorials
[Point du Sable] is not yet honored in his own house (which Chicagoans call the "Kinzie House") or on his own land. No street bears his name and, save for the high school, he has no monument. Cadillac is honored in Detroit, Pitt in Pittsburgh, Cleveland in Cleveland—but the father of Chicago has no street or statue of stone to call his own.
Ebony, December 1963.
By the 1850s, historians of Chicago recognized Point du Sable as the city's earliest non-native permanent resident. For a long time the city did not honor him in the same manner as other pioneers. Point du Sable was generally forgotten in the 19th century and instead the Scots-Irish trader John Kinzie, who had bought his property, was often credited for the settlement. A plaque was erected by the city in 1913 at the corner of Kinzie and Pine Streets to commemorate the Kinzie homestead. In the planning stages of the 1933–1934 Century of Progress International Exposition, several African-American groups campaigned for Point du Sable to be honored at the fair. At the time, few Chicagoans had even heard of Point du Sable, and the fair's organizers presented the 1803 construction of Fort Dearborn as the city's historical beginning.The campaign was successful, and a replica of Point du Sable's cabin was presented as part of the "background of the history of Chicago".
In 1965 a plaza called Pioneer Court was built on the site of Point du Sable's homestead as part of the construction of the Equitable Life Assurance Society of America building. The Jean Baptiste Point Du Sable Homesite was designated as a National Historic Landmark on 11 May 1976, as a site deemed to have "exceptional value to the nation". Pioneer Court is located at what is now 401 N. Michigan Avenue in the Michigan–Wacker Historic District. At this site in 2009 the City of Chicago and a private donor, Haitian-born, Lesly Benodin, erected a large bronze bust of Point du Sable by Chicago-born sculptor Erik Blome. In October 2010 the Michigan Avenue Bridge was renamed DuSable Bridge in honor of Point du Sable. Previously, a small street named De Saible Street had been named after him. In 2021, Lake Shore Drive in Chicago was renamed in Point du Sable's honor.
The DuSable Museum of African American History in Washington Park
Several institutions have been named in honor of Point du Sable. DuSable High School opened in Bronzeville, Chicago in 1934. The DuSable campus today houses the Daniel Hale Williams Prep School of Medicine, and the Bronzeville Scholastic Institute. Margaret Taylor-Burroughs, a prominent African-American artist and writer, taught at the school for twenty-three years. She and her husband co-founded the DuSable Museum of African American History, located on Chicago's South Side, which was renamed in honor of Point du Sable in 1968. DuSable Harbor is located in the heart of downtown Chicago at the foot of Randolph Street, and DuSable Park is a 3.24-acre (1.31 ha) urban park in Chicago currently awaiting redevelopment. The project was originally announced in 1987 by Mayor Harold Washington. A park is also named after du Sable in St Charles, his other notable place of residence. The US Postal Service has also honored Point du Sable with the issue of a Black Heritage Series 22-cent postage stamp on 20 February 1987.
Janaki Devi
Janaki Devi, a prominent woman worker of Majgaon (Mauthan), Tezpur, was arrested in 1921 and imprisoned. Two other active workers of the Non-Co-operation Movement were Jagati Devi and Asraddha Devi of Lakhrai, Tezpur.
Gunda Dhur
AdithyanSalee
During 1910, Gunda Dhur was a tribal leader of village Netanar, of Bastar district, in Chattisgarh. He played a major role on the rebellion of the Dhurwas of Kanger forest in Bastar on 2 February 1910. He was joining by his companion called Murat Singh Bakshi, Balaprasad Nazir and Kalandri.
More than 50 tribal people fought against the colonial power in Bastar and made every possible effort to drive the power away from Bastar.
The 1910 Rebellion and Gunda Dhur’s role:
The British colonial government proposed to reserve two-thirds of the Kanger Forest as a reserved forest in 1910. This new proposal was opposed by a number of tribal in the area as they could be affected due to the proposal.
Gunda Dhur played a major role in organizing tribes in Bastar district against the British. Red chili, Soil, Bows & arrows, mango-twigs became the symbol of spreading massage among the tribal like Chapatis and lotus for the revolution in 1857.
As per the decision they had taken each family contributed to the rebellion. The rebels led by Gunda Dhur robbed, looted and burnt British granaries and redistributed grains to the poor. Apart from that, they fought against injustice being done to the tribal by local zamindaar and leaders as well.
The British’s stand on Gunda Dhur.
British power was in great trouble as long as Gunda Dhur along with the tribal troop was opposing. As per the historical records, the British Troops had to take shelter in local caves here.
Later, tribal power began to diminish. The Adivasi leader Gunda Dhur tried to negotiate but the British fired their camps and villages. Although the British succeeded, they never managed to capture Gunda Dhur. But the partial victory of Gunda Dhur was that the British reduced the reservation of forests to roughly half of what was proposed before.
Aftermath:
Now the things that brought about changes after the protest.
The British had to change their plan to reserve the forest made it almost half of what it proposed.
Even today, tribal people living across the Kanger Forest region praise the heroic acts of Gunda Dhur in various folk songs, stories etc.
Many educational institutes are named after Guda Dhur.
Jogendra Nath Mandal
Bengali Dalit leader who went on to become a Pakistani minister
Jogendra Nath Mandal | CommonsDalit history, for most parts, remains an obscure subject. While B.R. Ambedkar and Jyotirao Phule are names known for efforts in bringing a caste reformation, the name of Jogendra Nath Mandal, who propelled Dalit and scheduled caste activism during India’s Independence, got lost somewhere.
Interestingly, he went on to become a minister in Pakistan, serving as the country’s first law minister as part of the Muhammad Ali Jinnah government.
Born on 29 January 1904 in the untouchable Namasudra community in erstwhile Bengal (now Bangladesh), he was exposed to the caste hierarchy early in life.
However, Mandal left behind such a legacy that half a century after his death, political parties still spar over his name.
Indian politician
Mandal started his political career as a leader of the Scheduled Caste communities in Bengal. He was elected a member of the Bengal Legislative Assembly in 1937 from the Bakarganj North-East General Rural Constituency. Later, he held the posts of minister for Co-operative Credit and Rural Indebtedness.
Mandal also established the Bengal branch of All India Scheduled Castes Federation (AISCF). Ambedkar was its national leader.
Mandal also pushed for Ambedkar’s election to the Constituent Assembly.
In 1946, senior Congress leaders worked closely to not let Ambedkar win in the Bombay provincial assembly election. On Mandal’s insistence, Ambedkar contested from the Bengal province. Due to Mandal’s close association with the Muslim League and active participation of Dalits in the region, Ambedkar was elected to the Constituent Assembly.
Following his election, Ambedkar is believed to have written a detailed letter to Mandal.
Minister in Pakistan
A nominated member of the Muslim League in the 1946 interim government, Mandal supported the idea of a United Bengal but Lord Mountbatten’s announcement of Partition on 3 June 1947 inclined him towards Pakistan. His support for the League stemmed from the belief that Dalit interest would be better protected in Jinnah’s ‘secular Pakistan’ than by Jawaharlal Nehru or Mahatma Gandhi in India.
The similarity of the socio-economic conditions of Dalits and Muslims further strengthened his belief.
After Partition, Mandal became a member of Pakistan’s Constituent Assembly in 1947. He later progressed to become the highest ranking Hindu member of the government by holding the post of Pakistan’s first law and labour minister.
When Jinnah was to be sworn in as the first Governor General of Pakistan, he is said to have asked Mandal to preside over the session. He held immense faith in Mandal for his vision and righteousness.
However, Mandal’s status as a minority leader did not last long in Pakistan with continuous suppression under a Muslim-majority bureaucracy. The situation worsened after Jinnah’s death in September 1948.
In March 1949, Mandal supported the controversial Objective Resolution which laid out several principles for Pakistan — like Allah’s sovereignty over the universe, principles of democracy, freedom, equality according to Islam, among others.
He later campaigned for a separate electorate for minorities like Dalits.
However, the growing hostility from Pakistan’s bureaucracy forced Mandal to migrate to India in 1950.
Return to India
Upon Mandal’s return, India did not treat him kindly — he had become a political untouchable.
He continued his work, however, to rehabilitate Hindu refugees from Bangladesh who were fast filling up West Bengal.
He breathed his last on 5 October 1968 in Bangaon.
Jyoti Jagtap
of Kabir Kala Manch arrested in Pune
Her arrest came a day after the NIA took into its custody two other activists from the group – Sagar Gorkhe and Ramesh Gaichor.
Staff
A file photo of activist Jyoti Jagtap. | Kabir Kala Manch via Twitter.
A file photo of activist Jyoti Jagtap. | Kabir Kala Manch via Twitter.The Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad on Tuesday arrested activist Jyoti Jagtap in Pune in connection with the Bhima Koregaon case, confirmed a group that organised the Elgar Parishad event in 2017. The group said that she will be transferred to the custody of the National Investigation Agency.
Jagtap is also a member of the Bhima Koregaon Shaurya Din Prerna Abhiyaan group. Her arrest came a day after the NIA took into its custody two other activists from the group – Sagar Gorkhe and Ramesh Gaichor. The total number of arrests in the case has now gone up to 15.
“Pune ATS has arrested Jyoti Jagtap (member of Bhima Koregaon Shaurya Din Prerna Abhiyaan and Kabir Kala Manch),” the group said in a statement. “From there onwards, she will be handed over to the NIA for custody.”
Jagtap, Gorkhe and Gaichor are among the six members of the group against whom a Pune-based realtor had filed a first information report in 2018. The complainant had accused them of delivering provocative speeches at the event.
In July, the NIA had summoned Gorkhe, Gaichor and several other people for questioning in the case. The agency had also arrested Delhi University Professor Hany Babu at that time.
In a video recorded before their arrest on Monday, Gorkhe and Gaichor had alleged that the NIA was forcing them to give statements to implicate those arrested in the case. They also alleged that they were threatened with arrest if they did not agree to be witnesses in the case.
Gorkhe and Gaichor were among the 23 persons booked in the Elgar Parishad case by the Pune City Police under the anti-terrorism law, the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act. They have been accused of participating in a Maoist conspiracy to overthrow the government and assassinate Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The NIA took over the investigation in the case earlier this year.
On Monday, the NIA summoned Dalit scholar and activist Satyanarayana, journalist KV Kurmanath and Partho Sarothi Ray, who is associate professor at the Indian Institute of Science Education and Research in Kolkata, for questioning.
The case
Violence broke out between Dalits and Marathas in the village of Bhima Koregaon near Pune on January 1, 2018. This came a day after an event in Pune called the Elgar Parishad was organised to commemorate the Battle of Bhima Koregaon in 1818 in which the Dalit Mahar soldiers fighting for the British Army defeated the Brahmin Peshwa rulers of the Maratha empire. One person died in violence during a bandh called by Dalit outfits on January 2.
Apart from Babu, Gaichor and Gorkhe, activists Sudhir Dhawale, Shoma Sen, Mahesh Raut, Rona Wilson, Surendra Gadling, Varavara Rao, Sudha Bharadwaj, Arun Ferreira, Vernon Gonsalves, Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha have been arrested in the Bhima Koregaon case.
Jaglal Choudhary
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Choudhary on a 2000 stamp of India
Jaglal Choudhary (5 February 1895 – 1975) was an Indian independence activist, dalit leader and politician from Bihar, India. He was also a reformer who championed the causes of women's rights, emancipation of dalits, education and land reforms in Bihar.
Early life and education
Jaglal was born in the Garkha village of Saran district in Bihar to Mushan Choudhary, a toddy seller of the Pasi caste. He was educated at the Chapra Zilla School, Patna College and the Medical College Calcutta.
Freedom fighter
Choudhary discontinued his medical education and joined the Non Cooperation Movement in 1921 heeding Gandhi's call. He became a member of the District Congress Committee and was arrested for his participation in the Salt Satyagraha. In 1941 he was arrested and jailed for taking part in the Individual Satyagraha and in 1942 at the height of the Quit India Movement he led a satyagraha and captured the police station and post office at Garkha. For this he was arrested and sentenced to five years imprisonment. One of Choudhary's sons was shot dead by the police during the movement. From 23 August 1942 until his release on 30 March 1946 Choudhary remained in prison.
Parliamentarian
Jaglal was first elected to the Bihar Legislative Assembly in 1937 as a Congress candidate and he went on to become the fourth Minister, incharge of Public Health and Excise in the Congress Ministry headed by Premier S K Singh.During his tenure as minister for excise Choudhary introduced prohibition in several districts of Bihar. He was reelected to the Assembly again in 1946 and became Minister for Public Health and Harijan Welfare in the second Congress ministry. Following independence, he successfully contested the General elections of 1952 and was subsequently reelected to the Assembly in the elections of 1957, 1962, 1967 and 1969 from the Garkha reserved constituency.
Reformer
Choudhary was an advocate of social reform in Bihar. During his term as excise minister, he introduced prohibition in Bihar. He was opposed to the caste system and advocated land reforms in Bihar calling for a land ceiling of three acres per family. In 1953 he wrote A Plan to Reconstruct Bharat.
Death and commemoration
Jaglal Choudhary died in 1975. The Jaglal Choudhary College in Chapra is named after him. A commemorative postage stamp on Jaglal Choudhary was released the Department of Posts in 2000.
जगदेव प्रसाद
आंखन देखी : जब जगदेव बाबू ने कहा – सौ में नब्बे भाग हमारा है
वह जगदेव प्रसाद ही थे जिन्होंने शोषित दल बनाकर बिहार में पिछड़ों और दलितों की राजनीति को सवर्णों की राजनीति के समानांतर खड़ा कर दिया। हालांकि वे खुद मुख्यमंत्री नहीं बन सके लेकिन उनके कारण ही बी.पी. मंडल, दारोगा प्रसाद राय, कर्पूरी ठाकुर, भोला पासवान शास्त्री आदि सत्ता के शीर्ष पर बैठ सके। लेकिन जगदेव बाबू का संघर्ष अभी अधूरा है। बता रहे हैं शोषित समाज दल के राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष रघुनीराम शास्त्री :
By Raghuniram Shastri रघुनीराम शास्त्री
शहीद जगदेव प्रसाद (2 फरवरी 1922 – 5 सितंबर 1974) और बी. पी. मंडल (25 अगस्त 1918 – 13 अप्रैल 1982) का राजनीतिक संघर्ष
जब बाल गंगाधर तिलक ने कहा कि ‘गड़ेरिया, नाई, धोबी, बढ़ई, लोहार, कोईरी, कुर्मी, मल्लाह, तेली, चमार आदि संसद में आकर क्या तेल पेरेंगे, हल जोतेंगे, कपड़ा धोयेंगे, जूता बनायेंगे? इनकी संसद में क्या जरूरत है?’ इस हिकारतपूर्ण कथन के विरोध में तभी से देश के दलित-पिछड़ों में एक उभार आरम्भ हुआ और इसकी परिणति के रूप में किसी व्यक्ति का नाम सामने आता है, तो वे हैं शहीद जगदेव प्रसाद। शहीद जगदेव प्रसाद ने देश की धन-धरती, नौकरी, व्यापार से लेकर शासन-प्रशासन में जनसंख्या के अनुपात में हिस्सेदारी के लिए शंखनाद किया, तो बी.पी. मंडल ने पिछड़ा वर्ग आयोग के अध्यक्ष की हैसियत से सिफारिश करके उक्त स्थानों में कानूनी प्रक्रिया को मूर्त रूप प्रदान किया। जगदेव प्रसाद ने इसकी शुरूआत 60-65 के दशक में कर दी थी। जब पिछड़ों-दलितों के हक-हकूक की बात करना लोहे के चने चबाने जैसा था। यह एक युगांतकारी आन्दोलन था।
उक्त महापुरुषों के संघर्ष की चर्चा एक छोटी सी कहानी से करना चाहता हूँ। अब्राहम लिंकन बचपन में जानवर चरा रहे थे। उन्होंने देखा कि नीग्रो की बहू-बेटियों के साथ वहाँ का शासक, जमीन्दार, जार, कुलांक, पूंजीपति अपनी हवस की पूर्ति करता है और उससे जो बच्चे जन्म लेते हैं उसे सरेआम बाजारों में टमाटर की तरह बेच देता है। यह दृश्य लिंकन की छाती पर हथौड़े की भाँति वार करता है। जानवर चराने के क्रम में वह शपथ लेता है, प्रतिज्ञा करता है, कसमें खाता है कि ‘अगर मैं इस धरती पर जिन्दा रहा तो एक दिन अमेरिका की धरती से दास प्रथा (गुलामी) को नेस्तनाबूद कर ही दम लूँगा।’ अमेरिका की राजनीति करवट लेती है, व्यवस्था बदलती है और एक दिन वही जानवर चराने वाला लिंकन अमेरिका के राष्ट्रपति पद पर पहुँच जाता है। जैसे ही राष्ट्रपति पद का शपथ लेता है, वैसे ही वह 40 लाख नीग्रो लोगों को गुलामी से मुक्ति की घोषणा करता है । मतलब जो निरादर और दरिद्रता की चोट से चोटिल है, निरादर और दरिद्रता से मुक्ति की मुक्कमिल लड़ाई वही लड़ सकता है।
‘अनकर माल झलकौआ, छिन लिया तो हो गया कौआ’
जब सवर्णों ने बी.पी. मंडल के पिता को भोजन के पांत से उठा दिया
जगदेव प्रसाद का जन्म 2 फरवरी, 1922 को एक साधारण परिवार में होता है, जबकि बी.पी. मंडल का जन्म एक जमींदार घराने में 25 अगस्त, 1918 को होता है। जगदेव प्रसाद जहाँ अपनी पढ़ाई भूखे पेट करते हैं, वहीं बी.पी. मंडल सारी सुख-सुविधाओं से युक्त। मंडल जी के जीवन से संबंधित एक संस्मरण यहाँ पेश करना प्रासंगिक होगा। इलाके में जमींदारों की महती सभा थी, जिसमें भाग लेने मंडल जी के साथ इनके पिता रासबिहारी मंडल गये थे। सभा बाद भोजन की बारी आयी और सभी जमींदार भोजन के लिये पाँत में बैठ गये, रासबिहारी मंडल भी अपने पुत्र के साथ उसी पाँत में जब बैठते हैं, तो सवर्ण जमींदारों में इस स्थिति से भूकंप आ जाता है और पिछड़े जमींदार रासबिहारी मंडल को उस पंक्ति से यह कहकर उठा दिया जाता है कि आप सवर्ण जमींदारों की पंक्ति में बैठने के हकदार नहीं हैं। तब उन्हें पिछड़े (शूद्र) का अहसास होता है और बिना खाना खाये विद्रोह कर वहाँ से चल देते हैं। इस सामाजिक अपमान का गहरा असर उस नन्हे बालक बी.पी. मंडल पर पड़ता है, यही वजह है कि बड़े भू-स्वामी खानदान में पैदा लेने के बावजूद पिछड़ों के लिए उनके सामाजिक विषमता का अध्ययन किया और उनके विकास के लिए हिस्सेदारी की सिफारिशें की।
अमर शहीद जगदेव प्रसाद और बी.पी. मंडल
जगदेव प्रसाद और बी.पी. मंडल के पूर्व डाॅ. राममनोहर लोहिया ने समाजवादी आन्दोलन की शुरुआत की और 60 व 40 का नारा बुलंद किया।
संसोपा ने बाँधी गाँठ, पिछड़ा पावे सौ में साठ।
राज-काज का साठ प्रतिशत, पिछड़ा वर्ग के हाथ में हो।
उंच जाति जब राज चलावे, देश की रक्षा कैसे हो।
उंची जाति की क्या पहचान, अच्छा खाये करे ना काम।
नीच जाति की क्या पहचान, करे काम पर सहे अपमान।
उक्त नारों से प्रभावित होकर जगदेव प्रसाद ने सोशलिस्ट पार्टी का झंडा अपने हाथ में थाम लिया। आरा (भोजपुर) की एक सभा में जगदेव प्रसाद ने डाॅ. लोहिया से कहा कि ‘लोहिया जी मेरी डायरी में आप लिख दें कि जिनकी बहू-बेटियां खेत-खलिहानों में काम नहीं करती, वह समाजवादी नहीं हो सकता।’
लोहिया की राजनीति से जगदेव बाबू का मोहभंग
डाॅ. लोहिया की समाजवादी दर्शन के अनुसार 60 प्रतिशत पिछड़ा और चालीस प्रतिशत ‘उछड़ा’ की गिनती में आता था। जिन्दगी के हर दौड़ में पिछड़ों का साठ प्रतिशत और उछड़ों का चालीस प्रतिशत हिस्सा था। दलित, आदिवासी, अल्पसंख्यक और तमाम पिछड़ी जातियां पिछड़े वर्ग में शामिल थीं, तो सवर्ण (ब्राह्मण, भूमिहार, राजपूत, कायस्थ) उछड़े वर्ग में शामिल थे। लेकिन यह एक दुःखद आश्चर्य था कि उंची जाति की महिलाएँ भी पिछड़े वर्ग में शामिल थीं और उन्हें साठ प्रतिशत हिस्से में शुमार किया गया था, जबकि उंची जाति के पुरुष मात्र चालीस प्रतिशत हिस्से के हकदार थे। यही था समाजवाद का मुख्य दर्शन। जितना समाजवाद का दार्शनिक क्षेत्र में घालमेल था उतना ही व्यवहारिक रूप में भी घालमेल। समाजवाद का यह दार्शनिक सत्य व्यवहारिक रूप में सत्य नहीं उतरा। डाॅ. लोहिया ने एक मजे की बात कही थी कि उंची जाति के लोगों को आर्थिक क्षेत्र में सम्पन्नता और सामाजिक क्षेत्र में सम्मान प्राप्त है। इसलिए वे खाद का काम करें। यानी वे चुनाव नहीं लड़ें और मंत्रिमंडल में भी शामिल न हों। लेकिन डाॅ. लोहिया का यह विचार धरा का धरा रह गया और समान्ती ताकतें साँप की तरह कुंडली मारकर पार्टी पर बैठ गई ।
डॉ. राम मनोहर लोहिया
1967 में विधानसभा और लोकसभा का चुनाव एक साथ हुआ। बिहार विधानसभा के टिकट पर चालीस प्रतिशत के कोटे में बसावन सिंह (भूमिहार) विधानसभा के सदस्य बन गये, तो उनकी पत्नी कमला सिन्हा साठ प्रतिशत के कोटे में विधान परिषद् की सदस्य चुन ली गईं। इसी तरह से लोकसभा के चुनाव में अर्जुन सिंह भदौरिया (राजपूत) चालीस प्रतिशत के कोटे में लोकसभा के सदस्य बने, तो उनकी पत्नी सरला भदौरिया साठ प्रतिशत के कोटे में राज्यसभा की सदस्या चुन ली गईं। पति-पत्नी सौ प्रतिशत पर काबिज हो गये। इसी तरह से पिछड़ों के हिस्से में हकमारी हुई। 1967 में भारत के नौ राज्यों में गैरकांग्रेसी (संविद) सरकारें बनी। बिहार में भी मिलीजुली सरकार बनी, जिसमें सोशलिस्ट, जनसंघ, भारतीय क्रांति दल(भाक्रांद) आदि शामिल थे। 69 सदस्य सोशलिस्ट के थे और 19 भाक्रांद के। परन्तु भाक्रांद के महामाया प्रसाद सिन्हा को मुख्यमंत्री बनाया गया । मंत्रिमंडल में साठ प्रतिशत मंत्राी उंची जाति के और चालीस प्रतिशत मंत्राी पिछड़ी जाति के बने। यहाँ भी 60-40 के सिद्धांत की हत्या हुई। इस मुद्दे पर जब विवाद हुआ तो यह तय हुआ कि उछड़ों का एक मंत्री हटा दिया जाय और पिछड़ों का एक मंत्री बढ़ा दिया जाय। तब ‘लिख लोढ़ा पढ़ पत्थर’(अनपढ़) रामानन्द तिवारी पुलिस मंत्री को हटाकर पिछड़ों का एक मंत्री बढ़ा दिया जाय। इस पर कर्पूरी ठाकुर जी ने स्वयं मंत्रिमंडल से त्यागपत्र देने की ध्मकी दे डाली। प्रथम ग्रासे मच्छिकापातः। बड़ी मुश्किल से सोशलिस्टों की सरकार बनी थी, उस पर भी ग्रहण आ गया।
बिहार के भूतपूर्व मुख्यमंत्री जननायक कर्पूरी ठाकुर, भोला पासवान शास्त्री
संविद सरकार प्रगतिशील सरकार मानी जा रही थी, परन्तु इस सरकार में दलित, आदिवासी और मुसलमान के बीच से कोई भी मंत्री नहीं बनाया गया था। उक्त स्थिति के खिलाफ जगदेव प्रसाद का विद्रोही मन विद्रोह कर बैठा। इस मुद्दे पर जगदेव बाबू डाॅ. लोहिया से बात करने दिल्ली गये, परन्तु उनके सचिव उर्मिलानन्द झा ने मिलने से रोक दिया।
शोषित दल का गठन
जगदेव प्रसाद 1967 में संसोपा के टिकट पर कुर्था विधानसभा से 17,000 मतों से कांग्रेसी उम्मीदवार सुखदेव प्रसाद वर्मा को हराकर विधनसभा पहुंचे थे। समाजवादी पाटी के 60-40 की नीतियों की हत्या के खिलापफ 25 अगस्त, 1967 को पटना के अंजुमन इस्लामिया हाॅल में देश के तमाम दलित, पिछड़े, समाजवादियों का एक राष्ट्रीय सम्मेलन प्रखर समाजवादी शिवपूजन शास्त्राी की अध्यक्षता में जगदेव बाबू ने आयोजित की और उसी सभा में उन्होंने सामंती राजनीति के खिलाफ घोषणा की कि ‘उंची जाति वालों ने हमारे बाप-दादों से राजनीतिक हरवाही(खेत जोतवाना) करवायी है, मैं उनकी राजनीतिक हरवाही करने के लिए पैदा नहीं लिया हूँ। मैं तमाम नब्बे प्रतिशत दलित, आदिवासी, मुसलमान और पिछड़े लोगों को एक मंच पर खड़ा करूंगा और उनके बीच से नेतृत्व पैदा कर दिल्ली की गद्दी पर बैठाउंगा, जो धरती-दौलत, नौकरी-टोपरी, बिजनेस-व्यापार, कल-कारखना, शासन-प्रशासन में जनसंख्या के अनुपात में हिस्सेदारी की गारंटी का बंटवारा स्वयं करेंगे, जिसे दुनिया की कोई भी ताकत रोक नहीं सकती।’ इस लड़ाई का शंखनाद करते हुए उन्होंने यह भी कहा कि ‘आज मैं एक क्रांतिकारी पार्टी की नींव डाल रहा हूँ, जिसमें आने और जाने वालों की कमी नहीं होगी। हमारी लड़ाई सौ साल की होगी । इस लड़ाई में पहली पीढ़ी के लोग मारे जायेंगे, दूसरी पीढ़ी के जेल जायेंगे और तीसरी पीढ़ी के लोग राज करेंगे । जीत अंततोगत्वा हमारी होकर रहेगी।’ इसे उन्होंने स्पष्ट करते हुए कहा कि भारत की सभी राजनीतिक पार्टियों पर उंची जाति का नेतृत्व है। दलित-पिछड़ों के तथाकथित नेता उन सवर्ण प्रधान दलों में गुलामी का काम करते हैं, बनिहारी करते हैं। अंतर केवल इतना ही है कि गाँव का मजदूर एक सेर अनाज पर जमींदार की हरवाही करता है और दलित-पिछड़ों के नेता एक कार और एक बंगला पर पटना-दिल्ली में उंची जाति की हरवाही करते हैं। दल की नीति-निर्धारण में इनकी कोई भूमिका नहीं होती। ऐसे सवर्ण प्रधान दलों के नेता, दलितों-पिछड़ों के मतों से चुनाव जीतकर जब कानूनघरों ;विधानसभा, लोकसभा में जाते हैं तो कानून अपने वर्ग हित में बनाते हैं, इसीलिए दलितों-पिछड़ों का विकास यहाँ अवरूद्ध है ।
जगदेव प्रसाद की स्मृति में भारत सरकार द्वारा जारी डाक टिकट
जगदेव प्रसाद ने कहा कि भारत का समाज दो भागों में बंटा है – शोषक और शोषित। शोषक उंची जाति के तमाम लोग हैं और शोषित दलित, आदिवासी, मुसलमान और तमाम पिछड़े वर्ग के लोग। 10 प्रतिशत शोषक है और नब्बे प्रतिशत शोषित। 10 प्रतिशत शोषक बनाम 90 प्रतिशत शोषित की लड़ाई इस देश में समाजवाद और कम्युनिज्म की असली लड़ाई है और यही असली वर्ग संघर्ष है। दुनिया में जितनी लड़ाईयां हुई हैं वह शोषक और शोषित के बीच हुई हैं। 10 प्रतिशत उंची जाति सम्पन्न और सम्मानित है तो 90 प्रतिशत शोषित विपन्न और अपमानित। भारत में वर्ण ही वर्ग बन गया है। इसलिए जबतक वर्ण टूटेगा नहीं, तबतक वर्ग नहीं बन सकता और बिना वर्ग बने, वर्ग संघर्ष नहीं हो सकता। यहां 10 वर्ष का ब्राह्मण उंच है और सौ वर्ष का दलित-पिछड़ा नीच है। यहां की पूजित हिन्दू पोथी फतवा देती है।
‘पूजिये विप्र शील गुण हीना, शूद्र न गुणगन ज्ञान प्रवीणा।’
इसी हुंकार के साथ ‘शोषित दल’ नामक राजनीतिक दल का गठन किया और 90 प्रतिशत लोगों को एकता के सूत्र में बांधने का संघर्ष छेड़ दिया और नारा दिया –
सौ में नब्बे शोषित है, नब्बे भाग हमारा है।
धन-धरती और राज-पाट में, नब्बे भाग हमारा है।
दस का शासन नब्बे पर, नहीं चलेगा, नहीं चलेगा।
दो बातें हैं मोटी-मोटी, हमें चाहिए इज्जत-रोटी।
साम्यवाद और पूंजीवाद, दोनों से दुनिया बर्बाद।
मिटे गरीबी और अमीरी, मिटे चाकरी और मजबूरी।
समता बिना समाज नहीं, बिन समाज जनराज नहीं।
कुर्था, बिहार के एक गांव में एक दीवार पर लिखे गये जगदेव प्रसाद के नारे
उन्होंने साम्यवादी दलों को भी ललकारा और कहा कि इन दलों पर भी सवर्णों और सामंतों का कब्जा है। सर्वहारा की लड़ाई लड़ने वाला सर्वहारा का दुश्मन ही सर्वहारा की लड़ाई का नेतृत्व कर रहा है। इसे स्पष्ट करते हुए उन्होंने कहा कि जिस तरह मांस की रखवाली कुत्ता नहीं कर सकता, उसी तरह गरीब की भलाई अमीर नहीं कर सकता। जबतक भारत में सामाजिक और सांस्कृतिक बदलाव नहीं होगा, तबतक राजनीतिक और आर्थिक बदलाव नहीं हो सकता।
जब जगदेव बाबू ने महामाया प्रसाद सिंह को दी सरकार गिराने की चुनौती
1967 में बिहार में अकाल पड़ गया और जगदेव बाबू ने मुख्यमंत्री महामाया प्रसाद सिन्हा से गरीबों की जान बचाने के लिए मुफ्त में अनाज मुहैया कराने का प्रस्ताव रखा। इसपर उन्होंने इन्कार कर दिया तब जगदेव प्रसाद ने सिंह गर्जना की –
‘एक महीने के अन्दर में, तोड़ूं महामाया सरकार,
गर ना तोडूं महामाया को, तो फिर जीने को धिक्कार।’
जगदेव बाबू ने तमाम दलित-पिछड़े विधायकों की एक बैठक बुलाकर महामाया सरकार को दलित-पिछड़ों का दुश्मन करार दिया, जिस पर सारे विधायक सहमत हुए और ठीक एक महीने के अन्दर महामाया सरकार गिर गयी। काँग्रेस ने बाहर से समर्थन दिया। अब सवाल था कि मुख्यमंत्री कौन बने ? जब यह स्थिति स्पष्ट हुई कि जगदेव प्रसाद के नेतृत्व में नई सरकार बनने जा रही है तो दूसरे-दूसरे दलों के 36 विधयक रातोंरात ‘शोषित दल’ में शामिल हो गये। बी.पी. मंडल को मुख्यमंत्री बनाने पर सहमति हुई। परन्तु उन दिनों मंडल जी सांसद थे और काँग्रेस से त्यागपत्र देकर सोशलिस्ट पार्टी में शामिल हो गये थे। बी.पी. मंडल को मुख्यमंत्री का शपथ लेने में तीन दिन की तकनीकी अड़चन थी।
बिहार के भूतपूर्व मुख्यमंत्री महामाया प्रसाद सिन्हा
इस तीन दिन के लिए ऐसे नेता को मुख्यमंत्री बनना था, जो तीन दिन के बाद त्यागपत्र दे दे, ताकि बी.पी. मंडल शपथ ले सकें। इस सरकार गठन के मुख्य सूत्रधार जगदेव बाबू थे। जगदेव बाबू को मुख्यमंत्री बनाने की राय बन गई, पर रामलखन सिंह यादव को यह रास नहीं आया। तब सतीश प्रसाद सिंह को मुख्यमंत्री बनाया गया और तब जगदेव बाबू ने बी.पी. मंडल को सोशलिस्ट पार्टी से त्यागपत्र दिलवाकर ‘शोषित दल’ में शामिल कराकर विधान परिषद् का मेम्बर बनाया और तब 1 फरवरी, 1968 को बी.पी. मंडल ने मुख्यमंत्री पद की शपथ ली। जगदेव बाबू द्वितीय स्थान पर नदी घाटी, बिजली, सिंचाई मंत्री बनाये गये। सतीश प्रसाद सिंह ने 29 जनवरी, 1968 को मुख्यमंत्री पद की शपथ ली थी। भारतीय इतिहास में पहली बार पिछड़े वर्ग के मुख्यमंत्री सतीश प्रसाद सिंह और बी.पी. मंडल को बनाने का सारा श्रेय शोषित इन्कलाब के लेनिन जगदेव प्रसाद को जाता है। सदन में 319 विधायकों में 148 के मुकाबले 165 मतों से मंडल जी ने विश्वास प्राप्त किया। पांच विधायकों ने मतदान में हिस्सा नहीं लिया।
मंत्री बनते ही चलाया पद हड़पो अभियान
शोषित दल की सरकार बनते ही जगदेव बाबू ने ‘पद हड़पो अभियान’ चलाकर दलित-पिछड़े अधिकारियों को पदोन्नति देकर उंची कुर्सी पर बैठाया। इसी क्रम में आर.एस. मंडल को मुख्य सचिव, आर. लाल को आईजी, और जेड.एस. हक खान को बिजली विभाग का चेयरमैन बनाकर सवर्णों को अपनी ताकत का एहसास कराया। 45 दिन की सरकार में गरीबों के लिए मुफ्त विलायती दूध, दलिया और रोटी की नदियाँ स्कूलों में बहने लगी। यह था जगदेव बाबू का गरीबों के प्रति ममत्व। पांच वर्षों तक लगातार उंची जाति के लिए मुख्यमंत्री की कुर्सी सपना हो गयी। दारोगा प्रसाद राय, भोला पासवान शास्त्राी, कर्पूरी ठाकुर ने मुख्यमंत्री की कुर्सी को सुशोभित किया। इसी दरम्यान जगदेव बाबू ने पाँच एकड़ वाले छोटे किसानों की मालगुजारी माफ की। उक्त सभी पिछड़े व गरीबों के पक्ष में किए गये काम से सवर्णों की छाती पर साँप लोटने लगा। विनोदानन्द झा ने 12 विधायकों का एक गुट बनाकर समर्थन वापस ले लिया जिससे 18 मार्च, 1968 को ‘शोषित दल’ की सरकार गिर गयी। बी.पी. मंडल पुनः कांग्रेस में चले गये। पुनः जगदेव बाबू ने ‘हिन्दुस्तानी शोषित दल’ का गठन करके अपना आन्दोलन जारी रखा।
‘नदी नर्मदा जब-जल गरजे, औ गंगा की गरजे धार ।
जगदेव गरजे जब भारत में, भय से काँपे ला भूमिहार ।
डोले सिंहासन तब इन्दिरा के, भइया दिल्ली के दरबार ।
बेटा जाग गइल शोषित का, अब लेगा अपना अध्किार ।
बिन अधिकार लिये न छोड़ी, चाहे बहे खून की धार ।’
रामस्वरूप वर्मा के साथ मिलकर बनाया शोषित समाज दल
जगदेव बाबू ने पार्टी का विस्तार किया और 7 अगस्त, 1972 को पटना के विधायक क्लब में विश्व के महान मानववादी विचारक, अर्जक संघ के संस्थापक और उत्तर प्रदेश के पूर्व वित्त मंत्राी महामानव रामस्वरूप वर्मा और शोषित क्रान्ति के महान अग्रदूत शहीद जगदेव प्रसाद के संयुक्त नेतृत्व में कई दलों को मिलाकर ‘शोषित समाज दल’ नामक राजनीतिक दल का गठन हुआ, जिसमें समाज दल, शोषित दल, रिपब्लिकन पार्टी, सेवा दल, समता दल आदि का विलय हुआ, जिसके राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष रामस्वरूप वर्मा और महामंत्राी जगदेव प्रसाद बनाये गये । 5 सितम्बर से 11 सितम्बर, 1974 तक बिहार के सभी प्रखंडों पर इन्दिरा शाही के खिलाफ सात सूत्री मांगों को लेकर जेल भरो अभियान (सत्याग्रह) छेड़ा गया, जिसकी मुख्य माँगें थी
6 से 14 वर्ष के लड़के-लड़कियों के लिए अनिवार्य, एक समान, राष्ट्रीयकृत, मुफ्त और मानववादी शिक्षा लागू की जाय
सभी नागरिकों को फोटो वाला पहचान पत्र जारी करके मतदान अनिवार्य किया जाय।
देश के सभी पुस्तकालयों में डाॅ. आंबेडकर साहित्य अनिवार्य रूप से अविलंब लागू किया जाय।
तमाम दलित भूमिहीनों को इंसानी बस्ती में बसाकर व रोजगार की गारंटी देकर निरादर व दरिद्रता का नाश किया जाय।
जनसंख्या के अनुपात में आरक्षण लागू किया जाय।
सात वर्षों के अन्दर सभी असिंचित भूमि की सिंचाई की गारंटी की जाय और खेती व कारखाने से उत्पादित वस्तुओं की कीमत में समानुपात कायम किया जाय।
मजदूरी अधिनियम तथा बटाईदारी बिल लागू किया जाय।
बिहार के सभी नेताओं को अपने-अपने प्रखंडों पर जिम्मेवारी सौंपी गई, जिसमें इस लेख के लेखक को को दाउदनगर में नेतृत्व दिया गया। जगदेव बाबू ने कुर्था प्रखंड की जिम्मेवारी स्वयं ली। सवर्णों ने इसी बीच हत्या की साजिश रचकर शासन-प्रशासन को प्रभावित करके उंची जाति के पुलिस पदाधिकारियों को कुर्था में स्थापित करवाया। 5 सितम्बर, 1974 को काँग्रेसी हुकूमत की गोली से जगदेव बाबू की निर्मम हत्या कर दी गयी। उनके साथ दलित छात्र लक्ष्मण चौधरी भी शहीद हो गये।
जगदेव बाबू के बताये रास्ते पर चल रहा शोषित समाज दल
उच्च वर्णीय और उच्च वर्गीय नेतृत्व को नकार कर निम्न वर्णीय और निम्न वर्गीय नेतृत्व का सृजन करने के लिए शोषित समाज दल आज भी संघर्षरत है। इस संघर्ष को मंजिल तक पहुँचाने में गोपाल मेहता, प्रह्लाद मेहता, लक्ष्मण मेहता (औरंगाबाद), डाॅ. मस्तराम देहाती (बरेली), भगवान दीन (बस्ती), द्वारिका प्रसाद (झारखंड) आदि ने अपनी कुर्बानी दी है। भारत के सभी दलों के दलित-पिछड़े नेता सवर्णों के नेतृत्व में दलितों-पिछड़ों के विकास की लड़ाई लड़ना चाहते हैं जो विज्ञान और दर्शन के विपरीत है। दलितों-पिछड़ों की सही लड़ाई शोषित समाज दल निश्चित नीति, सिद्धांत और कार्यक्रमों के द्वारा मजबूती से लड़ रहा है और बाबा साहेब डाॅ. आंबेडकर, जोती राव फुले, रामास्वामी नायकर, रामस्वरूप वर्मा, ललई सिंह यादव, शहीद जगदेव प्रसाद आदि के सपनों को साकार करने के लिए प्रतिबद्ध है।
आज भी जारी है नब्बे फीसदी वालों का शोषण
बाबा साहेब डाॅ. अांबेडकर ने संविधान की धारा 15, 15(4), 16, 16(4), 340 आदि में दलितों-पिछड़ों के चतुर्मुखी विकास के लिए अधिकार दिया, जिसके तहत पंडित काका कालेलकर की अध्यक्षता में एक आयोग का गठन 1953 में हुआ, परन्तु इसे ठंढे बस्ते में डाल दिया गया, जबकि 1955 में ही पंडित कालेलकर ने अपनी रिपोर्ट पेश की थी। 1977 में जब आपातकाल के बाद जनता पार्टी की सरकार बनी, इसके पूर्व कालेलकर की रिपोर्ट लागू करने का वादा चुनाव में किया गया था। सरकार बनने पर जब इसपर चर्चा हुई तो प्रधनमंत्री मोरारजी देसाई ने इसे 40 वर्ष पुराना बताकर लागू करने से इन्कार कर दिया। 1955 में गुलजारी लाल नंदा और मोरारजी देसाई ने इसे रद्दी की टोकरी में फेंकने लायक बताया था। बड़ी जद्दोजहद के बाद 1 जनवरी, 1979 को पिछड़ा वर्ग आयोग गठित किया गया, जिसके अध्यक्ष बी.पी. मंडल बनाये गये। उन्होंने राष्ट्रीय स्तर का दौरा करके दलितों-पिछड़ों की सामाजिक, सांस्कृतिक, आर्थिक, राजनीतिक और शैक्षणिक स्थिति का जायजा लिया और अपनी रिपोर्ट दिसम्बर, 1980 में पेश कर दी, जिसमें 52 प्रतिशत आबादी वाले पिछड़ों को 27 प्रतिशत आरक्षण की सिफारिश की, जिसे बी.पी. सिंह की सरकार ने अगस्त, 1990 में लागू करने की घोषणा कर दी। घोषणा होते ही देश के सवर्णों ने धरती को माथे पर उठाकर हिंसक आन्दोलन प्रारम्भ कर दिया, जिसमें अरबों-खरबों की संपत्ति की हानि हुई। इसके बावजूद 16 नवम्बर, 1992 को सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने सरकार की घोषणा की स्वीकृति प्रदान कर दी।
तत्कालीन राष्ट्रपति ज्ञानी जैल सिंह को रिपोर्ट सौंपते बी.पी. मंडल
आज यह विचारणीय प्रश्न है कि 52 प्रतिशत आबादी को 27 प्रतिशत आरक्षण ही क्यों ? किसी को भूख लगी है और उसे चाय पिलाकर छोड़ दिया जाय तो उसका स्वास्थ्य कितना मजबूत होगा ? इसके पूर्व पंडित कालेलकर की रिपोर्ट में शिक्षा, मेडिकल, इंजीनियरिंग आदि में 70 प्रतिशत आरक्षण की सिफारिश थी। शोषित समाज दल ने हिसाब लगाया था कि दलित-पिछड़े अभ्यर्थी प्रतियोगिता में 20 प्रतिशत कम-से-कम स्थान प्राप्त करेंगे। इस तरह 90 प्रतिशत आबादी को नब्बे प्रतिशत हिस्सा प्राप्त हो जायेगा। तत्कालीन सवर्ण प्रधान सरकार ने इसीलिए इसे लागू नहीं किया था। बी.पी. मंडल की रिपोर्ट के हिसाब से 22.5 दलित और 27 पिछड़ों के आरक्षण मिलाकर कुल 49.5 होता है, जो न्याय नहीं कहा जा सकता है। इसके बाद भी वी.पी. सिंह और नरसिम्हा राव में एक गोपनीय मशविरा के बाद क्रीमीलेयर लगाकर दलितों-पिछड़ों के विकास को अवरूद्ध करने की नापाक साजिश हुई। दलित, पिछड़ों के तथाकथित नेता इस साजिश से अंजान होकर वी.पी. सिंह की जय-जयकार कर रहे हैं, जो घोर चिन्ता का सवाल है। शहीद जगदेव प्रसाद ने स्पष्ट कहा था कि नब्बे प्रतिशत शोषितों की आबादी है और सभी महकमों में नब्बे प्रतिशत हिस्सा चाहिए, यही सही सामाजिक न्याय है और अगर इससे कम मिलता है तो यह घोर अन्याय है।
यह चिंतनीय सवाल है कि दलितों की प्रोन्नति में आरक्षण को लेकर पिछड़े वर्गों में काफी आक्रोश है। सचमुच में यह सवर्णों की साजिश है, जिसे पिछड़े वर्ग के बुद्धिजीवी नजरअंदाज कर रहे हैं और इसका असली फायदा सवर्ण उठा रहे हैं। यही वजह है कि जनसंख्या के अनुपात में आरक्षण की लड़ाई बाधित हो रही है। शहीद जगदेव प्रसाद ने तमाम दलित-पिछड़े, अल्पसंख्यकों को मूल्यों की राजनीति के आधार पर एक मंच पर एकजुट करके जनसंख्या के अनुपात में सभी वर्गों की हिस्सेदारी की गांरटी करना चाहते थे। इसी मुद्दे पर उनकी निर्मम हत्या की गई।
जगदेव प्रसाद का अटल सत्य
आजकल जगदेव बाबू की जयंती और शहादत दिवस का धूम मच गया है। उनके गले में तो माला पहनाया जा रहा है और विचारों पर ताला लगाया जा रहा है। उनक गले में माला पहनाने वाले लोग उनके विचारों से या तो वाकिफ नहीं हैं, या जातीय भावना से प्रेरित होकर उनका नाम लेकर विचारों के साथ घात कर रहे हैं, जो घोर निंदनीय है। जो भाजपा, काँग्रेस, राजद, लोजपा, सपा बसपा आदि के लोग हैं वे जगदेव बाबू का नाम तो लेते हैं, परन्तु अपने-अपने दल के आकाओं के नियंत्रण में रहकर ही काम करते हैं। ऐसा करके जगदेव बाबू के विचारों को वे भ्रमित कर रहे हैं। शोषित समाज दल कठिन कुर्बानी देकर संघर्ष कर रहा है और जगदेव बाबू के सिद्धांतों, नीतियों का यही सही वाहक है। जगदेव बाबू के विचारों से अगर कोई सहमत है, तो उन्हें शोषित समाज दल को मजबूती प्रदान करना चाहिए। यही उनके प्रति सच्ची श्रद्धांजलि है। जो जगदेव बाबू के विचारों के वाहक हैं, उनसे विनम्र निवेदन है कि उनकी नीतियों, सिद्धांतों, कार्यक्रमों को जन-जन तक पहुँचावें। अपनी आने वाली पीढ़ी को इतना शिक्षित और प्रशिक्षित कर दें कि आनेवाला वह शोषकों की छाती पर लाती देकर अपना हिस्सा प्राप्त कर ले। इसे दुनिया की कोई भी ताकत रोक नहीं सकती। जगदेव बाबू की लड़ाई तभी सफल होगी, जब उनके अनुयायी दस प्रतिशत सवर्णों, सामन्तों, पूँजीपतियों, साम्प्रदायियों से अपना संबंध विच्छेद कर लें, तभी जगदेव बाबू के गले में माला डालने के असली हकदार हो सकते हैं, वरना आनेवाली पीढ़ी उन्हेें निश्चित रूप में थूकेगी। संघमुक्त भारत बनाने की लड़ाई संघ की मलाई खाकर ही लोग लड़ना चाहते हैं, जो भारी धोखा है। इनसे सावधान रहने की जरूरत है।
शहीद जगदेव प्रसाद का अटल सत्य आज भी प्रासंगिक है –
‘जब तक जियब नाहीं चली, केहू के जमींदारी।
हम ना करब राजनीति में, शोषक के बनिहारी।।’
(कॉपी संपादन : एफपी डेस्क)
Jagdev Prasad: Bihar’s Lenin
Every time he spoke, Jagdev Babu broadened the horizons of the exploited sections. He exemplified political thinker T.H. Green’s belief that “Human consciousness postulates liberty; liberty involves rights; rights demand the state”
Jagdev Prasad’s statue in Kurtha
Bihar’s Lenin, Babu Jagdev Prasad, was the harbinger of the “revolution of the exploited” in north India, a great protagonist of Arjak culture and literature, an inspiration for the setting-up of the Mandal Commission and the founder of Shoshit Samaj Dal and later the Bahujan Samaj Party. A great hero of the proletariat, Jagdev Babu laid the path on which the non-savarnas of the country today are marching towards social, economic, political and cultural progress.
Jagdev Prasad was born into a poor family on 2 February 1922 in Kurhari, Kurtha block, Bihar – close to Bodh Gaya, where Mahatma Buddha attained enlightenment. His father Prayag Narayan Kushwaha was a teacher in a primary school in the neighbourhood while his mother Raskali was unlettered. After passing his middle-school exam, he went to Jehanabad for high school. Having been born into a lower-middle class family, he became a struggler from his early days. When the adolescent Jagdev Prasad went to school wearing clean clothes, the upper-caste students made fun of him. One day, he lost his temper, thrashed his tormentors black and blue and threw dust into their eyes. His father had to pay a fine and tender an apology for his son’s outburst. He was also given a severe dressing-down in the school. Another day, a teacher slapped Jagdev Prasad for no fault of his. A couple of days later, that teacher fell asleep in the class and began snoring. Jagdev Prasad slapped him hard across the face. The teacher complained to the headmaster. When confronted, he told the headmaster, “Everyone should get the same punishment for committing a mistake – whether he is a teacher or a student.”
When he was a teenager, Jagdev Prasad succeeded in putting an end to the “Panchkatthiya” system prevalent in the area. Under the system, the farmers were supposed to provide five katthas (one kattha equals 933 grams) of their crop for the elephants of landlords. The farmers were unable to oppose this extortion. One day, when a mahout brought the landlord’s elephant to a field to graze, Jagdev Babu and his friends asked him to go back. When he did not yield, they beat him up. This incident put an end to the devious practice in the area.
A view of the Kurtha marketplace
When he was living away from his home for studies, his father was taken seriously ill. Her mother was deeply religious. She performed pujas and begged to the gods to spare her husband’s life. But his father passed away. This made Jagdev Babu revolt against the Hindu religion. He collected all the photographs and idols of gods and goddesses in his home and put them on his father’s bier. His disillusionment with the brahmanical Hindu religion lasted his lifetime. He countered Brahmanism with humanism.
Despite all the problems at home, Jagdev Babu acquired higher education. He did his graduation and postgraduation from the Patna University. It was during this period that he came in contact with Chandradev Prasad Verma, who persuaded him to study and understand different political ideologies and thinkers. He started participating in sociopolitical events and eventually took to politics. He got associated with the Socialist Party and edited its organ Janata. As a committed journalist, he wrote prolifically on the problems of the Dalits, OBCs and the exploited. In 1955, he shifted base to Hyderabad where he edited the English weekly Citizen and the Hindi weekly Uday. His revolutionary and thought-provoking write-ups pushed the circulation of the two journals to lakhs but the publisher had to face threats. He was asked to tone down his writings, but instead of compromising with his principles, he resigned and returned to Patna.
At the time, the socialist movement was at its zenith in Bihar, but there were ideological differences between JP and Lohia. When JP and Lohia parted ways, Jagdev Prasad sided with Lohia. He strengthened the organizational structure of the Socialist Party and indigenised the socialist ideology so as to make its reach wider. JP quit active politics and joined the Bhoodan Movement of Vinoba Bhave. JP was a sham revolutionary who served the interests of the socialists of the forward castes. The land that the landlords donated after a “change of heart” was largely barren. It was distributed among the poor and the landless, who, through their industry and toil, turned it fertile. But once that happened, the landlords started staking a claim on the land and assaulting and forcibly evicting Dalits and OBCs from their fields. At that time, Karpoori Thakur openly flayed Vinoba Bhave and described him as a “Havai Mahatma” (an airy Mahatma). (Karpoori Thakur Aur Samajwad; Narendra Pathak).
In 1967, Jagdev Babu contested the assembly polls as a candidate of the Samyukta Socialist Party (formed by the merger of Praja Socialist Party and Socialist Party in 1966). He won convincingly from Kurtha. Due to his untiring efforts, for the first time, a non-Congress government was formed in Bihar with Mahamaya Prasad as the chief minister. Besides Jagdev Babu, Karpoori Thakur had also played a key role in its formation. But then, Jagdev Babu developed differences with Lohia on policy and ideological issues. He realized that he was in a party where few were enjoying the fruits of the labour of many. He quit the Samyukta Socialist Party and on 25 August 1967 founded the Shoshit Dal. He felt that a socio-cultural revolution was needed to give a pro-people orientation to the politics in Bihar. He joined the Arjak Sangh, which Ramswaroop Verma established on 1 June 1968. He said that only the principles of Arjak Sangh could help annihilate Brahmanism and only a cultural revolution could help establish humanism. He emphasized values and conduct in consonance with the principles of Arjak Sangh. At that time, this slogan was very popular:
Punarjanm aur bhagyavaad, inse janma Brahmanvad
[In humanism, Brahmins and Bhangis are equal
Fatalism and (belief in) rebirth has given birth to Brahmanism]
On 7 August 1972, the Shoshit Dal merged with Ramswaroop Verma’s party Samaj Dal to form Shoshit Samaj Dal. A philosopher and a revolutionary had joined hands, energizing the new party. As the national general secretary of the party, Jagdev Babu began whistle-stop tours of the country. He was very adept in coining new slogans. His oratory was impressive. Addressing a public meeting in Jehanabad he said,
Das ka shashan nabbe par,
Nahin chalega, nahin chalega
Sau mein nabbe shoshit hain,
Nabbe bhag hamara hai,
Dhan, dharti aur rajpaat mein,
Nabbe bhaag hamara hai
(The rule of ten over ninety cannot continue
Ninety of hundred are exploited
We are owners of ninety parts
We have ninety per cent share in wealth, land and power)
Every time he spoke, Jagdev Babu broadened the horizons of the exploited sections. He exemplified political thinker T.H. Green’s belief that “Human consciousness postulates liberty; liberty involves rights; rights demand the state”.
The people of Bihar began describing him as the Lenin of Bihar. A massive students’ movement was launched under the leadership of JP against the authoritarian Congress government of Bihar but the leadership of the movement was in the hands of the Anglicized dominant sections of society. Jagdev Babu did not agree with this kind of a students’ movement. He tried to give a wider sweep to the movement. In May 1974, he addressed a series of public meetings all over the state in support of his six-point charter of demands but the corrupt administration and the brahmanical government were unmoved. He announced a statewide satyagraha from 5 September 1974. On that day, he was marching on the streets in Kurtha, holding the black flag of his party in his hands, followed by thousands of supporters, when the DSP on duty asked him to stop. Jagdev Babu refused and fell into a trap so meticulously laid by his rivals. The police opened fire and a bullet hit him on his neck. He fell down but instead of taking him to hospital, the policemen took him to the police station. The police even tried to secretly dispose of his body but failed due to public pressure. His body was brought to Patna on 6 December. People from all parts of the country reached Patna to join his funeral procession. Lakhs bid their last farewell to him.
Not much has been written about Jagdev Babu. The magazines that he edited were not preserved, because of which people never came to know the sweep of his thoughts and his dazzling intellect. Thankfully, famous linguist Dr Rajendra Prasad Singh and Shashikala have jointly compiled his statements, speeches and interviews in Jagdev Prasad Vangmay.
References:
Patel, Anoop (2016) Mandal Ke Baad Ka Bharat Aur Pichhda Varg, Lok Sangharsh, pp 9-21
Patel, Anoop (2016): Student politics today: Yes to Mandal, No to Kamandal, Forward Press, accessed on 7 August 2016; https://www.forwardpress.in/2016/07/yes-to-mandal-no-to-kamandal/
Pathak, Narendra (2008) Karpoori Thakur Aur Samajvad, Medha Books, Delhi
Singh, Rajendra Prasad, Dr and Shashikala (2011), Jagdev Prasad Vangmay, Samyak Prakashan, New Dehi.
Shoshit, 7 November 1969.
Shoshit, 16 April 1970.
Jupudi Prabhakar Rao
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jupudi Prabhakara Rao
Born
Sankuvarigunta, Kothapatnam Mandal,Prakasam District.
Office Ex APSCCFC CHAIRMAN
Term 2016–2019
Political party YSR Congress Party
Jupudi Prabhakara Rao is an Indian politician Chairman for Andhra Pradesh Scheduled Caste Co-Operative Finance Corporation Ltd and an Ex MLC in United Andhra Pradesh. He belongs to YSR Congress Party.
Background
Jupudi was born and brought up in the urban village of Sankuvarigunta, Kothapatnam Mandal in Prakasam District. He was a Mechanical Engineering graduate from Osmania University and completed his MBA with additional qualifications of Higher Diploma in Co-operative Management and Master's in Public Administration and Political Science. He worked for MIDHANI (Mishra Dhatu Nigam) as specialist in Vacuum technology (under the Ministry of Defense) for 17 years.
Being an Ambedhkarite, his heart always felt for the upliftment of Dalits. This has led him to resign from the government service and to work for Dalit rights. In the wake of SC Categorization he became active in Mala Mahanadu under the leadership of P. V Rao and subsequently became President of Mala Mahanadu. Jupudi is the founder and Chairman of the non-profit Voice of Millions Global Foundation.
Political career
Jupudi was offered an MLC (Member of Legislative Council) position by late Chief Minister Dr YS Rajasekhara Reddy. After YSR's death Jupudi stood by Y S Jagan as he was left alone at that time and participated in his political activities. He was associated with YSR Congress Party floated by Y. S. Jaganmohan Reddy. Later he resigned to YSR Congress Party on 10 August 2014 and joined TDP on 19 December 2014. Following the people mandate in 2019 Elections, he joined back YSRCP in October 2019.
Jupudi has served as an MLC ( Member of Legislative Council ). After the State bifurcation of United Andhra Pradesh, being his vote in Hyderabad, Telangana State, he lost his MLC in 2015. After that he was elected as Chairman for Andhra Pradesh Scheduled Caste Cooperative Finance Corporation in 2015 for a term of two years. Again extended his tenure for another two years in 2017. He is the first person to get appointed twice as Chairman for APSCCFC.
Joopaka Subhadra
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Joopaka Subhadra
Born
Damaranchepalle, Warangal, Telangana
Alma mater Kakatiya University, Warangal
Occupation Author, social activist
Known for Writings on Dalit women
Joopaka Subhadra (also Jupaka and Jūpāka; born 1962) is a Telugu Dalit activist, poet and writer. She writes poems and short stories that shed light on the lives of Dalits, specifically Dalit women. She is currently working at the Andhra Pradesh Secretariat.
Early life and education
Subhadra was born in Damaranchepalle, Warangal district (present Telangana). She is youngest of 12 siblings, born to Narasimha and Kanaka Veeramma. While studying she lived in a social welfare hostel. Subhadra has been writing poetry since childhood, beginning with subjects like nature, beauty, and friendship.
Subhadra holds Master of Arts and Masters of Philosophy degrees in Telugu Literature. She is an alumnus of Kakatiya University, Telangana. She has also written numerous political essays, book reviews, songs and journalistic pieces. Through her work, she has been instrumental in establishing Mattipoolu (SC, ST, BC and Minority) Women Writers’ Forum. She has also contributed a column to a well-known feminist journal, Bhoomika, and also in journals such as Andhra Jyoti, Ekalavya, Vaartha, and Udyoga Kranti.[1] After starting work at the Andhra Pradesh Secretariat in 1988, she started a Woman's Association for the female employees. In 2015, she was awarded the Amruthala award from the Apuroopa Awards Foundation for her work as a columnist.
Bibliography
Subhadra's work is based on her own life experiences. Her work includes:
Rayakka Manyam, A collection of short stories on different aspects of Dalit life.
Shuddi Cheyyali depicting the hard work done by Dalit women
Jignesh Mevani
Jignesh Mevani rose from being a grassroots activist to an elected Assembly member in Gujarat. His rise to popularity was when led the Dalit Asmita Yatra after a video of Dalit men being stripped down and being whipped in Gujarat’s Gir Somnath district went viral. He coined the slogan, “Gai ki loom aap rakho; hume humaari zameen do (You may keep the cow’s tail, give us our land)".
He considers himself primarily to be an agitator who decided to enter politics to be able to raise issues from a non-compromising position. He has a deep interest in writings of Karl Marx and Babasaheb Ambedkar and the same is reflected in his oratory.
His demand has been that every landless Dalit should get 5 acres of land, which according to him is rightfully theirs. He has earlier worked as a reporter and has a degree in law.
https://www.sabrangindia.in/article/dalit-activists-who-have-been-fighting-good-fight
जाई बाई
(2.5.1892--11.10.1964)
महान शिक्षाशास्त्री
19वीं सदी में सावित्रीबाई फुले अपने सशक्त व्यक्तित्व के साथ महाराष्ट्र के गांव में सत्यशोधक समाज का नेतृत्व कर रही थी। सदियों के सताए लोग शूद्र, अतिशूद्र अपने जीवन का अर्थ भूल चुके थे। शिक्षा के कपाट उनके लिए फुले दंपति के अथक प्रयासों से शनै:-शनै: खुलने लगे थे।
बचपन
जाई बाई का जन्म 2.5.1892 को महाराष्ट्र के उमरेड गांव में एक मजदूर के घर में हुआ। घर में जबरदस्त गरीबी थी। जाई बाई अपनी सहेलियों के साथ जब लकड़ी बीनने जाती तो एक ईसाई महिला के पास पढ़ते बच्चों को बड़ी हसरत से देखती। अध्यापिका मिस ग्रोगरी ने जाई बाई में पढ़ाई की ललक देखी तो उसे भी पढाने लगी। एक दिन उसकी मां को पता चला कि जाई बाई लकड़ी बीनने के बहाने पढ़ाई करती है तो बहुत नाराज हुई और सबक सिखाने के लिए जाई बाई के नहाने वाले पानी में पिसी मिर्च डाल दी। पिताजी ने भी बहुत मारा पीटा। पर जाई बाई पर इस सजा का उल्टा असर हुआ, पढ़ने की इच्छा और तीव्र हो गई।
शादी
मिस ग्रोगरी ने उसके माता-पिता से आगे पढ़ने का अनुरोध किया और मदद भी की। माता-पिता ने 11 वर्ष की अल्पायु में ही चौथी पास जाई बाई की शादी कर दी। मिस ग्रोगरी ने ससुराल वालों से भी बात की। उसके पति को तांगा चलाने की नौकरी भी दिलवाई फिर भी वह नहीं माना। जाई बाई ने चार पांच साल कुली गिरी का काम कर छोड़ दिया।
छुआछूत
मिस ग्रोगरी की मदद से मिशनरी स्कूल टिमकी-नागपुर में ₹4 महीने पगार पर अध्यापन का काम मिल गया। तथाकथित ऊंची जाति के छात्रों को पता चला कि जाई बाई महार है तो उन्होंने बहिष्कार कर दिया।
संकल्प
छुआछूत का यह आलम जाई बाई के लिए भी असहनीय हो गया। उसने इस पर काफी विचार किया। अंतत: शिक्षा के माध्यम से छुआछूत व जाति व्यवस्था के विरुद्ध संघर्ष करने का संकल्प लिया। 1922 में नई कॉलोनी मंगलवारी बाजार में एससी लड़कियों के लिए संत चोखामेला बालिका विद्यालय खोल लिया। अपने शिक्षा के संकल्प के कारण ससुराल में मार पड़ती। स्कूल चलाने के लिए घर घर जाना पड़ता। परिश्रम रंग लाया। स्कूल जम गया। स्कूल में वह स्वयं भी पढ़ाती घर का काम भी देखती। 1955 में करीब 125 बच्चे वहां शिक्षा ले रहे थे।
स्त्री जागरण
जाई बाई स्त्रियों की जागरूकता के प्रति सचेत थी। नागपुर में ऐसी महिलाओं का पहला अधिवेशन 8-9 अगस्त को हुआ। जिसकी स्वागत समिति की सेक्रेटरी जाई बाई थी। वह गांव गांव में बस्ती बस्ती जाती, महिलाओं की बैठक लेती। उन्हें गंदगी से बाहर आकर साफ सुथरा रहने की प्रेरणा देती। छुआछूत, जात पात से ऊपर उठकर इंसानियत की हैसियत से जीने की सीख देती। बच्चों को पढ़ाने व उनके जीवन स्तर को ऊपर उठाने का एहसास कराती।
धम्म दीक्षा
जाई बाई की "अधूरी साध" शिक्षा के बढ़ते चरण में पूरी हुई। जाई बाई ने साधनों के अभाव में, प्रतिकूल परिस्थितियों में, पारिवारिक कलह, आर्थिक तंगी को झेलते हुए अपने लिए वह राह बनाई जिसमें अनेकों जाई बाई को अपनी अपनी राह मिली। जाई बाई कवियत्री भी थी। उनकी कविताएं स्त्री अस्मिता की धरोहर है। 1956 में जाई बाई अपने मूल धम्म बौद्ध में वापस आ गई।
हमने सीखा
जाई बाई का संघर्ष भरा जीवन हमारे लिए प्रेरणा स्रोत है। आइए हम सब मिलकर बहुजन समाज को जागृत करने का काम जारी रखें।
संदर्भ पुस्तक-क्रांतिकारी महिलाएं
Kirtibai Patil
Excerpts of the Speech by Kirtibai Patil, Chairman of the Reception Committee, All India
Depressed Classes Women’s Conference, July 20, 1942, in Nagpur. There were about 75000 people that attended where women delegates were around 25000. This was at the time of the World War-II.
“Sisters, when our men are fighting the battles for our rights, we women cannot lag behind. Due to the immense labours of our great leader Dr. Ambedkar, a new consciousness is created amongst us. Those women who are in a position to lead our sisters must approach this point from two angles.
(A) The narrow sphere left by the Hindu religion to women and its serious consequences:
Although commonly women may be required to have a household sphere of work, they cannot for all times be left in the narrow sphere. In 1886, the women of England had no right of franchise, did they, therefore, sit quietly? No. They continued their movement for obtaining the right of franchise and they did not stop till they achieved their objective. Similarly, the so-called ignorant women are also marching forward in education and art. Thus, when history is pointing the way to progress, how can we continue to follow the narrow and selfish path laid down by the Hindu religion – a path leading to continued slavery- we are as much desirous of freedom as the men-nay, this is our right and we must achieve it by our strenuous movement and efforts
(B) The Second point is the opposition from some of our own men
We may even say that such opposition is now from a very small quarter. Freedom is only needed for those who have suffered and are suffering. Freedom means to make the poor happy and contended. Our men need our help the most today in order to achieve our rights. Therefore, our first duty is to help them in every way in achieving our rights. We need to work together and not against our men, and not treat either as superior or inferior
It is absolutely necessary that we unite and work together and hence have one Central organization and through it, we should work for the spread of education and for achieving our social and political rights.
Sisters, I thank you for giving me a patient hearing.”
From – Vinay Shende
Kaushal Panwar
Host Aamir Khan on the 10th episode of 'Satyamev Jayate' brought out the ugliness of untouchability and casteism still prevalent in an Independent India.
Heart wrenching was the story of Dr Kaushal Pawar who suffered many humiliations as a child simply because she was the 'other', fringing on the borders of society. As a dalit child growing up, Kaushal was constantly made to be aware of the fact that she was different.
In the school that she studied at, dalit children were made to wear blue clothes, a way to distinguish and brand them. But Kaushal triumphed over this injustice, where at one point she even thought of quitting the prestigious JNU institute in Delhi. But with her father's constant support, Kaushal is now a lecturer at Delhi University where she teaches Sanskrit.
Dr Kaushal born and brought up in one of the villages of Haryana, Dr Kaushal Panwar teaches Sanskrit at Delhi University. Her life is one of the most remarkable testimonies of human grit and determination towards achieving one’s goal despite insurmountable odds.Read an interview -
Kindly tell us about your family back ground.
I belong to Balmiki community in Rajour village from district Kaithal (Haryana). My father who died in 2001 was a landless labourer. I have two elder brothers. All my family members worked at jat landlord’s fields. I also used to work in the field along with my family and had also worked as manual labourer in road constructions.
My elder brother could not clear class Xth and joined Punjab police as a sepoy but due to some reasons he left the job. Today he is unemployed. I am the only one from my district Kaithal, from Balmiki community, who has reached to this level. Otherwise our community is still mostly engaged in scavenging and manual labour.
What has been your educational background?
I studied in my village school and completed my 10+2 from there itself. However for my graduation (B.A.), I had to take admission at college that was 60 Km away from my home. I had to travel daily to be able to attend the classes. Then I joined Kurukshetra University for my Masters and later Rohtak University for M.Phil.
However the turning point came when I got an opportunity to join Sanskrit department at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi for my PhD. In 2009, I was awarded doctorate for my thesis on ‘Shudras in Dharam Shashtras’. Now I am an Assistant Professor and teach Sanskrit in of the colleges at Delhi University.
Yours is truly a remarkable journey. What have been your motivations that drove you to excel in studies?
I must say without any hesitation that my father was my biggest motivator. Second most important was my family background. Poverty, drinking habits of family’s male members, helplessness on caste-discrimination – these were things around which I grew up. I always felt great discomfort and after a point I got fed up and tried to focus solely on my education.
I had seen my father being abused on caste-lines and suffering and yet not able to counter that. In fact, my father’s helplessness motivated me to look critically at our lives and not to accept that as our ‘fate’.
My father played a great role in educating me. Here I would like to share an incident that happened with my father. He had to go somewhere by bus. At bus stand, he was unsure of the bus that was about to ply. He asked someone to confirm if that was the right bus. The person replied very rudely, “Can’t you see what is written on the bus?”
My father was an illiterate and felt humiliated. He said very calmly to him, “Why would I have to ask you if I was literate?” But then my father decided that he would educate all his children at whatever cost so that they don’t have to face any such humiliations. My father never allowed me to do household work. My mother was also very cooperative but remained worried about my fate after my marriage (laughs).
People would say so many things like why I was not marrying etc. But I never bothered. I never looked back. Whatever I could do I did for my education.
All along my studies I had to work to earn for my studies as well as for our family. You might not believe that during my graduation days I used to work as one of the labourers for constructing road that passed from the college where I was a student (smiles).
My father expired while I was doing my Masters and he never allowed anyone to inform me about his sickness. He was not even aware of what is PhD but always told me to achieve the highest possible degree and made me to promise about not leaving education under any circumstances. No one can ever fill the vacuum that I felt after his death.
Why did you choose Sanskrit as a subject?
This is because of a promise that I made to myself when I was a child. After completing VIth Std, I opted Sanskrit as one of my subject. But when I went for the first Sanskrit class the teacher refused to teach me and told me to go and pick garbage for living instead of learning Sanskrit.
When I persisted, he slapped me and sent me to sit at the last row. I cried and went back but somewhere I got the determination that day that I would study Sanskrit and reach at the top. I sincerely want to thank that teacher now as because his casteism and sexism became my motivation.
For most of the Dalit and Adivasi students getting admission in premier educational institutions is a dream. You did your PhD from JNU. How did you reach here?
After completing my Mphil from Rohtak University I wanted to do PhD from there itself and decided to work on the topic ‘Shudras in Vedas’. However the faculties there forced me to change my topic and make it ‘Shudras in Literature’. I agreed reluctantly but just on the last date of registration, I was refused admission.
Later I came to know that my seat was given to a Brahmin woman who also taught in the same department. I felt completely betrayed by my own teachers. I could not do anything and came back home.
In my university days I was very active and used to participate in lots of meetings and seminars. In one such meetings that was organised on ‘the socio-economic condition of Dalits’ in Kaithal, I got the opportunity to meet two faculty members from JNU namely Dr Malakar and Dr. Phool Badan who came as speakers there.
During the interaction I told them about how I was denied PhD seat at Rohtak University. Both of them advised me to join JNU for my PhD. But I was very unsure. I never thought that I could ever get to JNU. However both of them motivated me and gave confidence.
Dr Phool Badan even helped me to fill the admission form. Without them, I could not even have thought of JNU leave alone applying. My example shows how important it is for our students to have Dalit faculties in the campuses.
Now since you are settled how do you want to contribute more towards the empowerment of our community?
I am not able to contribute as much as I should but still I am trying my level best. Right now I am into writing and working on promoting Dalit literature among people so that they get to read it and get inspired to fight against caste exploitation. I am part of the group that organises small meetings, street theatre, seminars and tries to mobilise youth and students on the issue of caste in Haryana.
Like on 12th April we celebrated Jotiba Phule’s birthday by enacting a play on Guru Ravidas where we clearly showed that he was not merely a religious person but was a great revolutionary from our community. I am also aware of my responsibility being a teacher and we run a placement cell for our students.
What are your policy recommendations for higher authorities for the welfare of Dalit and Adivasi students?
Some policies are already there. But the problem is their faulty implementation. We can achieve so much if we are able to force the authorities to implement these in spirit. So I feel our students themselves have to reach to political arena where policies are framed and are implemented. There is definitely need of many more policies to promote Dalit and Adivasi girls’ education. Their representation in higher education is almost nil.
Many of our students who come from very humble background are sometimes not able to cope up with the campus environment. One of the major factors is the identity crisis. What you have to say on this?
I must say if there was any identity crisis with me I could never have reached to this level. I never hide my identity and was confident about it right from my school times. I did menial jobs at the homes of many of my class mates like cleaning animal dung etc and then I used to sit with them in the same class. They used to call me chuhri (slang for scavengers) in the school. In fact it was my father who never let me have any identity crisis. Since my childhood my father taught me not to worry on such issues as no work is big or small.
The same goes with all our students. They should feel proud that they have come from community of people who are the most hard working and their being in higher education is a great achievement not only for them but for the entire community.
What are your other suggestions for our Dalit and Adivasi students who want to pursue higher education?
What else I can say other than to work doubly hard! As a Dalit and Adivasi students we have to cross so many barriers - class, caste and for women students - gender too. Most of the ‘upper’ caste students have only to work hard for studies. But we have to work much harder to be able to excel in studies and simultaneously fight against social and economic handicaps due to our background.
Other students don’t have to prove anything to anyone but we have lot to prove not only for ourselves but also for the sake of our community.
I teach Sanskrit and being a Dalit woman I know that people are very judgemental and easily point a finger if I don’t teach properly. I have seen people whispering against me and I always answer them through my work. In a very short time my three books have been published and I am working on the fourth one. We must always move ahead and not let others drag us behind.
What are your suggestions for Dalit students groups like Insight?
I really thank Insight from my heart. This is really a very innovative initiative which will go long way to benefit our students. I know this group from my JNU days. My only suggestion for groups like Insight is to always ensure equal representation in terms of its reach.
Most of our students are from very humble background and lack information. They are also not much willing to come out. Insight has the responsibility to reach to such students. Then only we can say that Insight is a real role model for all of us.
Kalpana B.K
Kalpana B.K. was born in 2046 in Kailali, she is reading in Bachelor's degree in Kailali. She has 1 son, 1 Daughter among her 8 members of family. Her husband is a business man.
She got married at the age of only 18 years after passed out SLC exam in 2064 BS. Even she had joined college after the marriage but prevailing traditional mindset and social taboos, she did not get any opportunity to contribute the community and bound within the house hold chores. Lacking of information about rights and leadership, she did not have any ideas to move ahead. Once she had been orally nominated as member at her nearby community forestry committee but she did not experienced meeting, decisions and services at there. Due to lacking of knowledge and rights she couldn’t argue for that attitude.
During 2012, Feminist Dalit Organization (FEDO), Kailali formed Dalit women group under the implementing project 'Increasing Dalit Women's Political participation for sustainable peace in Nepal' in Malakheti VDC Teghari, and she had have chance to got the position of Secretary. She did have opportunities to attend to various interactions, seminars, training and meeting organized by FEDO, enhance herself motivation then after she was realized the importance leadership. During this period she gained confidence that able to stand as a responsible member of several sectors like (Secretary in the same Community Forestry Users Committee, Member in School Management committee, Member of Account committee in cooperative and Teacher in primary boarding school). Apart from this, she did have contributed to marginalize Dalit of her community through coordination i.e.; provide mushroom farming from her community forestry committee; provide support to pig farming-beekeeping-tailoring training from MADE Nepal and VDC joint program. She have contributed her community in education also, i.e. conduction of informal education, adult informal education, Montessori classes, etc.
According to her verdict, she was unable to stand towards community and even was not able to put her thought in several program but now she is confident that she has been capacitated to raise her voice for her community and gained so many skills and also changed her way of thinking and according to her all credit goes to FEDO. She is advocating to female to live dignified life. Also she has committed to aware her community women by providing knowledge and skill of education and leadership.
KAUSALY BASSANTI
In the autobiography there is a person who is related to the self, and the story is related to its time and environment. When a writer binds his past life
with words in the entire environment, then we are called autobiography. Autobiography is written less in Hindi than other genres, but for the last three decades, the attempt to fulfill this shortcoming has been done by some dalit writers who have suffered from the suffering of some feminist writers and upper-hermits who have suffered the men's mentality of suffering for many centuries. Has happened . The reason for this is clear that the autobiography mostly stems from the pain of exploitation. The biographies written by various authors in this period are similar to the documents of their pain or life-struggle. In this connection, Dr. Manesar Pandey's statement is clear-"Around the world and in Hindi, the autobiography is proving to be a text of the sufferers through which the afflicted sections and the people of the community speak of the story of their life, expressing the realities and aspirations of the life of their class and community." [ 1]Kausalya Basanti's autobiography 'Dual Curse' published in 1999 is also the result of this process. But this autobiography is special in that it is not just the autobiography of a woman but the autobiography of a Dalit woman. That is, it is an autobiography born from the wish of the double revolution. Kausalyaji has made a meaningful attempt to express this fact in his headline. The author has given the curse of being a woman and a dalit throughout his life. Being a woman within the house and being a Dalit as soon as she came out of the house. The conflicting story of life, which has survived in these two forms, is described in this autobiography.
The heads of any literary work are two aspects. One his subject and the other his craft. Due to the art being an art, the importance of its subject matter is equally important to its craft. In general, crafts are called composition-legislation through which the creator communicates its perceptions comfortably and effectively. Under this composition, we can calculate the fiction, the diagram, the symbol, the decking and the language. Kausalya Bassanti in his autobiography 'Dual Curse' to give a self-actualization of his self, even if the beams, The symbols and ornaments have not taken much amount of support, but through narrative techniques and intuitive language, they have been successful in conveying their perception. The author has made it clear in the role itself that he is not a writer nor a literary. Although he did not have a special introduction to the literature of literature, his autobiography has become an art form. That is the specialty of the craft of this autobiography. In the same context, the statement of Mastram Kapoor on the flaps of this book is clear:"It is a straightforward life story which is free from all kinds of literary hoods." Through a straightforward craft legislation, he has successfully molded his life-truth into art-truth.
The 'double curse' autobiography is the expression of the past life of Kausaly Bassantri. In them, the aspiration of this self-expression is born from the realization of meaning in life. The writer born as a common Dalit girl has emerged as a source of inspiration for the entire Dalit caste due to its education and struggle. A self-respecting writer reviews his own personality. In such a situation, he attracts the reader from a strong maneuver, then imitates the reader using various artifacts. The autobiography begins with the author's ten-twelve year old but by adopting a specific narrative technique, he has also experienced the events of the life of his grandmother (grandmother) in detail - "The color of the grandmother was quite blonde and Nain The eyes were sharp. Eyes were brown and black dense hair Grandmother was the only sister of six brothers and the youngest. " The author himself has not seen the grandmother at all, yet he is promoting the external personality of grandmother as if it is an integral part of his experience. The author has adopted this novel method of expression and has conveyed to the reader that the source of inspiration for his life was grandmother and mother. See this picture of the self- respecting personality of that grandmother- "Grandma always used to say that she will fight herself, herself will not be burdened. He will also collect his own shroud stuff and he will be able to fulfill his point. All the accessories of the shroud were present in their bundle. He resided with self esteem, did not succumb to anybody. " This narrative technique is also unique in that the writer has also made the past alive with the memory of the mother through the medium of memory.
In the 'double curse', Kausalyaji has also planned beautiful figures. In particular, the incidents that they have raised to raise the curse of Dalit life, they are quick to raise the miserable life of Dalit life. "I had to pass near the toilet itself. In front of the toilet, children were seen to look after the haunting. The whole place would be filled with panicles. And there were people in front of him. While sitting, they were seen to be in the kitchen. There were only three rooms for such a large settlement. And there were eight flushes in every corner, which were full filled with water. There was no place to keep till the feet. ... There was a different kind of tranquil - black, red, brown because some pregnant women used to eat mud of coal. Seeing this early in the morning, it started to live. " The writers have grown up in this slum-filled settlement. It is not only the author's childhood but also our history, which is also a black page where man was compelled to live such a life filled with suffocated life. From this description the reader may not understand the scourge of being his dalit but can also feel. The work of writing an autobiography is like being exposed. Kausalaji has done this work very well and not only inaugurated the boundaries of its own society but also its entire society. While writing a box of his community, he writes - "Being a child like eating food and drinking water at that time was also considered normal work. Say, this God gives, God's will, what to do! " author has given the expression of his fraternity in such a way that the reader easily accepts it.
For the sake of Kausalaji, this crime is double. The accuser of having a highly educated husband and a husband of a freedom fighter who is serving a higher position in the government. See a picture of this - "Wife wanted to see that freedom fighter as a slave only. I did not wash the cloth, so she kept the soap in her closet, the sugar too closed, kept it for a little while for the boy, for tea. " warm mood, stubborn, woman living in her own circle These pictures of her husband Devendrakumar, who believed in foot shoe and brutally brutally, made the eternal pain of woman life deeper."He told his mouth that I am a very evil man. He never appreciated my desire, emotion, happiness. Abuse of talk, it is also filthy and filthy. Killing was also very cruel way. Her sisters told me that she also beat the parents, the first wife " . It is easy to guess how a writer should have love or affection with such a husband. Many such images of being a Dalit and the pain of being a woman are found in the 'double curse' autobiography, which make it even readable and artistic.
In order to make her feel comfortable in the 'double curse' autobiography, the author has also used language with utterances, proverbs and folklore. The Mayor of Nagarpalika Nagar in his city had two wives. Talking about the exploitation by her, she writes in one place-"He used to spend the full cost to another woman. But he would never sit with him or talk to him or take him out in a program. That meant no prestige was given to him. Yes, the cost was good. The woman could only see the sunny way in the window. Like a stack of gold cage, which is eatable, but not a free environment. " This figurative language used for female exploitation appears to be an integral part of the author's personality. So the experiments of idioms have enhanced the beauty of this autobiography, as if 'the tiger is running behind me', the expensive price has only broken the waist of the mother-god 'and' my blood starts bleeding. ' We can also call the 'double curse' language as a balanced language. It has not been used much more literary terminology nor is it unnecessary abuse But this balanced language has not hindered its artistry anywhere. Kausalyaji has given artistic beauty to her autobiography by using multidimensional language in many places. For example, "caste has shocked us," [10] and "our caste had reached there before going out"]Such language experiments, on the one hand, make this autobiography beautiful, whereas on the other hand, the reader takes it at the level of an announcement, which can also be targeted to the chagrin of being free from the agony of a whole afflicted caste. The same language, which proves the double goal, is an important feature of the craft and legislation of the 'double curse'.
The use of slogans is common in the language of dalit biographies. Although the 'double curse' is a dalit autobiography, it does not find a language of abusive language. Neither is it in vain's abuses nor artificial indignation Kausalyaji has used an intuitive language in accordance with its world-environment and environment. A glimpse of how the Dalit caste who is curse of being illiterate from the ages has read and write about his own people who are moving forward in this language."It has become so big that the thins are hanging, they are not married, they will be old, will they?" Someone says: "Hey, let's go. So what's left? So many friends and friends come in the house, then nothing will happen? " This language, which is evident from Kausalaji's struggling bitter and sweet experiences, seems to be intuitive even then, as well as specific. The language expressing resentment towards the system is also used in the 'double curse'. But this resentment of skill does not seem anywhere "Baba bowed his head at the feet of Head Mistress, from a distance, because he was untouchable, could not touch. Baba's face was so upset! My eyes came across I still feel very worried about remembering this. I feel humiliated. The caste-maker wants to make the creator of the face. The desire to avenge a humiliation. " This raucous language coming through the path of experience has become synonymous with the story of the autobiographer. This reconciliation of story and craft has also made this autobiography unique with popular dalit biographies.
In conclusion, it can be said that the 'double curse' autobiography has been successful in attracting readers to the craftsmanship, not being created by an experienced creator of art consciousness. This autobiography created by an educated housewife, who is suffering from severe mental torture in the name of the untouchable society, is free from the spirit of self-pity or self-pity. As a result, it has not been added by the articulation, nor the crafts. An effortless craftsman has been created in an attempt to denote your experiences with openness and authenticity. Talking about the matter of spontaneously talking about grandmother (grandmother), meaningful use of word pictures, balanced, simple and speech-prone language, in order to effectively pronounce the pain of being a Dalit and a woman; Brilliance, descriptive and analytical style, etc. are the artistic tools of this intuitive craft-legislation,
कोशल्या बैसंत्री in Hindi
एक लेखिका – एक एक्टिविस्ट
लेखिका कौशल्या बैसेंत्री
डॉ अम्बेडकर के छात्र आन्दोलन की सचिव व् युवा नेत्री कौशल्या नंदेश्वर थी . १९४२ के महिला अधिवेशन में उन्होंने सक्रिय भूमिका अदा की थी इनके माँ –पिता नागपुर की एक्सप्रेस मील में मजदूरी करते थे. पिता मशीनों में तेल डालने का काम तो माँ इसी मील में धागा बनाने वाले विभाग में कार्यरत्त थी. इनके माता पिता बहुत ही जीवट एवं मेहनती थे. माता-पिता को 13 सन्तान- 10 लडकिया और तीन लड़के हुए जिनमे से 6 लडकिय और एक लड़का ही जीवित बचा
कौशल्या बैसेंत्री बचपन से ही डॉ अम्बेद्गर के विचारो से प्रभावित थी. उनकी थोड़ी शिक्षा महारष्ट्र की महान सोशलवर्कर जाई बाई चोधरी के स्कूल में हुई. गरीबी और समाजकार्य से जुड़ जाने के कारन आसपास की लडकियो की अपेक्षा इनकी शादी थोड़ी सी देर से हुई. इनकी शादी कोर्ट में बिहार के युवा देवेन्द्र बैसेंत्री से हुई , देवेन्द्र बैसेंत्री भी डॉ अम्बेडकर के समय में छात्र आन्दोलन में सकीय थे. दोनों की पहचान ही आपसी शादी का आधार बनी. पति के साथ रहते हुए कुछ ही समय में आपसी मतभेद होने के कारन इन्हे काफी दिक्कते उठानी पड़ी.
कौशल्या बैसेंत्री घर के काम में न केवल दक्ष थी बल्कि वे कलात्मक प्रवृतिकी थी अत गृहसज्जा में बहुत ही कुशल थी. पढना लिखना, संगीत, पेंटिंग सब उनकी रूचिकर दुनिया का हिस्सा था. महिलाओ के अधिकारों को लेकर भी बहुत सम्वेदनशील थी. वे मुनिरका डी डी ए फ्लैट में रहती थी पास में ही मुनिरका गाव भी था ठीक गाव के पीछे जवाहर लाल नेहरु विश्वविद्यालय भी था. जब भी जेएनयू में कोई प्रोग्रम होता तो उनेह बुलाया जाता था. मुनिरका गाव की महिलाओ के लिए उन्होंने कोशिश की कि वंहा सिलाई सिखाई जाए क्योंकि वो स्वम् सिलाई कढ़ाई जानती थी और इस हुनर के साथ क्राफ्ट काम से महिला उद्यम शुरू हो सकता था. वह जल्द ही बंद हो गया परन्तु ये सब उन संगदिल पुरुषो की वजह से हुआ जो मान कर चलते है कि औरत की जिन्दगी घर की चार दिवारी के पीछे है. बैसंत्री जी ने पहल करके भारतीय महिला जग्रिति परिषद मनाई जिसका उद्देश्य था महिला अधिकारों के साथ साथ दलित महिलाओ को मुख्यधारा के साथ जोड़ना .इस संगठन ने दलित महिलाओ के सवाल मुख्यधारा के महिला आंदोलनों के समक्ष रखे.
कौशल्या बैसेंत्री एक जागरूक नागरिक थी और लोगो को जगाने और उनकी जानकारी बदने के लिए मरठी से अनुदित करके हिंदी में कई लेख लिख कर समाज को दिए उन्होंनेलेखिका उर्मिला पवार की एक कहानी हिंदी में अनुवाद की जो हंस में छपी . पत्रकारिता पर शोधात्मक कार्य कर रहे डॉ श्य्राज सिंह बैचैन को मदद की . अस्पृश्यता पर लेख लिखे. मुक्ताबाई के कामो पर लेख लिखा.वह एक अच्छी सामाजिक कार्य करता थी साथ ही अच्छी इंसान भी.अपनी आत्मकथा दोहरा अभिशाप लिखा जिसमे उन्होंने दलित स्त्रियों की जिजीविषा पर रौशनी डाली
महिलाओ की प्रेरक थी. भारतीय महिला जाग्रति परिषद् में बहुतसी महिलाओ को एकत्र किया और समाज के मुद्दों को उनेह समझती व प्रतिनिधित्व देती . दलित महिलाओ के मुद्दे पर वो अनुसूचित जाति आयोग के अध्यक्ष रामधन से मिली, राष्ट्रपति ज्ञानी जैलसिंह जी से मिली .. उम्र बड़ने और घर में बेटे की बहु और पति से सहयोग न मिलने के कारण मजबूरन उनेह अपनी बेटी सुजाता के घर रहना पड़ा. पति द्वारा घर में जगह और खर्चे की कोताही करने पर पति पर भरण पोषण और घर में रहने की जगह के लिए केस दायर किया जिसमें उनकी बेटी और सबसे छोटे बेटे ने मदद की. कोर्ट से खर्चा मिलने लगा पति की मृत्यु के बाद सबसे छोटा बीटा आतिश बैसेंत्री उनेह अपने साथ मद्रास ले गये. मद्रास में अपने बेटे बहु के साथ रही परन्तु धीरे धीरे उनकी सुनने की शक्ति क्षीण होती गयी और साथ ही याद रखने की क्षमता भी
जीवन के अंतिम दिनों में वो अपने सबसे छोटे बेटे आतिश जिनेह वो बाबा कहती थी के साथ रही और २४ जून 2012 में उन्होंने अपना पार्थिव शारीर छोड़ दिया.
( ये लेख कौशल्या बैसेंत्री की आत्मकथा दोहरा अभिशाप को शिवाजी विश्वविद्यालय , कोल्हापुर में बीए भाग ३ में लगाने के लिए प्रा गोरख बनसोडे के सवालों के जबाब ले लिए लिखा गया है)
उनकी महत्वपूर्ण पुस्तक दोहरा अभिशाप. भूमिका मस्तराम कपूर
प्रकाशक परमेश्वरी प्रकाशन , प्रीत विहार डेल्ही -110 92 मूल्य 140 रूपये
ISBN 978-81-88121-98-
................by Rajni Tilak
Kiruba Munusamy
KIRUBA MUNUSAMY
Kiruba Munusamy is an advocate practicing in the Supreme Court of India. She is a social, political and judicial activist striving for social justice by eliminating all forms of discriminations, oppressions and inequalities in the society.
She is working against various human rights violations in India that includes caste and gender based discriminations, caste based atrocities against Dalits, violence against women, discrimination in the academic spaces, death penalty, state repression and prohibition of the inhuman practice of manual scavenging.
Through her activism she works for the annihilation of caste and supports Dalit women empowerment, indigenous rights, LGBTQI rights, minorities, advancement of disadvantaged groups, and freedom of expression.
She has filed several public interest litigations before the Indian courts of law to bring judicial intervention in the issues of grave violation of human rights and to restore the fundamental rights of the public at large.
Apart from the legal framework, she organizes and conducts awareness campaigns, workshops to bring awareness and educate the downtrodden, sexual minorities (LGBTQI) and dalit women about their fundamental human rights and legal remedies on violation.
She utilizes the power of social media in the digital era and writes both in English and Tamil (her mother tongue) to create a universal awareness about the Indian human rights issues that most of the time involves physical violence, sexual violence and killings; to discuss and debate on the rights of women and minorities, freedom of expression, individual rights of opinion and choice, several other oppressions.
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Posted Jue 7 Jun 2018 - 08:51 | 10,299 views
Women who are also from vulnerable and marginalised communities such as Dalit women in India, face additional and vicious forms of online violence and harassment. In addition their access to justice is tenuous and fraught, adding progressively to the impunity with which caste- and gender-based harassment takes place.
Kirti Bharti
This 29-year-old activist has stopped 900 child marriages in the last four years and annulled 150 marriages involving underage boys and girls. A resident of Rajasthan, Kirti Bharti has dedicated her life to protecting helpless children whose families force them into marriage at a young age. She founded Saarthi Trust in 2012, a non-profit organization that protects victims of child marriages. Over the year, Kirti has received several death threats from villagers, caste councils and local politicians because of the nature of her work and the fact that many in the state still practice honour killings. A 2014 UNICEF report states that 47% of India’s girls are married before the age of 18. This heinous practice, a byproduct of a patriarchal society, has been going on even after the Indian government passed the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act 2006. Kirti is a rehabilitation psychologist and has worked with countless children who have been traumatized due to their childhood experiences.
From Wikipedia
Born : Kriti Chopra
Alma mater Jai Narain Vyas University
Organization Saarthi Trust
Known for Child marriage activism
Kriti Bharti (born August 19, 1987) is an Indian rehabilitation psychologist and children's rights activist. Bharti made headlines as the first annuller of child marriage in India. She is the founder and director of Saarthi Trust, a non-profit organization that primarily rescues and ensures the recovery and welfare of child marriage victims. Bharti's team has annulled more than 41 child marriages and prevented more than 1,400 from occurring.
Early life
Bharti was born on August 19, 1987 in Jodhpur, Rajasthan. Bharti's father abandoned her mother, Indu Chopra, when she was still in her womb. This was considered a disgrace in a conservative environment, and relatives demanded her to abort or to be wed again. Despite the pressure, Bharti's mother persisted and raised the child alone. Her mother also suffered medical complications during her pregnancy and Bharti was born prematurely at seven months.
As a child, Bharti was physically and verbally tortured by relatives who considered her cursed. One went to the extent of giving her a slow poison at 10 years old, and Bharti managed to survive but she was bedridden and paralyzed. She went through several treatments from different hospitals, until she was able to recover two years later, attributing her healing to reiki therapies.
Upon her recovery, she changed her last name to "Bharti" (Daughter of India) in an attempt to free herself from the caste system, religion and kin.
Education
Due to the paralysis, Bharti was unable to finish fourth grade. She managed to accelerate to 10nth grade as she cleared her boards.
Bharti obtained a Doctorate in Psychology at the Jai Narain Vyas University in Jodhpur.
NGOs
At college, Bharti joined many NGOs and started counselling simultaneously. Her first case was a rape victim who was just 9 years old. Barthi thought that a temporary relief via counselling is ultimately pointless. The encounter prompted her to pursue.
Through the NGOs, Bharti was able to work with several street children that suffered from child labour, poverty and child marriage. After seven months, she noticed that a pressing issue among the homeless children is child marriage. Child marriage, although considered illegal in India, remained prevalent, especially in rural areas. Bharti's hometown, Rajasthan, was considered the world's epicenter of child marriage.
A report of the UNICEF in 2009, titled State of the Worlds Children, goes on further to say that 40 percent of the world's child marriages happen in India. The report also stated that 56 percent of the women surveyed in rural areas married before 18 years old.
Saarthi Trust
As Bharti worked with NGOs, she noticed how they were just spreading awareness; while she believed it is essential, it is merely treating the problem at the surface level. Thus, in 2011, driven by her experience with children in NGOs, she established Saarthi Trust. Saarthi Trust works on grassroots level and ensures the rehabilitation and welfare of child marriage victims after rescue. The organization provides education, vocational training and employment opportunities to ensure the independence of the victims thereafter.
In 2012, Bharti made headlines on her first case, Laxmi Sargara. She was the first woman in India to have her child marriage nullified. Since then, Bharti and her team have been working on personally visiting villages and schools to discuss the detrimental effects of child marriage and to teach women empowerment. The organization has a helpline for underage brides and grooms to report their case. As victims reach out, Bharti's team obtains proof of the marriage and then talks to the family of both the bride and bridegroom, and then to the elders of the community in an attempt to convince them. If it fails, Bharti's team seeks legal help and takes the case to the court.
Throughout years of activism, Bharti has faced countless death and rape threats. Hidebound hindu leaders who approve the practice of child marriage have threatened to chop her nose and gang-rape her.
Saarthi Trust has rehabilitated more than 6,000 children and 5,500 women. Since it was established in 2011, Bharti's team has annulled more than 44 child marriages and halted more than 1,400 from happening.
Kancha Ilaiah
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Kancha Ilaiah
Kancha Ilaiah
Born 5 October 1952
Papaiahpet, Warangal, Hyderabad State, India (now in Telangana, India)
Education
Osmania University (M.A. Political Science)
Osmania University (M.Phil Political Science)
Occupation Director, Centre for Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive
Policy (CSSEIP) at Maulana Azad National Urdu University,Hyderabad
Known for Writer and speaker on Indian political thought
Honours Mahatma Jyotirao Phule Award
Nehru Fellow 1994-97Manyawar Kanshiram Smriti Mahanayak Puraskar
Kancha Ilaiah, who now refers to himself symbolically as Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd, (born 5 October 1952) is an Indian political theorist, writer and activist. He writes in both English and Telugu. His main domain of study and activism is the annihilation of caste.
Early life
Professional lifeKancha Ilaiah was born in the village of Papaiahpet, Warangal Urban district in erstwhile Hyderabad State. His family belonged to the sheep-grazing Kuruma Golla caste, a community designated by the Government of India as an Other Backward Class. Ilaiah credited his mother, Kancha Kattamma, as pivotal in shaping his political thought.[4] According to Ilaiah, she was at the forefront of the Kurumas' struggle against the forest guards' discriminatory behaviour. Kancha Kattamma was killed during a violent confrontation while protesting against police brutality.
Ilaiah received an M.A. degree in political science and an M.Phil., awarded for his study of land reform in undivided Andhra Pradesh.[1] He has been a recipient of the Mahatma Jyotirao Phule Award and was a Nehru Fellow between 1994-97.
Ilaiah earned a Ph.D on the basis of his work exploring the political dimension of Buddhism, culminating in God as Political Philosopher - Buddha's Challenge to Brahminism.
Ilaiah has encouraged proficiency in the English language for Dalits, arguing that it would allow Dalits in India to intellectually engage the world outside India without non-Dalits speaking "for them". In May 2016, in protest against "Brahmanic hegemony" he says continues to persist in India, Ilaiah appended "Shepherd" to his name. Ilaiah identified in this choice recognition and reaffirmation of his family origins. As an English-language proper noun rather than its equivalent in an Indian language, "Shepherd" is meant to demonstrate a symbolic break with the cultural norms Ilaiah believed Brahmins sought to "impose" on Indian society. Ilaiah characterises his name change as a tool to break these norms and to value the work of what he terms "productive classes:" including Scheduled Castes and OBCs
As an anti-caste activist, Ilaiah is often misidentified by the media as being a Dalit himself. Ilaiah identifies himself as a Sudra intellectual.
Currently, Ilaiah is serving as director of the Centre for Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy at Maulana Azad National Urdu University (MANUU) in Hyderabad.
Criticism
While working as an associate professor in the Department of Political Science at Osmania University, several of Ilaiah's colleagues as well as academics affiliated with the university expressed, in an open-letter, their concern with respect to certain articles and opinions Ilaiah had contributed to a local newspaper and advised him against writing material that could inflame sectarian discontent or prejudice.
In February 2013, at the Jaipur Literary Festival, Ilaiah and Javed Akhtar engaged in a heated discussion over the implications of religion in Indian social life.
Ilaiah has also been criticised by right wing Hindutva activists for accepting the Aryan invasion theory. In November 2015, Ilaiah stated that if Vallabhbhai Patel, the first Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of India credited with forging national unity amidst the intense violence and bloodletting that followed the creation of Pakistan, had been Prime Minister of India, India "would have become Pakistan".
In April 2016, Ilaiah gave a controversial remark that vegetarianism is anti-nationalism. On 18 September 2017, T. G. Venkatesh, a member of Indian Parliament representing the Telugu Desam Party and a prominent leader of the Arya Vysya said at a press conference that Ilaiah was a traitor and should be hanged.
Appointments
Among Ilaiah's official appointments have been:
Director, Centre for Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy (CSSEIP) at Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad
Member of National Research Committee constituted by the Ministry of Social Justice, New Delhi
Member – Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR), New Delhi
Former Member of the National Book Trust, Ministry of Human Resources Development, Government of India, New Delhi for three years
Member of the Planning Commission Sub Committee to formulate an agenda for land reforms for the XI Five Year Plan
Member of the UGC Constitutional Committee to oversee the implementation of OBC reservations in all Central and State universities in India
Former member of the Executive Council of Periyar Maniammai University (Tamil Nadu)
Kalicharan Brahma
Kalicharan Brahma (Bodo: कालिचरन ब्रह्म 1860–1938), originally Kalicharan Mech, was a 20th-century social and religious reformer of Bodo society. He joined a new religion called Brahmo Dharma / Brahmoism Adi Brahmo Samaj faction in Calcutta around 1906, and he is reverentially called Gurudev or Guru Brahma by Bodo people of lower plains of Assam along Brahmaputra river. Other great Assamese Brahmos of the time include Gunabhiram Barua and Swarnalata Devi of the same faction, all of whom agitated against Colonialist Imperialism of any kind. The followers of this group are locally known as Brahmas in tribute to their religion and the holy river of which they are sons. He was the founder of Boro Satra Sanmilanni (All Bodo Students Union).
Early life
Kalicharan was born on 18 April 1860, at Kajigaon village in Dhubri district, Assam state of India. His father was Khoularam Mech and mother was Randini Mech. Khoularam was a timber merchant and one of the rich person of the those days, as Kalicharan grew up he became intelligent, honest and thoughtful. He became a great religious preacher of Brahma faith and brought over revolutionary changes in Bodo society by his continuous and sustained programme of reformation against the prevailing Bathou worship. All the educated and enlightened section of the Bodo community including Rup Nath Brahma lent their all-round efforts in his reformatory programme, religious propagation through spread of education and political activism."
Education
His pre-primary education in his home with a private tutor Birnarayan Mech. Later he joint in Tipkai primary school. After passing the primary school he joined in Puthimari M. V. School. But when he got in class five his father was dead . Kalicharan had to come back to home although he did not want to give up the school.
Work
By the end of the 19th century and the early part of the 20th century, the Bodo Society was also suffering from religious, moral and political degradation. The young Kalicharan Brahma could perceive the deplorable condition of the Bodos who were"bogged down with evil social practices" due to which the other commitments despised them. The Bodos who were one of the original inhabitants of the Brahmaputra valley were going through an identity crisis like the other marginalised indigenous Assamese communities. They had developed an inferiority complex. They were rapidly relinquishing their customs and traditions. The Bodo Society was disintegrating with the increase in the number of conversion to other religions. Many educated and affluent Bodos had begun to see their traditional beliefs and customs as stumbling blocks to modernization and human achievement.
Kalicharan realized that the Bodo Society would have to be reformed. "He was filled with anguish and regret to see that the Bodos, although being followers of the Bathou religion were so only on a very superficial level.They showed little inclination in obeying the principle or guidelines set down by the religion. The worship of many gods and goddesses, whose number were only on the increase, was a clear indication that the people had moved away from their faith." They had become addicted to jou, Rice beer and developed bad social habits. The various social evils were sapping the vitality of the Bodo Society.
Kalicharan felt that the identity and unity of the people could be preserved only though a change in their Society and religion. In 1905, he came across the Sarnitya Kriya written by Mohini Mohan Chattopadhay. The book contained the teaching of Swami Sibnarayan Paramahansa. Kalicharan became convinced that the adoption of the Brahma religion would be able to guide the Bodos towards progress and development and put a stop to the religious conversions. Thus at the age of 39, he got ordained into the folds of Brahmaism by Swami Sibnarayan at his residence in Kolkata. He returned to his native village with a determination to spread the religion among the Bodos. According to Bidyasagar Narzary and Malabika Mitra's Journey Towards Enlightenment " The basic ideology of Brahmaism on which the religion was based was that there was only one God. In Brahma religion this God is worshipped in the form of fire is of primordial importance". "Fire is Brahma and Brahma gives life to the entire Earth and all its beings. Brahma is Universal, endless and all encompassing. Where there is Brahma, there can be found Satya or Truth."
https://en.linkfang.org/wiki/Kalicharan_Brahma
K. V. Rabiya
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Rabiya receives the 1993 National Youth Award from the Prime Minister of India Narasimha Rao
Kariveppil Rabiya (born 1966) is a physically challenged social worker from Vellilakkadu, Malappuram, Kerala in India who rose to prominence through her role in the Kerala State Literacy Campaign in Malappuram district in 1990. Her efforts were recognised at a national level by the Government of India on multiple occasions. In 1994, the Ministry of Human Resource Development of the Government of India had awarded her the National Youth Award for her contributions to society. In January 2001, she was awarded the first Kannagi Sthree Sakthi Puraskar award for the year 1999 for her contribution to upliftment and empowerment of women. She was awarded India's fourth highest civilian award Padma Shri in January 2022.
Beginnings
Born on 25 February 1966 to a poor Mappila family in a remote village, Vellilakkadu, in the district of Malappuram in Kerala as the daughter of a smalltime ration shopowner, Rabiya did her initial studies at Tirurangadi High School before pursuing her graduation at the PSMO College, Tirurangadi. At the young age of 17, while in her first year at college, her legs were crippled by polio. She was forced to stop her studies since she could only move with the help of a wheel chair.
Literacy campaign
In June 1990, she began a campaign for adult literacy for illiterate people of all ages near her locality. Within six months, virtually the entire illiterate population of Tirurangadi was in her class. Though her work deteriorated her physical condition, she moved forward, garnering support from both the public at large and the authorities. In June 1992, state authorities and officials visited her classroom and were surprised to see a child of 8 studying alongside an 80-year-old woman. Upon receiving her complaints about the lack of basic infrastructure at her village, the District Collector sanctioned roads, electricity, telephone and water connection for her village. The one-and-a-half km road was aptly named Akshara (word) Road.
She later started a volunteer organisation, Chalanam (motion), and continues to serve as its President. It runs six schools for the physically disabled and for mentally retarded children. The organisation also promotes health awareness, and runs schools, health clubs, continuing education programmes, training for women, and rehabilitation of the physically disabled. Its activities also include inspiring public awareness against alcoholism, dowry, family feuds, superstition and communalism. It also established small-scale manufacturing unit for women, a women's library and a youth club in the educationally backward village of Vellilakkadu. Her efforts played an important part in eliminating illiteracy in Kerala.
She also involved herself in the "Akshaya: Bridging the Digital Divide" project that made 'Malappuram the first E-Literate district in India.
Personal struggles
After the polio about paralysed her below the waist, she continued to move around in a wheelchair. But a few years later in 2000, she was diagnosed with cancer making things much more difficult for her. She successfully underwent chemotherapy at Amala Hospital, Thrissur. While at the hospital, she counselled other patients and instilled hope in them for their future.[8]
In 2002, she went for the Haj pilgrimage to Mecca and performed the Hajj, fulfilling her longtime dream.
By 2004, she had returned to her work, but another tragedy struck her. She slipped on the floor of her bathroom breaking her spinal vertebral column, bringing her movements to a virtual halt. She was partially paralysed below the neck. Later, due to the non-functioning of muscles, she had to resign to a life with urine bag. As she lay on the waterbed, trying to cope up with the pain and inability, she started writing her memories on pages of notebooks using colour pencil. Despite the odds, she still continues her work alongside 100 other volunteers at Chalanam with continued determination.
The different challenges to her health played havoc with not only the family's psyche but also their finances. To secure finances for her treatment, she wrote her memories painstakingly lying on the bed, word by word, and completed the book – Mouna Nombarangal.
Recognition
Her autobiography, Swapnangalkku Chirakukalundu (Dreams have wings) was released in April 2009. Sukumar Azhikode hailed it as comparable to some of the greatest biographies in history. An earlier collection of her memoirs Mouna Nombarangal (Silent Tears) had been released by the Chief Minister of Kerala V. S. Achuthanandan on 26 October 2006. She has also authored 3 other books. She uses the royalty from the book for her medical expenses.
Her achievements despite her physical disabilities made her an icon of the literacy campaign of the 1990s in Kerala. A biographic film entitled "Rabiya Moves", was made by director Ali Akbar and was noted for its motivational content and translated into 14 languages. Various publications across the world have written more than a 100 articles on her work.
Her first national recognition came in 1994 when she won the National Youth Award from the Ministry of Human Resource Development of the Government of India. She won the Padma Shri on 25th January 2022, on the eve of 73rd Republic Day of India.She was the first recipient of Kannaki Sthree Sakthi Award in 2000 instituted by the Child Welfare Department of the Government of India. She also won the Youth Volunteer against Poverty, jointly instituted by the Government of India Central Youth Affairs Ministry and UNDP in 2000. The Junior Chamber International selected her for the Ten Outstanding Young Indians award in 1999. Other awards include Nehru Yuva Kendra Award, Bajaj Trust Award, Ramasramam Award, the State Literacy Samiti Award,[6] the Seethi Sahib Smaraka award (2010), the Joseph Mundassery Award for Outstanding social work (2010) and the Dr. Mary Verghese Award for Excellence in Empowering Ability (2013).
Quotes
A devout Muslim, Rabiya devotes a lot of her time reading the Quran and ascribes the credit for her success to God.
He is the sole source of my energy, and I am bound to work for the awards in the life hereafter.
Among her students were her mother and grandmother. The situation thrilled her:
It was a great pleasure to see many people in their 60s and 70s coming to the class with slates and pencils, ... I was really thrilled when my grandma called me a teacher.
On another occasion she was quoted:
My advice is when you lose a leg, you'll stand on the other, And when you lose both legs, you have your hands. When fate chops them off too, you will live on the strength of your brains.
Governor of Kerala R.L. Bhatia wrote to her after reading excerpts in English from her forthcoming autobiography:
Your dedicated service reminds me of the words of former US President Franklin D. Roosevelt that‚ 'the only thing we have to fear is fear itself'.
Krishnammal Jagannathan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Krishnammal Jagannathan
Krishnammal and Sankaralingam Jagannathan
Born 16 June 1926 (age 94)
Occupation social activist
Spouse(s) Sankaralingam (deceased)
Awards Right Livelihood Award
Krishnammal Jagannathan (born 16 June 1926) is a social service activist from the Indian state of Tamil Nadu. She and her husband, Sankaralingam Jagannathan (1912 – 12 February 2013), protested against social injustice and they are Gandhian activists. Her work includes upliftment of the landless, and the poor; she has sometimes fought against governments as well as big industries. She was earlier involved in the Indian independence movement, along with her husband, and was also a close associate of Vinoba Bhave. She has received several awards, namely in 2008 the Right Livelihood Award, which she shared with her husband. She was given the Padma Bhushan India's third highest civilian award in 2020.
Early life
Jagannathan was born into a devendrakulam family in 1926. Her first encounter with social injustice and poverty was her observing her mother Nagammal who had to toil very hard and had to work even when she was in the advanced stages of pregnancy. Despite being from a poor family, she managed to get a university education and was soon involved with the Gandhian Sarvodaya Movement. It was through Sarvodaya that she met Sankaralingam, who was much later to be her husband. Sankaralingam hailed from a wealthy family, yet gave up his college studies in 1930 in response to Gandhi's call for non-co-operation movement and civil disobedience. Krishnammal shared a stage with Mahatma Gandhi and also met Martin Luther King Jr. Sankaralinga later joined the Quit India Movement in 1942 and spent years in jail before India gained its independence in 1947. Having decided only to marry in independent India Sankaralingam and Krishnammal married in 1950. She would later head the Salt Satyagraha march in Vedaranyam, this time not in protest, but to commemorate the platinum jubilee of the event in 2006.
Land to the landless
Sankaralingam and Krishnammal believed that one of the key requirements for achieving a Gandhian society is by empowering the rural poor through redistribution of land to the landless. For two years between 1950 and 1952 Sankaralingam was with Vinoba Bhave in Northern India on his Bhoodan (land-gift) Padayatra (pilgrimage on foot), the march appealing to landlords to give one sixth of their land to the landless. Meanwhile, Krishnammal completed her teacher-training course in Madras (now renamed Chennai). When Sankaralingam returned to Tamil Nadu to start the Bhoodhan movement the couple, until 1968, worked for land redistribution through Vinoba Bhave's Gramdan movement (Village Gift, the next phase of the land-gift movement), and through Satyagraha (non-violent resistance). Sankaralingam was imprisoned many times for this work. Between 1953 and 1967, the couple played an active role in the Bhoodhan movement spearheaded by Vinoba Bhave, through which about 4 million acres (16,000 km2) of land were distributed to thousands of landless poor across several Indian states. After the burning of 42 Dalits including women and children in the Kilvenmani massacre in Nagapattinam district following a wage-dispute with the landlord in 1968, the couple started to work in Thanjavur District in Tamil Nadu to concentrate on land reform issues. It was this incident that would inspire the couple, Krishnammal and Sankaralaingam to start the organisation LAFTI.
Land for Tillers' Freedom (LAFTI)
Jagannathan founded Land for Tillers' Freedom in 1981 with her husband. The purpose of the organisation was to bring "the landlords and landless poor to the negotiating table, obtain loans to enable the landless to buy land at reasonable price and then to help them work it cooperatively, so that the loans could be repaid". Although the initial response was lukewarm with banks unwilling to lend and the high rates of stamp duty, Jagannathan managed to go on with the cause. By 2007, through LAFTI, she had transferred 13,000 acres (53 km2) to about 13,000 families. Through LAFTI, she also conducted workshops to allow people, during the nonagricultural season, to support themselves through entrepreneurial efforts like mat weaving, tailoring, plumbing, carpentry, masonry, computer education and electronics. LAFTI would gain such popularity that later even the Government of India would implement LAFTI's approach to increase the peaceful transfer of land.
Protecting the coastal ecosystem
In 1992 Jagannathan started working on issues concerned with prawn farms along the coast of Tamil Nadu. This time the problems were not from the local landlords, but from large industries from cities such as Chennai, Mumbai, Kolkata, Delhi and Hyderabad which occupied large areas of land for aquaculture along the coast, which not only threw the landless labourers out of employment but also converted fertile and cultivable land into salty deserts after a few years when the prawn companies moved on. The prawn farms also caused heavy seepage of seawater into the groundwater in the neighbourhood, thus the local people were deprived of clean drinking water resources. The result is that even more small farmers sell their meagre land-holdings to multinational prawn companies and move to the cities, filling urban slums.
To address prawn farm issue the Jagannathans organised the whole of LAFTI's village movement to raise awareness among the people to oppose the prawn farms. Since 1993, the villagers have offered Satygraha (non-violent resistance), through rallies, fasts, and demonstrations in protest of establishing the prawn farms. They have been beaten up by hired goons, their houses have been burnt, and LAFTI workers have been imprisoned, because of false accusations of looting and arson. Undeterred by this, Jagannathan filed a 'public interest petition' in the Indian Supreme Court, which in turn asked NEERI (National Environmental Engineering Institute of India) to investigate the matter. NEERI's investigation report highlighted the environmental cost of the prawn farms to the nation and recommended all prawn farms within 500 meters of the coast to be banned. In December 1996 the Supreme Court issued a ruling against intensive shrimp farming in cultivable lands within 500 meters of the coastal area. It is said that because of the prawn farmers' local political influence, the Supreme Court judgement was not implemented on the ground. The legal battle around the prawn farms is still not resolved and the Jagannathans continue their struggle to establish non-exploitative, eco-friendly communities in the coastal areas of Tamil Nadu.
Jagannathan also works towards upliftment of women in Dalits and poor. She believes in mobilising women's cause by peaceful means.
Further achievements and honours
Jagannathan, either independently or together with her husband, has established a total of seven non-governmental institutions for the poor. In addition to this she has also played an active role in wider public life. She has been a Senate member of the Gandhigram Trust and University and of Madurai University. She was also a member of a number of local and state social welfare committees and a member of the National Committee on Education, the Land Reform Committee and the Planning Committee.
These activities have gained for the Jagannathans a high profile in India and they have won many awards: the Swami Pranavananda Peace Award (1987); the Jamnalal Bajaj Award (1988) and Padma Shri in 1989. In 1996 the couple received the Bhagavan Mahaveer Award "for propagating non-violence." In 1999 Krishnammal was awarded a Summit Foundation Award (Switzerland), and in 2008 she was awarded 'Opus Prize' by the University of Seattle. She also received the Right Livelihood Award along with her husband "for two long lifetimes of work dedicated to realising in practice the Gandhian vision of social justice and sustainable human development, for which they have been referred to as 'India's soul'". She is lovingly called as Amma (Mother in Tamil) by her followers. She plans to use the award money for her projects rather than for herself. Inspired by Amma's contribution of enabling more than 11000 poor and landless women to become landowners, a M.Phil research dissertation is dedicated to Amma. The dissertation is titled as Aspects of Agrarian History of Tamilakam:Region, Women and Technology during 16th and 17th centuries AD, submitted to Department of History, University of Hyderabad in 2009.
Kalekuri Prasad
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Kalekuri Prasad
Born 25 October 1962
Kanchikacherla village, Krishna district, Andhra Pradesh
Died 17 May 2013 (aged 50)
Occupation poet, writer
Kalekuri Prasad (25 October 1964 – 17 May 2013) was a Telugu poet, writer, Dalit revolutionary activist and literary critic of Telugu literature. Shambhuka in the Treta Yuga
Twenty two years ago, my name was Kanchikacherla Kotesu
My place of birth is Kilvenmani, Karamchedu, Neerukonda
Now Chunduru is the name that cold-blooded feudal brutality
Has tattooed on my heart with ploughshares
From now on, Chunduru is not a noun but a pronoun
Now every heart is a Chunduru, a burning tumour
I am the wound of multitudes, the multitude of wounds
For generations, an unfree individual in a free country
Having been the target
Of humiliations, atrocities, rapes and torture
I am someone raising his head for a fistful of self-respect
In this nation of casteist bigots blinded by wealth
I am someone who lives to register life itself as a protest
I am someone who dies repeatedly to live
Don't call me a victim
I am an immortal, I am an immortal, I am an immortal*
alekuri Prasad burst upon the Telugu literary world like a meteor a couple of decades ago. There would be at least one line of his in every song in the Jana Natya Mandali's (the cultural wing of the People's War Group which was later merged into the CPI (Maoist) party) repertoire in its early days. According to Dappu Prakash, Prasad had written, directly or indirectly, hundreds of songs in those days. There were many among them which attained great popularity. Whatever Prasad spoke seemed like poetry, therefore there would always be a crowd of people around him, eager to listen to him.
He was one of the speakers on the occasion of the release my first book, 'Dalit Awaaz', at the Hyderabad Press Club. The function should have ended at 9 pm, but Prasad arrived at 8.45. Those who were planning to leave sat down again. He spoke for around 40 minutes, and no one moved. The Press Club employees who had come over to warn us to wind up the meeting also stayed to listen. He wrote a book review for the book on the following day, which was published in 'Vaartha' daily on 27 March, 2011. Even though his review was on the same book as his speech a day earlier, there was no similarity between the two in vocabulary or style – such was his command on Telugu.
He translated around seventy books (from English) into Telugu. He was the one who introduced international revolutionaries like Che Guevara to the Telugu readers. He was the one who translated important books like Swami Dharma Theertha's "The Menace of Hindu Imperialism" and Arundhati Roy's "The God of Small Things" into Telugu. His translation of Abdul Kalam's book was commissioned by a well known educationist in the state who later published it in his own name. He had translated, unacknowledged, hundreds of books in a similar manner during his lifetime.
I had once told him that I would write an essay on him, if he died, calling him 'Kalekuri Prasad, Dalit bairagi philosopher'. I asked him whether he liked the title. He replied quite calmly that he liked it. Even when I tried to probe him repeatedly, to provoke some reaction, he just smiled and said 'Your article's title matches your writing capabilities'. But I didn't want to slot Kalekuri Prasad into any particular category so I did not use that title for this article. He was unique, Kalekuri Prasad stood for Kalekuri Prasad.
Death did not scare Kalekuri Prasad, nor did life for that matter. He mocked at life, his conduct was such that it was an incomprehensible enigma to many progressive intellectuals, leaders, poets, critics who espoused revolutionary ideals in public and stuck to traditional religiosity in their private lives. He was a snake in the backyard of those dominant caste revolutionaries whose practice didn't match their preaching.
For a man with integrity to give up faith in life only one core belief of his needs to be proven wrong. But Kalekuri Prasad was betrayed thrice. First, when he was surrounded by charlatans masquerading as revolutionaries; second, when a lover pretended to be a lover as part of a political ploy; third, when faced with a dishonest Dalit leadership. Kalekuri was pushed towards alcohol and was branded as an alcoholic by the same three categories of people listed above. Kalekuri's alcoholism destroyed his health and dented his friends' purses – those were the two not so major losses that were the result of it. But the real major loss to society was that it lost an honest intellectual. More than the loss due to his drinking, the loss caused by the canards spread about his alcoholism was greater.
He stood as an individual who refused to be co-opted by the establishment: though branded as an alcoholic, Kalekuri Prasad was an upright thinker, poet, writer, critic and a romantic. He was not a postmodernist, never a person without an agenda. He was a bairagi philosopher who craved for an uncorrupted world in which everyone lived with equity and wholesome cultural values. A true Buddhist monk who had nothing of his own, a real communist, a full-time social activist. Like the eminent Dalit revolutionary thinker K. G. Satyamurthy, who was one of the founders of the People's War Group, Kalekuri Prasad too was a guile-less individual who never hid anything. There are many other similarities between them; to be honest, neither had any personal life of their own. They were both two great common men who were totally dedicated to society.
kalekuri 33
Kalekuri Prasad never attempted to push under the mask of privacy all those issues – marriage, sex, belongings, even his writing, name and honours – that people normally consider very private. He was a rare individual who was willing to share anything, at any moment of time, with anyone.
There was a plot, there was caste behind the efforts to turn Kalekuri Prasad into a drunk, and project him as such. From the time he started drinking, there was never a day when he didn't drink, but even then there was never an occasion on which he passed out, until the day he died. Whether he was drunk or not, he could always speak the truth with the same lucidity and honesty. If he had drunk as much as he was slandered to have drunk he couldn't have lasted the last two decades of his life. There are many more writers and intellectuals around us who drink much more. He had to face more badmouthing than he deserved.
He lived a nomad's life; someone who has nothing owns the whole world. Someone who doesn't draw a line between himself and the world in the name of family starts to view the whole world as his kin. That's exactly how he lived and died. He died on May 17, 2013, in Ambedkar Bhavan, Ongole. He never lived with his family. If he suffered from stark poverty on one day, he stayed in a five star hotel on the next. If he traveled in a truck on one day, he flew in a plane on the next. Whatever luxury or privation that came his way never influenced his inner personality. There would be no change in his conduct. There were days in his life when he slept on the pavement outside the Ambedkar Bhavan on Lower Tank Bund or the Prajashakti book store in Hyderabad. Though he came from a family of means and his relatives were quite willing to find opportunities to improve his financial condition, he chose to remain with his friends, and the poor who surrounded him all through his life.
He would talk with intellectuals the same way he would with the uneducated poor, with women the same way as he would with men, with the elderly the same way as he would with the young. A person's social or economic status never influenced Kalekuri Prasad – he would pay the same respect to everyone. Treating everyone equally was a great humanitarian value that he practiced more consistently than anyone else.
He had great love for people; whether he knew them or not he would interact with all with the same respect and affability. If someone came to him with a problem, the moment he understood it, it became his problem. He would explore all the options available to him to solve it, immerse himself totally in it, and would not rest until he resolved it.
Usually people are repelled by those who profess high sounding principles but never practice them in their own personal lives. But Kalekuri was different; he would not scorn them but would only offer gentle criticism. That criticism would also incorporate suggestions for improvement. Therefore, most people regarded his criticism as useful and no one was ever angered by it, but welcomed it to an extent.
I got to know Kalekuri Prasad very late. He had visited our home in Champapet, Hyderabad, in May 2005, along with Venkateshwarlu (of Tenali). He stayed with us until November of that year, going out only occasionally on brief visits. My brother Battula Prakash, a social activist, also stayed in that room. K. G. Satyamurthy would also visit us often. The only little problem we faced with Prasad was of increased expenses.
We used to discuss a lot of issues, but I remember one debate on inter-caste marriage that I had started in which Kalekuri Prasad participated seriously. From the Champapet Chowrasta to our room in East Marutinagar, Prasad expounded at length on how inter-caste marriages should be. He felt that inter-caste marriages should lead to a sense of kinship between hundreds of families related to the groom and the bride, but instead they engendered enmity between those two groups. Even those families which considered themselves progressive were not an exception to this trend, he said.
In May 2009, after staying for a mere two months at his sister's home, he returned saying he could not live there. My brother and Prasad's sister had planned to get him treated for alcohol addiction, but he opposed the idea when he got wind of it and returned to Hyderabad. However, my brother and his friends, Siddeshwar and Narender, managed to get him to stay in a hotel in Warangal from July 2009 till December 2009 and got him treated for some ailment there. But suspecting that they were trying to get him treated for addiction without his consent, Prasad jumped from his hotel room. The truth was he was not being treated for addiction. His leg was broken, and after it was healed he returned to his native village, Kanchikacherla. Since then, he had spent all of his time, until his death, in either Kanchikacherla or in Ongole, with his friend Palnati Sriramulu and others. His visits to Hyderabad were also very few and brief.
Writing was never so difficult – and there is so much to write about Kalekuri Prasad, how can one say it all in one article? One could write volumes about Kalekuri Prasad's poetry, songs, literature, criticism, essays and translations etc., and one could write much more about his personality, social consciousness and personal conduct. Fortunately, Kalekuri Prasad was born in an 'untouchable' caste, therefore he became an intellectual who was so accessible to the poor, the oppressed and the Dalits. Had he been born in any dominant caste he would not have remained so close to the common folk, he would have become a memorial lecture in some department in one or another university. Now there's no such danger, he will remain alive among the people.
kalekuri 11
There is a need to bring all his writing into print but because of his caste no university would take up this task. He voiced no such desire either, but because of the significance of his writing, those working in the Dalit, left and revolutionary politics should definitely make an effort to realize this objective. We should not attempt it for his sake but for our own needs. As a part of that exercise Ravichandran, a Dalit rights activist, interviewed Prasad on his life and literature and uploaded it on Dalit Camera.
Life
Kalekuri Prasad was born in Kanchikacherla village, Krishna district, Andhra Pradesh. He played an important role in Dalit literature and Dalit activism in Andhra Pradesh with his writing, songs, and speeches.
Dalit movement in Andhra Pradesh
Prasad worked in Jananatyamandali, Virsam, and former member of Peoples War Group. He actively participated in the Dalit movement at the time of the Chundur Massacre/Tsundur massacre (1991), Karamchedu massacre (17 July 1985), along with Bojja Tharakam, K.G. Satyamurthi, and others. He participated in the World Conference against Racism 2001, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Tolerance (WCAR), which was organised by the United Nations in Durban from 31 August to 8 September.
Works
Prasad's songs have been used in many films. He edited magazines. He translated 70 books from English to Telugu including The God of Small Things by Arundhati Roy. He wrote in Telugu "Andhra Predesh lo Dalitulu".
Death
Kalekuri Prasad died on 17 May 2013 at Ongole, Ambedkar Bhavan.
Songs
Karma bhumilo pusina o puvva
Bhumiki pachani rangesinattlu
Chinni Chinni Asalanni
Dr. Khubchand Baghel
छत्तीसगढ़ राज्य के स्वप्नदृष्टा डॉ. खूबचंद बघेल
सम्पूर्ण जीवन समाज और कृषकों के कल्याण तथा विभिन्न रचनात्मक कार्यो के लिए समर्पित डॉ. खूबचंद बघेल
डॉ. खूबचंद बघेल का सम्पूर्ण जीवन समाज और कृषकों के कल्याण तथा विभिन्न रचनात्मक कार्यो के लिए समर्पित था । आपका जन्म रायपुर जिले के पथरी ग्राम में 19 जुलाई 1900 को हुआ था । पिता का नाम जुड़ावन प्रसाद तथा माता का नाम केकती बाई था । आपकी प्रारंभिक शिक्षा गांव में तथा हाईस्कूल की पढ़ाई रायपुर में हुई । 1925 में नागपुर से चिकित्सा परीक्षा उत्तीर्ण करने के पश्चात् असिस्टेंट मेडिकल आफिसर के रुप में कार्यरत रहे ।
नागपुर में अध्ययन के समय से आप राष्ट्रीय विचारधारा से प्रभावित होकर राष्ट्रीय आंदोलन में सक्रिय भागीदारी करने लगे । महात्मा गांधी से प्रभावित होकर गांव-गांव में घूमकर असहयोग आंदोलन का प्रचार किया । 1930 में नमक सत्याग्रह के दौरान शासकीय नौकरी छोड़कर आन्दोलन में शामिल हो गए । 1940 के व्यक्तिगत सत्याग्रह में तीसरी बार जेल गए । 1942 में भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन में आपको फिर ढाई वर्ष की कठोर कैद हुई । 1951 में कांग्रेस मतभेद की वजह से आचार्य कृपलानी की किसान मजदूर पार्टी में शामिल हो गए ।
आप 1951 में विधानसभा के लिए निर्वाचित हुए और 1962 तक सदस्य रहे । 1967 में आप राज्यसभा के लिए चुने गए । व्यवसाय से चिकित्सक होने के बावजूद आप कृषि और कृषकों की उन्नति के लिए निरंतर प्रयासरत रहे । आप छत्तीसगढ़ के अनेक आदिवासी-किसान आंदोलनों के प्रेरणा स्रोत एवं नेतृत्वकर्ता थे । आपने कृषि को उद्योग के समकक्ष विकसित करने की दिशा में अभूतपूर्व प्रयास किया । पृथक छत्तीसगढ़ राज्य के लिए, जन जागृत करने की दिशा में आप लगातार संलग्न रहे ।
साहित्य सृजन, लोकमंचीय प्रस्तुति तथा बोल-चाल में आप छत्तीसगढ़ी के पक्षधर थे । इन उद्देश्यों को पूरा करने के लिए आपने 1967 में रायपुर में छत्तीसगढ़ भ्रातृसंघ नामक संस्था का गठन किया । 22 फरवरी 1969 को आपका देहावसान हो गया । छत्तीसगढ़ शासन ने उनकी स्मृति में कृषि के क्षेत्र में महत्वपूर्ण उपलब्धि एवं अनुसंधान को प्रोत्साहित करने के लिए डॉ. खूबचंद बघेल सम्मान स्थापित किया है
Karem Shivaji
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Karem Sivaji
Born 25 December 1978
Nationality Indian
Occupation CHAIRMAN SC,ST COMMISSION
Government of Andhra PradeshDalit Social activist & Founder of Mala Mahanadu and National president
Spouse(s) Rajeswari
Children Raviteja, Kiran Mohan, Laxmi Bhavani
Parent(s) Karem Mohan Rao (late),Sarojini
Karem Sivaji (born 25 December 1978) is the founder and national president of Mala Mahanadu, He is the leading voice of the Mala community.He is the prominent face of Mala community voicing the community's stand in Print and Electronic Media. He is appointed as the first chairman of Sc,St Commission of the divided Andhra state under the Honourable Chief minister Sri Nara Chandrababu Naidu garu.
Background
Mr.Sivaji is from West Godavari district, India which has a sizeable population of Mala (caste). He played a prominent role in Mala Mahanadu and rose to level of national president. He is a strong Opponent of Categorization of Scheduled Castes. Mala Mahanadu was united when it was under P.V Rao but after his death it was divided owing to the differences among the top leaders. Karem alleges that Jupudi was the stooge of Congress and his stir was aimed at diluting the Mala's agitation.
Social activism
Karem Sivaji has undertaken many hunger strikes to put pressure on Government to stop SC categorization. Mala mahanadu activists under his leadership staged dharnas before the Collectorates climbed Cell phone towers, attempted suicides to show their resistance to SC Categorization. Karem was arrested on many occasions for doing such things.
Shivaji believed in Chiru's social justice and has supported PRP during 2009 elections. However he is politically active unlike his rival Jupudi who is now in YSR Congress Party. He is also in favour of bifurcation of state as it would make Mala's a key social group in Coastal Andhra region and the division will make SCs strong contenders for CM's post in both states.
Kisan Faguji Bansod
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Kisan Faguji Bansod (Marathi: किसन फागुजी बनसोड, 1879–1946) was a leader of Dalit movement in pre-independence India.
Jalsa of Kisan Faguji Bansod
Bansod was born on 18 February 1879 in a Mahar family at Mohapa village near Nagpur. Influenced by the Bhakti cult, he was a proponent of upliftment of dalits within the fold of Hinduism. He was an advocate of education for dalit boys and girls. Therefore, he established one Chokhamela girls' school at Nagpur. He was also aware of importance of the press to create awareness among the dalit community. He started his own press in 1910 and published the journals Nirashrit Hind Nagarik, Vital Vidhwansak, Majur Patrika, and Chokhamela. He was one of the secretaries of All India Depressed Classes Conference held at Nagpur in 1920.
Bansod was influenced by the works of Brahmo Samaj and Prarthana Samaj. He attended the annual function of Prarthana Samaj in 1905 at Mumbai. He was also associated with Vitthal Ramji Shinde, founder of Depressed Classes Mission. Though he was a supporter of theory of Aryan conquest and enslavement of dalits, contrary to Dr. Ambedkar, he was in favour of reforms in Hinduism rather than conversion out of it.
He died on 10 October 1946 at Nagpur.
K. Balagopal
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Kandalla Balagopal
Born 10 June 1952
Died 8 October 2009 (aged 57)
Movement Civil Liberties, Human Rights
Kandalla Balagopal (Telugu: కందాళ్ల బాలగోపాల్) (10 June 1952 – 8 October 2009) was an uncompromising human rights activist, mathematician and lawyer who was known for his work on the issue of civil liberties and human rights. He was a staunch civil liberties activist in Andhra Pradesh. He had broken away from the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee (APCLC), with which he was associated since its inception in ‘80’s, on the issue of violence perpetrated by the erstwhile CPI-ML Peoples War. He was a prolific writer on people’s issues and had recently written about the developments on the Maoist front in west Bengal.
Early life
K. Balagopal was the fifth child of middle class Telugu Brahmin couple Kandalla Parthanatha Sarma and Nagamani. His father’s job in the insurance sector entailed frequent transfers and Balagopal’s education was in several towns of AP, from Nellore to Vizianagaram. After Pre-University education in Kavali and BSc in Tirupati, he took an MSc and PhD in Mathematics from the Regional Engineering College in Warangal before proceeding to Delhi for a post-doctoral at the Indian Statistical Institute. He returned to Warangal in 1981, where he started teaching Maths at the Kakatiya University. This was also the time when he decided on social activism and joined the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee.
Career
K. Balagopal was a brilliant mathematician, he began his career as a teacher in Warangal but soon turned full-time human rights activist. He was a Mathematics professor at Kakatiya University before quitting in 1985.He did his Phd in Kakatiya University. He chose to become a lawyer much later, after getting fully associated with the human rights movement.
K.Balagopal served as the general secretary of Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee (APCLC) between 1983 and 1997. Following sharp differences of opinion within the APCLC on how to respond to revolutionary violence he left APCLC and formed the Human Rights Forum.
Over a period of 26 years, he documented and took up cases of thousands of extrajudicial killings by government forces in Andhra Pradesh and elsewhere. When the erstwhile people’s war cadres resorted to a rash of kidnaps in late ‘80’s, a vigilante organisation ‘Praja Bandhu’ abducted him demanding the release of two policemen from naxalite custody. The ‘Praja Bandhu’ which was suspected to have been floated by the state police had released him only after the abducted policemen were let off.
First introduced to Marxism through reading DD Kosambi, K. Balagopal followed a dialectical Marxist method in scores of articles published in the Economic and Political Weekly until the early 90s. Deeply disturbed by the collapse of the Soviet Union, Balagopal began to explore humanist traditions in Marxism for answers. His articles in the 90s especially in Telugu reflect this shift.
Human Rights Forum
Balagopal founded the Human Rights Forum in Andhra Pradesh.
His public criticism of the acts of violence by Maoists attracted severe criticism from the naxalites. Following his comments on the violence in Lalgarh in West Bengal, Maoist Central Committee member, Mallojula Koteshwar Rao had challenged Balagopal to visit Lalgarh resistance area to know the real picture.
He served as a member of the Expert Group on Development Challenges in Extremist Affected Areas, set up by Planning Commission of India in 2008.He genuinely believed that human rights are indivisible. He was known for his simple living and his extremely sharp analytical articles that appeared regularly in Economic and Political Weekly.His incisive articles in EPW included issues ranging from the regime of Indira Gandhi, Reservations issue, human rights violations from time to time in different places, the Gujarat riots, Special Economic Zones, land acquisition, sub-categorisation of Scheduled Castes in Andhra Pradesh, the failure of talks between the YSR Government and the CPI-Maoists and so on. He was a prolific writer in Telugu.
His Telugu essay 'Cheekati Konaalu' was a path-breaking one, in which he directly questioned the violation of human rights by those who claimed that they were working for a radical revolution. After the formation of Human Rights Forum, he expanded his activities and visited areas undergoing intense social turmoil in Jammu and Kashmir, Gujarat, West Bengal and Orissa. In Orissa his fact-finding teams visited Rayagada district and documented the perspective of people displaced by Utkal Allumina Project, Jagatsinghpur district in respect of people affected by proposed Posco steel plant and Kandhamal district, which was affected by communal and ethnic clashes in 2007/2008. Not only was he an intellectual giant,but he had his heart for the deprived and down-trodden. He analysed critically and exposed the hypocrisy in the functioning of most of the mainstream political parties.
K.Balagopal started practicing law nearly a decade ago and has argued dozens of cases pertaining to encounter killings by the police.
Death
K. Balagopal died of lung aspiration following bleeding of stomach ulcer in Hyderabad on the night of 8 October 2009.
Personal life
K. Balagopal was married to Vasanta Lakshmi, a journalist currently working in Andhra Jyothy newspaper. They have a son, Prabhath.
कालीचरण नंदा गवली
(Kalicharan Nandagavali)
विदर्भ के सामाजिक आंदोलन में बाबा साहब डॉ आंबेडकर के उदय होने के पूर्व जिस दलित नेता की भूमिका अग्रणी थी, वे थे गोंदिया के कालीचरण नंदागवली। कालीचरण नंदागवली गोंदिया के मालगुजार थे।
दलित और मालगुजार ? कुछ अजीब लग सकता है ! मगर , यह अजीब नहीं था । यद्यपि, दलित का मतलब ही मार्जिनल क्लॉस है। परन्तु , ढूंढे से एकाध पटेल/ मालगुजार भी देखने मिल जाते हैं । उदहारण के लिए किरनापुर के पांडुरंग भिमटे जी। भिमटे जी को मैं व्यक्तिगत रूप से जानता हूँ।
बहरहाल, नंदागवली जी घर से समृद्ध थे। वे एक समय गोंदिया नगरपालिका कमेटी के सदस्य रहे थे। आपका जन्म महार परिवार में सन 1881 में हुआ था। उनका घराना कबीर पंथी था। वे कबीर पंथ के महंत थे।
सन 1909-10 में कालीचरण नंदा गवली जी ने गोंदिया में सर्व-प्रथम लड़कियों का एक स्कूल खोला था। ध्यान रहे, उस ज़माने में लड़कियों को स्कूल भेजना अच्छा नहीं समझा जाता था। लड़कियों का यह स्कूल तब, नंदागवली जी ने बिना किसी सहायता के खुद का पैसा लगा कर खोला था। समाज में जाग्रति लाने के उद्देश्य से कालीचरण नंदागवली ने ' चोखा मेला ' और ' बिटाल विध्वंसक ' नामक समाचार-पत्रों का प्रकाशन किया था ।
कालीचरण नंदा गवली सन 1920 से 1923 तक सी पी एंड बरार विधान मंडल के सदस्य रहे थे। विधान मंडल का सदस्य रहते हुए कालीचरण नंदा गवली ने दलित समाज के हित के लिए अनेकों काम किये। आपने 13 अग 1923 को एक बिल प्रस्तुत किया था जिसमे यह मांग की गई थी कि सार्वजनिक स्थानों के उपयोग का अधिकार दलित समाज के लोगों को हो। यद्यपि, यह बिल विधान सभा में पारित नहीं हो पाया । किन्तु , ऐसा कर वे लोगों का ध्यान इस तरफ खींचने में सफल हुए थे .
सन 1920 के दौरान नागपुर में कोल्हापुर के महाराजा छत्रपति साहू जी महाराज के अध्यक्षता में बहिष्कृत हितकारिणी सभा का जो अधिवेशन हुआ था , कालीचरण नंदा गवली उसके स्वागताध्यक्ष बनाए गए थे।
दलितों को राजनैतिक अधिकार प्राप्त होना चाहिए, इस उद्देश्य से विदर्भ से कालीचरण नंदा गवली ने सन 1919 में साउथबरो कमेटी (1919) को ज्ञापन दिया था। विदित हो, इसी साउथबरो कमेटी के समक्ष, जो 'गवर्नमेंट इण्डिया एक्ट 1935' के लिए काम कर रही थी, डॉ आंबेडकर ने दलितों के लिए आरक्षण और पृथक चुनाव की मांग रखी थी। इसी तरह सायमन कमीशन(1928) जो संवैधानिक सुधारों के लिए भारत आया था, को भी नंदागवली जी ने दलितों के राजनैतिक अधिकारों के संबंध में ज्ञापन सौंपा था।
सामाज सुधार के क्षेत्र में उनके भारी योगदान को देखते हुए कालीचरण नंदा गवली को कई मौकों पर पुरष्कृत किया गया। सन 1923 में सी पी एंड बरार स्तर पर दलित समाज के एक बड़े अधिवेशन में उन्हें मान-पत्र भेट किया गया था। इसी अधिवेशन में एक दूसरा मान -पत्र दलित विद्यार्थी संघ की ओर से दिया गया था।
सन 1935 के येवला में डॉ आंबेडकर की यह घोषणा कि 'वे हिन्दू धर्म में पैदा हुए है किन्तु , एक हिन्दू के रूप में वे मरेंगे नहीं' - पर कांग्रेस सहित तमाम राजनैतिक पार्टियां और सामाजिक-धार्मिक संस्थाएं सकते आ गई थी । चारों तरफ से डॉ आंबेडकर पर दबाव था कि वे अपनी बात पर पुनर्विचार करें। डॉ आंबेडकर की इस घोषणा पर उनके अपने बहुतेरे लोग भी उन के साथ नहीं थे। कांग्रेस पार्टी के लोग उन्हें तरह-तरह का प्रलोभन दे रहे थे । इसी प्रलोभन में कालीचरण नंदा गवली, हेमचन्द्र खांडेकर, गणेश आकाजी गवई, पांडुरंग नंदराम भटकर, तुलाराम साखरे जैसे कई बड़े-बड़े दलित नेताओं ने डॉ आंबेडकर का साथ छोड़ दिया था । कालीचरण नंदा गवली सन 1936 में कुछ साथियों के साथ कांग्रेस में चले गए थे।
इस तोड़-फोड़ में विदर्भ से राव साहब गंगाराम ठवरे एक प्रमुख हस्ती थे। ठवरे के टूट कर कांग्रेस में चले जाने के कारण गोंदिया , बालाघाट और अन्य स्थानों में जितने भी महानुभाव पंथी थे, कांग्रेस में चले गए। गोंदिया से धन्नालाल पटेल, पुरंदर वैद्य, कुशोबा पटेल, मंगलदास गजभिए, उदल मेश्राम।
उनका देहांत 1962 में हुआ था।
Karl Marx
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Karl Marx
Karl Marx in 1875
Born
Karl Heinrich Marx
5 May 1818
Died 14 March 1883 (aged 64)
London, England
Buried 17 March 1883, Tomb of Karl Marx, Highgate Cemetery, London, England
Residence Germany, France, Belgium, United Kingdom.
Nationality
Prussian (1818–1845)
Stateless (after 1845)
Political party Communist Correspondence Committee (until 1847)
Communist League (1847–1852)
International Workingmen's Association (1864–1872)
Spouse(s)
(m. 1843; died 1881)
Parents
Heinrich Marx (father)
Henriette Pressburg (mother)
Relatives
Louise Juta (sister)
Jean Longuet (grandson)
Philosophy career
Education
University of Jena (PhD, 1841)
Region Western philosophy
Thesis Differenz der demokritischen und epikureischen Naturphilosophie (The Difference Between the Democritean and Epicurean Philosophy of Nature) (1841)
Main interests Philosophy, economics, history, politics
Notable ideas Marxist terminology, surplus value, contributions to dialectics and the labour theory of value, class conflict, alienation and exploitation of the worker, materialist conception of history
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Karl Heinrich Marx FRSA (German: [maʁks]; 5 May 1818 – 14 March 1883) was a German philosopher, economist, historian, sociologist, political theorist, journalist and socialist revolutionary. Born in Trier, Germany, Marx studied law and philosophy at university. He married Jenny von Westphalen in 1843. Due to his political publications, Marx became stateless and lived in exile with his wife and children in London for decades, where he continued to develop his thought in collaboration with German thinker Friedrich Engels and publish his writings, researching in the reading room of the British Museum. His best-known titles are the 1848 pamphlet The Communist Manifesto and the three-volume Das Kapital (1867–1883). Marx's political and philosophical thought had enormous influence on subsequent intellectual, economic and political history. His name has been used as an adjective, a noun and a school of social theory.
Marx's critical theories about society, economics, and politics, collectively understood as Marxism, hold that human societies develop through class conflict. In the capitalist mode of production, this manifests itself in the conflict between the ruling classes (known as the bourgeoisie) that control the means of production and the working classes (known as the proletariat) that enable these means by selling their labour-power in return for wages. Employing a critical approach known as historical materialism, Marx predicted that capitalism produced internal tensions like previous socioeconomic systems and that those would lead to its self-destruction and replacement by a new system known as the socialist mode of production. For Marx, class antagonisms under capitalism, owing in part to its instability and crisis-prone nature, would eventuate the working class' development of class consciousness, leading to their conquest of political power and eventually the establishment of a classless, communist society constituted by a free association of producers. Marx actively pressed for its implementation, arguing that the working class should carry out organised proletarian revolutionary action to topple capitalism and bring about socio-economic emancipation.
Marx has been described as one of the most influential figures in human history and his work has been both lauded and criticised. His work in economics laid the basis for much of the current understanding of labour and its relation to capital and subsequent economic thought. Many intellectuals, labour unions, artists and political parties worldwide have been influenced by Marx's work, with many modifying or adapting his ideas. Marx is typically cited as one of the principal architects of modern social science.
Biography
Childhood and early education: 1818–1836
Karl Heinrich Marx was born on 5 May 1818 to Heinrich Marx (1777–1838) and Henriette Pressburg (1788–1863). He was born at Brückengasse 664 in Trier, an ancient city then part of the Kingdom of Prussia's Province of the Lower Rhine. Marx was ethnically but not religiously Jewish. His maternal grandfather was a Dutch rabbi, while his paternal line had supplied Trier's rabbis since 1723, a role taken by his grandfather Meier Halevi Marx. His father, as a child known as Herschel, was the first in the line to receive a secular education. He became a lawyer with a comfortably upper middle class income and the family owned a number of Moselle vineyards, in addition to his income as an attorney. Prior to his son's birth and after the abrogation of Jewish emancipation in the Rhineland, Herschel converted from Judaism to join the state Evangelical Church of Prussia, taking on the German forename Heinrich over the Yiddish Herschel.
Marx's birthplace, now Brückenstraße 10, in Trier. The family occupied two rooms on the ground floor and three on the first floor. Purchased by the Social Democratic Party of Germany in 1928, it now houses a museum devoted to him.
Largely non-religious, Heinrich was a man of the Enlightenment, interested in the ideas of the philosophers Immanuel Kant and Voltaire. A classical liberal, he took part in agitation for a constitution and reforms in Prussia, which was then an absolute monarchy. In 1815, Heinrich Marx began working as an attorney and in 1819 moved his family to a ten-room property near the Porta Nigra. His wife, Henriette Pressburg, was a Dutch Jewish woman from a prosperous business family that later founded the company Philips Electronics. Her sister Sophie Pressburg (1797–1854) married Lion Philips (1794–1866) and was the grandmother of both Gerard and Anton Philips and great-grandmother to Frits Philips. Lion Philips was a wealthy Dutch tobacco manufacturer and industrialist, upon whom Karl and Jenny Marx would later often come to rely for loans while they were exiled in London.
Little is known of Marx's childhood. The third of nine children, he became the eldest son when his brother Moritz died in 1819. Marx and his surviving siblings, Sophie, Hermann, Henriette, Louise, Emilie, and Caroline, were baptised into the Lutheran Church in August 1824, and their mother in November 1825. Marx was privately educated by his father until 1830 when he entered Trier High School (Gymnasium zu Trier [de]), whose headmaster, Hugo Wyttenbach, was a friend of his father. By employing many liberal humanists as teachers, Wyttenbach incurred the anger of the local conservative government. Subsequently, police raided the school in 1832 and discovered that literature espousing political liberalism was being distributed among the students. Considering the distribution of such material a seditious act, the authorities instituted reforms and replaced several staff during Marx's attendance.
In October 1835 at the age of 17, Marx travelled to the University of Bonn wishing to study philosophy and literature, but his father insisted on law as a more practical field. Due to a condition referred to as a "weak chest", Marx was excused from military duty when he turned 18. While at the University at Bonn, Marx joined the Poets' Club, a group containing political radicals that were monitored by the police. Marx also joined the Trier Tavern Club drinking society (German: Landsmannschaft der Treveraner) where many ideas were discussed and at one point he served as the club's co-president. Additionally, Marx was involved in certain disputes, some of which became serious: in August 1836 he took part in a duel with a member of the university's Borussian Korps. Although his grades in the first term were good, they soon deteriorated, leading his father to force a transfer to the more serious and academic University of Berlin.
Hegelianism and early journalism: 1836–1843Spending summer and autumn 1836 in Trier, Marx became more serious about his studies and his life. He became engaged to Jenny von Westphalen, an educated member of the petty nobility who had known Marx since childhood. As she had broken off her engagement with a young aristocrat to be with Marx, their relationship was socially controversial owing to the differences between their religious and class origins, but Marx befriended her father Ludwig von Westphalen (a liberal aristocrat) and later dedicated his doctoral thesis to him. Seven years after their engagement, on 19 June 1843, they married in a Protestant church in Kreuznach.
In October 1836, Marx arrived in Berlin, matriculating in the university's faculty of law and renting a room in the Mittelstrasse. During the first term, Marx attended lectures of Eduard Gans (who represented the progressive Hegelian standpoint, elaborated on rational development in history by emphasising particularly its libertarian aspects, and the importance of social question) and of Karl von Savigny (who represented the Historical School of Law). Although studying law, he was fascinated by philosophy and looked for a way to combine the two, believing that "without philosophy nothing could be accomplished". Marx became interested in the recently deceased German philosopher Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, whose ideas were then widely debated among European philosophical circles. During a convalescence in Stralau, he joined the Doctor's Club (Doktorklub), a student group which discussed Hegelian ideas, and through them became involved with a group of radical thinkers known as the Young Hegelians in 1837. They gathered around Ludwig Feuerbach and Bruno Bauer, with Marx developing a particularly close friendship with Adolf Rutenberg. Like Marx, the Young Hegelians were critical of Hegel's metaphysical assumptions, but adopted his dialectical method to criticise established society, politics and religion from a leftist perspective. Marx's father died in May 1838, resulting in a diminished income for the family. Marx had been emotionally close to his father and treasured his memory after his death.
Jenny von Westphalen in the 1830s
By 1837, Marx was writing both fiction and non-fiction, having completed a short novel, Scorpion and Felix, a drama, Oulanem, as well as a number of love poems dedicated to Jenny von Westphalen, though none of this early work was published during his lifetime. Marx soon abandoned fiction for other pursuits, including the study of both English and Italian, art history and the translation of Latin classics. He began co-operating with Bruno Bauer on editing Hegel's Philosophy of Religion in 1840. Marx was also engaged in writing his doctoral thesis, The Difference Between the Democritean and Epicurean Philosophy of Nature, which he completed in 1841. It was described as "a daring and original piece of work in which Marx set out to show that theology must yield to the superior wisdom of philosophy". The essay was controversial, particularly among the conservative professors at the University of Berlin. Marx decided instead to submit his thesis to the more liberal University of Jena, whose faculty awarded him his Ph.D. in April 1841. As Marx and Bauer were both atheists, in March 1841 they began plans for a journal entitled Archiv des Atheismus (Atheistic Archives), but it never came to fruition. In July, Marx and Bauer took a trip to Bonn from Berlin. There they scandalised their class by getting drunk, laughing in church and galloping through the streets on donkeys.
Marx was considering an academic career, but this path was barred by the government's growing opposition to classical liberalism and the Young Hegelians. Marx moved to Cologne in 1842, where he became a journalist, writing for the radical newspaper Rheinische Zeitung (Rhineland News), expressing his early views on socialism and his developing interest in economics. Marx criticised right-wing European governments as well as figures in the liberal and socialist movements, whom he thought ineffective or counter-productive. The newspaper attracted the attention of the Prussian government censors, who checked every issue for seditious material before printing, as Marx lamented: "Our newspaper has to be presented to the police to be sniffed at, and if the police nose smells anything un-Christian or un-Prussian, the newspaper is not allowed to appear". After the Rheinische Zeitung published an article strongly criticising the Russian monarchy, Tsar Nicholas I requested it be banned and Prussia's government complied in 1843.
Paris: 1843–1845
In 1843, Marx became co-editor of a new, radical leftist Parisian newspaper, the Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher (German-French Annals), then being set up by the German activist Arnold Ruge to bring together German and French radicals and thus Marx and his wife moved to Paris in October 1843. Initially living with Ruge and his wife communally at 23 Rue Vaneau, they found the living conditions difficult, so moved out following the birth of their daughter Jenny in 1844. Although intended to attract writers from both France and the German states, the Jahrbücher was dominated by the latter and the only non-German writer was the exiled Russian anarchist collectivist Mikhail Bakunin. Marx contributed two essays to the paper, "Introduction to a Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right" and "On the Jewish Question", the latter introducing his belief that the proletariat were a revolutionary force and marking his embrace of communism. Only one issue was published, but it was relatively successful, largely owing to the inclusion of Heinrich Heine's satirical odes on King Ludwig of Bavaria, leading the German states to ban it and seize imported copies (Ruge nevertheless refused to fund the publication of further issues and his friendship with Marx broke down). After the paper's collapse, Marx began writing for the only uncensored German-language radical newspaper left, Vorwärts! (Forward!). Based in Paris, the paper was connected to the League of the Just, a utopian socialist secret society of workers and artisans. Marx attended some of their meetings but did not join. In Vorwärts!, Marx refined his views on socialism based upon Hegelian and Feuerbachian ideas of dialectical materialism, at the same time criticising liberals and other socialists operating in Europe.
Friedrich Engels, whom Marx met in 1844; the two became lifelong friends and collaborators.
On 28 August 1844, Marx met the German socialist Friedrich Engels at the Café de la Régence, beginning a lifelong friendship. Engels showed Marx his recently published The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844, convincing Marx that the working class would be the agent and instrument of the final revolution in history. Soon, Marx and Engels were collaborating on a criticism of the philosophical ideas of Marx's former friend, Bruno Bauer. This work was published in 1845 as The Holy Family. Although critical of Bauer, Marx was increasingly influenced by the ideas of the Young Hegelians Max Stirner and Ludwig Feuerbach, but eventually Marx and Engels abandoned Feuerbachian materialism as well.
During the time that he lived at 38 Rue Vaneau in Paris (from October 1843 until January 1845), Marx engaged in an intensive study of political economy (Adam Smith, David Ricardo, James Mill, etc.), the French socialists (especially Claude Henri St. Simon and Charles Fourier) and the history of France The study of political economy is a study that Marx would pursue for the rest of his life and would result in his major economic work—the three-volume series called Das Kapital. Marxism is based in large part on three influences: Hegel's dialectics, French utopian socialism and English economics. Together with his earlier study of Hegel's dialectics, the studying that Marx did during this time in Paris meant that all major components of "Marxism" were in place by the autumn of 1844. Marx was constantly being pulled away from his study of political economy—not only by the usual daily demands of the time, but additionally by editing a radical newspaper and later by organising and directing the efforts of a political party during years of potentially revolutionary popular uprisings of the citizenry. Still Marx was always drawn back to his economic studies: he sought "to understand the inner workings of capitalism".
An outline of "Marxism" had definitely formed in the mind of Karl Marx by late 1844. Indeed, many features of the Marxist view of the world's political economy had been worked out in great detail, but Marx needed to write down all of the details of his economic world view to further clarify the new economic theory in his own mind. Accordingly, Marx wrote The Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts. These manuscripts covered numerous topics, detailing Marx's concept of alienated labour. However, by the spring of 1845 his continued study of political economy, capital and capitalism had led Marx to the belief that the new political economic theory that he was espousing – scientific socialism – needed to be built on the base of a thoroughly developed materialistic view of the world.
The Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 had been written between April and August 1844, but soon Marx recognised that the Manuscripts had been influenced by some inconsistent ideas of Ludwig Feuerbach. Accordingly, Marx recognised the need to break with Feuerbach's philosophy in favour of historical materialism, thus a year later (in April 1845) after moving from Paris to Brussels, Marx wrote his eleven "Theses on Feuerbach". The "Theses on Feuerbach" are best known for Thesis 11, which states that "philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways, the point is to change it". This work contains Marx's criticism of materialism (for being contemplative), idealism (for reducing practice to theory) overall, criticising philosophy for putting abstract reality above the physical world. It thus introduced the first glimpse at Marx's historical materialism, an argument that the world is changed not by ideas but by actual, physical, material activity and practice. In 1845, after receiving a request from the Prussian king, the French government shut down Vorwärts!, with the interior minister, François Guizot, expelling Marx from France. At this point, Marx moved from Paris to Brussels, where Marx hoped to once again continue his study of capitalism and political economy.
Brussels: 1845–1848
The first edition of The Manifesto of the Communist Party, published in German in 1848
Unable either to stay in France or to move to Germany, Marx decided to emigrate to Brussels in Belgium in February 1845. However, to stay in Belgium he had to pledge not to publish anything on the subject of contemporary politics. In Brussels, Marx associated with other exiled socialists from across Europe, including Moses Hess, Karl Heinzen and Joseph Weydemeyer. In April 1845, Engels moved from Barmen in Germany to Brussels to join Marx and the growing cadre of members of the League of the Just now seeking home in Brussels. Later, Mary Burns, Engels' long-time companion, left Manchester, England to join Engels in Brussels.
In mid-July 1845, Marx and Engels left Brussels for England to visit the leaders of the Chartists, a working-class movement in Britain. This was Marx's first trip to England and Engels was an ideal guide for the trip. Engels had already spent two years living in Manchester from November 1842 to August 1844. Not only did Engels already know the English language, he had also developed a close relationship with many Chartist leaders. Indeed, Engels was serving as a reporter for many Chartist and socialist English newspapers. Marx used the trip as an opportunity to examine the economic resources available for study in various libraries in London and Manchester.
In collaboration with Engels, Marx also set about writing a book which is often seen as his best treatment of the concept of historical materialism, The German Ideology. In this work, Marx broke with Ludwig Feuerbach, Bruno Bauer, Max Stirner and the rest of the Young Hegelians, while he also broke with Karl Grün and other "true socialists" whose philosophies were still based in part on "idealism". In German Ideology, Marx and Engels finally completed their philosophy, which was based solely on materialism as the sole motor force in history. German Ideology is written in a humorously satirical form, but even this satirical form did not save the work from censorship. Like so many other early writings of his, German Ideology would not be published in Marx's lifetime and would be published only in 1932.
After completing German Ideology, Marx turned to a work that was intended to clarify his own position regarding "the theory and tactics" of a truly "revolutionary proletarian movement" operating from the standpoint of a truly "scientific materialist" philosophy. This work was intended to draw a distinction between the utopian socialists and Marx's own scientific socialist philosophy. Whereas the utopians believed that people must be persuaded one person at a time to join the socialist movement, the way a person must be persuaded to adopt any different belief, Marx knew that people would tend, on most occasions, to act in accordance with their own economic interests, thus appealing to an entire class (the working class in this case) with a broad appeal to the class's best material interest would be the best way to mobilise the broad mass of that class to make a revolution and change society. This was the intent of the new book that Marx was planning, but to get the manuscript past the government censors he called the book The Poverty of Philosophy (1847) and offered it as a response to the "petty-bourgeois philosophy" of the French anarchist socialist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon as expressed in his book The Philosophy of Poverty (1840).
Marx with his daughters and Engels
These books laid the foundation for Marx and Engels's most famous work, a political pamphlet that has since come to be commonly known as The Communist Manifesto. While residing in Brussels in 1846, Marx continued his association with the secret radical organisation League of the Just. As noted above, Marx thought the League to be just the sort of radical organisation that was needed to spur the working class of Europe toward the mass movement that would bring about a working-class revolution. However, to organise the working class into a mass movement the League had to cease its "secret" or "underground" orientation and operate in the open as a political party. Members of the League eventually became persuaded in this regard. Accordingly, in June 1847 the League was reorganised by its membership into a new open "above ground" political society that appealed directly to the working classes. This new open political society was called the Communist League. Both Marx and Engels participated in drawing up the programme and organisational principles of the new Communist League.
In late 1847, Marx and Engels began writing what was to become their most famous work – a programme of action for the Communist League. Written jointly by Marx and Engels from December 1847 to January 1848, The Communist Manifesto was first published on 21 February 1848. The Communist Manifesto laid out the beliefs of the new Communist League. No longer a secret society, the Communist League wanted to make aims and intentions clear to the general public rather than hiding its beliefs as the League of the Just had been doing. The opening lines of the pamphlet set forth the principal basis of Marxism: "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles". It goes on to examine the antagonisms that Marx claimed were arising in the clashes of interest between the bourgeoisie (the wealthy capitalist class) and the proletariat (the industrial working class). Proceeding on from this, the Manifesto presents the argument for why the Communist League, as opposed to other socialist and liberal political parties and groups at the time, was truly acting in the interests of the proletariat to overthrow capitalist society and to replace it with socialism.
Later that year, Europe experienced a series of protests, rebellions, and often violent upheavals that became known as the Revolutions of 1848. In France, a revolution led to the overthrow of the monarchy and the establishment of the French Second Republic. Marx was supportive of such activity and having recently received a substantial inheritance from his father (withheld by his uncle Lionel Philips since his father's death in 1838) of either 6,000 or 5,000 francs he allegedly used a third of it to arm Belgian workers who were planning revolutionary action. Although the veracity of these allegations is disputed, the Belgian Ministry of Justice accused Marx of it, subsequently arresting him and he was forced to flee back to France, where with a new republican government in power he believed that he would be safe.
Cologne: 1848–1849
Temporarily settling down in Paris, Marx transferred the Communist League executive headquarters to the city and also set up a German Workers' Club with various German socialists living there. Hoping to see the revolution spread to Germany, in 1848 Marx moved back to Cologne where he began issuing a handbill entitled the Demands of the Communist Party in Germany, in which he argued for only four of the ten points of the Communist Manifesto, believing that in Germany at that time the bourgeoisie must overthrow the feudal monarchy and aristocracy before the proletariat could overthrow the bourgeoisie. On 1 June, Marx started the publication of a daily newspaper, the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, which he helped to finance through his recent inheritance from his father. Designed to put forward news from across Europe with his own Marxist interpretation of events, the newspaper featured Marx as a primary writer and the dominant editorial influence. Despite contributions by fellow members of the Communist League, according to Friedrich Engels it remained "a simple dictatorship by Marx".
Whilst editor of the paper, Marx and the other revolutionary socialists were regularly harassed by the police and Marx was brought to trial on several occasions, facing various allegations including insulting the Chief Public Prosecutor, committing a press misdemeanor and inciting armed rebellion through tax boycotting, although each time he was acquitted. Meanwhile, the democratic parliament in Prussia collapsed and the king, Frederick William IV, introduced a new cabinet of his reactionary supporters, who implemented counter-revolutionary measures to expunge leftist and other revolutionary elements from the country. Consequently, the Neue Rheinische Zeitung was soon suppressed and Marx was ordered to leave the country on 16 May. Marx returned to Paris, which was then under the grip of both a reactionary counter-revolution and a cholera epidemic, and was soon expelled by the city authorities, who considered him a political threat. With his wife Jenny expecting their fourth child and not able to move back to Germany or Belgium, in August 1849 he sought refuge in London.
Move to London and further writing: 1850–1860
Marx moved to London in early June 1849 and would remain based in the city for the rest of his life. The headquarters of the Communist League also moved to London. However, in the winter of 1849–1850, a split within the ranks of the Communist League occurred when a faction within it led by August Willich and Karl Schapper began agitating for an immediate uprising. Willich and Schapper believed that once the Communist League had initiated the uprising, the entire working class from across Europe would rise "spontaneously" to join it, thus creating revolution across Europe. Marx and Engels protested that such an unplanned uprising on the part of the Communist League was "adventuristic" and would be suicide for the Communist League. Such an uprising as that recommended by the Schapper/Willich group would easily be crushed by the police and the armed forces of the reactionary governments of Europe. Marx maintained that this would spell doom for the Communist League itself, arguing that changes in society are not achieved overnight through the efforts and will power of a handful of men. They are instead brought about through a scientific analysis of economic conditions of society and by moving toward revolution through different stages of social development. In the present stage of development (circa 1850), following the defeat of the uprisings across Europe in 1848 he felt that the Communist League should encourage the working class to unite with progressive elements of the rising bourgeoisie to defeat the feudal aristocracy on issues involving demands for governmental reforms, such as a constitutional republic with freely elected assemblies and universal (male) suffrage. In other words, the working class must join with bourgeois and democratic forces to bring about the successful conclusion of the bourgeois revolution before stressing the working class agenda and a working-class revolution.
After a long struggle that threatened to ruin the Communist League, Marx's opinion prevailed and eventually, the Willich/Schapper group left the Communist League. Meanwhile, Marx also became heavily involved with the socialist German Workers' Educational Society. The Society held their meetings in Great Windmill Street, Soho, central London's entertainment district. This organisation was also racked by an internal struggle between its members, some of whom followed Marx while others followed the Schapper/Willich faction. The issues in this internal split were the same issues raised in the internal split within the Communist League, but Marx lost the fight with the Schapper/Willich faction within the German Workers' Educational Society and on 17 September 1850 resigned from the Society.
New-York Daily Tribune and journalism
In the early period in London, Marx committed himself almost exclusively to his studies, such that his family endured extreme poverty. His main source of income was Engels, whose own source was his wealthy industrialist father. In Prussia as editor of his own newspaper, and contributor to others ideologically aligned, Marx could reach his audience, the working classes. In London, without finances to run a newspaper themselves, he and Engels turned to international journalism. At one stage they were being published by six newspapers from England, the United States, Prussia, Austria, and South Africa. Marx's principal earnings came from his work as European correspondent, from 1852 to 1862, for the New-York Daily Tribune,:17 and from also producing articles for more "bourgeois" newspapers. Marx had his articles translated from German by Wilhelm Pieper [de], until his proficiency in English had become adequate.
The New-York Daily Tribune had been founded in April 1841 by Horace Greeley. Its editorial board contained progressive bourgeois journalists and publishers, among them George Ripley and the journalist Charles Dana, who was editor-in-chief. Dana, a fourierist and an abolitionist, was Marx's contact. The Tribune was a vehicle for Marx to reach a transatlantic public, such as for his "hidden warfare" against Henry Charles Carey. The journal had wide working-class appeal from its foundation; at two cents, it was inexpensive; and, with about 50,000 copies per issue, its circulation was the widest in the United States.:14 Its editorial ethos was progressive and its anti-slavery stance reflected Greeley's. Marx's first article for the paper, on the British parliamentary elections, was published on 21 August 1852.
On 21 March 1857, Dana informed Marx that due to the economic recession only one article a week would be paid for, published or not; the others would be paid for only if published. Marx had sent his articles on Tuesdays and Fridays, but, that October, the Tribune discharged all its correspondents in Europe except Marx and B. Taylor, and reduced Marx to a weekly article. Between September and November 1860, only five were published. After a six-month interval, Marx resumed contributions from September 1861 until March 1862, when Dana wrote to inform him that there was no longer space in the Tribune for reports from London, due to American domestic affairs. In 1868, Dana set up a rival newspaper, the New York Sun, at which he was editor-in-chief. In April 1857, Dana invited Marx to contribute articles, mainly on military history, to the New American Cyclopedia, an idea of George Ripley, Dana's friend and literary editor of the Tribune. In all, 67 Marx-Engels articles were published, of which 51 were written by Engels, although Marx did some research for them in the British Museum. By the late 1850s, American popular interest in European affairs waned and Marx's articles turned to topics such as the "slavery crisis" and the outbreak of the American Civil War in 1861 in the "War Between the States" Between December 1851 and March 1852, Marx worked on his theoretical work about the French Revolution of 1848, titled The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon. In this he explored concepts in historical materialism, class struggle, dictatorship of the proletariat, and victory of the proletariat over the bourgeois state.
The 1850s and 1860s may be said to mark a philosophical boundary distinguishing the young Marx's Hegelian idealism and the more mature Marx's scientific ideology associated with structural Marxism. However, not all scholars accept this distinction. For Marx and Engels, their experience of the Revolutions of 1848 to 1849 were formative in the development of their theory of economics and historical progression. After the "failures" of 1848, the revolutionary impetus appeared spent and not to be renewed without an economic recession. Contention arose between Marx and his fellow communists, whom he denounced as "adventurists". Marx deemed it fanciful to propose that "will power" could be sufficient to create the revolutionary conditions when in reality the economic component was the necessary requisite. The recession in the United States' economy in 1852 gave Marx and Engels grounds for optimism for revolutionary activity, yet this economy was seen as too immature for a capitalist revolution. Open territories on America's western frontier dissipated the forces of social unrest. Moreover, any economic crisis arising in the United States would not lead to revolutionary contagion of the older economies of individual European nations, which were closed systems bounded by their national borders. When the so-called Panic of 1857 in the United States spread globally, it broke all economic theory models, and was the first truly global economic crisis.
Financial necessity had forced Marx to abandon economic studies in 1844 and give thirteen years to working on other projects. He had always sought to return to economics.
First International and Das Kapital
The first volume of Das Kapital
Marx continued to write articles for the New York Daily Tribune as long as he was sure that the Tribune's editorial policy was still progressive. However, the departure of Charles Dana from the paper in late 1861 and the resultant change in the editorial board brought about a new editorial policy. No longer was the Tribune to be a strong abolitionist paper dedicated to a complete Union victory. The new editorial board supported an immediate peace between the Union and the Confederacy in the Civil War in the United States with slavery left intact in the Confederacy. Marx strongly disagreed with this new political position and in 1863 was forced to withdraw as a writer for the Tribune.
In 1864, Marx became involved in the International Workingmen's Association (also known as the First International), to whose General Council he was elected at its inception in 1864. In that organisation, Marx was involved in the struggle against the anarchist wing centred on Mikhail Bakunin (1814–1876). Although Marx won this contest, the transfer of the seat of the General Council from London to New York in 1872, which Marx supported, led to the decline of the International. The most important political event during the existence of the International was the Paris Commune of 1871 when the citizens of Paris rebelled against their government and held the city for two months. In response to the bloody suppression of this rebellion, Marx wrote one of his most famous pamphlets, "The Civil War in France", a defence of the Commune.
Given the repeated failures and frustrations of workers' revolutions and movements, Marx also sought to understand capitalism and spent a great deal of time in the reading room of the British Museum studying and reflecting on the works of political economists and on economic data. By 1857, Marx had accumulated over 800 pages of notes and short essays on capital, landed property, wage labour, the state, and foreign trade, and the world market, though this work did not appear in print until 1939 under the title Outlines of the Critique of Political Economy.
In 1859, Marx published A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, his first serious economic work. This work was intended merely as a preview of his three-volume Das Kapital (English title: Capital: Critique of Political Economy), which he intended to publish at a later date. In A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, Marx expands on the labour theory of value advocated by David Ricardo. The work was enthusiastically received, and the edition sold out quickly.
Marx photographed by John Mayall, 1875
The successful sales of A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy stimulated Marx in the early 1860s to finish work on the three large volumes that would compose his major life's work – Das Kapital and the Theories of Surplus Value, which discussed the theoreticians of political economy, particularly Adam Smith and David Ricardo. Theories of Surplus Value is often referred to as the fourth volume of Das Kapital and constitutes one of the first comprehensive treatises on the history of economic thought. In 1867, the first volume of Das Kapital was published, a work which analysed the capitalist process of production. Here Marx elaborated his labour theory of value, which had been influenced by Thomas Hodgskin. Marx acknowledged Hodgskin's "admirable work" Labour Defended against the Claims of Capital at more than one point in Das Kapital. Indeed, Marx quoted Hodgskin as recognising the alienation of labour that occurred under modern capitalist production. No longer was there any "natural reward of individual labour. Each labourer produces only some part of a whole, and each part having no value or utility of itself, there is nothing on which the labourer can seize, and say: 'This is my product, this will I keep to myself'". In this first volume of Das Kapital, Marx outlined his conception of surplus value and exploitation, which he argued would ultimately lead to a falling rate of profit and the collapse of industrial capitalism. Demand for a Russian language edition of Das Kapital soon led to the printing of 3,000 copies of the book in the Russian language, which was published on 27 March 1872. By the autumn of 1871, the entire first edition of the German-language edition of Das Kapital had been sold out and a second edition was published.
Volumes II and III of Das Kapital remained mere manuscripts upon which Marx continued to work for the rest of his life. Both volumes were published by Engels after Marx's death. Volume II of Das Kapital was prepared and published by Engels in July 1893 under the name Capital II: The Process of Circulation of Capital. Volume III of Das Kapital was published a year later in October 1894 under the name Capital III: The Process of Capitalist Production as a Whole. Theories of Surplus Value derived from the sprawling Economic Manuscripts of 1861–1863, a second draft for Das Kapital, the latter spanning volumes 30–34 of the Collected Works of Marx and Engels. Specifically, Theories of Surplus Value runs from the latter part of the Collected Works' thirtieth volume through the end of their thirty-second volume; meanwhile, the larger Economic Manuscripts of 1861–1863 run from the start of the Collected Works' thirtieth volume through the first half of their thirty-fourth volume. The latter half of the Collected Works' thirty-fourth volume consists of the surviving fragments of the Economic Manuscripts of 1863–1864, which represented a third draft for Das Kapital, and a large portion of which is included as an appendix to the Penguin edition of Das Kapital, volume I. A German-language abridged edition of Theories of Surplus Value was published in 1905 and in 1910. This abridged edition was translated into English and published in 1951 in London, but the complete unabridged edition of Theories of Surplus Value was published as the "fourth volume" of Das Kapital in 1963 and 1971 in Moscow.
Marx in 1882
During the last decade of his life, Marx's health declined and he became incapable of the sustained effort that had characterised his previous work. He did manage to comment substantially on contemporary politics, particularly in Germany and Russia. His Critique of the Gotha Programme opposed the tendency of his followers Wilhelm Liebknecht and August Bebel to compromise with the state socialism of Ferdinand Lassalle in the interests of a united socialist party. This work is also notable for another famous Marx quote: "From each according to his ability, to each according to his need".
In a letter to Vera Zasulich dated 8 March 1881, Marx contemplated the possibility of Russia's bypassing the capitalist stage of development and building communism on the basis of the common ownership of land characteristic of the village mir. While admitting that Russia's rural "commune is the fulcrum of social regeneration in Russia", Marx also warned that in order for the mir to operate as a means for moving straight to the socialist stage without a preceding capitalist stage it "would first be necessary to eliminate the deleterious influences which are assailing it (the rural commune) from all sides". Given the elimination of these pernicious influences, Marx allowed that "normal conditions of spontaneous development" of the rural commune could exist. However, in the same letter to Vera Zasulich he points out that "at the core of the capitalist system ... lies the complete separation of the producer from the means of production". In one of the drafts of this letter, Marx reveals his growing passion for anthropology, motivated by his belief that future communism would be a return on a higher level to the communism of our prehistoric past. He wrote that "the historical trend of our age is the fatal crisis which capitalist production has undergone in the European and American countries where it has reached its highest peak, a crisis that will end in its destruction, in the return of modern society to a higher form of the most archaic type – collective production and appropriation". He added that "the vitality of primitive communities was incomparably greater than that of Semitic, Greek, Roman, etc. societies, and, a fortiori, that of modern capitalist societies". Before he died, Marx asked Engels to write up these ideas, which were published in 1884 under the title The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State.
Personal life
Family
Jenny Carolina and Jenny Laura Marx (1869): all the Marx daughters were named Jenny in honour of their mother, Jenny von Westphalen.
Marx and von Westphalen had seven children together, but partly owing to the poor conditions in which they lived whilst in London, only three survived to adulthood. The children were: Jenny Caroline (m. Longuet; 1844–1883); Jenny Laura (m. Lafargue; 1845–1911); Edgar (1847–1855); Henry Edward Guy ("Guido"; 1849–1850); Jenny Eveline Frances ("Franziska"; 1851–1852); Jenny Julia Eleanor (1855–1898) and one more who died before being named (July 1857). According to his son-in-law, Paul Lafargue, Marx was a loving father. In 1962, there were allegations that Marx fathered a son, Freddy, out of wedlock by his housekeeper, Helene Demuth, but the claim is disputed for lack of documented evidence.
Marx frequently used pseudonyms, often when renting a house or flat, apparently to make it harder for the authorities to track him down. While in Paris, he used that of "Monsieur Ramboz", whilst in London, he signed off his letters as "A. Williams". His friends referred to him as "Moor", owing to his dark complexion and black curly hair, while he encouraged his children to call him "Old Nick" and "Charley". He also bestowed nicknames and pseudonyms on his friends and family as well, referring to Friedrich Engels as "General", his housekeeper Helene as "Lenchen" or "Nym", while one of his daughters, Jennychen, was referred to as "Qui Qui, Emperor of China" and another, Laura, was known as "Kakadou" or "the Hottentot".
Health
Although Marx had drunk alcohol before he joined the Trier Tavern Club drinking society, after he had joined the club he began to drink more heavily and continued to do so throughout his whole life.
Marx was afflicted by poor health (what he himself described as "the wretchedness of existence") and various authors have sought to describe and explain it. His biographer Werner Blumenberg attributed it to liver and gall problems which Marx had in 1849 and from which he was never afterward free, exacerbated by an unsuitable lifestyle. The attacks often came with headaches, eye inflammation, neuralgia in the head, and rheumatic pains. A serious nervous disorder appeared in 1877 and protracted insomnia was a consequence, which Marx fought with narcotics. The illness was aggravated by excessive nocturnal work and faulty diet. Marx was fond of highly seasoned dishes, smoked fish, caviare, pickled cucumbers, "none of which are good for liver patients", but he also liked wine and liqueurs and smoked an enormous amount "and since he had no money, it was usually bad-quality cigars". From 1863, Marx complained a lot about boils: "These are very frequent with liver patients and may be due to the same causes". The abscesses were so bad that Marx could neither sit nor work upright. According to Blumenberg, Marx's irritability is often found in liver patients:
The illness emphasised certain traits in his character. He argued cuttingly, his biting satire did not shrink at insults, and his expressions could be rude and cruel. Though in general Marx had blind faith in his closest friends, nevertheless he himself complained that he was sometimes too mistrustful and unjust even to them. His verdicts, not only about enemies but even about friends, were sometimes so harsh that even less sensitive people would take offence ... There must have been few whom he did not criticize like this ... not even Engels was an exception.
According to Princeton historian J.E. Seigel, in his late teens, Marx may have had pneumonia or pleurisy, the effects of which led to his being exempted from Prussian military service. In later life whilst working on Das Kapital (which he never completed)] Marx suffered from a trio of afflictions. A liver ailment, probably hereditary, was aggravated by overwork, a bad diet, and lack of sleep. Inflammation of the eyes was induced by too much work at night. A third affliction, eruption of carbuncles or boils, "was probably brought on by general physical debility to which the various features of Marx's style of life – alcohol, tobacco, poor diet, and failure to sleep – all contributed. Engels often exhorted Marx to alter this dangerous regime". In Professor Siegel's thesis, what lay behind this punishing sacrifice of his health may have been guilt about self-involvement and egoism, originally induced in Karl Marx by his father.
In 2007, a retrodiagnosis of Marx's skin disease was made by dermatologist Sam Shuster of Newcastle University and for Shuster, the most probable explanation was that Marx suffered not from liver problems, but from hidradenitis suppurativa, a recurring infective condition arising from blockage of apocrine ducts opening into hair follicles. This condition, which was not described in the English medical literature until 1933 (hence would not have been known to Marx's physicians), can produce joint pain (which could be misdiagnosed as rheumatic disorder) and painful eye conditions. To arrive at his retrodiagnosis, Shuster considered the primary material: the Marx correspondence published in the 50 volumes of the Marx/Engels Collected Works. There, "although the skin lesions were called 'furuncles', 'boils' and 'carbuncles' by Marx, his wife, and his physicians, they were too persistent, recurrent, destructive and site-specific for that diagnosis". The sites of the persistent 'carbuncles' were noted repeatedly in the armpits, groins, perianal, genital (penis and scrotum) and suprapubic regions and inner thighs, "favoured sites of hidradenitis suppurativa". Professor Shuster claimed the diagnosis "can now be made definitively".
Shuster went on to consider the potential psychosocial effects of the disease, noting that the skin is an organ of communication and that hidradenitis suppurativa produces much psychological distress, including loathing and disgust and depression of self-image, mood, and well-being, feelings for which Shuster found "much evidence" in the Marx correspondence. Professor Shuster went on to ask himself whether the mental effects of the disease affected Marx's work and even helped him to develop his theory of alienation.
Death
Tomb of Karl Marx, East Highgate Cemetery, London
Following the death of his wife Jenny in December 1881, Marx developed a catarrh that kept him in ill health for the last 15 months of his life. It eventually brought on the bronchitis and pleurisy that killed him in London on 14 March 1883, when he died a stateless person at age 64. Family and friends in London buried his body in Highgate Cemetery (East), London, on 17 March 1883 in an area reserved for agnostics and atheists (George Eliot's grave is nearby). There were between nine and eleven mourners at his funeral. Research from contemporary sources identifies thirteen named individuals attending the funeral. They were, Friedrich Engels, Eleanor Marx, Edward Aveling, Paul Lafargue, Charles Longuet, Helene Demuth, Wilhelm Liebknecht, Gottlieb Lemke, Frederick Lessner, G Lochner, Sir Ray Lankester, Carl Schorlemmer and Ernest Radford. A contemporary newspaper account claims that 25 to 30 relatives and friends attended the funeral. A writer in The Graphic noted that 'By a strange blunder ... his death was not announced for two days, and then as having taken place at Paris. The next day the correction came from Paris; and when his friends and followers hastened to his house in Haverstock Hill, to learn the time and place of burial, they learned that he was already in the cold ground. But for this secresy [sic] and haste, a great popular demonstration would undoubtedly have been held over his grave'.
Several of his closest friends spoke at his funeral, including Wilhelm Liebknecht and Friedrich Engels. Engels' speech included the passage:
On the 14th of March, at a quarter to three in the afternoon, the greatest living thinker ceased to think. He had been left alone for scarcely two minutes, and when we came back we found him in his armchair, peacefully gone to sleep – but forever.
Marx's surviving daughters Eleanor and Laura, as well as Charles Longuet and Paul Lafargue, Marx's two French socialist sons-in-law, were also in attendance. He had been predeceased by his wife and his eldest daughter, the latter dying a few months earlier in January 1883. Liebknecht, a founder and leader of the German Social Democratic Party, gave a speech in German and Longuet, a prominent figure in the French working-class movement, made a short statement in French. Two telegrams from workers' parties in France and Spain were also read out. Together with Engels's speech, this constituted the entire programme of the funeral. Non-relatives attending the funeral included three communist associates of Marx: Friedrich Lessner, imprisoned for three years after the Cologne Communist Trial of 1852; G. Lochner, whom Engels described as "an old member of the Communist League"; and Carl Schorlemmer, a professor of chemistry in Manchester, a member of the Royal Society and a communist activist involved in the 1848 Baden revolution. Another attendee of the funeral was Ray Lankester, a British zoologist who would later become a prominent academic.
Marx left a personal estate valued for probate at £250 (equivalent to £25,365 in 2019 Upon his own death in 1895, Engels left Marx's two surviving daughters a "significant portion" of his considerable estate (valued in 2011 at US$4.8 million).
Marx and his family were reburied on a new site nearby in November 1954. The tomb at the new site, unveiled on 14 March 1956, bears the carved message: "Workers of All Lands Unite", the final line of The Communist Manifesto; and, from the 11th "Thesis on Feuerbach" (as edited by Engels), "The philosophers have only interpreted the world in various ways—the point however is to change it". The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had the monument with a portrait bust by Laurence Bradshaw erected and Marx's original tomb had only humble adornment. Black civil rights leader and CPGB activist Claudia Jones was later buried beside Karl Marx's tomb.
The Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm remarked: "One cannot say Marx died a failure" because although he had not achieved a large following of disciples in Britain, his writings had already begun to make an impact on the leftist movements in Germany and Russia. Within 25 years of his death, the continental European socialist parties that acknowledged Marx's influence on their politics were each gaining between 15 and 47 percent in those countries with representative democratic elections.
Thought
Part of a series on
Influences
Marx's thought demonstrates influences from many thinkers including, but not limited to:
Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel's philosophy
The classical political economy (economics) of Adam Smith and David Ricardo, as well as Jean Charles Léonard de Sismondi's critique of laissez-faire economics and analysis of the precarious state of the proletariat
French socialist thought, in particular the thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Henri de Saint-Simon, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Charles Fourier
Earlier German philosophical materialism among the Young Hegelians, particularly that of Ludwig Feuerbach and Bruno Bauer, as well as the French materialism of the late 18th century, including Diderot, Claude Adrien Helvétius and d'Holbach
The working class analysis by Friedrich Engels, as well as the early descriptions of class provided by French liberals and Saint-Simonians such as François Guizot and Augustin Thierry
Marx's Judaic legacy has been identified as formative to both his moral outlook and his materialist philosophy.
Marx's view of history, which came to be called historical materialism (controversially adapted as the philosophy of dialectical materialism by Engels and Lenin), certainly shows the influence of Hegel's claim that one should view reality (and history) dialectically. However, Hegel had thought in idealist terms, putting ideas in the forefront, whereas Marx sought to rewrite dialectics in materialist terms, arguing for the primacy of matter over idea. Where Hegel saw the "spirit" as driving history, Marx saw this as an unnecessary mystification, obscuring the reality of humanity and its physical actions shaping the world. He wrote that Hegelianism stood the movement of reality on its head, and that one needed to set it upon its feet. Despite his dislike of mystical terms, Marx used Gothic language in several of his works: in The Communist Manifesto he proclaims "A spectre is haunting Europe – the spectre of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre", and in The Capital he refers to capital as "necromancy that surrounds the products of labour".
Though inspired by French socialist and sociological thought, Marx criticised utopian socialists, arguing that their favoured small-scale socialistic communities would be bound to marginalisation and poverty and that only a large-scale change in the economic system can bring about real change.
The other important contributions to Marx's revision of Hegelianism came from Engels's book, The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844, which led Marx to conceive of the historical dialectic in terms of class conflict and to see the modern working class as the most progressive force for revolution, as well as from the social democrat Friedrich Wilhelm Schulz, who in Die Bewegung der Produktion described the movement of society as "flowing from the contradiction between the forces of production and the mode of production."
Marx believed that he could study history and society scientifically and discern tendencies of history and the resulting outcome of social conflicts. Some followers of Marx, therefore, concluded that a communist revolution would inevitably occur. However, Marx famously asserted in the eleventh of his "Theses on Feuerbach" that "philosophers have only interpreted the world, in various ways; the point however is to change it" and he clearly dedicated himself to trying to alter the world.
Marx's theories inspired several theories and disciplines of future including, but not limited to:
Theory of Underconsumption
Philosophy and social thought
Marx's polemic with other thinkers often occurred through critique and thus he has been called "the first great user of critical method in social sciences". He criticised speculative philosophy, equating metaphysics with ideology. By adopting this approach, Marx attempted to separate key findings from ideological biases. This set him apart from many contemporary philosophers.
Human nature
The philosophers G.W.F. Hegel and Ludwig Feuerbach, whose ideas on dialectics heavily influenced Marx
Like Tocqueville, who described a faceless and bureaucratic despotism with no identifiable despot, Marx also broke with classical thinkers who spoke of a single tyrant and with Montesquieu, who discussed the nature of the single despot. Instead, Marx set out to analyse "the despotism of capital". Fundamentally, Marx assumed that human history involves transforming human nature, which encompasses both human beings and material objects. Humans recognise that they possess both actual and potential selves. For both Marx and Hegel, self-development begins with an experience of internal alienation stemming from this recognition, followed by a realisation that the actual self, as a subjective agent, renders its potential counterpart an object to be apprehended. Marx further argues that by moulding nature in desired ways the subject takes the object as its own and thus permits the individual to be actualised as fully human. For Marx, the human nature – Gattungswesen, or species-being – exists as a function of human labour. Fundamental to Marx's idea of meaningful labour is the proposition that for a subject to come to terms with its alienated object it must first exert influence upon literal, material objects in the subject's world. Marx acknowledges that Hegel "grasps the nature of work and comprehends objective man, authentic because actual, as the result of his own work", but characterises Hegelian self-development as unduly "spiritual" and abstract. Marx thus departs from Hegel by insisting that "the fact that man is a corporeal, actual, sentient, objective being with natural capacities means that he has actual, sensuous objects for his nature as objects of his life-expression, or that he can only express his life in actual sensuous objects". Consequently, Marx revises Hegelian "work" into material "labour" and in the context of human capacity to transform nature the term "labour power".
Labour, class struggle and false consciousness
The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.
— Karl Marx, The Communist Manifesto
A monument dedicated to Marx and Engels in Shanghai, China
Marx had a special concern with how people relate to their own labour power. He wrote extensively about this in terms of the problem of alienation. As with the dialectic, Marx began with a Hegelian notion of alienation but developed a more materialist conception. Capitalism mediates social relationships of production (such as among workers or between workers and capitalists) through commodities, including labour, that are bought and sold on the market. For Marx, the possibility that one may give up ownership of one's own labour – one's capacity to transform the world – is tantamount to being alienated from one's own nature and it is a spiritual loss. Marx described this loss as commodity fetishism, in which the things that people produce, commodities, appear to have a life and movement of their own to which humans and their behaviour merely adapt.
Commodity fetishism provides an example of what Engels called "false consciousness", which relates closely to the understanding of ideology. By "ideology", Marx and Engels meant ideas that reflect the interests of a particular class at a particular time in history, but which contemporaries see as universal and eternal. Marx and Engels's point was not only that such beliefs are at best half-truths, as they serve an important political function. Put another way, the control that one class exercises over the means of production include not only the production of food or manufactured goods but also the production of ideas (this provides one possible explanation for why members of a subordinate class may hold ideas contrary to their own interests). An example of this sort of analysis is Marx's understanding of religion, summed up in a passage from the preface to his 1843 Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right:
Religious suffering is, at one and the same time, the expression of real suffering and a protest against real suffering. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people. The abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of the people is the demand for their real happiness. To call on them to give up their illusions about their condition is to call on them to give up a condition that requires illusions.
Whereas his Gymnasium senior thesis at the Gymnasium zu Trier [de] argued that religion had as its primary social aim the promotion of solidarity, here Marx sees the social function of religion in terms of highlighting/preserving political and economic status quo and inequality.
Marx was an outspoken opponent of child labour, saying that British industries "could but live by sucking blood, and children's blood too", and that U.S. capital was financed by the "capitalized blood of children".
Economy, history and society
But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams the whole bourgeoisie in chorus. The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production. He hears that the means of production are to be exploited in common, and, naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of being common to all will likewise fall to the women. He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away with the status of women as mere mean of production.
— Karl Marx, The Communist Manifesto
Marx's thoughts on labour were related to the primacy he gave to the economic relation in determining the society's past, present and future (see also economic determinism). Accumulation of capital shapes the social system. For Marx, social change was about conflict between opposing interests, driven in the background by economic forces. This became the inspiration for the body of works known as the conflict theory. In his evolutionary model of history, he argued that human history began with free, productive and creative work that was over time coerced and dehumanised, a trend most apparent under capitalism. Marx noted that this was not an intentional process, rather no individual or even state can go against the forces of economy.
The organisation of society depends on means of production. The means of production are all things required to produce material goods, such as land, natural resources, and technology but not human labour. The relations of production are the social relationships people enter into as they acquire and use the means of production. Together, these compose the mode of production and Marx distinguished historical eras in terms of modes of production. Marx differentiated between base and superstructure, where the base (or substructure) is the economic system and superstructure is the cultural and political system. Marx regarded this mismatch between economic base and social superstructure as a major source of social disruption and conflict.
Despite Marx's stress on the critique of capitalism and discussion of the new communist society that should replace it, his explicit critique is guarded, as he saw it as an improved society compared to the past ones (slavery and feudalism). Marx never clearly discusses issues of morality and justice, but scholars agree that his work contained implicit discussion of those concepts.
Memorial to Karl Marx in Moscow, whose inscription reads: "Proletarians of all countries, unite!
Mural by Diego Rivera showing Karl Marx, in the National Palace in Mexico City
Marx's view of capitalism was two-sided. On one hand, in the 19th century's deepest critique of the dehumanising aspects of this system he noted that defining features of capitalism include alienation, exploitation and recurring, cyclical depressions leading to mass unemployment. On the other hand, he characterised capitalism as "revolutionising, industrialising and universalising qualities of development, growth and progressivity" (by which Marx meant industrialisation, urbanisation, technological progress, increased productivity and growth, rationality and scientific revolution) that are responsible for progress. Marx considered the capitalist class to be one of the most revolutionary in history because it constantly improved the means of production, more so than any other class in history and was responsible for the overthrow of feudalism. Capitalism can stimulate considerable growth because the capitalist has an incentive to reinvest profits in new technologies and capital equipment.
According to Marx, capitalists take advantage of the difference between the labour market and the market for whatever commodity the capitalist can produce. Marx observed that in practically every successful industry, input unit-costs are lower than output unit-prices. Marx called the difference "surplus value" and argued that it was based on surplus labour, the difference between what it costs to keep workers alive and what they can produce. Although Marx describes capitalists as vampires sucking worker's blood, he notes that drawing profit is "by no means an injustice" and that capitalists cannot go against the system. The problem is the "cancerous cell" of capital, understood not as property or equipment, but the relations between workers and owners – the economic system in general.
At the same time, Marx stressed that capitalism was unstable and prone to periodic crises. He suggested that over time capitalists would invest more and more in new technologies and less and less in labour. Since Marx believed that profit derived from surplus value appropriated from labour, he concluded that the rate of profit would fall as the economy grows. Marx believed that increasingly severe crises would punctuate this cycle of growth and collapse. Moreover, he believed that in the long-term, this process would enrich and empower the capitalist class and impoverish the proletariat. In section one of The Communist Manifesto, Marx describes feudalism, capitalism and the role internal social contradictions play in the historical process:
We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and exchanged ... the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder; they were burst asunder. Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adapted in it, and the economic and political sway of the bourgeois class. A similar movement is going on before our own eyes ... The productive forces at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring order into the whole of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property.
Outside a factory in Oldham. Marx believed that industrial workers (the proletariat) would rise up around the world.
Marx believed that those structural contradictions within capitalism necessitate its end, giving way to socialism, or a post-capitalistic, communist society:
The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie, therefore, produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.
Thanks to various processes overseen by capitalism, such as urbanisation, the working class, the proletariat, should grow in numbers and develop class consciousness, in time realising that they can and must change the system. Marx believed that if the proletariat were to seize the means of production, they would encourage social relations that would benefit everyone equally, abolishing exploiting class and introduce a system of production less vulnerable to cyclical crises. Marx argued in The German Ideology that capitalism will end through the organised actions of an international working class:
Communism is for us not a state of affairs which is to be established, an ideal to which reality will have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement which abolishes the present state of things. The conditions of this movement result from the premises now in existence.
In this new society, the alienation would end and humans would be free to act without being bound by the labour market. It would be a democratic society, enfranchising the entire population. In such a utopian world, there would also be little need for a state, whose goal was previously to enforce the alienation. Marx theorised that between capitalism and the establishment of a socialist/communist system, would exist a period of dictatorship of the proletariat – where the working class holds political power and forcibly socialises the means of production. As he wrote in his Critique of the Gotha Program, "between capitalist and communist society there lies the period of the revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. Corresponding to this is also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat". While he allowed for the possibility of peaceful transition in some countries with strong democratic institutional structures (such as Britain, the United States, and the Netherlands), he suggested that in other countries in which workers cannot "attain their goal by peaceful means" the "lever of our revolution must be force".
International relations
Karl Marx Monument in Chemnitz (known as Karl-Marx-Stadt from 1953 to 1990)
Marx viewed Russia as the main counter-revolutionary threat to European revolutions. During the Crimean War, Marx backed the Ottoman Empire and its allies Britain and France against Russia. He was absolutely opposed to Pan-Slavism, viewing it as an instrument of Russian foreign policy. Marx had considered the Slavic nations except Poles as 'counter-revolutionary'. Marx and Engels published in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung in February 1849:
To the sentimental phrases about brotherhood which we are being offered here on behalf of the most counter-revolutionary nations of Europe, we reply that hatred of Russians was and still is the primary revolutionary passion among Germans; that since the revolution [of 1848] hatred of Czechs and Croats has been added, and that only by the most determined use of terror against these Slav peoples can we, jointly with the Poles and Magyars, safeguard the revolution. We know where the enemies of the revolution are concentrated, viz. in Russia and the Slav regions of Austria, and no fine phrases, no allusions to an undefined democratic future for these countries can deter us from treating our enemies as enemies. Then there will be a struggle, an "inexorable life-and-death struggle", against those Slavs who betray the revolution; an annihilating fight and ruthless terror – not in the interests of Germany, but in the interests of the revolution!"
Marx and Engels sympathised with the Narodnik revolutionaries of the 1860s and 1870s. When the Russian revolutionaries assassinated Tsar Alexander II of Russia, Marx expressed the hope that the assassination foreshadowed 'the formation of a Russian commune'. Marx supported the Polish uprisings against tsarist Russia. He said in a speech in London in 1867:
In the first place the policy of Russia is changeless... Its methods, its tactics, its manoeuvres may change, but the polar star of its policy – world domination – is a fixed star. In our times only a civilised government ruling over barbarian masses can hatch out such a plan and execute it. ... There is but one alternative for Europe. Either Asiatic barbarism, under Muscovite direction, will burst around its head like an avalanche, or else it must re-establish Poland, thus putting twenty million heroes between itself and Asia and gaining a breathing spell for the accomplishment of its social regeneration.
Marx supported the cause of Irish independence. In 1867, he wrote Engels: "I used to think the separation of Ireland from England impossible. I now think it inevitable. The English working class will never accomplish anything until it has got rid of Ireland. ... English reaction in England had its roots ... in the subjugation of Ireland."
Marx spent some time in French Algeria, which had been invaded and made a French colony in 1830, and had the opportunity to observe life in colonial North Africa. He wrote about the colonial justice system, in which "a form of torture has been used (and this happens 'regularly') to extract confessions from the Arabs; naturally it is done (like the English in India) by the 'police'; the judge is supposed to know nothing at all about it." Marx was surprised by the arrogance of many European settlers in Algiers and wrote in a letter: "when a European colonist dwells among the 'lesser breeds,' either as a settler or even on business, he generally regards himself as even more inviolable than handsome William I [a Prussian king]. Still, when it comes to bare-faced arrogance and presumptuousness vis-à-vis the 'lesser breeds,' the British and Dutch outdo the French."
According to the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: "Marx's analysis of colonialism as a progressive force bringing modernization to a backward feudal society sounds like a transparent rationalization for foreign domination. His account of British domination, however, reflects the same ambivalence that he shows towards capitalism in Europe. In both cases, Marx recognizes the immense suffering brought about during the transition from feudal to bourgeois society while insisting that the transition is both necessary and ultimately progressive. He argues that the penetration of foreign commerce will cause a social revolution in India."
Marx discussed British colonial rule in India in the New York Herald Tribune in June 1853:
There cannot remain any doubt but that the misery inflicted by the British on Hindostan [India] is of an essentially different and infinitely more intensive kind than all Hindostan had to suffer before. England has broken down the entire framework of Indian society, without any symptoms of reconstitution yet appearing... [however], we must not forget that these idyllic village communities, inoffensive though they may appear, had always been the solid foundation of Oriental despotism, that they restrained the human mind within the smallest possible compass, making it the unresisting tool of superstition.
Legacy
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels monument in Marx-Engels Forum, Berlin-Mitte, Germany
Karl Marx statue in Trier, Germany
Marx's ideas have had a profound impact on world politics and intellectual thought. Followers of Marx have often debated among themselves over how to interpret Marx's writings and apply his concepts to the modern world. The legacy of Marx's thought has become contested between numerous tendencies, each of which sees itself as Marx's most accurate interpreter. In the political realm, these tendencies include Leninism, Marxism–Leninism, Trotskyism, Maoism, Luxemburgism and libertarian Marxism. Various currents have also developed in academic Marxism, often under influence of other views, resulting in structuralist Marxism, historical Marxism, phenomenological Marxism, analytical Marxism and Hegelian Marxism.
From an academic perspective, Marx's work contributed to the birth of modern sociology. He has been cited as one of the 19th century's three masters of the "school of suspicion" alongside Friedrich Nietzsche and Sigmund Freud and as one of the three principal architects of modern social science along with Émile Durkheim and Max Weber. In contrast to other philosophers, Marx offered theories that could often be tested with the scientific method. Both Marx and Auguste Comte set out to develop scientifically justified ideologies in the wake of European secularisation and new developments in the philosophies of history and science. Working in the Hegelian tradition, Marx rejected Comtean sociological positivism in an attempt to develop a science of society. Karl Löwith considered Marx and Søren Kierkegaard to be the two greatest Hegelian philosophical successors. In modern sociological theory, Marxist sociology is recognised as one of the main classical perspectives. Isaiah Berlin considers Marx the true founder of modern sociology "in so far as anyone can claim the title". Beyond social science, he has also had a lasting legacy in philosophy, literature, the arts and the humanities.
Map of countries that declared themselves to be socialist states under the Marxist–Leninist or Maoist definition between 1979 and 1983, which marked the greatest territorial extent of socialist states
Social theorists of the 20th and 21st centuries have pursued two main strategies in response to Marx. One move has been to reduce it to its analytical core, known as analytical Marxism. Another, more common move has been to dilute the explanatory claims of Marx's social theory and emphasise the "relative autonomy" of aspects of social and economic life not directly related to Marx's central narrative of interaction between the development of the "forces of production" and the succession of "modes of production". This has been the neo-Marxist theorising adopted by historians inspired by Marx's social theory such as E. P. Thompson and Eric Hobsbawm. It has also been a line of thinking pursued by thinkers and activists such as Antonio Gramsci who have sought to understand the opportunities and the difficulties of transformative political practice, seen in the light of Marxist social theory. Marx's ideas would also have a profound influence on subsequent artists and art history, with avant-garde movements across literature, visual art, music, film, and theatre.
Politically, Marx's legacy is more complex. Throughout the 20th century, revolutions in dozens of countries labelled themselves "Marxist"—most notably the Russian Revolution, which led to the founding of the Soviet Union. Major world leaders including Vladimir Lenin, Mao Zedong, Fidel Castro] Salvador Allende, Josip Broz Tito, Kwame Nkrumah, Jawaharlal Nehru, Nelson Mandela, Xi Jinping, Jean-Claude Juncker and Thomas Sankara have all cited Marx as an influence. Beyond where Marxist revolutions took place, Marx's ideas have informed political parties worldwide. In countries associated with some Marxist claims, some events have led political opponents to blame Marx for millions of deaths, but the fidelity of these varied revolutionaries, leaders and parties to Marx's work is highly contested and has been rejected, including by many Marxists. It is now common to distinguish between the legacy and influence of Marx specifically and the legacy and influence of those who have shaped his ideas for political purposes. Andrew Lipow describes Marx and his collaborator Friedrich Engels as "the founders of modern revolutionary democratic socialism."
Marx remains both relevant and controversial. In May 2018, to mark the bicentenary of his birth, a 4.5m statue of him by leading Chinese sculptor Wu Weishan and donated by the Chinese government was unveiled in his birthplace of Trier. European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker defended Marx's memory, saying that today Marx "stands for things which he is not responsible for and which he didn't cause because many of the things he wrote down were redrafted into the opposite". In 2017, a feature film, titled The Young Karl Marx, featuring Marx, his wife Jenny Marx and Engels, among other revolutionaries and intellectuals prior to the Revolutions of 1848, received good reviews for both its historical accuracy and its brio in dealing with intellectual life.
Selected bibliography
The Difference Between the Democritean and Epicurean Philosophy of Nature (doctoral thesis), 1841
"On the Jewish Question", 1843
"Notes on James Mill", 1844
The Holy Family, 1845
"Theses on Feuerbach", 1845
The German Ideology, 1845
"Wage Labour and Capital", 1847
Grundrisse, 1857
Theories of Surplus Value, 3 volumes, 1862
"Value, Price and Profit", 1865
Das Kapital, Volume I (Das Kapital), 1867
"The Civil War in France", 1871
"Critique of the Gotha Program", 1875
"Notes on Adolph Wagner", 1883
Das Kapital, Volume II (posthumously published by Engels), 1885
Das Kapital, Volume III (posthumously published by Engels), 1894
Kriti Bharti
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Kriti Bharti
Born
Kriti Chopra
August 19, 1987
Alma mater Jai Narain Vyas University
Organization Saarthi Trust
Known for Child marriage activism
Kriti Bharti (born August 19, 1987) is an Indian rehabilitation psychologist and children's rights activist. Bharti made headlines as the first annuller of child marriage in India. She is the founder and director of Saarthi Trust, a non-profit organization that primarily rescues and ensures the recovery and welfare of child marriage victims. Bharti's team has annulled more than 41 child marriages and prevented more than 1,400 from occurring.
Early life
Bharti was born on August 19, 1987 in Jodhpur, Rajasthan. Bharti's father abandoned her mother, Indu Chopra, when she was still in her womb. This was considered a disgrace in a conservative environment, and relatives demanded her to abort or to be wed again. Despite the pressure, Bharti's mother persisted and raised the child alone. Her mother also suffered medical complications during her pregnancy and Bharti was born prematurely at seven months.
As a child, Bharti was physically and verbally tortured by relatives who considered her cursed. One went to the extent of giving her a slow poison at 10 years old, and Bharti managed to survive but she was bedridden and paralyzed. She went through several treatments from different hospitals, until she was able to recover two years later, attributing her healing to reiki therapies.
Upon her recovery, she changed her last name to "Bharti" (Daughter of India) in an attempt to free herself from the caste system, religion and kin.
Education
Due to the paralysis, Bharti was unable to finish fourth grade. She managed to accelerate to 10nth grade as she cleared her boards.
Bharti obtained a Doctorate in Psychology at the Jai Narain Vyas University in Jodhpur.
NGOs
At college, Bharti joined many NGOs and started counselling simultaneously. Her first case was a rape victim who was just 9 years old. Barthi thought that a temporary relief via counselling is ultimately pointless. The encounter prompted her to pursue.
Through the NGOs, Bharti was able to work with several street children that suffered from child labour, poverty and child marriage. After seven months, she noticed that a pressing issue among the homeless children is child marriage. Child marriage, although considered illegal in India, remained prevalent, especially in rural areas. Bharti's hometown, Rajasthan, was considered the world's epicenter of child marriage.
A report of the UNICEF in 2009, titled State of the Worlds Children, goes on further to say that 40 percent of the world's child marriages happen in India. The report also stated that 56 percent of the women surveyed in rural areas married before 18 years old.
Saarthi Trust
As Bharti worked with NGOs, she noticed how they were just spreading awareness; while she believed it is essential, it is merely treating the problem at the surface level. Thus, in 2011, driven by her experience with children in NGOs, she established Saarthi Trust. Saarthi Trust works on grassroots level and ensures the rehabilitation and welfare of child marriage victims after rescue. The organization provides education, vocational training and employment opportunities to ensure the independence of the victims thereafter.
In 2012, Bharti made headlines on her first case, Laxmi Sargara. She was the first woman in India to have her child marriage nullified. Since then, Bharti and her team have been working on personally visiting villages and schools to discuss the detrimental effects of child marriage and to teach women empowerment. The organization has a helpline for underage brides and grooms to report their case. As victims reach out, Bharti's team obtains proof of the marriage and then talks to the family of both the bride and bridegroom, and then to the elders of the community in an attempt to convince them. If it fails, Bharti's team seeks legal help and takes the case to the court.
Throughout years of activism, Bharti has faced countless death and rape threats. Hidebound hindu leaders who approve the practice of child marriage have threatened to chop her nose and gang-rape her.
Saarthi Trust has rehabilitated more than 6,000 children and 5,500 women. Since it was established in 2011, Bharti's team has annulled more than 44 child marriages and halted more than 1,400 from happening.
K. Balagopal
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Kandalla Balagopal
Born 10 June 1952
Died 8 October 2009 (aged 57)
Movement Civil Liberties, Human Rights
Kandalla Balagopal (10 June 1952 – 8 October 2009) was an human rights activist, mathematician and lawyer who was known for his work on the issue of civil liberties and human rights. He was a staunch civil liberties activist in Andhra Pradesh. He had broken away from the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee (APCLC), with which he was associated since its inception in ‘80's, on the issue of violence perpetrated by the erstwhile CPI-ML Peoples War. He was a writer on people's issues and had recently written about the developments on the Maoist front in west Bengal.
Early life
Balagopal was the fifth child of eight children of a middle class Telugu Brahmin couple- Kandalla Parthanatha Sarma and Rallapalli Nagamani. One of his brothers, Anantha, was a doctor in the Indian army. His father's job in the insurance sector entailed frequent transfers and Balagopal's education was in several towns of AP, from Nellore to Vizianagaram. After Pre-University education in Kavali and BSc in Tirupati, he took an MSc and PhD in Mathematics from the Regional Engineering College in Warangal before proceeding to Delhi for a post-doctoral at the Indian Statistical Institute. He returned to Warangal in 1981, where he started teaching Maths at the Kakatiya University. This was also the time when he decided on social activism and joined the Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee.
Career
Balagopal was a mathematician, he began his career as a teacher in Warangal but soon turned full-time human rights activist. He was a Mathematics professor at Kakatiya University before quitting in 1985. He did his Phd in Kakatiya University. He chose to become a lawyer much later, after getting fully associated with the human rights movement.
Balagopal served as the general secretary of Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee (APCLC) between 1983 and 1997. Following differences of opinion within the APCLC on how to respond to revolutionary violence he left APCLC and formed the Human Rights Forum.
Over a period of 26 years, he documented and took up cases of thousands of extrajudicial killings by government forces in Andhra Pradesh and elsewhere. During a series of kidnapping committed by the Maoists in the late 1980s, the vigilante organisation Praja Bandhu (transl. Friends of the People) abducted him and demanded that two police officers be released from naxalite custody. The organisation, which was suspected to have ties with the state police, released him only after the abducted policemen were returned.
First introduced to Marxism through reading DD Kosambi, K. Balagopal followed a dialectical Marxist method in scores of articles published in the Economic and Political Weekly until the early 90s. Deeply disturbed by the collapse of the Soviet Union, Balagopal began to explore humanist traditions in Marxism for answers. His articles in the 90s reflect this shift.
Human Rights Forum
Balagopal founded the Human Rights Forum in Andhra Pradesh.
His public criticism of the acts of violence by Maoists attracted severe criticism from the naxalites. Following his comments on the violence in Lalgarh in West Bengal, Maoist Central Committee member, Mallojula Koteshwar Rao had challenged Balagopal to visit Lalgarh resistance area to know the real picture.
He served as a member of the Expert Group on Development Challenges in Extremist Affected Areas, set up by Planning Commission of India in 2008. He believed that human rights are indivisible. He was known for his simple living and his analytical articles that appeared regularly in Economic and Political Weekly.His articles in EPW included issues ranging from the regime of Indira Gandhi, Reservations issue, human rights violations from time to time in different places, the Gujarat riots, Special Economic Zones, land acquisition, sub-categorisation of Scheduled Castes in Andhra Pradesh, the failure of talks between the YSR Government and the CPI-Maoists and so on.
His Telugu essay 'Cheekati Konaalu'directly questioned the violation of human rights by those who claimed that they were working for a radical revolution. After the formation of Human Rights Forum, he expanded his activities and visited areas undergoing intense social turmoil in Jammu and Kashmir, Gujarat, West Bengal and Orissa. In Orissa his fact-finding teams visited Rayagada district and documented the perspective of people displaced by Utkal Allumina Project, Jagatsinghpur district in respect of people affected by proposed Posco steel plant and Kandhamal district, which was affected by communal and ethnic clashes in 2007/2008. He analysed and exposed the hypocrisy in the functioning of most of the mainstream political parties.
Balagopal started practicing law nearly a decade ago and has argued dozens of cases pertaining to encounter killings by the police.
He died of cardiac arrest in Banjara Hills, Hyderabad on the night of 8 October 2009.
Personal life
Balagopal was married to Vasanta Lakshmi, a journalist currently working in Andhra Jyothy newspaper. They have a son, Rigobertha Prabhatha.
Legacy
Ramachandra Guha praised Balagopal for his non-partisan commitment to human rights.
कंगला मांझी
कई राज्यों में हैं गोंड आदिवासी
नरेंद्र ध्रुव ने बताया, “जिस तरह भीड़ को टुकड़ों में बांट दिया जाता है, ठीक उसी तरह गोंडवाना आदिवासियों के एक बड़े समूह को राज्यों में बांटकर विभाजित कर दिया गया। कुछ साल पहले ही मध्य प्रदेश को छत्तीसगढ़ व मध्य प्रदेश में, बिहार को झारखंड और बिहार में बांटा गया। ठीक ऐसा ही बंटवारा इससे पहले भी हुआ और नतीजतन गोंड आदिवासी भी बंट गए और कोई छत्तीसगढ़ व मध्य प्रदेश में रह रहा है, तो कोई बिहार या झारखंड में तो कोई कर्नाटक और तेलंगाना में। हम सब अब एक होने की कोशिश में लगे हैं, ताकि अपने अधिकार फिर से वापस पा सकें।”
नहीं मानते हिंदू धर्म, शंकर को मानते अपना पुरखा
नरेंद्र ध्रुव ने बताया, “गोंड आदिवासी प्रकृति के पुजारी होते हैं और ये लोग हिंदू धर्म को नहीं मानते हैं। लेकिन शंकर-पार्वती की पूजा करते हैं,क्योंकि वे इनके इष्ट देव हैं। दीपावली पर ईश्वर-गौरा की वे लोग पूजा करते हैं और इसके पीछे का कारण वे लोग ये बताते हैं कि चूंकि शंकर खुद अनार्य (आदिवासी) थे, इसलिए उन्हें नायक के रूप में मानकर उनकी अराधना करते हैं। शंकर को ये लोग भील के वंशज मानते हैं। उनका कहना है कि हिंदू धर्म से उन्हें जोड़ना गलत है।”
भूतपूर्व प्रधानमंत्री इंदिरा गांधी के साथ कंगला मांझी]
कौन थे कंगला मांझी?
कंगला मांझी के पुत्र के.डी. कांगे ने फारवर्ड प्रेस से बातचीत में बताया, “उनके पिता का वास्तविक नाम हीरा सिंह देव था और संविधान बनने से पहले जब 156 राष्ट्रों का अंतर्राष्ट्रीय सम्मेलन हुआ था, तब भारत की तरफ से प्रधानमंत्री जवाहर लाल नेहरू वहां गए थे; जबकि गोंडवाना राज्य की तरफ से हीरा सिंह देव गए थे। तब अंतर्राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर फैसला लिया गया था कि गोंडवाना के अस्तित्व के साथ छेड़छाड़ नहीं की जाए, लेकिन कालांतर में गोंडवाना आदिवासियों को राज्यों के बंटवारे की आड़ लेकर एक-दूसरे से दूर कर दिया गया। इस पीड़ा से हीरा सिंह देव काफी आहत हुए और उन्होंने ऐशोआराम वाली जिंदगी छोड़ गरीब आदिवासियों के बीच रहकर अधिकार की लड़ाई लड़ने का संकल्प लिया। तभी से उनका नाम श्री मांझी हो गया। मांझी का हिंदी में अर्थ मुखिया है, जबकि कंगला का अाशय गरीब से है। यानी उनके सम्मान में और उनकी लड़ाई को आगे बढ़ाने के लिए ही श्री कंगला मांझी आदिवासी कल्याण समिति का गठन किया गया।”
(कॉपी संपादन : प्रेम/एफपी डेस्क)
श्री हीरा सिंह देव मांझी उर्फ कंगला मांझी सरकार (Kangala Majhi)
डॉ. परदेशी राम वर्मा
प्रारंभिक परिचय -
कंगला मांझी यह नाम छत्तीसगढ़ में आज भी गूजंता है । छत्तीसगढ़ के बुजुर्ग नेताओं ने कंगला मांझी के संगठन कौशल को देख कर उन्हें भरपूर सहयोग भी दिया । घनश्याम सिंह गुप्ता, डॉ. खूबचंद बघेल, ठाकुर प्यारे लाल सिंह, विश्वनाथ तामस्कर, चंदूलाल चंद्राकर जैसे नामी गिरामी नेता और छत्तीसगढ़ के सपूत कंगला मांझी के मित्र, हितचिंतक, हमसफर और सहयोगी थे ।
दुर्ग जिले के जंगल में कंगला मांझी ने अपना क्रांतिकारी मुख्यालय बनाया । लेकिन यह बहुत बाद की बात हैं । १९१० से १९१२ तक कंगला मांझी ने तप किया । एकान्त चिंतन और प्रार्थना का यह समय उनके लिए बहुत मददगार सिद्ध हुआ । वे १९१२ के बाद सार्वजनिक जीवन में ताल ठोंक कर उतर गए । लगभग सौ वर्ष का अत्यंत सक्रिय समर्पित, राष्ट्र प्रेम से ओतप्रोत जीवन जीकर वे ५ दिसंबर १९८’ का इस लोक से विदा हो गए ।
पंडित जवाहर लाल नेहरू को नये भारत का मसीहा मानने वाले कंगला मांझी का असली नाम हीरासिंह देव मांझी था । छत्तीसगढ़ और आदिवासी समाज की विपन्न और अत्यंत कंगाली भरा जीवन देखकर हीरासिंह देव मांझी ने खुद को कंगला घोषित कर दिया । इसीलिए वे छत्तीसगढ़ की आशाओं के केन्द्र में आ गये । न केवल आदिवासी समाज उनसे आशा करता था बल्कि पूरा छत्तीसगढ़ उनकी चमत्कारिक छबि से सम्मोहित था । कंगला मांझी विलक्षण नेता थे । वे राष्ट्र गौरव की चिंता करते हुए देश में गोडवाना राज्य की कल्पना करते थे । उन्होंने बार - बार अपने घोषणा पत्रों में पंडित जवाहरलाल नेहरू का चित्र छापकर यह लिखा कि देश के लिए समर्पित रहकर मिट्टी का कर्ज चुकाना है । उनके सैनिकों के द्वारा रोमांचित करने वाला एक गीत गाया जाता है,
जसकी प्रथम दो पंक्तियां हैं ...............
देवगनों का देश हमारा,
झंडा ऊंचा रहे हमारा ।
आजाद हिंद फौज के सिपाहियों की वर्दी और सज्जा को अपनाकर गर्व महसूस करने वाले कंगला मांझी के दोलाख वर्दीधारी सैनिक हैं । वर्दी-विहीन सैनिक भी लगभग इतनी ही संख्या में हैं । प्रतिवर्ष ५ दिसंबर को डौंडी लोहारा तहसील में स्थित गांव बघमार में कंगला मांझी सरकार की स्मृति को नमन करने आदिवासी समाज के अतिरिक्त छत्तीसगढ़ के स्वाभिमान के लिए चिंतित जन एकत्र होतें है ।
वहां तीन दिन का ऐतिहासिक सम्मेलन होता है । लोग दिसंबर की सर्द रातों को पेड़ के नीचे काटतें हैं ।
भाव से भरे समर्पित आदिवासियों का हुजूम सम्हाले नहीं सम्हलता । कंगला मांझी के गांव में ऐसा आसरा भी नहीं बना है जिसमें आगन्तुकों को ठहराया जा सके । जबकि आयेदिन दूरदराज के पत्रकार, लेखक, समाजशास्त्री, राजनीतिज्ञ इस गांव की यात्रा करते हैं । मेले के दिनों में आदिवासी सैनिक ठहर सकें ऐसी व्यवस्था अभी बन नही पाई है । कंगला मांझी ने अपने एक पर्चे में लिखा है - भरत के गोड़वाना भाइयों, प्राचीन युग से अभी तक हम शक्तिशाली होते हुए भी जंगल खेड़े, देहात में बंदरों के माफिक चुपचाप बैठे हैं । भारत के दोस्तों ये भूमि हमारी है फिर भी हम भूमि के गण होते हुए भी चुपचाप हाथ बांधे बैठे हैं । आज हमारे हाथ से सोने की चिड़िया कैसे उड़ गई । यह दर्द और धनीभूत हो जाता है जब स्थिति इतने वर्षो बाद भी जस की तस दिखती है । आदिवासियों ने कभी दूसरों का अधिकार नहीं छीना मगर आदिवासियों पर लगातार चतुर चालाक समाज हमला करता रहा । संस्कृति, जमीन, जीवन और परंपरा पर हुए हमलों से आहत आदिवासी तनकर खड़े भी हुए लेकिन नेतृत्व के आभाव में बहुत देर तक लड़ाई नहीं लड़ सके । प्रतिरोधी शक्तियां साधन संपन्न थी । आदिवासी समाज सीधा, सरल और साधनहीन था । ऐसे में कंगला मांझी के अभ्युदय से एक क्रांतिकारी दौर की शुरूआत हुई ।
कंगला मांझी का सतत विकास और देश के लिए विनम्र योगदान : विकास के सोपान -
कंगला मांझी सरकार का जन्म कांकेर जिला स्थित गांव तेलावट में हुआ । यह उनका ननिहाल था । सलाम परिवार उनमका ममियारो है । यहीं उनका बचपन बीता । श्रम करते हुए वे जीवन के सोपानों पर चढ़ते रहे ।
1914 से वे स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन से जुड़े । जंगल में स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन प्रारंभ हो चुका था । 1914 में बस्तर की गतिविधियों से चिंतित हो अंग्रेज सरकार आदिवासियों को दबाने जा पहुंची । तीन देवियों के पुजारियों को कील ठोंक कर मार दिया । अंग्रेज आदिवासियों की आस्था पर चोट करना चाहते थे । दैवीय शक्ति पर आदिवासियों के अटल विश्वास पर प्रहार करने के लिए ही पुजारियों की हत्या की गई ।
आदिवासी आंदोलन से जुड़ी जनश्रुतियों के अनुसार लोग आज भी बतातें है कि तीन देवियों के पुजारियों को जब कील ठोंक कर मार दिया गया तब वहां वीर बस्तरिया प्रगट हुए । वीर बस्तरिया ने अंग्रेजों से पूछा कि आप बस्तर में क्या चाहतें हैं । लड़ना हे तो मुझसे लड़ो । भोले आदिवासियों से क्या लड़ते हो ।
अंग्रेज ने कहा - मै जर्मन से हार गया हूं, यहां आराम करने आया हूँ । अंग्रेजों से कुछ दिनों बाद फिर आदिवासियों की लड़ाई हुई । इस लड़ाई में अंग्रेज हार गये ।
फिर अंग्रेज ने कांकेर की राजमाता से तीन हजार जवान देने का आग्रह किया । तब कंगला मांझी ने राजमाता को समझाया कि अगर आपने जवान अंग्रेजों को दे दिया तो यहां का राज कैसे चलेगा । तब माता ने अंग्रेज से कहा कि अपने लोगों से सलाह कर फिर जवाब दूंगी ।
कंगला मांझी ने राजमाता को समझाया कि अंग्रेज हमारी ही ताकत से हमें गुलाम बनाकर बैठे हैं । इसलिए हम उन्हें सहयोग न करें । आज वे बस्तर में हारे हैं, कल देश में हार कर भाग जायेंगे ।
तब अंग्रेजों से गोड़वाना राज्य की मांग की गई । १९१५ में रांची की बैठक हुई । १९१५ से १९१८ तक लगातार बैठकें होती रही । १९१९ में अंग्रेजों ने कांकेर, बस्तर और धमतरी के क्षेत्र को मिलाकर एक गोड़वाना राज बना देने का प्रस्ताव दिया ।
कंगला मांझी इससे सहमत नहीं हुए । एक छोटे से क्षेत्र में राज्य की बात उन्हें जमी नहीं । उन्होंने कहा कि विराट गोंड़वाना राज्य के वंशजों को एक छोटे से भूभाग का लालच दिया जा रहा है । हम सहमत नहीं है ।
1914 में जेल में वे महात्मा गांधी से मिल चुके थे । १९२० में पुन: कलकत्ते में महात्मा गांधी से भेंट हुई । वे लगातार राष्ट्रीय नेताओं के सम्पर्क में रहे ।आंदोलनों का नेतृत्व भी करते रहे । आदिवासियों को संगठित कर स्वतंत्रता की आग जंगल में धधकाते रहे ।
फिर आया 1922 का काल । महात्मा गांधी से प्रभावित कंगला मांझी ने अपनी शांति सेना के दम पर आंदोलन चलाया । वे मानते थे कि देश के असल शासक गोंड़ हैं । वे बलिदानी परंपरा के जीवित नक्षत्र बनकर वनवासियों को राह दिखाते रहें और 1947 में देश आजाद हुआ तो उन्होंने नए सिरे से संगठन खड़ा किया । अब शासक देशी थे । लेकिन शासन में आदिवासियों की हिस्सेदारी नहीं थी । यह नया संघर्ष था । अस्मिता के लिए संघर्ष । यद्यपि कंगला मांझी ने पंडित जवाहर लाल नेहरू को राष्ट्र ही नहीं विश्व का हीरा घोषित किया, लेकिन आदिवासी हितों की रक्षा के लिए वे सेना और समर्पित सैनिकों की जरूरत को मानते थे । इसीलिए एक संगठन को नया आकार दिया गया ।
संगठन और क्रांति का नव अध्याय
संगठन का नाम रखा गया श्री मांझी अर्न्तराष्ट्रीय समाजवाद आदिवासी किसान सैनिक संस्था इनकी एक और संस्था का नाम अखिल भारतीय माता दंतेवाड़ी समाज समिति । इस संगठन से लगातार आदिवासी जुड़ते गए, सदस्य बनते गए । १९५१ में बिल्ला एवं सैनिक की वर्दी प्रदान करने की परंपरा शुरू हुई । शासन ने लाल ध्वज भी दिया । १९५१ से १९५६ तक यही लाल ध्वज कंगला मांझी जी फहराते रहे । लाल ध्वज समता वादी समाज की संरचना के लिए चिंतित कंगलामांझी के चिंतन का प्रतीक था ।
१९५६ में उन्हें राष्ट्रीय ध्वज दुर्ग में भेंट किया गया । जिला कचहरी में राष्ट्रीय ध्वज फहराने का गौरव उन्हें उसी वर्ष मिला । दुर्ग के जयस्तंभ, पांच कडील चौक तथा जटार क्लब में भी वे प्रति वर्ष तिरंगा फहराते थे । उन्होंने दुर्ग के आमापारा में निवास के लिए स्थान चुना । उनका आधा परिवार आज भी खपरैल के टूटे घरों में आमापारा मैं हैं । वहां कंगला मांझी द्वारा निर्मित एक बहुत पुराना छोटा सा मंदिर भी है जिसमें बूढ़ा देव विराजित हैं । आमापारा में भी प्रतिवर्ष झंडा फहराया जाता रहा । आज भी यह परंपरा जारी है । पहले वहां मेला भी लगता था किन्तु अब आमापारा में उनका घर सिमट कर रह गया है । चारों और अतिक्रमण से उनका घर घिर गया है । जिस तरह छत्तीसगढ़िया घिर बैठा है ।
कंगला मांझी जी ने आमापारा के साथ १९६० मंे जंगल के भीतर अपनी सारी गतिविधियों के लिए स्थान चुना । आज भी वहां मात्र सात घर के लोग हैं । १९६० में केवल दो घर वहां थे । एक घर जुड़ावन पटेल का था, दूसरा घर कंगला मांझी ने बनाया । धीरे-धीरे बघमार गांव आदिवासियों का पुण्य धाम बनता गया । अब उस मिट्टी के बने मकान में राज-माता फुलवा देवी ने अपने सैनिकों और समर्थकों को दिशा निर्देस देने हेतु एक दफ्तर भी बना लिया है । परिसर में मिट्टी के बने मंदिर में तीन देवियां विराजित हैं । बूढ़ीमाता, दंतेवाड़ी माता तथा बावड़ी माता के अतिरिक्त आंगन में गढ़माता का स्थान है । रूपसिंह उइके इस घर के पुजारी हैं जो परिसर में ही निवास करतें है ।
बघमार में कंगला मांझी को दस एकड़ जमीन उनके एक सैनिक ने दिया । झरन टोला, मरकाम टोला, किल्लेकोड़ा पास के गांव हैं । इस गांव में न खेल का मैदान है न दूसरी सुविधा । १५ वर्ष पहले बिजली जरूर आ गई है । राजनांदगांव राजहरा रोड़ से कच्ची सड़क पर उतर कर चार किलोमीटर और चलने पर बघमार गांव आता है ।
सड़क इतनी खराब है कि थोड़ा भी पानी गिरने पर पैदल चलना मुश्किल हो जाता है। आसपास के जंगलों में अब भिन्न-भिन्न आश्रमों के बोर्ड लग गये है । जमीन पर धर्म के नाम पर कब्जे भी शुरू हो गये हैं ।
लेकिन गोड़वाना राज्य के लिए संघर्ष करने वाले आदिवासियों के मसीहा कंगला मांझी का घर उसी तरह है । मिट्टी का मकान ग्रामीण शैली में बना है । लकड़ी के खंभों पर खड़ा मकान मांझी जी की सरलता और आडंबर हीनता की याद दिलाता है ।
स्वानुशासन और कर्त्तव्य
कंगला मांझी ने राष्ट्र, छत्तीसगढ़ और आदिवासी समाज को एक धागे में पिरोकर उस माला को आदर भाव से धारण किया । यह विलक्षण साधना सिद्ध हुई । कुछ भी न मांगते हुए उन्होंने अपने लोगों को कर्त्तव्य का पाठ जरूर पढ़ाया । जैसे एक पर्चा निकला : रिजर्व सीट के हाथ मजबूत करने के लिए आदिवासी भाई आवें, कदम बढ़ावें और भारत के समस्त दूत बन जावें । इस पर्चे मे कर्त्तव्यों की सूची कुछ इस तरह है :-
१. अपने धर्म का आदर करें और उसका पालन करें ।
२. सुख शांति फैलाने हेतु तत्पर रहें ।
‘. असहाय बूढे-बूढ़ी, बच्चों की सहायता करें ।
‘. पूज्य जनों का आदेश मानें ।
५. अपने देश व राज्य के लिए तन-मन-धन न्यौछावर करें ।
६. अपना चरित्र पवित्र रखें ।
ऐसी उदात्त कल्पना थी कंगला मांझी की । वे सबके साथ अपना विकास देखते थे ।
आदिवासी समाज तब उन्नति करेगा जब वह राज्य और देश की उन्नति में भागीदार बनेगा । इसी तरह वे यह भी मानते थे कि देश और राज्य तभी समृद्ध बनेगा जब उसका आदिवासी समृद्ध होगा । यह बहुत व्यवहारिक सोच है । उन्होंने गोंडवाना राज्य के लिए आदिवासी समाज में जागृति का प्रयास तो किया ही साथ ही समाज निर्माण की दिशा में उन्होंने ठोस कार्य किया ।
आदिवासी समाज के लिए जो पालन योग्य नियम जारी हुए वे इस तरह हैं .......
१. बच्चों के जन्म पर गांव भर को भोजन नहीं कराना है बल्कि पांच गरीब बच्चों को भोजन कराना है । इस तरह घर पवित्र होगा ।
२. एकता रखना है, मिलकर रहना है ।
‘. बूढ़ा देव की पूजा होगी पर हिंसा नहीं होनी चाहिए, बलि न दें ।
‘. विवाह के लिए १’ वर्ष की लड़की एवं १८ वर्ष का लड़का हो । बाल विवाह न करे ं ।
५. विवाह गोंड़वाना में प्रचलित पद्धति से हो ।
६. विधवा विवाह में लेन-देन न हो ।
७. भौजाई को चूड़ी पहनाना हो तो तय हो, जब स्त्री मर जाय, बाल-बच्चे न हो तब सबकी स्वीकृति से यह करें ।
८. ७ माह के बच्चे के निधन पर मृत्यु भोज न दिया जाए ।
९. एक घर में दो मौत होने पर एक ही मृत्यु भोज दिया जाए ।
१०. शुभ कार्य के दौरान किसी घर में मौत हो जाय तो उसे अशुद्ध घर नहीं मानना चाहिए ।
११. पति-पत्नि में सतत कलह रहने पर पंचायत छोड़ छुड़ी कर दे ताकि दोनों अलग जीवन बिता सकें ।
१२. संतान नही होने पर या पत्नी सदा बीमार रहे तब पंचों से स्वीकृति लेकर दूसरा ब्याह करना चाहिए ।
इसके अतिरिक्त और भी सामाजिक रीतियों से जुड़े सुत्रों को उन्होंने पकड़ा और उसके महत्व को समझाया । जीवन की जटिलता को कम करने के लिए कंगला मांझी ने सदैव प्रयास किया । समाज में व्यापत कुरीतियों पर साहस पूर्वक नकेल डालने में वे सफल रहे ।
समानता का नवदर्शन और जातीय एकता का प्रयास
छत्तीसगढ़ में भिन्न-भिन्न जातियों के बड़े संगठन हैं । एक समान खान-पान, संस्कृति, मान्यता के बावजूद समाजों के बीच दीवारें हैं । चूड़ी प्रथा से लेकर सभी आदिवासी समाज की प्रथाओं को छत्तीसगढ़ की समस्त जातियों ने अंगीकार किया था । बल्कि यूं मानने मे किसी को परहेज नहीं होना चाहिए कि जिन जातियों चूड़ी प्रथा रही वे छत्तीसगढ़ की आदिम और पुरानी जातियां हैं । इसीलिए एक समान जीवन दर्शन से जुड़ी, समान सामाजिक नियमों से बंधी जातियों को कंगला मांझी ने एक माना । आश्चर्य होता है यह देखकर कि वे कितने बड़े क्रांतिदृष्टा थे । समय के पार देखने की कैसी दिव्य दृष्टि उनके पास थी । यहां उन जातियों का उल्लेख जरूरी है जिसे एक मानकर कंगला मांझी ने पर्चा निकाला ।
आदिवासी आदिम जाति परिगणित मूल निवासी शाखा सूची
गोंड़, भील, केंवट, ढ़ीमर, निषादराज, कंवर, बिंझवार, हलबा, धनुहार, मरार, कलार, कुम्हार, प्रधान, लोधी, नेगी, जोगी, बैगा, पनिका, गनिका, नाई, धोबी, तेली, तमोली, बाजदार, देवदास, नगाड़ची, गांडा, महार, रावत, गोबारी, यादव, नाहर, कोलिता, धोसी, सयान, सनिया, भूमिया, भोई, बेलदार, बसोट, बुर्रा, बड़रा, देवार, कोष्टा, गढ़वाल, देवांगन, महतो, महरकतिया, परगनिहा, कोक, ओल, भद्रा, उड़िया, ओझिया, सोनझरिया, सोनकर, अमांग, झरिया, कोरबा, लोहार, कोरकू, सोता, कौड़ाकू, मुयासी ।
ये लगभग छत्तीसगढ़ की सभी दलित, पिछड़ी एवं वनवासी जातियां हैं । इन्हें एक करने का यह वंदनीय प्रयास उन्होंने किया ।
संगठन का स्वरूप
कंगला मांझी जी को स्वयं सब कुछ नये सिरे से प्रारंभ करना पड़ा । पूर्व में कोई सांगठनिक नियमादि थे नहीं । उन्होने आदिवासी समाज को मजबूत करने के लिए एक विस्तृत निर्देश पत्रक तैयार किया । जिसके अनुसार पद इस तरह बनाये गये.........
तहसील में एक प्रतिनिधि हो । तहसील क्षेत्र में ५ से ‘० गांव का एक परगना क्षेत्र हो जिसका एक अगुवा हो । उन्होंने लिखा कि ऐसा तहसील प्रतिनिधि हो जो पढ़ा लिखा हो और शासन की नीतियों का लाभ आदिवासी समाज के भाइयों को दिला सकें । कृषि के संबंध में लोगों को बता सकें ।
जनगणना के लिए मरदम शुभारी सन् १९७० का फार्म भी छपवाया जिसमें आदिवासी समाज से संबंधित विस्तृत जानकारी मिल सके । इस फार्म में मुखिया के परिवारजनों की संख्या, मकान स्वयं का है या किराये का, यह भी उल्लेख जरूरी किया गया । साथ ही गांव, शहर, देश, विदेश के आदिवासियों के फार्म भराकर जानकारी ली गई ।
इसके अतिरिक्त भारत के किसानों के लिए भी एक होने की अपील निकाली गई । उन्होंने माना कि जो भूमि से जुड़ा है वह किसान चाहे देश के किसी भी हिस्से में रहते हों, एक हैं वे सब भारत मां के श्रम वीर बेटे हैं । उनका आपस में एका जरूरी है । तभी उनका सम्मान बढ़ेगा और तभी राष्ट्र मजबूत होगा जब राष्ट्र के सभी किसान एक होंगे ।
अनुशासित संगठन पर नियंत्रण
कंगला मांझी सरकार का अंतर्राष्ट्रीय कार्यालय दिल्ली में स्थापित हुआ । आदिवासी केम्प रणजीत सिंह मार्ग नई दिल्ली ११०००२ यह पता है । वहां से ही पूरे देश के आदिवासियों के लिए वे अपना परिपत्र जारी करते थे । जिसमें कंगला मांझी जी, श्रीमती फुलवा देवी एवं पंडित जवाहरलाल नेहरू के चित्र अनिवार्य रूप से छपे ।
अंतर्राष्ट्रीय समाजवाद की बात वे प्राय: हर पर्चे में करते थे । उनके संगठन में समय-समय पर चुनाव हुए । पदों का निर्धारण हुआ । अध्यक्ष, उपाध्यक्ष, पंच, सभासद नियुक्त हुए । सैनिकों की भर्ती हुई । सैनिकों को वर्दी दी गई । प्रधानमंत्री, राष्ट्रपति से वे अपने सैनिकों के
साथ ही मिलें । वे संगठन में ‘ परगना मिलाकर एक कार्यालय खोलते थे । जिसमें प्रमुख अगुवा कहलाता था । उन्होंने अगुवों को निर्देशित किया कि कार्यालय के रजिस्टरों एवं सभी पत्रकों को ठीक रखें और समय-समय पर जांच भी करवायें । वे व्यक्तिवाद के विरोधी थे । उन्हें पता था कि सब मिलजुलकर ही मंजिल तक पहुंच सकतें है । इसीलिए दीवारों को ध्वस्त करते हुए वे आगे बढ़े । उदारतापूर्वक सबको उन्होंने अपने साथ जोड़ा । लेकिन सभी जुड़ने वालों से आग्रह किया कि ईमानदारी पूर्वक जाति, क्षेत्र और राष्ट्र की सेवा करें । वे बार-बार लिखतें ...............
14 नवंबर 1947 को समस्त मानव भारतीय संतान को स्मरण किया जाता है कि हमें किसी से लड़ना या हिंसात्मक कार्यवाही करना नहीं है । वरन् हमें सिर्फ उड़त-बुड़त जो कश्मीर से कन्याकुमारी तक निशान है उसी की आवश्यकता है ।
ये पर्चे विलक्षण हैं । इन पर्चो में कभी यह ऐलान किया जाता है कि समाजवाद ने शक्ति के रूप में प्रगट होकर दिल्ली में आसन ग्रहण कर लिया है ।
यह श्रीमती इंदिरा गांधी के साहसिक निर्णयों की प्रशंसा ही है । मगर ढ़ंग ठेठ उनका अपना । श्री अटल बिहारी बाजपेयी ने इन्दिरा जी को दुर्गा कहा । इसी तर्ज पर मांझी जी ने शक्ति का अवतार कहा । उन्होंने विकास के लिए उठाये गये हर कदम का समर्थन किया । हिंसा का विरोध किया । अहिंसक क्रांति के पुरोधा कंगला मांझी के सिपाही सैनिक वर्दी में होते लेकिन रास्ता महात्मा गांधी का ही अपनाते ।
राज और ताज की मांग
कंगला मांझी ने समय-समय पर केन्द्रीय शासन को याद दिलाया कि आदिवासी हितों की रक्षा उनका दायित्व है । उनके संगठन से जुड़े चालीस लाख लोगों ने भारत को शक्तिशाली बनाने के लिए शांतिपूर्वक मत दिया । इसलिए आदिवासी सत्ता को स्वीकार कर उसे ताज और राज भी दिया जाए । देखें पर्चे का अंश ..........
अडतालिसगढ़ बीस सौ कोस बस्तर सात सौ परगना कांकेर स्टेट छत्तीसगढ़ विलीन रियासत मध्यप्रदेश स्टेट के चालीस लाख आदिवासी और जनजाति आदिवासी परंपरा के शिला लेखों के मुताबिक भारत सरकार के मददगार महाकांग्रेस को सलाह देते हुए तथा अपने पैरों पर खड़ा होकर देश की रक्षा के लिए कदम उठाये हैं ।
हम भारत में किसी से लड़ना नहीं चाहतें, हम तलवार से किसी पर चढ़ाई नहीं करना चाहतें । हमें तो सब गांवों को एक कर भारत को महान और मजबूत बनाना है, ताकि उन्नतिशील भारत की जनता अपने पैरों पर खड़े होकर देश की रक्षा कर सके ।
देश के हितार्थ लोकसभा एवं विधानसभा में आदिवासी मतदाताओं द्वारा चुनकर भेंजे गए उम्मीदवारों के नाम एवं पता नीचे दर्शाये गए हैं ।
रूलिंग चीफ आफ इंडिया, मध्यप्रदेश राज्य शासन रिजर्व सीट से भाग लेने वाले प्रतिनिधियों, प्रेसिडेण्ट एवं चपरासी तथा सेक्रेटरियों के नाम यहां है (राज्य शासन गोंड़वाना)
नये युग के लिए नई किताब : भारत भूमिका
श्री कंगला मांझी सरकार द्वारा लिखित एक पुस्तक है भारत भूमिका । १९५१ में यह किताब लिखी गई । किताब में उपर श्री कंगला मांझी एवं श्रीमती फुलवादेवी का चित्र है । घोषणा है नया युग, नया राष्ट्र, भारत समराष्ट्र दर्शन (अंतर्राष्ट्रीय अखिल भारतीय आदिवासी मूल निवासी) राज्य शासन मध्यप्रदेश स्टेट भारत गोंड़वाना कंगला मांझी अपने सैनिकों को साथ अंग्रेजों से भी लड़ते रहे । १९’७ में देश आजाद हुआ । नई रोशनी आई । पंडित जवाहर लाल नेहरू की ओर आशा भरी नजर से आदिवासी समाज ने देखा । उन उमंग भरे दिनों में कंगला मांझी ने अपनं ढ़ंग से एक किताब लिखकर राष्ट्रभक्तो को सौंपा । किताब में कुछ विशिष्ट जो बातें हैं, वे इस तरह हैं .........
१. नये युग के अनुसार सारे पुराने कानून को नया कर कानून खोजने वाला कौन है ?
२. नये युग का सूत्रधार कौन ?
‘. इस युग के असल हीरा हैं पंडित जवाहर लाल नेहरू ।
‘. औस उसी तरह भारत के अंदर एक और हीरा मिला । गोंड़ अनाथ फकीर कंगला मांझी ।
५. दोनों हीरों को गांधी जी का आशीष मिला ।
६. भारत के हीरा पंडित जवाहरलाल नेहरू और बस्तर के हीरा कंगला मांझी है ।
भारतीय परम्परा प्राचीन गोंडवाना संस्कृति
संदेश
१. गोंड़वाना भाई जानें कि जिस दिन पृथ्वी में जलारंग (महाजलप्लावन) हुआ उसी दिन से हम गोंड़ पृथ्वी पर है ं।
२. हम भगवान शंकर के अंग और बूढ़ादेव के गण हैं ।
‘. पहले पांच देव प्रकट हुए । फिर वे पाताल लोक से मिट्टी को मथकर पृथ्वी का निर्माण किया गया । फिर बना पृथ्वी पर कैलाश ।
‘. सभी देवताओं ने विचार कर भगवान कृष्ण को राज्य चलाने का भार सौंप दिया ।
५. भगवान कृष्ण ने वामन अवतार लिया । लेकिन वे संसार को न पालन करने के लिए चिंतित हुए । उन्होने ब्रम्हा, विष्णु, महेश को बुलाकर कहा कि मैं इस पृथ्वी का पालन नहीं कर सकता ।
सब देवताओं से विचार कर श्री कृष्ण ने इस धरती को भगवान शंकर को सौंप दिया । लेकिन विराट स्वरूप धारण करने पर भी जब भगवान शंकर से पृथ्वी की व्यवस्था नहीं हुई तब पुन: देवगनों से कहा कि ऐसे वीर पुरूष पैदा करों जो यह जिम्मा ले । भगवान कृष्ण ने भगवान शंकर से कहा कि आप ही शक्ति के श्रोत हैं, आप कुछ करें । तब आत्म मंथन के बाद भगवान शंकर ने शक्ति पुरूष के रूप में एक काला भील पैदा किया । सबने विश्वास किया कि यह शक्ति पुरूष है । भगवान कृष्ण ने कहा कि इसी शक्ति पुरूष को हीरा और ताज सौंप दिया जाए । उन्होंने कहा कि देवताओं, तुम्हारे मन में कोई कपट है तो बोलो । अंत में शक्ति पुरूष को भार सौंप दिया गया । इससे सिद्ध होता है कि गोंड़ आदिकाल से पृथ्वी के शासक हैं । भारत में गोड़ों का राज्य गोंड़वाना कहलाता है । मगर हम मानवतावादी हैं । सबका हित चाहतें हैं । यह मैं घोषित करता हूँ ।
दस हजार वर्षो से हम संघर्षरत हैं । नदी, सागर, पहाड़ सब पर हमारे पांवों के निशान हैं । चार वेद तो हैं लेकिन हमारा जो पांचवा वेद है वह कहां छुपा दिया गया यह सोचना है । हमें सत्ताहीन कर वन में भेज गया । वहां हम बंदरों की तरह पेड़ों के सहारे जीते रहे । इस देश में अंग्रेज भी शासन कर गये । तरह-तरह के समा्रट हुए लेकिन असल शासक गोंड़ों को उनका हक नहीं मिला । महात्मा गांधी ने भी इसपर विचार किया ।
हमें मानव समाज की रक्षा के लिए मर मिटना है । हमें जीवन यापन के लिए जमीन चाहिए । बेहतर साधन चाहिए । हम किसी का हक नहीं छीनते इसलिए हमें हमारा हक दिया जाय । सरकार ने नाकाबंदी कानून बनाकर ठीक किया । उसमें जगल की रक्षा के लिए भी प्रयास किया । चुनाव की प्रक्रिया भी ठीक है । राजनीतिक माहौल भी उत्तम है । लेकिन आदिवासी समाज के लिए जो दायित्व पूरा करना चाहिए उस ओर और ध्यान देने की जरूरत है ।
उपरोक्त पुस्तक में और भी बातों का विस्तार है । आदिवासी समाज ही क्या आज पढ़े लिखे समाज में वैज्ञानिक युग में भी भ्रम और भ्रांति का जोर है । देवताओं की मूर्तियां दूध पी रही हैं । समुद्र का पानी मीठा हो रहा आदि बातें वैज्ञानिक युग में पढ़े लिखे लोगों को सच लगती है तब सौ वर्ष पूर्व के आदिवासी भाइयों के बीच काम करने के लिए किस तरह कंगला मांझी जी ने तरह तरह से प्रयोग किया होगा, यह हम समझ सकते हैं ।
आदिवासी प्रकृति के अनुरूप उन्होंने संगठन को नया आयाम दिया । बूढ़ादेव के आराधक आदिवासियों के लिए भगवान शंकर की कथा को समय समय पर प्रस्तुत किया । अत्माभिमान जगाने के लिए इतिहास के परिप्रेक्ष्य में आदिवासी समाज को उन्होंने बताया कि वे कितने सक्षम हैं । उनकी विरासत क्या है । उनका वैभवशाली भूतकाल था । वर्तमान यद्यपि निराशाजनक है लेकिन संगठित होकर हम पुन: वैभव को प्राप्त कर सकते हैं ।
Kaviyoor Murali
Born
Kaviyoor, Pathanamthitta District, Kerala, India
Died 20 October 2001
Kaviyoor
Occupation Dalit Activist, Writer, Folklore Research Person
Notable work Dalit Sahithyam,
Dalitharkkezhuthiya Suvishesham,
Purananooru- Oru Padhanam,
Dalit Bhasha.
Spouse(s) Thankamma
Children Dante, Daisen, Asha, Beecy
Kaviyoor Murali (20 March 1931 – 20 October 2001) was a dalit activist and Folklore Research Person in kerala.
Life
Mr.Murali was born in Kaviyoor, Tiruvalla, Pathanamthitta District, Kerala. Non-politician. Ambedkarite. Familiar among all Dalit Activists and Folklore Groups. He studied at Kaviyoor N.S.S. English High School, Thiruvananthapuram Intermediate College and Thiruvalla Mar Thoma College.In 1953, he was a Full Member and a Full Time worker of Communist Party. Participated actively in the strike to avail trade union rights for the State Transport Workers in 1954. Undergone brutal torture by the police, after arrest and imprisonment. Started career as a teacher. Later, retired as a Superintendent in Public Works Department.
Honours
Honoured with the Fellowship of Bharatiya Dalit Sahithya Academy, New Delhi. An honorary photograph was unveiled in the Kerala Sahithya Akademy Hall in 2003.
Prominent works
1. Vayalchullikal (Field shrubs)- Collection of poems.
2. Darsanam (Vision)- collection of poems.
3. Dalitharkkezhuthiya Suvishesham (Gospel to the Dalits)
4. Purananooru- Oru Padhanam (Purananooru- a study)
5. Dalit Bhasha (Dalit Language)- Study
6. Ayyankalippada (Ayyankali Fighters)- Novel
7. Dalit Sahithyam (Dalit Literature)
8. Dalitbhashalaghunighandu (A dictionary of Dalit Language)- published by DC Books Kottayam
9. Sugandhi- (Novel, unpublished)
10. MunisomKa (Auto-Biography, published by Rainbow Book Publishers, Chengannur)
11. Velutha (Wheatish)- (Poems, unpublished)
12. Njekkuvilakku (Torchlight)- (Essays, Unpublished)
Katti Padma Rao
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Katti Padma Rao (born 27 July 1953) is a Dalit poet, scholar and activist from Andhra Pradesh, India. He is the founding general secretary of Dalit Mahasabha, a people's organisation that spearheaded the Dalit movement in Andhra Pradesh in the aftermath of the 1985 Karamchedu massacre in the coastal region of that state. A scholar in both Telugu and Sanskrit, he has published several volumes of poetry, and books on sociology, religion, philosophy, history, and women's studies. He is a regular columnist in major Telugu newspapers and magazines.
Born : 27 July 1953
Guntur district, Andhra Pradesh, India
Occupation : Dalit activist; publicist and leader of the Dalit Mahasabha in Telugu-speaking land.
Following the Karamchedu massacre of Madiga Dalits in 1985, Rao emerged as a significant socio-political activist. He was the founder General Secretary of the Andhra Pradesh Dalit Mahasabha organisation, which mobilised not only the Dalits, but also the Adivasis and the Backward Classes against caste-based atrocities and oppression.
Rao launched the Peda Prajala Party (Poor People's Party) in the late 1980s. In the early 1990s, he was part of the Bahujan Samaj Party. In the late 2000s, he joined the Praja Rajyam Party. His forays into electoral politics were largely unsuccessful.
Rao is recognised as a Dalit ideologue, intellectual, writer and socio-political activist.
Boyi Bhimanna Trust Award for literature from Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, Y. S. Rajasekhara Reddy in 2007
Pratibha Award from the Government of Andhra Pradesh for poetry in 2006
Sri Ramulu Telugu University Award for Poetry in 2006
Sahitya Puraskaram by Andhra Saraswatha Parishat by the Governor of Andhra Pradesh, Sushil Kumar Shinde, 2006
Avantsa Soma Sunder Sahiti Trust Award in 2005
Dr. C. Narayana Reddy Sahiti Award, Sri Narayana Reddy Kalapeetam, Hyderabad, 2003
Ambedkar Award, 1992, Hyderabad
Titles in English
Women and Caste in India (1983)
Social and Philosophical Movements in India (1991)
Dalit Women (1991)
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: The Visionary
Caste and Alternative Culture (1995)
Charvaka Darshan (1998)
Woman in Indian Culture (1999)
Journey towards Dalit Dignity (1999)
Buddhist Philosophy (2007)
Jana Geetham (1979)
Hethuvada Satyalu (1980)
Jailu Gantalu (1986)
Vimukthi Geetham (1987)
Desam Diary (1987)
Raktha Kshetram (1992)
Nalla Kaluva (1996)
Neelikeka
Mullakireetam poetry (2002)
Bhoomi Basha poetry (2004)
Kattela Moppu poetry (2007)
Aatma gaurava swaram (2010)
Ambedkar
Samghika Viplavamoorthy: Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (1990)
Ambedkar-Gandhi (2001)
Ambedkar-Marx-Phule (2001)
Ambedkar-Buddha (2002)
Ambedkar Thatvasastram (2007)
Kula Samgharshanalu (1983)
Kulam Punadulu (1981)
Reservations: Hindu Mathonmadam (1991)
Kulam — Prathyamnaya Samskrithi (1993)
Dalithula Charitra (1st Part)
Dalithula Charitra (2nd Part, 1997)
Dalithula Charitra (3rd Part, 1998)
Dalithula Charitra (4th Part, 1999)
Charvaka Darshan (1991)
Buddha Darshan (1997)
Dalita Darshanam (2008)
Mahatma Phule (2008)
Bharatheeya Samskruthilo Sthree (1993)
PitruSwamya Vyavasthalo Sthree (2002)
Samghika Viplava Rachayithalu (1983)
Dalitha Sahitya Vudyamam — Joshua (1995)
Joshua Samajika Thatvam (1995)
Mahakavi Jasuva Samajika viplavam (2007)
Santh Ravidas Bhakti kavitodhyamam (2008)
Kallat Kausallya Ammal
(m. 1878–1930)
Children 5
Relatives Ayyathan Janaki Ammal
Awards Rao Sahib
This article is part of a series on
Reformation in Kerala
Background
Caste system in Kerala
Untouchability
Hindu reforms
Varna
Notable people
Ayya Vaikundar
Ayyavu Swamikal
Chattampi Swamikal
Narayana Guru
Arattupuzha Velayudha Panicker
Sahodaran Ayyappan
Ayyathan Gopalan
Vagbhatananda
Brahmananda Sivayogi
Pandit Karuppan
T. K. Madhavan
Mannathu Padmanabhan
Mosa Walsalam Sastriyar
V. T. Bhattathiripad
Swadeshabhimani
Brahmadharmam
Saranjiniparinayam (musical drama)
Susheeladukham (musical drama)
Plague Farse (drama)
Keerthanaratnamala
Brahmamatham
Rammohunroy (Harikatha)
Madhaaikyam
Madhavum Guruvum
Madhavan
Aaradhanayude Randu Padikal
Brahma Madhavum Ithara Madhangalum
Jaathi
Vivaahageethangal
Jai Britannia
Yeshu Daivamayirunnuvo!
British Bharana Mahathmyam
Ente Ammayude Ormadaykk (biography of mother Kallat Chiruthammal)
(m. 1878–1930)
Children 5
Relatives Ayyathan Janaki Ammal
Awards Rao Sahib
This article is part of a series on
Reformation in Kerala
Background
Caste system in Kerala
Untouchability
Hindu reforms
Varna
Notable people
Ayya Vaikundar
Ayyavu Swamikal
Chattampi Swamikal
Narayana Guru
Arattupuzha Velayudha Panicker
Sahodaran Ayyappan
Ayyathan Gopalan
Vagbhatananda
Brahmananda Sivayogi
Pandit Karuppan
T. K. Madhavan
Mannathu Padmanabhan
Mosa Walsalam Sastriyar
V. T. Bhattathiripad
Swadeshabhimani
Rao Sahib Ayyathan Gopalan (3 March 1861 - 2 May 1948), popularly known as "Darsarji"and "Darsar Sahib" ("doctor"), was an Indian physician, writer, philanthropist, and a social reformer. He is the founder of the Sugunavardhini movement and a leader and propagandist of Brahmo Samaj in Kerala. He denounced idol worship and fought to end those social practices in Kerala that he thought were unethical. Among his followers were Brahmananda Swami Sivayogi, Vaghbatananda, and Brahmavadhi P. Kunhiraman. Gopalan titled P. Kunhiraman as "Brahmavadhi" and Sivayogi as "Brahmananda Swami".
He was awarded and honored by the British government with the highest civilian award and title, the "Rao Sahib", for his services. The formation of the Sugunavardhini movement and Brahmosamaj played a significant role in the Kerala reformation movement.
Biography
Gopalan was born in Thalassery, Kerala, as the first son of Ayyathan Chandhan and Kallat Chiruthammal. His youngest sister, Ayyathan Janaki Ammal[20] was the first female doctor in Kerala(Malabar) (First malayali Lady Doctor),which was an administrative district of Madras Presidency during British rule in India.
He opposed superstitions and caste believes at an early age. Reluctant to observe caste differences or customs. He was against all caste evils and lived as a true "Brahmo" until his death. He did not act or oppose any other reform movements or any caste movements, but instead worked as a free man to revive society from all social evils.
He never preserved the name of the caste in which he was born, nor spoke for their upliftment. Instead he criticized the superstitions and superstitious practices inside his own caste. Although he was from the Thiyyar community, he never followed their customs and did not live as a Thiyyar, thus being excommunicated from the thiyyar caste at an early age.
He studied at Anjarakkandy Elementary school, Brennen School, Mission High School and later joined Madras Medical College[21] on 19 September 1884. He read about the Raja Ram Mohan Roy's Brahmo Samaj. ,Joined Brahmo Samaj and engaged in its social reform activities and became an active executive member of the General Committee of Calcutta Brahmo Samaj. He participated in the committee's annual conferences at various locations across India, along with Brahmo leaders such as Kesub Chandra Sen, Debendranath Tagore, Sivanath Sastri, Rabindranath Tagore, and R. G. Bhandarkar. In 1888, he obtained a medical degree with honors and entered into government service. He worked as a medic in several hospitals across South India and as a medical lecturer.
Gopalan married Kallat Kausallyaammal (Menon) on 30 December 1894. Ramakrishna Gobal Bhandhakar, a Brahmo leader and social reformer at that time, conducted the wedding at the Madras Brahmo Samaj. Several Brahmo leaders presided over the wedding. Kausallyaammal was a strong supporter of Gopalan and assisted his social reform activities.
Social reform activities
Establishment of Brahmosamaj branches in Kerala
Gopalan worked as a doctor, chief surgeon, and superintendent at several hospitals in South India,He returned to Kerala in 1896 and joined the Calicut Lunatic asylum (now the Kuthiravattom Mental Hospital) as its first superintendent. Meanwhile, caste and racial discrimination, malicious practices, and social injustices were prevalent in Kerala, and atrocities against women and children were at their peak.
Gopalan extended his reform ideologies and propagated his reform activities by establishing the first branch of Brahmo Samaj on 17 January 1898 at Calicut. To conduct Samaj's meetings and prayers, a separate brahmomandir (lit. "hall")—now Ayathan Gopalan Memorial School[35]—was opened to the public on 17 October 1900. The brahmomandir was inaugurated by Mana Vikraman Ettan Thampuran, the Zamorin King of Calicut.
The second branch of Brahmo Samaj was established at Alappuzha in 1924.Later, Intercaste marriages were inspired in South Kerala. Under the leadership of Gopalan, social reforms were able to make great strides.
Laater on Brahmosamaj branches were also set up at Alathur, Telicherry, and at different parts of Kerala .
Sugunavardhini Movement
In the year 1900, Gopalan and Kausallyaammal initiated the Sugunavardhini Movement and extended his social reform activities. Through this movement, he worked to foster human values in children, attract children to his social activities, protect the rights of women, and provide free education to girls and marginalised sections of society, especially the Harijan (Dalit) communities in Kerala, that were poorly treated by the higher castes, He established the Chandhawarkar Elementary School with the intention to educate girls and the underprivileged sections of society.
In addition to supporting and educating women and the underprivileged, their movement led reforms to oppose idolatry; promote and conduct Misra Vivaham (inter-caste marriages) and Misra Bhojanam (inter-dining); spread women's education; maintain gender equality; eradicate untouchability, caste and racial discrimination; and conduct mass prayers and communion debates. Gopalan also participated in the Thali Road strike (Samaram at Calicut).
Impact of Sugunavardhini and Brahmosamaj at Malabar
The hymns for prayers sung at Brahmo Samaj were composed by Gopalan and are compiled in his book Keerthanaratnamala. He conducted several inter-caste marriages at Brahmo Samaj and worked to promote non-idol worship. "Brahmodharma", better known as the Brahmosamaj Bible, was written in Bengali by Maharshi Debendranath Tagore and was translated by him into Malayalam. He promoted his reformist ideologies by conducting dramas, public awareness campaign, and writings.
The Sugunavardhini Movement and Brahmo Samaj were composed mostly of professionals and intellectuals, including Brahmananda Swamisivayogi, Vagbhatananda Guru, and Brahmavadi P. Kunhiraman, all with a more secular approach to reform.
He raised his children, grandchildren, and all his followers as a good man, without raising them to live under a particular race, religion, or creed. It is for this reason that their name has been retained as "Brahmo" without a caste name.
All of his children are intermarried (Intercaste marriage). All of them were married according to Brahmasamaj rituals. Even today, his children, grandchildren, family and followers remain casteless without caste names.
On 4 June 1917, Gopalan was honored by the British Government with the highest civilian award and title, Rao Sahib, for his social and humanitarian services.
He died at the age of 87 on 2 May 1948.
Works
Gopalan translated the Bible of Brahmo Samaj, Brahmodharma, which was initially written in Bengali by Maharshi Debendranath Tagore, to Malayalam in 1910. He also wrote songs and keerthanams to be sung during Brahmo Samaj prayer meetings. He propagated his reform ideologies through drama, public awareness, and his writings. Saranjiniparinayam, Susheeladukham (musical drama), and Plaguefarse were among his famous dramas performed throughout by PSV Natya sangam in Kerala for many years. His other literary contributions are listed below:
Saranjiniparinayam (musical drama)
Susheeladukham (musical drama)
Plague Farse (drama)
Keerthanaratnamala
Brahmamatham
Rammohunroy (Harikatha)
Madhaaikyam
Madhavum Guruvum
Madhavan
Aaradhanayude Randu Padikal
Brahma Madhavum Ithara Madhangalum
Jaathi
Vivaahageethangal
Jai Britannia
Yeshu Daivamayirunnuvo!
British Bharana Mahathmyam
Ente Ammayude Ormadaykk (biography of mother Kallat Chiruthammal)
Kalpana Kannabiran
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Kalpana Kannabiran
Kannabiran in 2021
Born 1st December 1961
Known for Asmita Resource Centre for Women
NALSAR University of LawCouncil for Social Development
Parents
K. G. Kannabiran (father)
Vasanth Kannabiran (mother)
Kalpana Kannabiran (born 1961) is an Indian sociologist, lawyer, human rights columnist, writer and editor based in Hyderabad, India. In March 2021, after a decade-long tenure, she retired from the post of Professor and Regional Director of the Council for Social Development, Southern Regional Centre, a research institute recognised by the Indian Council of Social Science Research. She is amongst the founding faculty of NALSAR University of Law, Hyderabad, and is a co-founder of the women's rights group, Asmita Resource Centre for Women, set up in 1991 in Hyderabad. She was nominated as the Civil Society Advisory Governor for Asia by the Commonwealth Foundation, London in January 2020 for a term of two years.
She has edited and authored twenty-one books and close to a hundred essays, apart from making regular contributions to the national press, online magazines and blogs.
Kalpana's work has focused on sociology of law, historical sociology, social movements, disability rights, violence and gender studies, caste, indigenous/adivasi rights, jurisprudence, equality and anti-discrimination law etc.
Early Life and Education
Kalpana Kannabiran was born on 1 December 1961 in Secunderabad. She completed her schooling from the St. George's Girls’ Grammar School, Hyderabad, appearing for the first batch of ICSE Examination in December 1975.
Thereafter, she studied Intermediate (Arts) at the RBVRR Women's College, Hyderabad[7] from 1976 to 1978, and obtained a B.A. Degree with a focus on Sociology, Economics and Geography from Nizam College, Osmania University, in 1981. She completed her M.A. and M.Phil. in Sociology from University of Hyderabad in 1983 and 1985 respectively, being a part of the third batch in the then newly established University. Alongside her B.A. and M.A., she obtained a Diploma and Advanced Diploma in Russian with distinction from the Central Institute of English and Foreign Languages, Hyderabad (now English and Foreign Languages University) in 1981 and 1982 respectively.
In 1993, after having worked under the supervision of Professor Yogendra Singh, she was awarded PhD in Sociology from the prestigious Jawaharlal Nehru University. In 1999, she obtained LLB degree from the Sultan ul Uloom College of Law, Hyderabad. She also holds an LLM in Jurisprudence from the Post Graduate College of Law, Osmania University.
Personal life
Kalpana Kannabiran is the second of three children of the noted civil liberties advocate K.G. Kannabiran, and feminist poet and writer Vasanth Kannabiran, one of the 1000 women worldwide nominated for a shared Nobel Peace Prize in 2005. Her sister Dr. Chitra Kannabiran (b. 1960) is a molecular biologist based in Hyderabad, and her brother Arvind Kannabiran (b. 1966) is a cinematographer based in Mumbai/Hyderabad.
She is married to Raj Mohan Tella, an independent advertising, branding and communications expert, formerly Senior Creative Director of DDB Mudra Group, a position he held for 17 years from 1989 to 2006. She has two daughters – Ramya Kannabiran Tella, who has a PhD in geography from King's College London, and Keertana Kannabiran Tella, who has a Masters in Development Studies from IIT, Hyderabad.
Career
After obtaining her doctorate degree in sociology from the Jawaharlal Nehru University, from 1994 to 1999, Kalpana Kannabiran served as the Director of Research and Legal Outreach at the Asmita Resource Centre for Women in Secunderabad where she provided pro-bono legal counselling to women victims of domestic violence and women in difficult situations. Even after leaving her full-time position in 1999, Kannabiran continued to be actively involved with Asmita, designing the organisation's legal aid, strategic litigation, training and capacity building programmes.
In July 1999, she joined the NALSAR University of Law at Hyderabad as a founding faculty. As a Professor of Sociology, Kannabiran taught undergraduate and postgraduate courses in sociology, labour law and criminal law; and was a part of the team that introduced and taught the Masters Programme (LLM) in Human Rights.
From March 2011 until March 2021, Kannabiran served as a Professor and Regional Director at the Council for Social Development, Southern Regional Centre (‘CSD’). In 2012, she started the PhD programme in social sciences and women's studies in collaboration with the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Hyderabad and Mumbai.
In the year 2007–08, she was invited as a member of the Expert Group on the Equal Opportunity Commission (‘EOC’) constituted by the Ministry of Minority Affairs of the Government of India in order to prepare a structure for the working of proposed EOC in India.
In 2007 and 2014, when India had to submit its national compliance reports to United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women, and, Kannabiran as a part of the National Alliance of Women, edited the two consecutive NGO Alternative Reports – in 2007 and 2014 submitted to the Committee at this time. The recommendations made in these two reports were crucial in informing the stance taken by the Committee in its Concluding Comments.
Kalpana Kannabiran submitted recommendations to the Parliamentary Standing Committee (‘PSC’) on the Persons with Disabilities Bill before the PSC session chaired by Member of Parliament Ramesh Bias during its review conducted on December 3, 2014. She also presented her analysis of the law on sexual assaults before the Justice Verma Committee, whose recommendations ultimately led to the enactment of the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013. In 2004, she made recommendations to the PSC led by Member of Parliament Arjun Singh on the enactment of the Protection of Women Against Domestic Violence Act. Kalpana is a life member of Indian Association for Women's Studies and has been elected to the position of Joint Secretary (1996-1998) and General Secretary (1998-2000). She has been active in the International Sociological Association, and was the Chair of Research Committee 32: Women in Society (2002-2006) and a member of the executive committee from 2014 to 2018.
Major Works
De-Eroticizing Assault: Essays on Modesty, Honour and Power (Stree 2002, with Vasanth Kannabiran)
The essays in this book seek to map out and understand the effect of hegemonies that structure gender relations in the society by looking at the social, cultural and political forces, which interact together to produce these relations of power. In praise of the book's central thesis, Zillah Eisenstein, author of Capitalist Patriarchy and the Case for Socialist Feminism pertinently remarks in the blurb as follows – “De-Eroticizing Assault: Essays on Modesty, Honour and Power” is a must-read for anyone wanting a more specific lens on how gender oppression forms part of the new globalisation and right-wing nationalisms. Kalpana and Vasanth repeatedly give us new insights on the complex and changing relations on power expressed in the arenas of sexual exploitation. Their discussions of rape, modesty and the state through the visor of caste and class are truly brilliant. Feminists across the globe should give thanks for this generous gift.”
Veena Poonacha captures the essence of the book’s contribution in her review as under – “Capturing the complexity and the dilemmas of the times, the essays give us insights into the theory and praxis of the women's movement from the south. Located in Andhra Pradesh - a state with a long history of radical politics – the essays delineate feminist politics through the experiences of those who were in the forefront of the struggle.”
Further, Aneela Zeb Babar in her review of the book as published in the journal Gender, Technology and Development remarks that “this is a book that students of gender studies should make an essential part of their collection, as it brings in women’s activism with a strong theoretical critique-a task few of us can accomplish so admirably.”
Violence of Normal Times: Essays on Women’s Lived Realities (Women Unlimited 2005)
In this book edited by her, Kalpana canvasses the continuum of systemic violence faced by women in India in their day-to-day lives, in both private spaces such as one's home and in public spaces such as courtrooms meant to uphold and give effect to their rights. The issues in this volume are analysed in a four-fold manner – firstly, as first-hand experiences of women victims; secondly, as concerns that ought to be appropriately articulated in feminist debates; thirdly, by identifying the avenues for collective organisation to raise one's voice on issues of common concern; and, finally, by understanding and responding to the reception (both positive and negative) of such articulation by instrumentalities of a patriarchal state and by the formal structures of law.
Geetha Ramaseshan in her appraisal of the book writes in The Book Review Volume XXX Number 5 (May 2006) as under – “The book in review addresses a slice of the kinds of violence faced by women. With a collection of ten essays and a rich introduction by the editor, the volume traces the development of a feminist understanding of violence against women across various fields. It also represents the range of writing that has been generated by the politics of women’s movements in India. The essays cover a wide range topics starting from the traditional justice systems in India and gender relations in Adivasi communities, to women working in Export Processing Zones, lesbian women, women who are targets of communal hatred and the Gujarat Catastrophe. The essays explore various disciplinary standpoints in different locales. While much written themes such as dowry have been left out, the existing themes in the volume add a lot to the study of this subject and actually force a re-examination of the ways in which violence has been welded to the question of rights. The themes have been chosen with great care and include many issues that do not find a part in mainstream discourse."
Tools of Justice: Non-Discrimination and the Indian Constitution (Routledge 2012)
Being one of Kalpana's most influential works, Tools of Justice was selected as one of the five titles worldwide to be discussed at the Author-meets-Critics Session of the World Congress of Sociology held at Yokohama in July 2014.
In praise of the significant contributions made by the book to the study of anti-discrimination law in India, Justice ZM Yacoob, a former judge of the Constitutional Court of South Africa wrote in The Hindu as under – “The general approach in the thesis is to emphasise the distinction between constitutional morality and societal morality. That, as I understand it, is a distinction between the nature of society, its value system, morality, well-being, inclusiveness and peacefulness, contemplated by the Constitution, on the one hand, and societal morality, on the other. The latter is postulated as a society based on horrendous and systematic discrimination and violence against, and the exclusion of, vulnerable people and communities from the “dominant” mainstream. Ms Kannabiran's work is concerned with the complex, difficult and obstacle ridden route from societal morality to the achievement of the constitutional morality... [A] careful study of this fascinating work would enhance an understanding of the position on the ground, the dire need for change and the way in which this is to be done."
Elucidating on the implications and importance of the central thesis of Tools of Justice, Senior Advocate at the Supreme Court of India, Colin Gonsalves writes in Social Change as under – “The central theme of her project is to show that Article 21 of the Constitution, which guarantees protection of life and liberty, is not applicable only to state custody and civil liberties. Life and liberty are inherently and profoundly interconnected with Article 15 and the prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth. Describing liberty as ‘the Siamese twin of non discrimination’, the book explores the application of this interrelationship in the areas of disability rights, Dalit rights, adivasi rights, religious minority rights, women's rights and sexuality minority rights... This is a superb, path-breaking study and a must for all college students, academics, activists and members of the legal profession.”
In his review of the book Ranabir Samaddar, a noted political scientist and founder-editor of the journal, Refugee Watch remarks that – “Tools of Justice will be treated as a profound book – a difficult book, demanding our attention on the several cases and the jurisprudence built around them which she cites, but in the end rewarding for the patience one will need to read through this massive book. For those who study citizenship it will be even more rewarding as the book demonstrates that there is no complete separation between the citizen and the non-citizen, or the entitled and the non-entitled, but like the disabled, the adivasi, the dalit, the individual of a religious minority, the woman, and the sexually marginalised, they are forever citizens trying to escape their non-citizen status. Through struggles as these, the society – their societies – becomes increasingly political. The condition of such trans formation is not in sidestepping the problematic of law, but in encountering law, unsettling it forever in newer imaginations.”
Women and Law: Critical Feminist Perspectives (Sage 2014)
This collection of essays edited by Kalpana seeks to critically evaluate the scope traditionally reserved for the field of women and law, where scholars are expected to engage in research concerning the efficacy of laws enacted for the benefit of women. Aiming to encourage inter-disciplinary conversations between lawyers, activists and academicians, this book highlights the fundamental concerns surrounding the way in which women as a group have been conceptualised in the law, and, it further maps out the manner in which women have engaged in debates with areas of law not specifically reserved for them.
Ved Kumari, Vice Chancellor of the National Law University, Orissa, in her review of the book notes as under – “This is a very useful collection of essays providing critical feminist insights in the field of law… It includes 11 essays written on a range of subjects concerning women, focusing on a history of the making of laws, the absence of laws, the discriminatory application of laws, trends and future prospects, and judicial responses. It also covers some uncharted subjects like state violence and women…I recommend this book as a basic reading for all pursuing women’s studies, especially in the realm of law.” (Contributions to Indian Sociology 49, 3 (2015): 421–423)
Violence Studies (Oxford University Press 2016)
This edited volume provides a fresh perspective on the way in which violence that we encounter in our daily lives ought to be conceptualised. It presents a nuanced interpretation of the practices of violence, wherein it is understood as a systemic, structural experience that is deeply embedded in the way people are forced to lead their lives. Drawing upon the Indian experiences of violence across different sites including but not limited to the family, state, caste, labour, sexuality, law etc., this book makes important contributions to the field of violence studies by collating novel methodological and conceptual perspectives on the manner in which issues relating to violence are understood and analysed by scholars.
Noted legal scholar Upendra Baxi, in his insightful assessment of the book notes in its blurb as under –: “This rich work addresses the causes, careers, and consequences of the lifeworld of violence—of institutional, insurgent, and everyday violent forms—in modern India. It helps us grasp, among the debris of violence, the residues of justice amidst, and in the aftermath of, this lifeworld. And it bravely depicts and analyses the surplus violence of ‘development’ or the cruel dichotomies of development and destruction. Whether or not one agrees with the conclusions of eminent contributors is not so crucial as the structures of engagement that this work inspires, a rare call to take violence in all its forms seriously as a way of taking core human rights seriously."
Veena Das captures the significance of the volume in the following words in the blurb – “The Violence Studies volume brings together some of the best scholarship on the contours of politics in India seen through the lens of violence. The ‘Introduction’ to the volume by Kalpana Kannabiran provides a very important frame with which to connect institutional violence with the dispersal of violence in the fabric of the social. A very valuable resource for teaching and research.”
Re-Presenting Feminist Methodologies: Interdisciplinary Explorations (Routledge 2017, Co-editor: Padmini Swaminathan)
“This book tracks the trajectory of gender in the social sciences and humanities through an exploration of the challenges and contradictions that confront contemporary feminist analysis as well as future directions. Drawing on research in India, the essays in the volume engage with the subject in imaginative ways, each one going beyond documenting the persistence of gender inequality, instead raising new questions and dilemmas while unravelling the complexities of the terrain. They also interrogate extant knowledge that has ‘constructed’ women as ‘agentless’ over the years, incapable of contesting or transforming social orders – by taking a close look at gendered decision-making processes and outcomes, sex for pleasure, health care practices, content and context of formal schooling or the developmental state that ‘mainstreams’ gender. Do existing feminist methodologies enable the understanding of emerging themes as online sexual politics, transnational surrogacy or masculinist ‘anti-feminist’ sensibilities? The feminist methodologies delineated here will provide readers with a toolkit to assess the criticality of gender as well as its nuances. The work foregrounds the importance of intersectionality and builds a case for context-specific articulations of gender and societies that destabilise binary universals.”
Gender Regimes and the Politics of Privacy: A Feminist Re-Reading of Puttaswamy vs. Union of India (Zubaan, 2021, with Swethaa S. Ballakrishnen)
“In 2017 an all-male nine-judge bench of the Indian Supreme Court delivered the landmark Justice K.S. Puttaswamy & Ors v. Union of India judgment on privacy. In this book, the authors look at the embodiment of privacy in the judgment to examine the ways in which the bench articulated the question of gender. They argue that while Puttaswamy has been central in clarifying the extent of (and extensions to) the right to privacy as a fundamental right, the discourse on this has long existed in India — in various gendered social movements, policy-making around women’s rights, feminist historiography, and discourses on the family, sexual rights, autonomy and choice (in and outside courts), dignity, and critiques of surveillance — and provides an important context within which the judgment becomes especially relevant.
The authors unpack the underlying logics of the right to privacy within the default prism of the notional identity of the normative household and offer an entry point to re-read existing jurisprudence on rape, sexual assault, sexual harassment, atrocity, and sexual violence and humiliation under conditions of mass violence. They suggest a springboard for the possibility of theorising personhood within the right to privacy, arguing that while the judgment sets up radical precedent on the questions of sexual minorities, it remains trapped in a reductionist reading of the female body within heteronormativity.”
Awards and Achievements
Rockefeller Humanist-in-Residence Fellowship, Women's Studies Program, Hunter College, City University of New York in the year 1992–93.
V.K.R.V. Rao Prize in Social Sciences awarded by the Institute for Social and Economic Change and the Indian Council of Social Science Research for the year 2003, for the subject area Social Aspects of Law.
Amartya Sen Award for Distinguished Social Scientists for the discipline of Law in 2012
Kumaran Asan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Kumaran Asan.
Born 12 April 1873
Kaayikkara Kadakkavoor, Chirayinkeezhu, Trivandrum, Travancore
Died 16 January 1924 (aged 50)
River Pallana, Alleppey, Travancore
Occupation Poet, writer
Nationality Indian
Notable works
Duravastha
Chinthavishtayaaya Seetha
Nalini
Leela
Chandala Bhikshuki
Prarodanam
Spouse Bhanumathiamma
Relatives
Narayanan Perungudi (father)
Kochupennu (mother)
N. Kumaran Asan (12 April 1873 – 16 January 1924) was an Indian social reformer, philosopher and poet of Malayalam literature. He is known to have initiated a revolution in Malayalam poetry in the first quarter of the 20th century, transforming it from the metaphysical to the lyrical and his poetry is characterised by its moral and spiritual content, poetic concentration and dramatic contextualisation. He is one of the modern triumvirate poets of Kerala and a disciple of Sree Narayana Guru.
Biography
Kumaran Asan (standing right) with Narayana Guru (seated middle).
Kumaran Asan was born on April 12, 1873 in a merchant family belonging to the Ezhava community in Kayikkara village, Chirayinkeezhu taluk, Anchuthengu Grama Panchaayath in Travancore[note 2] to Narayanan Perungudi, a polyglot well versed in Malayalam and Tamil languages, and Kochupennu as the second of their nine children. His early schooling was at a local school by a teacher by name, Udayankuzhi Kochuraman Vaidyar, who taught him elementary Sanskrit after which he continued his studies at the government school in Kayikkara until he was thirteen. Subsequently, he joined the school as a teacher in 1889 but had to quit as he was not old enough to hold a government job. It was during this time, he studied the verses and plays of Sanskrit literature. Later, he started working as an accountant at a local wholesale grocer in 1890, the same year he met Shree Narayana Guru and became the spiritual leader's disciple.
Narayana Guru's influence led Asan to spiritual pursuits and he spent some time at a local temple, in prayers and teaching Sanskrit. Soon, he joined Guru at his Aruvippuram hermitage where he was known as Chinnaswami (young ascetic). In 1895, he moved to Bangalore and studied for law, staying with Padmanabhan Palpu. He stayed there only until 1898 as Palpu went to England and a plague epidemic spread over Bangalore and Asan spent the next few months in Madras before proceeding to Calcutta to continue his Sanskrit studies. At Calcutta, he studied at Tarka sastra at the Central Hindu College, studying English simultaneously and also got involved with the Indian Renaissance, but his stay was again cut short due to plague epidemic. He returned to Aruvippuram in 1900.
Asan was also involved with the activities of the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam (SNDP) and became its secretary in 1904. The same year, he founded Vivekodayam, a literary journal in Malayalam, and assumed its editorship. Under his leadership, the magazine became a monthly from a bi-monthly. In 1913, he was elected to the Sree Moolam Popular Assembly (Sri Moolam Praja Sabha), the first popularly elected legislature in the history of India. He relinquished the position at SNDP in 1919 and a year later, took over the editorship of Pratibha, another literary magazine In 1921, he started a clay tile factory, Union Tile Works, in Aluva but when it was found that the factory was polluting the nearby palace pond, he shifted the project to a site near Aluva river and handed over the land to SNDP for building an Advaitashramam. Later, he moved to Thonnakkal, a village in the periphery of Thiruvananthapuram, where he settled with his wife. In 1923, he contested in assembly election from Quilon constituency but lost to Sankara Menon.
Asan married Bhanumathiamma, the daughter of Thachakudy Kumaran Writer who was a cousin of Padmanabhan Palpu in 1917. On January 16, 1924, he died by drowning, when Redeemer, the boat he was traveling capsized in River Pallana. His body was recovered after two days and the place where his mortal remains were cremated is known as Kumarakodi.
Legacy
Honours
In 1958, when Joseph Mundassery was the Minister of Education, the Government of Kerala acquired Asan's house in Thonnakkal and established the Kumaran Asan National Institute of Culture (Kanic), as a memorial for the poet, the first instance in Kerala history when the government took over a poet's property to convert it into a memorial. It houses an archives, a museum and a publications division. Asan Memorial Association, a Chennai-based organization, has built a memorial at Kayikkara, the birthplace of the poet. They have also instituted an annual award, Asan Smaraka Kavitha Puraskaram, for recognising excellence in Malayalam poetry. The award carries a cash prize of ₹30,000 and Sugathakumari, O. N. V. Kurup, K. Ayyappa Panicker and K. Satchidanandan are some of the recipients of the award. Asan Memorial Senior Secondary School is a CBSE affiliated higher secondary school run by Asan Memorial Association. The India Post issued a commemorative postage stamp depicting Asan's portrait in 1973, in connection with his birth centenary.
Kumaran Asan - Chandalabhikshuki - a mural at Thonnakkal Asan Smarakam
Kumaran Asan - 1973 Indian postage stamp
Major works
Kumaran Asan was one of the triumvirate poets of modern Malayalam, along with Vallathol Narayana Menon and Ulloor S. Parameswara Iyer. Some of the earlier works of the poet were Subramanya Sathakam and Sankara Sathakam, which were devotional in content but his later poems were marked by social commentary. He published Veena Poovu (the fallen flower) in December 1907 in Mithavadi of Moorkoth Kumaran which went on to become a literary classic in Malayalam; its centenary was celebrated in 2017 when a book, Veenapoovinu 100 was published which carried an introduction by M. M. Basheer and an English translation of the poem by K. Jayakumar. Prarodanam, an elegy, mourning the death of his contemporary, friend and grammarian, A. R. Raja Raja Varma, Khanda Kavyas (poems) such as Nalini, Leela, Karuna, Chandaalabhikshuki, Chinthaavishtayaaya Seetha, and Duravastha are some of his other major works. Besides, he wrote two epics, Buddha Charitha in 5 volumes and Balaramayanam, a three-volume work.
Handwriting of Kumaran Asan : From the notebooks of Asan kept at Thonnakkal Asan museum
YearWorkRemarks1907Veena Poovu (The Fallen Flower) Asan scripted this epoch-making poem in 1907 during his sojourn in Jain Medu, Palakkad. A highly philosophical poem, 'Veena Poovu' is an allegory of the transience of the mortal world, which is depicted through the description of the varied stages in the life of a flower. Asan describes in such detail about its probable past and the position it held. It is an intense sarcasm on people on high powers/positions finally losing all those. The first word Ha, and the last word Kashtam of the entire poem is often considered as a symbolism of him calling the world outside Ha! kashtam (How pitiful).
1911Nalini It is a love poem, which details the love between Nalini and Diwakharan.
1914Leela A deep love story in which Leela leaves Madanan, her lover and returns to find him in forest in a pathetic condition. She thus realises the fundamental fact Mamsanibhadamalla ragam (true love is not carnal)
1919Prarodanam (Lamentation) An elegy on the death of A. R. Rajaraja Varma, a poet, critic and scholar; similar to Percy Bysshe Shelley's Adonaïs, with a distinctly Indian philosophical attitude.
1919Chinthavishtayaaya Sita (Reflective Sita) An exploration of womanhood and sorrow, based on the plight of Sita of Ramayana.
1922Duravastha (The Tragic Plight) A love story depicting the relationship between Savithri, a Namboothiri heiress and Chathan, a youth from a lower caste. A political commentary on 19th and early 20th century Kerala.
1922Chandaalabhikshuki This poem, divided into four parts and consisting of couplets, describes an untouchable beggar-woman" (also the name of the poem) who approaches Lord Ananda near Sravasti.
1923Karuna (compassion) The story of Vasavadatta, a devadasi, and Upagupta, a Buddhist monk. Tells the story of sensory attraction and its aftermath.
Other works
A statue of Kumaran Asan in front of the University of Kerala.
YearWorkRemarks1901Sthothrakrithikal Poetry anthology
1901Saundaryalahari Poetry anthology
1915–29Sree Budhacharitham This is an epic poem comprising 5 volumes (perhaps Kumaran Asan's longest work), written in couplets
1917–21Baalaraamaayanam This is a shorter epic poem consisting of 267 verses in three volumes. Most of these verses are couplets, with the exception of the last three quatrains viz. Balakandam (1917), Ayodhyakandam (1920) and Ayodhyakandam (1921). There are, therefore, 540 lines in all
1922Pushpavaadi
1924Manimaala Poetry anthology
1925Vanamaala Poetry anthology
Kumaran Asan also wrote many other poems. Some of these poems are listed in the book Asante Padyakrthikal under the name "Mattu Krthikal" (Other Works):
Sadaachaarasathakam
Sariyaaya Parishkaranam
Bhaashaaposhinisabhayodu
Saamaanyadharmangal
Subrahmanyapanchakam
Mrthyanjayam
Pravaasakaalaththu Naattile OrmakalThis is another collection of poems that come from various letters Kumaran Asan wrote over the course of several years. None of the poems were longer than thirty-two lines.
Koottu Kavitha
The other poems are lesser known. Only a few of them have names:
Kavikalkkupadesam
Mangalam
Oru KaththThis is another one of Asan's letter-poems.
Randu Aasamsaapadyangal
Prose
Kumaran Asan, N. (1991). Brahmasri Sri Narayana Guruvinte Jeevacharithra Samgraham (3rd. ed.). Thonnakkal: Kumaran Asan Memorial Committee.
Kumaran Asasn, N. ed (1984). Kumaran Asante Gadyalekhanangal v.1. Thonnakkal, Trivandrum: Kumaran Asan Memorial Committee. 3 volumes
Kumaranasan; Shaji, S. (2010). Aasante kathukal. Kottayam: Sahitya Pravarthaka Co-operative Society.
Translations
Asan, Kumaran; Gangadharan, P. C (1978). The Tragic plight (1st ed.). Thonnakkal : Kumaran Asan Memorial Committee; [Madras : distributed by Macmillan].
Works on Asan
E. K. Purushothaman, ed. (2002). Suryathejas — Studies on Asan Poetry. Asan Memorial Association.
M. Govindan, ed. (1974). Poetry and Renaissance: Kumaran Asan birth centenary volume. Madras: Sameeksha.
Pavitran P. (1994). Evolution of the poetic life of Kumaran Asan: A psychu-philosiphical enquiry.
Nithyachaithanya Yathi (1994). Kumaranasan. Author.
Kumaran, Murkoth; Madhavan K. G (1966). Asan vimarsanathinte aadya rasmikal. Kottayam: Vidhyarthimithram.
Sreenivasan, K. (1981). Kumaran Asan: Profile of a poets vision. Thiruvananthapuram: Jayasree Pubs.
George, K. M. (1972). Kumaran Asan. New Delhi: Sahitya Academi.
Sukumar Azhikode. Asante Seethakavyam. Lipi Publications. ISBN 978-81-88011-74-2.
K. P. Vallon
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
K. P. Vallon
Born 2 January 1894
Mulavukadu Village, Ernakulam
Died 14 April 1940
Ernakulam
Occupation Community activist
Kolote P. Vallon (2 January 1894 – 14 April 1940) was a social reformer and leader of the Pulaya community in the Cochin State of Kerala. Along with Pandit Karuppan and Chanchan, he played a transformative role in the upliftment of the Pulaya community in Cochin.
Member of the Legislative Council
Vallon was a two time member of the Cochin Legislative Council, the Maharaja of Cochin having nominated him in 1931 and 1939. He used the platform to champion the cause of the Depressed Classes and labourers. He introduced a resolution seeking government help to students of the Depressed Classes, which the government accepted.
Commemoration
The K P Vallon Road connecting Kadavanthra Junction to Kadavanthra, in Kochi is named after him. Vrindavanam Venugopalan edited and published a life sketch on Vallon in 1981 which was published by Viswakeralam Daily.
Lalita B.K.
Imaginary Picture
Emerging Activist of Dalit in the Community
Lalita B.K was born in 2042 in Doti, she has completed her School leaving certificate (SLC) in 2060 B.S. she has 2 son, 3 Daughter among her 11 members of family. Her husband teaching as a teacher in the Primary school. After passed out SLC exam in 2060 B.S, immediately she got married at the age of only 18 years. Hence she used to be house wife and restrict herself within house and involving whole day in household chores. She has been limit within house and she was not able to do anything for herself because of social taboo. Even she has neither idea to join groups or organizations in the VDC nor any knowledge about human rights, women rights and leadership due to limited understanding and extreme poverty.
During 2012, Feminist Dalit Organization (FEDO), Kailali formed Dalit women group under the implementing project ‘Increasing Dalit Women’s Political participation for sustainable peace in Nepal’ in Mashuriya VDC, Shankarpur, she had have chance to got the position of President. She did have opportunities to attend to various interactions, seminars, training and meeting organized by FEDO, enhance herself motivation then after she was realized the importance leadership. During this period she gained confidence that helped to become an active member of various committees in all most sectors (Member in Ward Citizen Forum, Secretary in Citizen Awareness Centre, Ward president of Land rights Forum, Member in VDC Integrated Planning Committee, Member in Kailali FM monitoring Group, VDC farmer federation and party member of CPN UML) in VDC.
Before this program she has been fear of facing social activities and issue, now she has become a women activist in the community where she supports other women, she is feeling proud to be a part of FEDO which is enables her to live dignity and prestigious life.
Leela Roy
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Leela Naag
Born 2 October 1900
Died 11 June 1970
Kolkata, West Bengal, India
Nationality Indian
Other names Leelaboti Roy
Organization Deepali Sangha, Indian National Congress, Forward Bloc
Movement Indian Independence Movement
Spouse(s) Anil Chandra Roy
Leela Roy née Nag (2 October 1900 – 11 June 1970), was a progressive Indian woman politician and reformer, and a close associate of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. She was born in Goalpara, Assam to Girish Chandra Naag, who was a deputy magistrate, and her mother was Kunjalata Naag.
Family
She was born into an upper middle class Kayastha family in Sylhet in Bengal (now in Bangladesh) and educated at the Bethune College in Calcutta, graduating with a gold medal in English. Her father was Girischandra Nag. He was the tutor of Subhas Chandra Bose. She fought with university authorities and became the first woman to be admitted to the University of Dhaka and earned her M.A. degree. Co-education was not permitted in Dhaka University. The then Vice Chancellor Philip Hartog gave a special permission for her admission.
Social work
Leela Roy alone with other founder member of Samaj Sebi Sangha, 1946
She threw herself into social work and education for girls, starting the second girls school in Dhaka. She encouraged girls learning skills and receiving vocational training and emphasized the need for girls to learn martial arts to defend themselves. Over the years, she set up a number of schools and institutes for women.
She contacted Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose when he was leading the relief action after the 1921 Bengal floods, Leela Nag, then a student of the Dhaka University, was instrumental in forming the Dhaka Women's Committee and, in that capacity, raised donations and relief goods to help Netaji.
In 1931, she began publishing Jayasree,[5] the first magazine edited, managed, and wholly contributed by women writers. It received the blessings of many eminent personalities including Rabindranath Tagore, who suggested its name.
Political activity
Leela Nag formed a rebellion organization in December 1923 called Deepali Sangha (Dipali Sangha) in Dhaka where combat training were given. Pritilata Waddedar took courses from there. She took part in the Civil Disobedience Movement and was imprisoned for six years. In 1938, she was nominated by Congress President, Subhas Chandra Bose to the National Planning Committee of the Congress. In 1939 she married Anil Chandra Roy. On Bose's resignation from the Congress, the couple joined him in the Forward Bloc.
In 1941, when there was a serious outburst of communal rioting in Dhaka, she along with Sarat Chandra Bose formed the Unity Board and National Service Brigade. In 1942, during the Quit India Movement both she and her husband were arrested and her magazine was forced to cease. On her release in 1946, she was elected to the Constituent Assembly of India.
During the partition violence, she met Gandhi in Noakhali. Even before Gandhiji reached there, she opened a relief center and rescued 400 women after touring on foot 90 miles in just six days. After the Partition of India, she ran homes in Calcutta for destitute and abandoned women and tried to help refugees from East Bengal. From 1946 to 1947, Roy set up seventeen relief camps in Noakhali, following the riots which took place there - activist Suhasini Das worked at one.
In 1947 she founded the Jatiya Mahila Sanghati, a women's organisation in West Bengal.
Later years
In 1960 she became the chairwoman of the new party formed with the merger of the Forward Bloc (Subhasist) and the Praja Socialist Party but was disappointed with its working. After two years she retired from active politics.[7]
Leela Roy's letters were recovered from the items of an ascetic named Bhagwanji, who died in Faizabad in 1985. The letters reveal, that Leela Roy came in touch with Bhagwanji in 1962, at Neemsar, Uttar Pradesh. She stayed in touch with him till her death in 1970, and kept providing for him.
She died in June 1970, after a prolonged illness.
Homage paid
On December 22, 2008, The Vice President, Shri. Mohammad Hamid Ansari, the Speaker, Lok Sabha, Shri Somnath Chatterjee, the Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh and the Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha, Shri L. K. Advani were present during unveiling of Leela Roy's portrait in Central Hall of Indian parliament.
Lenin Raghuvanshi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Lenin Raghuvanshi
लेनिन रघुवंशी
Born 18 May 1970
Nationality Indian
Other names संजय
Citizenship Indian
Education Bachelor degree in Ayurveda, Modern Medicine and Surgery (1994)
Alma mater State College for Ayurveda and Medicine, Gurukul Kangari, Haridwar
Occupation Social activist
Known for People's Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR)
Title Dr
Partner(s) Shruti Nagvanshi
Children Kabeer Karunik
Parent(s) Surendra Nath Singh (Father)
Shrimati Savitri Devi(Mother)
Awards M.A. Thomas National Human Rights Award 2016,Karamveer Award 2012, Human Rights Award of the city of Weimar (2010), Gwangju Human Rights Award (2007), ACHA Peace Star Award
Website www.pvchr.asia
Signature
Lenin Raghuvanshi is a Dalit rights activist, Political Thinker and Social Entrepreneur from India. He is one of the founding members of People's Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR), which works for the upliftment of the marginalised sections of the society. His work has been recognized with awards like Gwangju Human Rights Award (2007), the ACHA Star Peace award (2008), the International Human Rights Prize of the city of Weimar (2010) Special Mentions Prize of Human Rights of The French Republic (2018) Public Peace Prize(2018). and Karmaveer Maharatna Award (2019). He nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to combat masculinity driven militarist traditions,for his contribution to bettering conditions for peace in world and for acting as a driving force in efforts to prevent the use of masculinity driven militarist traditions as a weapon of war and conflict.
Personal life
Lenin Raghuvanshi was born in a higher caste Hindu family, to Surendra Nath Singh and Shrimati Savitri Devi, on 18 May 1970. His grandfather Shanti Kumar Singh, was a Gandhian freedom fighter. He did his bachelor's course in Ayurveda, Modern Medicine and Surgery from the State Ayurvedic Medical College, Gurukul Kangari, Haridwar in 1994. Lenin married Shruti Nagvanshi,a famous social activist on 22 February 1992 and has a son, Kabeer Karunik, who is national level snooker player. Both he and Shruti are converts to Buddhism.
Initial years
From the beginning, Raghuvanshi was averse to the caste system. He refers to his higher caste Hindu upbringing as "feudal". This sprung the seed of social activism in him. He became the president of the Uttar Pradesh chapter of United Nations Youth Organisation at the age of 23 (1993).
With his exposure into the mainstream society, he realised that casteism is present in all walks of life. With the Indian Government tackling the issue with its reservation policies and making it perennial, Raghuvanshi chose the path of uplifting them by making their voices heard. He founded the People's Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR) in 1996, along with his life partner Shruti Nagvanshi, historian Mahendra Pratap, musician Vikash Maharaj, and poet Gyanedra Pati.
On bonded labour and children's right to education
In 1999, Raguvanshi founded a community-based organisation, Jan Mitra Nyas (People-friendly Association), which was backed by ActionAid. The movement adopted three villages near Varanasi and an urban slum, with an objective of providing better education to the children there. He was elected in 2001 into the executive council of Voice of People, supported by Child Rights and You (CRY), an organisation active in 15 districts of Uttar Pradesh, which works for the rights of the children.
He was appointed as a member of the District Vigilance Committee on Bonded Labour under Bonded Labour abolition Act 1976 by the Governor of UP in 2002. He filed an FIR (First Information Report) against Rajendar Thripathi, the village head of Belwa in the Badagaon administrative district in his capacity as a member of the District Vigilance Committee. However, Rajendar escaped arrest, and Lenin has been reported to be receiving death threats since then. In revenge, the head of Belwa village filed a case against Raghuvanshi and two PVCHR staff members for "statements conducing to public mischief" and "anti-state activities"; the latter proceeding of case was stayed by High Court.
In 2004, he conceptualised the 'Jan Mitra Gaon' (People-friendly villages) project, under which three villages and an urban slum were adopted with the motives of eradicating child labour, providing education to girls, reintroducing non-traditional education and improving the state of educational institutions.
Contributions to the Weavers Community
Raghuvanshi represented the Bunkar Dastkar Adhikar Manch in the People's Tribunal on Human Rights, chaired by Sayeda Hameed, a member of the Planning Commission of India, briefing on the reportedly poor situation of the Varanasi weavers. Bunkar Dastkar Adhikar Manch is a Varanasi-based outfit, founded by Siddiq Hassan, in 2004, that lobbies for the weaver community. Varanasi Weavers Trust was conceptualised in 2004 by the Sri Lankan economist Darin Gunasekara and Raguvansi, with the objective of easy accessibility of the capital and market to the poor in a democratised way. The demand was then put forth to the Indian Government for the establishment of the trust.
Bringing together the South Asian countries
On 15 January 2005, human rights groups from India, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, PVCHR (India), INSEC (Nepal), People's Forum for Human Rights (Bhutan), Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, LOKOJ (Bangladesh) and Wiros Lokh Institute (Sri Lanka), met with an objective of a united South Asia, working for the common good, in Kathmandu. This convention was named People's SAARC, leading to the formation of a South Asian People's Forum, with Raghuvanshi as its coordinator. Afghanistan was later added to this SAARC. This was indeed an excellent effort to build human rights mechanism in SARRC countries where the discourse of human rights is still in its nascent stage.
Social justice through the Neo-Dalit Movement
Raghuvanshi has called for the establishment of a neo-Dalit movement to eliminate the caste system and overthrow feudalism, thereby establishing a society based on equal dignity for all humankind. The neo-Dalit movement – combining Shudras and ati-Shudras (dalits of all kinds) from all regions – would formulate a popular movement against the ‘culture of impunity’ and the existing caste system.
Recognition
Raghuvanshi is a 2001 Ashoka Fellow. He was appointed as the state director for the European Union funded National Project on Prevention of Torture in 2006, in recognition of the reports published by PVCHR on torture incidents in the state. He drafted a Testimonial model for India along with Dr. Inger Agger, working further on dealing with torture. He was awarded the Gwangju Human Rights Award in 2007, along with Irom Sharmila. In 2008, he received ACHA Star Peace award from Association for Communal Harmony in Asia USA along with B. M. Kutty, Karamat Ali and Mubashir Mirza from Pakistan In 2010, he was elected as the president for the Association of Cultural Harmony in Asia, USA. The City Council of Weimar, Germany, chose him for the 2010 International Human Rights award He was appointed as the member of NGO core Committee of National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) in 2012, in recognition of his tireless work for human rights. In 2015, Lenin was invited at the Global Tolerance Forum in Drammen, Norway where he voiced his strong opinion on the contemporary political situation in India, showed deep concern about increasing hold of fundamentalist and extremists elements in Indian society. Dr. Lenin was awarded M.A. Thomas National Human Rights Award, 2016 for his contribution in struggle for the rights of marginalized community, particularly the dalits and adivasis. Recognizing his contribution for the promotion and protection of the children's rights, Wockhardt foundation selected him as a Child Rights Activist of the year in a nationwide online voting. In 2016, Lenin was selected member of Global India-an Ireland-based Horizon 2020 funded Marie Sklodowska-Curie European Training Network.The network is composed of 6 different EU Universities and has 9 partners in India. In September 2017, India Times listed Raghuvanshi as one of the 11 Human Rights Activists in India whose Life Mission is to provide others With A Dignified Life. Daily Indian Media recognized the contribution by Lenin Raghuvanshi along with 12 Indian Stalwarts from various spheres of Indian Life like Politics, Business, Academics and Entertainment at a glittering Awards Ceremony in New Delhi. Those recognized for their contribution to society and championing the cause of equity, humanity, social justice and human welfare. Deed Indeed Foundation profiled him as 'Tireless Service to Humanity' and describes,"Lenin Raghuvanshi is one of the Caste System’s greatest nemeses and is one of Society’s Downtrodden’s most dynamic champions and we can all take a humane leaf from his book." Lenin has spoken at colleges and universities across the globe. Raghuvanshi has been awarded the following national and international honours since 2018:
2021:European Union Visitor Program profiled as EUVP WALL OF FAME
2020:Two Dalit rights activists from Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh Mr. Lenin Raghuvanshi and Ms.Shruti Nagvanshi, among others, have been mentioned to “21st Century Heroes of India” from the perspective of Liberty, Equality, Fraternity and other Indian Constitutional Values by Pippa Rann Books & Media, based in the United Kingdom.
2020: The Dutch broadcaster Brainwash initiated new online video series Worldly Thinkers. Brainwash is a public service broadcaster for which world famous speakers like Michael Sandel, Louis Theroux and Martha Nussbaum, gave original and inspiring talks. In Worldly Thinkers, thinkers around the world think about and respond to different appealing and urgent theses in seven different episodes, each episode is about 4-5 minutes. Lenin Raghuvanshi has profiled as one of Worldly Thinkers on the issue of Pluralism.
2020: Tilaka Manjhi National award by Ang Madad Foundation, a NGO based in Bhagalpur, Bihar
2019:Mentioned of his name in ten top futurist activists under TAFFD"s 2019 Nominees by USA based magazine TAFFD"s Transdisciplinary Agora for future discussion. Another important name is Environmental activist Ms.Greta and RTI activist Ms.Aruna Roy.
2019: Rotary International’s Vocational Excellence Award in recognition of his extraordinary to life skills of youth and children along with Famous Film Director and producer from Bollywood Mr. Raj Kumar Santoshi
2019: Karmaveer Maharatna Award
2018: Public Peace Prize
2018: Special Mentions Prize of Human Rights of The French Republic
2018: Bhartiya Manavata Vikas Puraskar
Literary and academic contribution
Lenin frequently contribute articles in local, national and international magazine and online websites. His latest book, Justice, Liberty, Equality: Dalits in Independent India, highlight cases of Dalits atrocities and throw the light on the inability of the administrative system to protect the poor and vulnerable of the Indian society. Book underline failure of Indian human rights system to protect the dignity of Dalits. Lenin, in his high pitch and critical tone, underscores dire need to bring the social change and appeal to bring necessary transformation in the Indian human rights machinery to prevent and redress human rights violations on Dalits and vulnerable people. He was one of a 12-person strong Editorial board of Torture for 1998-2020. The Torture Journal is an international scientific journal that provides an interdisciplinary forum for the exchange of original research and systematic reviews by professionals concerned with the biomedical, psychological and social interface of torture and the rehabilitation of its survivors. He became member of advisory board at Journal of Transdisciplinary Peace Praxis (JTPP). He is also member of the IRCT Data and Research Methods Reference Group (Data Reference Group).The feature Chapter ‘Conscientisation of Untouchables in Indian Society’ in book titled 'Consciousness-Raising: Critical pedagogy and practice for social change'edited by Nilan Yu jointly written by Archana Kaushik, Lenin Raghuvanshi and Mohanlal Panda published by Routledge, an imprint of the Taylor and Francis group. Chapter explores the practice of untouchability through the experience of one Indian village. The chapter recounts the experience of PVCHR, a NGO, in breaking down the barriers that hindered the Dalits from enjoying their most basic rights through the mobilization and empowerment of Dalits to voice their concerns and fight for justice.
Licypriya Kangujam
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Licypriya Kangujam
Licypriya Kangujam at the United Nations Asia-Pacific Climate Week 2019 in Bangkok, Thailand on 5 September 2019.
Born
Licypriya Kangujam
2 October 2011
Occupation Student, environmental activist
Years active 2018–present
Known for Rising Voice to Combat Climate Change
Movement The Child Movement
Parent(s)
Bidyarani Devi Kangujam Ongbi (mother)
KK Singh (Kanarjit Kangujam) (father)
Relatives Chinglensana Kangujam(Uncle)
Awards
Dr A.P.J Abdul Kalam Children Award (2019)
World Children's Peace Prize (2019)
Rising Star of Earth Day Network (2019)
Global Child Prodigy Award (2020)
Noble Citizen Award (2020)
TN Khoshoo Memorial Award by Ashoka Trust for Research in Ecology and the Environment (2020)
National Youth Day (India) Award by Bharat Seva Samvad (2021)
CNN News18 Water Heroes (2021)
Forbes India 30 Under 30 Special Mentions (2021)
International Women’s Day Award by Government of Delhi (2021)
Recorded on 6 February 2020 from the BBC Radio World Service Program - How I became an 8-year-old climate activist in London, UK. BBC - OS
Licypriya Kangujam ( born 2 October 2011) is a child environmental activist from India. She is one of the youngest climate activists globally and has addressed world leaders at the United Nations Climate Change Conference 2019 (COP25) in Madrid, Spain asking them to take immediate climate action. Licypriya has been campaigning for climate action in India since 2018, to pass new laws to curb India's high pollution levels, and to make climate-change literacy mandatory in schools.
She has been regarded as India's Greta Thunberg, though she does not like the usage of this term.
Licypriya started advocating against climate change in July 2018. On 21 June 2019 inspired by the climate activist Greta Thunberg, Licypriya started spending a week outside the Indian parliament House to draw the attention of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to pass a climate change law in India. On 31 August 2019, Licypriya received the "World Children Peace Prize 2019" handed over by Mr.Charles Allen, Director of Partnerships of Global Peace Index – Institute of Economics & Peace (IEP), Australia in an event organized by the Regional Alliance of Fostering Youth and Ministry of Youth Sports and Community Empowerment, Government of Maldives. She was also honored with the title "Rising Star" by the Earth Day Network headquarters based in Washington, D.C., USA.
On 19 November 2019, she received the "SDGs Ambassador Award 2019" at Chandigarh University by Dainik Bhaskar in collaboration with NITI Aayog, Government of India. Licypriya also received the "Global Child Prodigy Award 2020" on 3 January 2020 in New Delhi by Lieutenant Governor of Pondicherry Kiran Bedi. On 18 February 2020 she addressed the TEDxSBSC held in University of Delhi, New Delhi, India. On 23 February 2020 she addressed the TEDxGateway held in Mumbai and received a standing ovation for her speech. She addressed TEDx talks for the six times by the time she was nine years old.
Life
Licypriya Kangujam was born on 2 October 2011 in Bashikhong, Manipur, India, the eldest daughter of Kanarjit Kangujam and Bidyarani Devi Kangujam Ongbi. She began raising her voice to combat climate change and disaster risk reduction, when she was seven. In June 2019, she protested in front of the Parliament House of India addressing the Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi to enact the climate change law in India. Her father Kanarjit Kangujam Singh was arrested on 31st May 2021 as he had allegedly duped several self-help groups, hotels and individuals of more than Rs 19 lakh for a Global Youth Meet that he had organised in Imphal in 2014. Nearly a hundred children from 12 countries claim Kanarjit Kangujam scammed them.
2018–2019 activism
Kangujam addressing UNESCO Partners' Forum 2019 (Biennial Luanda) in Angola on 20 September 2019.
Visits to Mongolia
In 2018, Licypriya attended a UN disaster conference in Mongolia along with her father. This inspired her to get involved in activism. In an article in the BBC News she stated "I got lots of inspiration and new knowledge from the people giving speeches. It was a life-changing event." Licypriya founded the "Child Movement" soon after the event to raise awareness to protect the planet by tackling climate change and natural disasters.
Visits to Africa
Kangujam attended the UNESCO Partners' Forum 2019 (Biennial Luanda) in Luanda City, Angola invited by UNESCO, African Union & Government of Angola. She addressed on climate change along with President of Angola João Lourenço, President of Mali Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta, President of Malawi Hage Geingob, President of Republic of the Congo Denis Sassou Nguesso, First Lady of Angola Ana Dias Lourenço, First Lady of Namibia Monica Geingos, Nobel Peace Prize Laureate 2018 Denis Mukwege, UNESCO Director General Audrey Azoulay, Deputy Prime Minister of Guinea Francois Fall and all Culture Ministers of Africa.
Kerala Flood 2018
Licypriya donated her savings of Rupees 100,000 to the Chief Minister of Kerala Pinarayi Vijayan on 24 August 2018 to help the flood victim children of Kerala Massive Flood. Two years later she received the acknowledgement letter from the Kerala Government.
Licypriya's donation to the Chief Minister supported their work in protecting children hit by the flood. She felt her small contribution would help make a difference to the children during the tough time.
Great October March 2019
On 21 October 2019, Licypriya started the "Great October March 2019" at India Gate, New Delhi with nearly thousands of her supporters. The Great October March took place from 21 to 27 October in various locations to request immediate action on climate change and to enact the climate law in India.
Survival Kit for the Future
Licypriya brought out a symbolic device called SUKIFU (Survival Kit for the Future) to curb the air pollution on 4 October 2019. SUKIFU is an almost zero budget kit designed from trash to provide fresh air to breathe when pollution is bad. This wearable plant is a recognition of the Green Movement for air pollution. Anybody can build up this concept at home from the recycling trash to instill fresh air directly into our lungs. She launched it in front of the Punjab & Haryana Legislative Assembly House as a symbol of demonstration before the oath taking ceremony of newly elected Haryana MLAs & Ministers. She draws the attention of the leaders to find urgent solution for the current crisis of air pollution in Delhi & National Capital Region. "
Further she added that the project is inspired by the air pollution problem in Delhi, and that she doesn't want its message to only be about the environment. Instead, it's about the same adaptability that caused her to come forward with a mission, the qualities of resilience that it takes to survive now and in the future. She developed the model with the support of Chandan Ghosh, professor at Indian Institute of Technology Jammu (IIT)."
COP25
Licypriya Kangujam with UN Secretary General António Guterres at the United Nations Climate Change Conference 2019 (COP25) in Madrid, Spain on 12 December 2019.
Licypriya Kangujam addressed at COP25 urging the world leaders to act now on climate change. The United Nations Climate Conference was held to discuss the international action on climate change. 26,000 people from 196 countries attended this event. The event was held from 2 December to 13 December at IFEMA, Madrid, Spain, hosted by Government of Chile with the logistics support Of Government of Spain under the UNFCCC (United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change).
Kangujam met the UN Secretary-General during The UN Climate Change Conference COP25 and submitted a memorandum "on behalf of the children of the world." The memorandum stated that she wants to create a better place for all children of the world. She was praised by the UN Secretary-General António Guterres. Greta Thunberg and several other global leaders participated during the event.
2020 activism
World Economic Forum 2020
In 2020, Licypriya published a letter to the participants at the World Economic Forum with activists Greta Thunberg, Luisa Neubauer, Isabelle Axelsson, and Loukina Tille, calling on companies, banks and governments to immediately stop subsidizing fossil fuels. In an opinion piece given to The Guardian they said, "We don't want these things done by 2050, 2030 or even 2021, we want this done now – as in right now. We call upon the world’s leaders to stop investing in the fossil fuel economy that is at the very heart of this planetary crisis. Instead, they should invest their money in existing sustainable technologies, research and in restoring nature. Short-term profit should not trump long-term stability of life."
Campaign for teaching climate change in schools
She has been campaigning to make lessons in climate change mandatory in schools and as per her request the government of Gujarat has included climate change in school education.
Earth Day 2020
In 2020 Licypriya addressed the gatherings globally on Earth Day 2020 at Washington, D.C., United States. The event was virtual, due to the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic. She featured with 50 other global leaders, influencers, celebrities, athletes and musicians including Pope Francis, Sylvia Earle, Denis Hayes, Bill McKibben, Global Advisory Committee Member Albert II (Price of Monaco), Alexandria Villaseñor, Al Gore, Patricia Espinosa, Christiana Figueres, Michelle Dilhara, Jerome Foster II, John Kerry, Thomas Lovejoy, Ed Begley Jr., Zac Efron, Anil Kapoor, Van Jones, Ricky Keij, Paul Nicklen and Alex Honnold, giving a message of hope to fight the ongoing climate crisis.
Controversy
In June 2021, Licypriya was in the news as a crowdfunding appeal on Ketto seeking one crore rupees to buy 100 oxygen concentrators came under scrutiny following the arrest of her father and legal guardian Kangujam Karnajit, on May 31st 2021. Her father, also known as KK Singh, was declared an absconder and had fled Manipur in 2016 after he was arrested and let out on interim bail following multiple charges. These charges were for duping several self-help groups, hotels and individuals of more than Rs 19 lakh for a Global Youth Meet that he had organised in Imphal in 2014. His latest arrest was for fresh charges relating to his chairmanship of the International Youth Committee, an organisation founded by him. Several national and international students have been deceived of money amounting to around Rs 3 crore on the pretext of fees for multiple international youth exchange programs, that were never organised.
Relating to the crowdfunding appeal on Ketto, Laxmi K, who works on climate action and was aware of prior allegations related to her fathers activities, initiated contact with Ketto requesting due diligence.Further concerns around the Ketto crowd funding drive was flagged by political activist Angellica Aribam, a day after Paojel Chaoba of The Frontier Manipur broke a story on 19 May on how the Ketto donation drive by the child activist could be a possible scheme to defraud people by her father.In an email written to Varun Sheth of Ketto, Angellica asked whether the Noble Citizen Foundation, the agency that was being handed the money collected from the donation drive had any credibility and if Ketto was certain there were no connections with the child’s father. However, she never received any response.
It is now widely accepted that both Licypriya and her father used deceitful methods to hog the limelight and generate favourable publicity. The father and the daughter were caught exaggerating their manipulated accomplishments and using run-of-the-mill acknowledgements from reputed organisations to spin a web of lies around their achievement.
On June 5th 2021, Harvard International Review, which had earlier interviewed Licypriya issued a statement saying "In light of Kangujam's father's arrest in India, the Harvard International Review reiterates its policy of not endorsing the contents of any interview. Interviews inherently reflect subjective views of the interviewee. The interview reflects the views of Kangujam exclusively..
Dr Laxmi N. Berwa
“Dalit and International Solidarities” speech was presented at Brandeis University in Waltham, Massachusetts at “International Conference on Re-Imaging Religion Caste & social Justice in South Asia” by Dr Laxmi N. Berwa.
“In every country, the intellectual class is the most influential class, if not the governing class. The intellectual class is the class which can foresee, it is the class which can advise and give a lead. In no country does the mass of the people live the life of intelligent thought and action. It is largely imitative and follows the intellectual class. There is no exaggeration in saying that the entire destiny of a country & a group depends upon its intellectual class. If the intellectual class is honest, independent and disinterested, it can be trusted to take the initiative and give a proper lead when a crisis arises. It is true that the intellect by itself is no virtue. It is only a mean and the use if means depends upon the ends which an intellectual person pursues. An intellectual man can be a good man but he may easily be a rogue. Similarly, an intellectual class may be a band of high-souled person, ready to help, ready to emancipate erring humanity or it may easily be a gang of crooks or a body of advocates of a narrow clique from it draws its support.” – Dr B. R. Ambedkar.
In my opinion, the surge of Dalit Diaspora started in mid-1960.
Earliest were in U.K. and Canada which were dominantly Punjabi Dalits from Guru Ravidassi Sect.
Subsequently, in 1970’s these was an upsurge of professional Dalits in America. I came to the USA in June 1971, most of Dalits immigrants to the US were professionals. Doctors, Engineers, and students. Later on the other groups like I.T. groups Academic Group, like students and Maharashtrian Buddhists and from various Dalit groups.
As we get to know each other we started networking i.e. forming Organisations.
Started celebrating Baba Saheb Dr B.R. Ambedkar Birth Anniversaries and his mission, start lobbying on Dalit issues throughout the world especially the violation of Dalits Human rights. Now we have hundreds of Dalits organisations throughout the world. We are working in coordination with Dalits of South Asian background includes Nepali Dalits.
As we are assimilating into the culture of our adopted countries we are starting a coalition with various groups in all major countries on Dalits Human rights issues. A case in point is Anti-caste legislation in the UK but Conservative. Hindus have to derail this in Cameron administration and now working in Prime Minister Theresa May’s government. To do the same, with their heavy lobby presence in the U.K., Conservative Polities.
Here in the U.S., even though US state Department brings an annual report on Human Rights Violations in India which gets one or two days of press attentions after that it ends up in the libraries.
Dalit Diaspora has not yet fully realised its potential to be a spokesperson for Dalits Human Rights. Dalit Diaspora has to work in coordination with other persecuted humanities to achieve our goal of equality, no matter what part of the world we live in.
I am confident that there are many other Human Rights organisations who will be willing to lend their helping hands in the liberation of Dalits from the clutch of Caste Indignation.
Caste is not only a Dalits issue but it has infected every segment of the Indian society. Now it is spreading its fang in the UK. I am not aware in the US but a Nepali Dalit Woman told me that a high caste Nepali will not rent a room to her daughter because she was from Nepali Dalit Community.
We all need to be alert to this menace of caste in US and Canada. Maybe we should form an organisation like “Caste Watch U.S.A.”
Finally, as a reminder, I would like to quote Dr. Ambedkar message to all of us, which now reverberate throughout the word.
“My final words of advice to you are educated, agitate and organise; have faith in yourself. With justice on our side, I do see how we can lose our battle. The battle to me is a matter of joy. The battle is the fullest sense spiritual. There is nothing material or social in it. For ours is a battle not for wealth or for power. It is a battle for freedom. It is a battle for reclamation of the human personality. You must abolish your slavery yourselves. Do not depend for its abolition upon God or a superman… Remember that it is not enough that a people are numerically in the majority. They must be always watchful, strong, well-educated and self-respecting to attain and maintain success… We must shape our course and by ourselves.” Dr B. R. Ambedkar.
By – Dr Laxmi N. Berwa from the United States
Lahuji Raghoji Salve
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Lahuji Raghoji Salve (14 November 1794 – 17 February 1881), was an Indian Hindu social reformer and Dalit activist.
Died 17 February 1881 (aged 87)
Nationality Indian
Early life
He was born into Mang community near Purandar in the Maharashtra state of India. Lahuji is also referred to as "Lahujibuwa Mang" and his father was Raghoji Salve and mother Vithabai.
He learnt wrestling from his father and he became an expert wrestler, which eventually conferred him the title of 'Vastaad' (or master) and he also owned a gymnasium at Ganj peth in Pune.
Movement
Lahuji also taught martial arts to many reknowed people and also acted as a mentor preaching the need for Indian freedom from British Raj and the upliftment of untouchables. Lahuji got acquainted with Jyotirao Phule's work for the liberation of depressed classes by educating them and joined his Satyashodhak Samaj.
It was upon the muscle and strength of Lahuji that Phule fronted all the physical attacks that were hurled at him and his wife, Savitri. Lahuji helped recruit many Dalit students for the Phule schools. Phule's adoration of Lahuji and salutations appear in the records and reports to the British government.
Krantiveer Lahuji Valsad Salve Memorial at Sangamwadi in Pune is also under construction.
Lavanam
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Lavanam
Born
Goparaju Ramachandra Lavanam
10 October 1930
Died 14 August 2015 (aged 84)
Vijayawada, Andhra Pradesh, India
Nationality Indian
Other names G. Lavanam, Gora Lavanam
Occupation Social reformer
Known for Founder of atheist centre, Samskar
Spouse(s) Hemalatha Lavanam
(1960–2008; her death)
Parent(s) Goparaju Ramachandra Rao (father)
Saraswathi Gora (mother)
Relatives G. Samaram (brother)
Chennupati Vidya (sister)
Gurram Joshua (father-in-law)
Goparaju Ramachandra Lavanam (10 October 1930 – 14 August 2015), known popularly as G. Lavanam or Lavanam, was an Indian social reformer and Gandhian. He worked to remove untouchability in Indian society. He was an atheist and co-founded the Samskar institution with his wife Hemalatha Lavanam.
Life
He was born to atheist leader Goparaju Ramachandra Rao "Gora" and Saraswathi Gora on 10 October 1930. He began social work at the age of 12 under the guidance of his father. He was the interpreter of Vinoba Bhave during his land reform movement in Andhra Pradesh and parts of Orissa. He married outside his caste to Hemlata Lavanam, daughter of noted poet Gurram Joshua, in 1960 at Sevagram.
After the 1977 Andhra Pradesh cyclone hit Diviseema, Lavanam helped in the rehabilitation work.
He and his wife worked to reform the Jogini system prevalent in Andhra Pradesh through their organisation, Samskar. His wife, a well known atheist and social reformer, died on 19 March 2008 at the age of 75. She was suffering from ovarian cancer. Lavanam died on 14 August 2015, due to multiple organ failure at a hospital in Vijayawada, Andhra Pradesh.
Views and opinions
Lavanam supported the formation of the new state Telangana. According to him, there were few cultural and social ties between Telangana and Andhra. He wrote a petition to the Andhra Pradesh High Court for the inclusion of an atheist option in the Indian census.
Awards
1991: Atheist of the Decade Award from Atheists United in Los Angeles for promoting international atheism 1980 to 1990. *Lavanam; Mark Lindley (1995). "An Autobiographical Account of Lavanam". PositiveAtheism.org. Archived from the original on 1 September 2000. Retrieved 30 August 2015.
2009: Jamnalal Bajaj Award for resettling and providing employment opportunity to the members of Denotified Tribes.
2011: Lifetime Achievement Award from the International Service Society, which is affiliated to the Vaishnava Center for Enlightenment, for his contribution to world peace and service to humanity.
2015 :International Humanist Award from Probe Resource Center for Journalist in Hyderabad,for his contribution to promote human rights and social reforms.
Books
Gandhi as We Have Known Him, with Mark Lindley (National Gandhi Museum, New Delhi, 2005; 2nd edition, 2009)
LAKSHMIKUTTY AMMA
THE GRANDMOTHER OF THE JUNGLE
THE STORY OF LAKSHMIKUTTY AMMA, TRIBAL HEALER, POET & ENVIRONMENTAL ACTIVIST, AS IT WAS TOLD TO ZUZANA ZWIEBEL BY HER OWN WORDS AND PAINTED WITH PHOTOGRAPHS BY A.J. JOJI.
J.A. JOJI
Photographer
Joji was born in 1969 in Sasthamkotta in Kollam district, Kerala. He is an accomplished photographer who began his public life with the Left progressive activities. Later he got actively involved with Odessa film movement. Since 1991 Joji turned his attention to photography as a full time activity with particular interest in recording the social, cultural and political landscape of Kerala.
Joji was the official photographer and documentationist of the prestigious IFFK (International Film Festival of Kerala) for many years. He was also the Head of Photography department for the third edition of Kochi Muziris Biennale in 2016. Among his other professional pursuits Joji had a short stint in videography for TV channels apart from his ongoing assignments as still photographer for Malayalam feature films both in art house and mainstream genres. He also shoots extensively for editorial content in the print media. He lives in Ernakulam, Kerala, India.
Aaruthal in URU art harbour is his first photography art exhibition curated by Riyas Komu.
VANAMUTHASSI
The older woman enters the dark room of a small hut with palm leaves roof. The light coming from the backdoors illuminates her silhouette and her dynamic moves are frozen in time. She holds few tree branches on her left shoulder, later she will burn them in the fire, but now she just let them on the floor. In other hand she carries a small cotton bag with medical plants on which she concentrate all her attention. Plants must be processed in certain time not to lose their healing power.
She is called Vanamuthassi (Grandmother of the jungle in Malayalam), but her real name is Lakshmikutty Amma (Amma means Mother). On her shoulders is much bigger responsibility than it looks for the first sight, her mission is to preserve the healing traditions of her tribe Kaani, settled in the deep forest of Kallar in Thiruvananthapuram district in Kerala.
RIGHT:
AARUTHAL (THE HEALING)
LAKSHMIKUTTY AMMA
PHOTOGRAPHY: A.J. JOJI
URU ART HARBOUR (2019)
© 
This a 75 year old tribal woman is one of the last ethnic medical practitioners, who can prepare around 500 medicines from her memory. Apart of that, she is also a poet, teacher at Kerala Folklore Academy and environmental activist, who got noticed by those outside her forest, when she received the ‘Naattu Vaidya Rathna’ award for her achievement and contributions towards the medical field from the Kerala government in 1995. Since then she has visited many places, met many people outside the forest, but she says: “I belong here. My heredity exists here!”
THE KAANI TRIBE LEGACY
It is early morning, Lakshmikutty Amma got up before dawn and waited in the forest the sunrise to touch the plants with the first twilight. Silently, she let the plants to drink a dew nectar and chants little prayer with her inner voice before she touches them. She plucks only few leaves or take small part of the roots from each plant. She never takes more than is needed for healing. One day, every green stem of the plant will be connected with the veins of human body and this divine respect to every form of the life will freely flow in the blood through tissues and bone marrows to the heart of the person, where healing will begin.
RIGHT:
AARUTHAL (THE HEALING)
LAKSHMIKUTTY AMMA
PHOTOGRAPHY: A.J. JOJI
URU ART HARBOUR (2019)
© One day, every green stem of the plant will be connected with the veins of human body and this divine respect to every form of the life will freely flow in the blood through tissues and bone marrows to the heart of the person, where healing will begin.
It was her mother Kunjidevi, who told her never takes more from the nature than is needed for healing. Her mother was a midwife and local tribal healer. She used to take her daughter from early age to the forest to help her with collecting the plants and the herbs, showed her process of preparing medicines and made her part of the healing rituals. Lakshmikutty learned from her, that every plant needs to be collected and handled in methods exclusive to the particular plant and the same ailments might require different treatment procedures depending on many factors.
LIFE IN THE JUNGLE
She looks at the three large framed photographs hanged above the wardrove and automatically touches the chest, the forehead and the lips with the finger tips in silent memory of her husband and two sons. The color of photographs has faded down, but the memories stayed.
There is no bigger pain for mother than losing her kids. She had three sons and lost two of them. Her only surviving son is working as chief ticket examiner for the railways. The elder son was killed by a wild elephant and the younger one died due to snake poisoning, because that time there was not road to take him to the nearby hospital. After this accident she learnt anything she could about the snake poisoning.
RIGHT:
AARUTHAL (THE HEALING)
LAKSHMIKUTTY AMMA
PHOTOGRAPHY: A.J. JOJI
URU ART HARBOUR (2019)
© Her husband Mathan, accompanied her since childhood. As kids, they used to walk together 10 kilometers to school every day. She married him at the age of 16 and they stayed together till his last days 4 years ago. He was with her in all her decisions and achievements. He believed in her, and used to telling her, that she was a strong woman, who could achieve everything she wanted also without him.
Her persistence made her the only tribal girl from her area to attend school in the 1950s. In one interview she said: “I still wonder how I went to school. I was persistent that I go to school and my father finally had to agree.” She studied only until class 8 as her school did not have higher education, but a school library became her university and window to other worlds. She read everything she could and soon she was writing her own poetry and short stories. From her memory she can still recite classical Malayalam poets (many of them have later visited her as her patients).
EMPLE, WHERE NATURE IS WORSHIPPED
For Kaani tribe, the jungle was always a temple, where nature itself was worshipped. This power of nature is demonstrated in Lord Shiva, whose temple is built behind Lakshmikutty’s house. As every woman, she is his form of Shakti, female avatar through which the healing comes to the earth. In that silent space of the Shiva temple she finds the power and courage to treat difficult cases, uncurable diseases and snake poisings. It is the inner voice of transformative universal energy, which leads her through the healing process.
RIGHT:
AARUTHAL (THE HEALING)
LAKSHMIKUTTY AMMA
PHOTOGRAPHY: A.J. JOJI
URU ART HARBOUR (2019)
© While in her mind she chants a little healing prayer, she wipes her hands into the red nadan (scarf) covering her shoulders and touches a chain of small rudrakshas on her neck. She believes, that they should be worn only by the elderly people in sannyasa (phase of life spent in the spiritual hermitage), not by young women, who need the powerful vitality of mundane life. “The world needs strong loving healing and fertile female power – Shakti!”, she is positive about it.
Twice a week she performs puja for Lord Shiva in the temple and waits there for auspicious days to start the healing. When she treats patients after the snake poisoning, she asks them to go through the strict diet and after to stay with her in silence and solitude for two days. During that time, she wakes up very early morning, collects the plants, process them and treat the patients with small dosages. Almost without the words she leads them through the cleaning process. In the silence she teaches them to listen to the nature and the body itself.
HEALING & DIET REMEDIES
She lit a fire. The first acrid cloud of a smoke from the ember in the corner of the room evanesces its power and the pieces of the wood brought from the jungle are slowly burnt under the copper pot filled with the extracts of the plants.
Only Lakshmikutty Amma knows the recipe. She uses more than 150 plants - herbs, flowers, leaves, stems, roots, barks, flowers, pollens - and combine them into the unique 500 medicines for different treatments and diseases. All her knowledge on herbal treatment, was passed on her as a Kanni tribe legacy. And neither Lakshmikutty nor her mother made any written record of the medicinal plants and their uses, all was passed in oral tradition. Only recently she shared her exclusive knowledge of the usage of rare medical plants like Amrithppala, Kattumull (Wild jasmine) with modern science.
RIGHT:
AARUTHAL (THE HEALING)
LAKSHMIKUTTY AMMA
PHOTOGRAPHY: A.J. JOJI
URU ART HARBOUR (2019)
© Before 1995 people was coming to visit her from far off places after hearing about her from those, who had been already cured by her. After she received the awards the number has increased rapidly. She is getting visitors from different parts of world. But she laughs: “Coming here to visit me, it does not help, if people do not follow my diet and prescriptions.”
Her treatments are not connected with any Indian traditional medicine styles such as ayurveda or naturopathy, she strictly follow Kanni tribe tradition and listen to the voice of nature. She believes, that the body, mind and soul of the patient must be ready for the healing process, that is why she is prescribing minimum 41 days long strict diet (in fact one can argue, that this diet is contradicting many rules of ayurvedic practices).
The 41 days long diet is strict, but very simple – one has to eat pure vegetarian meals (she, herself, is eating also non-vegetarian food, but for healing process she insists on vegetarian diet). The vegetarian food must be cooked without oil, spices or any strong aromatic ingrediencies such as pickles, tamarind or fruits such as mangos. Body must be cleaned before she starts medication, otherwise her medicines would not be effective. She says, that only 60% percent of the visitors are ready to follow the diet. The rest 40% gives up it after few days. “Self-discipline is missing!”, she remarks with bit of kind sarcasm in her voice.
Sometimes she sends people to visit also other doctors or vaidiyas, especially those who suffered injuries of bones and muscles. There are two therapists not far from her house, who often treat patients according to her advices. But, she herself, do not practice any massage or special exercises as a part of her treatment.
AARURHAL – THE HEALING
Lakshmikutty Amma brings light into the darkness with her healing practices, she might lighten only one candle, but as ancient wisdom says: “Thousands of candles can be lighted from a single one, and the life of the candle will not be shortened. Happiness never decreases by being shared.” But until today, there is no one, who would carry that light and learn the healing tradition from her. She hopes that one of her nephews will join her one day…
RIGHT:
AARUTHAL (THE HEALING)
LAKSHMIKUTTY AMMA
PHOTOGRAPHY: A.J. JOJI
URU ART HARBOUR (2019)
© Respect to the nature, human kindness and divine thoughts are the main ingrediencies for each and every healing - remedy hidden inside of every person.
Apart of healing practices Lakshmikutty Amma is famous for her kind, sometimes bit sarcastic, sense of humour. When she is asked, how one can become a healthy person. She laughs and says: “Give up the food! Do not eat more than is needed and move! Move and exercise your body as much as you can – the energy must flow!” and after a while she adds: ”Do not stare into those mobiles and computers too much – it is not good!”
She believes, that many people who come to visit her, do not need any of her medicines, they only need to hear few nice words. Her advice is simple: “Respect to the nature, human kindness and divine thoughts are the main ingrediencies for each and every healing - remedy hidden inside of every person.
Leela Roy
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Leela Naag
Born 2 October 1900
Died 11 June 1970
Kolkata, West Bengal, India
Nationality Indian
Other names Leelaboti Roy
Organization Deepali Sangha, Indian National Congress, Forward Bloc
Movement Indian Independence Movement
Spouse(s) Anil Chandra Roy
Leela Roy née Nag (2 October 1900 – 11 June 1970), was a progressive Indian woman politician and reformer, and a close associate of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. She was born in Goalpara, Assam to Girish Chandra Naag, who was a deputy magistrate, and her mother was Kunjalata Naag.
Family
She was born into an upper middle class Kayastha family in Sylhet in Bengal (now in Bangladesh) and educated at the Bethune College in Calcutta, graduating with a gold medal in English. Her father was Girischandra Nag. He was the tutor of Subhas Chandra Bose. She fought with university authorities and became the first woman to be admitted to the University of Dhaka and earned her M.A. degree. Co-education was not permitted in Dhaka University. The then Vice Chancellor Philip Hartog gave a special permission for her admission.
Social work
Leela Roy alone with other founder member of Samaj Sebi Sangha, 1946
She threw herself into social work and education for girls, starting the second girls school in Dhaka. She encouraged girls learning skills and receiving vocational training and emphasized the need for girls to learn martial arts to defend themselves. Over the years, she set up a number of schools and institutes for women.
She contacted Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose when he was leading the relief action after the 1921 Bengal floods, Leela Nag, then a student of the Dhaka University, was instrumental in forming the Dhaka Women's Committee and, in that capacity, raised donations and relief goods to help Netaji.
In 1931, she began publishing Jayasree,[5] the first magazine edited, managed, and wholly contributed by women writers. It received the blessings of many eminent personalities including Rabindranath Tagore, who suggested its name.
Political activity
Leela Nag formed a rebellion organization in December 1923 called Deepali Sangha (Dipali Sangha) in Dhaka where combat training were given. Pritilata Waddedar took courses from there. She took part in the Civil Disobedience Movement and was imprisoned for six years. In 1938, she was nominated by Congress President, Subhas Chandra Bose to the National Planning Committee of the Congress. In 1939 she married Anil Chandra Roy. On Bose's resignation from the Congress, the couple joined him in the Forward Bloc.
In 1941, when there was a serious outburst of communal rioting in Dhaka, she along with Sarat Chandra Bose formed the Unity Board and National Service Brigade. In 1942, during the Quit India Movement both she and her husband were arrested and her magazine was forced to cease. On her release in 1946, she was elected to the Constituent Assembly of India.
During the partition violence, she met Gandhi in Noakhali. Even before Gandhiji reached there, she opened a relief center and rescued 400 women after touring on foot 90 miles in just six days. After the Partition of India, she ran homes in Calcutta for destitute and abandoned women and tried to help refugees from East Bengal. From 1946 to 1947, Roy set up seventeen relief camps in Noakhali, following the riots which took place there - activist Suhasini Das worked at one.
In 1947 she founded the Jatiya Mahila Sanghati, a women's organisation in West Bengal.
Later years
In 1960 she became the chairwoman of the new party formed with the merger of the Forward Bloc (Subhasist) and the Praja Socialist Party but was disappointed with its working. After two years she retired from active politics.[7]
Leela Roy's letters were recovered from the items of an ascetic named Bhagwanji, who died in Faizabad in 1985. The letters reveal, that Leela Roy came in touch with Bhagwanji in 1962, at Neemsar, Uttar Pradesh. She stayed in touch with him till her death in 1970, and kept providing for him.
She died in June 1970, after a prolonged illness.
Homage paid
On December 22, 2008, The Vice President, Shri. Mohammad Hamid Ansari, the Speaker, Lok Sabha, Shri Somnath Chatterjee, the Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh and the Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha, Shri L. K. Advani were present during unveiling of Leela Roy's portrait in Central Hall of Indian parliament.
Lingaraj Azad
From Wikipedia
Lingaraj Azad
Lingaraj Azad speaking in a meeting
Born 22 June 1962
Education Matriculation (11th class)
Occupation Social Service, Tribal and Environmental Activist
Organization Adivasi, Kondha, Niyamgiri Surakhya Samiti, Samajwadi Jan Parishad
Known for Fight for the environment and tribals of Niyamgiri Mountains, Kalahandi, Kashipur in Orissa
Political party Samajwadi Jan Parishad
Movement Kashipur Movement, Niyamgiri Movement,
Lingaraj Azad, popularly known as Azad Bhai, is an indigenous tribal activist from the Indian state of Orissa. He became notable for his activism in opposing Vedanta Resources's bauxite refinery in Lanjigarh and mining of Niyamgiri Hills that tribal activist say would displace thirty villages of Dongria Kondhs (the "Mountain Tribals") on top of the mountains.
Early life
Lingaraj Azad was born into a Dalit family in Orissa, a state in eastern India. Adivasis are a diverse group of tribal and ethnic groups collectively identified as "indigenous" to any given particular region in India and are dominant in Orissa. Among Adivasis, his family more specifically belongs to the Ganda caste.
Activism
Western Orissa is rich in natural resources and many government and private companies have appropriated land to build number of natural resources extracting factories. Due to lack of official documentation of the Tribals and repressed class people's community rights over the forests, mountains, rivers and land they have been unable to claim their rights on community properties.
Anil Agarwal set up one of the world's largest aluminum smelting plants in the area, with a bauxite refinery at Lanjigarh at the foothills of the Niyamgiri Mountains. Azad and his organization Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti (Association for the Safeguard of Niyamgiri Hills) - says apart from causing massive displacement, the project will destroy the forests in the area. It will also affect the water sources and ecosystems, thereby threatening the environment and the very source of sustenance for indigenous peoples, it says
We will not give an inch of our mountain.
. Anil Aggarwal's Vedanta on its part says that it does not want to grab local peoples land and is willing to negotiate with all stake holders. Azad counters that the subsistence tribal communities would receive will not survive the alienation from their native land and they cannot be compensated for such a loss.
He has been jailed multiple times on false cases being slapped on him due to his active involvement in the environmental movement.
He participated in the yatra (Sanskrit for journey, used in the context of Indian politics to mean an "awareness campaign") conducted by the NAPM from Mumbai to Delhi against proposed mega-industrial corridor in 2013.
Laxman Nayak
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Laxman Naik
Born 22 November 1899
Died 29 March 1943 (aged 43)
Berhampur Jail, Odisha, India
Laxman Nayak or Laxman Naik (22 November 1899 – 29 March 1943) was a tribal civil rights activist of South Odisha in eastern India. He belonged to Bhumia tribe of Odisha.
Nayak, an Odia folk-hero of Koraput of southernmost part of Odisha and a cult-figure among its tribals, was born in Tentuliguma village of the Koraput district and his father Padlam Nayak was a tribal chief and 'Mustadaar' under 'Jeypore Samasthanam' in the then Madras Presidency.
The local administration worked as a subsidiary of the British Government. The tribals under their administration were treated badly by revenue officials, forest guides and police constables, and were subjected to torture. Nayak organised the rebels successfully against exploitation by the officials of Jeypore Samasthanam. This brought him recognition as a potential tribal leader and the National Congress admitted Nayak into its fold. During the course of his training in Naupuri training centre for Congress workers, Nayak had the opportunity to meet and interact with several Zonal and State level leaders which enabled him to broaden his horizons. His training inculcated in him a spirit for Nationalism and indoctrinated him with the Gandhian principles of truth, nonviolence and peaceful non-cooperation with the British Government. He carried a charkha, with the message of adult education and abstinence from alcohol to every tribal household of his area and brought about a total change in the rural scenario. He became the leader of mission in the Congress campaign in the Koraput Sub-division during the first ever election in 1936.
Responding to the call of Mahatma Gandhi, Nayak led a procession on 21 August 1942 and demonstrated peacefully in front of Mathili Police Station. The police however fired at the demonstrators indiscriminately, which killed forty and injured more than two hundred people. The administration implicated Nayak in a case of murder and the death sentence was pronounced on him on 13 November 1942. He was hanged on 29 March 1943 in Berhampur Jail.
M. C. Raja
For creating awakening among dalits and making them responsible citizens many leaders worked with untiring effort. M.C.Raja was one of the most popular dalit leader. Raja was born at Parangimalai on 17th June 1883. His father was Mylai Chinnathambi Filial, an important leader of the tribal community. He was one of the important leader for the growth of Adi Dravida Saba. The present day government press was once called as Lawrence Asylum Fress. Chinnathambi Filial served as cashier and Assistant Director in that press. His son Raja was brought up in western style, ever found clad in western suit and shoes.' He completed his schooling at Wesly College School at Royapettai with the help of father Lawrence. He completed his graduation at Madras Christian College. He did his B.Ed, course at Madras Educational College at Royapettai.
He happened to be a brilliant student during his academic days. He wrote books for students pursuing their studies in the field of education. He also wrote books for school students. He happened to be the first and foremost writer of logic in Tamil. He was
good at both Tamil and English. He served as a teacher in Wesley College School. Thiru. Vi. Ka. was his contemporary in his teaching profession. The headmaster of this school was John Rathinam. Afterwards he left for Ouris College, Vellore and served as Professor there. Realising the capabilities of Raja, the English officials recommended his name to governors like Sir Murray Homik and Lord Bentland to make use of his services. They also expressed their view that Raja was competent enough to serve as a teacher in England. In 1917, Lord Bentland appointed him as a member of school education development programme. As the General Secretary of Adi Dravida Saba he started night schools for dalits at various centres and improved their basic knowledge in education. He created social awareness among students, for which his leadership ability shown on scout movement helped him to steer the course of the students life in proper way. He instituted a scout unit and called it Prince Wales Scout Unit and trained many students to serve for people. Through these activities in the field of education, social participations geared up. During the first world war as the British Empire could not control nations fought for freedom, decided to give a representative status to them. Lord Montague, Chelmsford and their crew visited India to meet the leaders of various organisations to discuss and resolve many issues. For the first time Adi Dravida Saba convened a meeting to discuss threadbare on issues involving all benefits and aspirations of Dalits.
An invitation from the Viceroy of India, Lord Montague was tendered to Adi Dravida Saba and he requested them to express their opinions on this score. Subramaniam as President of this Saba and Raja as General Secretary attended the audience and Raja briefed to Montague, the relevance of giving equal status to dalits by means of offering them representations in the governance of administration.•^ British government sent a committee under the leadership of Southbrow to look into matters like providing franchise to Indians and creating constituencies for the next election. On behalf of the Saba, Raja drew to the attention of this committee that in the panel of Indian members only Srinivasa Sastry and Banarji alone were appointed who happened to be Brahmins. Hence the very purpose of equal justice would not be fulfiled. While meeting Southbrow on this issue he insisted to create a separate identity for dalits. To achieve this he wanted separate voters list and separate constituencies.'* The Saba became more vigorous and vital since his inception as General Secretary to this Saba in 1916. Branches of this Saba threw open on all districts of Tamil Nadu. Further branches sprang up in Karnataka, Kerala, Andhra and Bengal.
In 1919, Alexander Cardiv, Governor, appointed him as a Planning Member for the Formulation of Primary School Regulation Act. On the same year he was appointed as member for Chennai and Chengai Districts' Primary School Development Committee. In 1920, he was appointed as Legislative Council Member of Madras Presidency by the Governor. In the Indian sub-continent an Adi Dravida becoming a Legislative Council Member was a historic event and the entire credit in creating a chance for an Adi Dravida to become a member went to the Saba.^ Along with him the following persons were also appointed as legislative council members. They were Gurusamy, Madurai Pillai, Rattaimalai, Veeriyan, Sundaramurthy for Andhra, Prem Ranamya for Andhra and Ramam for Kerala.^ All of them acted in accordance with the dictates of Saba. They were able to pressurize British governance for bringing in more and more dalit developmental activities. Among one hundred and thirty one seats in Chennai assembly, nine were given to Adi Dravidas. Raja tabled his opinion that more seats to be allotted for them on the basis of their percentage of population.
Raja placed before the British some of their demands. While giving political representation to Adi Dravidas, he stressed, appointment mode should not be followed, instead election mode had to be followed. Because, getting representation on appointment basis would make that individual to fall back and support the government on all issues. Therefore, they must be elected. Instead of property qualifications, person with 10th class or persons who were paying home tax too should be allowed to cast vote. Elementary education should be nationalized for Adi Dravidas. The labour ministry had to be divided into two. One was to be labour ministry and another should be Adi Dravida Welfare Ministry and that had to work for the betterment of the socio-economic improvement of Adi Dravidas. They must be given representation in British administrative committees and planning committees. Dalits should be consulted, while framing schemes and plans.
On 2nd October 1920, Bac Mill workers' strike began. After sometime, it struck into class war between caste Hindu labours and Adi Dravida labours. Some tried to kill Raja. They also tried to set fire to twelve Adi Dravida slums in Madras, in order to make them run away from the city. Many huts were burnt. Raja condemned the vandalism and Q anarchy of caste Hindus.
Though Raja happened to be the secretary of the Adi Dravida Saba, he was also one of the primary leaders in Justice Party. He maintained close relation with the father of this party, called P. M. Nair. He left Justice Party on account caste Hindu domination. He fought against untouchability. He helped Adi Dravida students in their higher studies either to pursue their education at Pachiappa's College or other colleges.^ Raja was a good writer. Through his writings, he created social consciousness among dalits. His book 'Suppressed Hindus' happened to be a turning point in the lives of them. He helped in the production of the book 'History of Adi Dravida' by Thrisirapuram Perumal Pillai. Because of his untiring efforts, the nomenclature of his community, 'Panjamas' got changed into Adi Dravidas. He went to the Round Table Conference in 1930 along with Dr. Ambedkar and explained to all officials the plight of his men. He explained the plight of dalits to Sir Stafford Cripps.'^ He passed away in 1947. He served till the end of his life for the welfare of his men. In his name a big Adi Dravida hostel was constructed by Tamil Nadu government.
Manjula Pradeep
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Manjula Pradeep
Born October 6, 1969
Nationality Indian
Education Masters in Social Work, Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda, (1992) LL.B., Gujarat University (1998)
Manjula Pradeep (Hindi: मंजुला प्रदीप) is an Indian human rights activist and a lawyer. She is the former Executive Director of Navsarjan Trust, one of the largest Dalit rights organizations in India, addressing the issues of caste discrimination and gender based discrimination.
Early life
Manjula Pradeep was born on October 6, 1969 in Vadodara (formerly known as Baroda) in Gujarat in an orthodox Dalit family, shortly after her family migrated from Uttar Pradesh in 1968. Her birth was met with disappointment as her father expected a son, instead of a second daughter. He blamed Manjula's mother for her birth and abused both of them physically and mentally since her birth. Manjula was also sexually abused by four men in her childhood.
Fearing caste discrimination, Manjula's father hid their surname and instead took up a generic name 'Pradeep' as a surname. However, that did not prevent Manjula from discrimination at school. Her teachers and peers often ridiculed her due to her caste; students would call her “ABC,” referring to “BC,” or “Backwards Caste”.
The challenges that Manjula faced at home and in the society made her question caste and gender-based discrimination, shaping the trajectory of her future career and activism.
Education
During her undergraduate studies, one of her professors encouraged Manjula to pursue social work. This inspired Manjula to enroll into the Master's degree of Social Work at the Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda in 1990. It was at the university, where she started challenging the male-dominated arena of Dalit politics, and became involved in Dalit and feminist activism.
While working at Navsarjan, her first case was of a Dalit woman whose son had died, after being abused in police custody at an Ahmedabad police station. This incident lead Manjula to pursue her Bachelor of Law degree at her Alma mater because she realized that the Dalit rights issue had to be fought both, in the streets and in the courts.
Career
After finishing her master's degree in 1992, Manjula Pradeep joined the Navsarjan Trust at the age of 21 as their first female employee. In 2004, she was elected at the Executive Director at the organisation.
Early years at Navsarjan Trust
Her first job at Navsarjan was with the legal aid programme that helped survivors of violence and discrimination fight for justice. Manjula realised that in order to effectively defend people's human rights, she would have to study the law. “I need to know the law in order to have any power… So much for that social work degree. A law degree is what I need.”
In 1995, she started training programs to generate awareness against the exploitation among bonded labourers, mainly women who survived on a few rupees a day and were continually in debt to the landlords whose agricultural lands they worked on. They were often subjected to physical and sexual violence. She also helped set up a union of Dalit and tribal women, Vadodara Khet Majoor Sangathan, which aimed to end the injustices faced by these women. In the same year, she joined the board of the Navsarjan Trust.
In 2000, in a first for the organisation, Manjula trained 40 women to take up leadership roles in Navsarjan. She also helped organize a protest attended by around 3,000 Dalits, where the term “Dalit Shakti,” or Dalit Power was first used by Martin Macwan.
In June 2001, Manjula was one of the youngest members of the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) delegation sent to the United Nations to represent Dalit rights. The NCDHR delegation was in Geneva, Switzerland to get caste-based discrimination included in the agenda for the United Nations World Conference Against Racism, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance that would be held later that year.
She took a sabbatical in 2002 for a year to work at the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation in New Delhi, India and helped develop the Swiss aid program.
Executive Director at Navsarjan Trust
After Martin Macwan announced his resignation as Executive Director of Navsarjan in 2005, Manjula was elected Executive Director of Navsarjan. She reviewed the functioning of Navsarjan and made efforts to eliminate corruption within the organisation. The following year, she was invited to speak at the International Conference of Dalit Women at The Hague, Netherlands. Manjula joined the International Dalit Solidarity Network, based in Copenhagen, in 2008.
In 2008, Manjula defended the case of a 17-year-old minor Dalit girl who was repeatedly gang-raped by six teachers of the Primary Teacher's Training College (PTC) in Patan, Gujarat for six months. In 2009, Manjula helped win this case where the teachers were sentenced to life imprisonment by the Gujarat High Court. The case was a representation of the intersection of caste, gender and politics in the country.
Following the case, Navsarjan took on more than 30 similar cases representing minors and young women.
Cancellation of Navsarjan Trust's FCRA
In August 2016, Manjula and Navsarjan were one of the key figures in the Gujarat Dalit unrest, after four tanners from the Dalit community were stripped and attacked by cow vigilantes in Una, Gujarat. In December 2016, the Union Home Ministry canceled Navsarjan's FCRA certificate implicating that the trust was engaged in “undesirable activities aimed to affect prejudicially harmony between religious, racial, social, linguistic, regional groups, castes or communities”. The cancellation resulted in Navsarjan laying off most of its employees, and left the on-ground activities of the trust across 3,000 villages in the lurch. Manjula was asked to resign from her post as the Executive Director in December 2016.
Current work
Manjula gives half of her time as Director of Campaigns in Dalit Human Rights Defenders Network Project, which covers five states of India. Manjula has founded Wise Act of Youth Visioning and Engagement (WAYVE) Foundation www.wayve.net.in which works for the empowerment and rights of marginalized youth in India building their leadership and building awareness about Constitutional Rights.
Apart from that, Manjula is involved with the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights. She also served as a member of the executive group of the International Dalit Solidarity Network and the Secretary of the Executive Committee of the National Center for Advocacy Studies, India. She also represents issues facing Dalits and Dalit women in international forums, such as the United Nations and the European Union.
Awards
She has been conferred Woman Peace Maker award for the year 2011 by the Joan B. Kroc Institute for Peace and Justice (IPJ) of the University of San Diego, US.
In 2015, Manjula was awarded the Femina Women 2015 Social Impact Award.
In 2017, Manjula was conferred the Jijabai Women Achievers Award by University of Delhi.
Motiravan Kangali
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Motiravan Kangali
Native name
मोतिरावण कंगाली
Born Motiram Kangali
02 February 1949
Dulara Nagpur, Maharashtra
Died 30 October 2015 (aged 66)
Occupation Writer
Citizenship Indian
Education Nagpur University (M.A), Aligarh Muslim University, (Ph.D)
Spouse Chandralekha Kangali
Motiravan Kangali or Moti Ravan Kangale (2 February 1949 – 30 October 2015) was an Indian linguist and author from the Gond community. He is known for his work on the origins and development of the Gondi language, and particularly for his creation of a script for it. Kangali authored Gondi dictionaries in English, Hindi and Marathi. He also aided efforts for the standardization and preservation of Gondi grammar while authoring several books on Gond society, culture and religion.
Motiravan Kangali claimed that the scripts of Harappa and Mohenjo-daro could be read in Gondi language. He also proposed that the Gond people must have been in the Indus Valley.
Early life
Motiravan Kangali was born on 2 February 1949 in a village called Dulara of Ramtek Tehsil in Nagpur district of Maharashtra. His place of birth is located in the forests of Bhander near Devlapar, about 75 km from Nagpur on Nagpur Seoni State Road and he was born in the family of Tirkaji Kangali (grandfather) of a Gond community. His mother's name was Dai Raithaar Kangali and father's name was Dau Chathiram Kangali. Named Motiram at birth, he was the eldest of five siblings, with two brothers and two sisters. As an adult, he changed his first name from Motiram to Motiravan to highlight the Gond tradition which reveres Ravana.
Kangali's early education took place at Karwahi where he studied up to fourth grade. He did his secondary education (5th to 8th) in the Anglo East Secondary School, Bothia Palora, about 18 km from Dulara. He joined HUDS High School in Nagpur and passed the class X examinations in 1968. In 1972, he graduated from Dharampeth College, Nagpur. He subsequently obtained a Masters (M.A) in Economics, Sociology and Linguistics from the Post Graduate Teaching Department Nagpur. He received his Ph.D in 2000 from Aligarh Muslim University. The subject of his dissertation was "The Philosophical Base of Tribal Cultural Values Particularly in Respect of Gond Tribes of Central India".
In 1976, at the age of 27, Kangali was appointed a Notes and Currency Examiner at the Reserve Bank of India's Nagpur Mint. He married Raitad (Kumari) Chandralekha Roop Singh Pusam. You have three daughters named series Kangali, Verunjali Kangali, Vinanti Kangali. The series is an IRS officer and Vinanti is an eye specialist doctor. Both of them have been married. Manjali's daughter Verunjali has also done her M.Phil in Marathi literature and is currently living in Nagpur and working in mother's work.
As a researcher, he worked to revive the Gondi language while studying linguistics and helped make books available to the general public to learn and teach Gondi language.
Revival of the Gond tribal fair
Kangali, along with friends K B Maraskole and Sheetal Markam, visited Kachhargarh in Bhandara district, Maharashtra, having read about the traditional Gond fair or Jatra held there on the occasion of Maagh Purnima. In Gond tradition, the day marks the rescue of the mother goddess, Mata Kali Kankali's children from a cave by the Gond ancestor, Pari Kupar Lingo and his sister Jango Raitad. They discovered that the fair had shrunk in attendance from the past, down to around 500 visitors. They began the work of reviving the significance of the fair among the Gonds until the fair scaled back up to attendance in 1986 by as many as 3-4 lakh tribals from Central India, Maharashtra, Odisha and Andhra Pradesh. Recognized for his efforts, Kangali was appointed head of the apex religious body of the Gonds, the Gondi Punem.
Keshav Banaji Maraskole, who hails from Maharu Tola, had first told Kangali about the location of the supposed cave from which the rescue occurred. Traditionally, local Gond residents would worship at that cave in a ceremony called Gongo. Kangali researched the antecedents of the worship and the cave itself, and discovered references to it in the writings of Robert Vane Russell and C U Wills.
Kangali, Maraskole and Sunher Singh Taram (editor of the Bhopal periodical Gondwana Darshan) attended the fair in 1980. In 1984, two more notable Gond leaders, Bharat Lal Koram and Sheetal Markam (by then, the head of the Gondwana Mukti Sena organisation) joined them and the five made the first trek from the fair to the location of the cave. Over the next few years, Kacchargarh emerged as the primary religious centre of Koitur Gonds and in 1986, Hira Singh Markam also joined the pilgrimage.
Koiturs from many states began joining the jatra. Over 40 years, visitors to the jatra now number in the millions.
Writing career
Motiravan Kangali freed the religious places of Gond Koitur from the occupation of Hindus. The Hindus established their deities in exchange for the Gond ancestors. Dr. Kangali also worked on this subject and by writing many books in the common public, he brought the truth of these Goddess places to everyone. Some of them wrote small books about important goddess places such as Bamleshwari Dai of Dongargarh, Danteshwari Dai of Bastar, Tilaka Dai of Korodigarh and Kankali Dai of Chandagarh. There is a great need to further their work in the field of Gondi philosophy culture. If this work is not done quickly, the cultural awakening in Gondwana will soon go into a dormancy.
In order to establish and promote Gondi philosophy and religion (Koya Punem), he envisaged the Bhumka (Purohit) federation and began its propaganda, which was later handed over to Tirumal Ravan Shah Invati and got himself busy writing. Today the Bhumka Mahasangh is active in establishing and promoting Koya Punem by training its roles in other states including Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh.
Kangali's book Gondi Punamdarshan was a chronicle of the cultural history of Gondwana (the land of the Gonds). His wife Chandralekha Kangali, a sociologist and scholar in her own right, collaborated with him on this and other works of his. He did many things in the field of Gondi language and also gave his full support and cooperation in getting Gondi recognized at the national level. But look at the misfortune that such an ancient language, which is in crores of speakers, which has its own beautiful grammar and script, is being ignored by the Government of India and even after so many struggles and movements, Gondi language is not found in the eighth schedule of India Is getting.
Kangali's Pari Kupar Lingo Gondi Darshan was an outcome of his research on Gond Punem, a philosophical framework created by Pari Kupar Lingo. The book also provides a narrative of the conflict between indigenous residents and the Aryans.
Kangali had also researched possible links between Dravidian languages and the as-yet undeciphered Indus script. When Kangali inspected 22 painted characters discovered in the mid-1990s in Hampi, he interpreted five of them as similar to Gondi characters.
Motiravan Kangali was very concerned about the Gondi language. He used to say that no language can be landed inside any culture and if a culture is to be destroyed then destroy its language. This is what is happening with the Gondi language in this country. If the Gondi language does not exist then the imagination of Gond, Gondwana will become meaningless and the ancient glorious culture and the people who celebrate it will also become extinct one day. This is a concern that governments must understand and make efforts to save and groom Gondi language culture.
Death
Kangali died on 30 October 2015.
Bibliography
on-fiction
Decipherment of the Indus script in Gondi(2002)
Novels
Gondo Ka Mul Nivas Sthal Parichay (2011, first published as Gond Vasiyon Ka Mul Niwas Sthal 1983. Nagpur: Tirumay Chitralekha Kangali Publications)
Gondvana Ka Sanskrutik Itihas (2018)
Gondi Vyakaran Tatha Bhasha Rachana Gondi Kalkiyan Unde Lambej Chavali (2018)
Small Book
Bamleshwari Dai of Dongargarh
Danteshwari Dai of Bastar
Tilaka Dai of Korodigarh
Kankali Dai of Chandagarh
Kangali, Motiravan (1986), Paari Kupaar Lingo: Gondi Punem Darshan, (Nagpur: Tirumay Chitralekha Kangali Publications).
M. B. Nirmal
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
M. B. Nirmal
Born 10 October 1943
Nationality Indian
Alma mater Government High School, Kunrathur,
Occupation Social activist
Known for Environmental management
Website M. B. Nirmal
M. B. Nirmal is the founder and chairman of Exnora International which is a civic movement in Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India, which deals with environmental issues. In addition to his involvement in Exnora, Nirmal is also involved in consumer advocacy, afforestation programmes, and rehabilitation of convicts among others.
Early life
Nirmal did his schooling in Government Higher secondary school Kundrathur and obtained his graduation from Pachiappa's college Chetpet, Chennai. He obtained his degree in Law from Madras Law College.
One Hut - One Light
"One Hut - One Light" scheme in Sogandi village in 1978.
"One Hut One Light" scheme was introduced for the first time in India in the Sogandi village in 1978 by Indian Overseas Bank in Chengalpet for which M. B. Nirmal was the manager. Hon’le Minister Panruti S. Ramachandran is seen inaugurating, with Nirmal seated in the back.
Author/Writer
He is author of twelve books in Tamil and six books in English written for individual and societal development. He has been writing in leading Magazines and periodicals regularly.
Awards
M. B. Nirmal is honoured with Tamil Ratna Award by 40-year-old New York Tamil sangam, a founder member of the Federation of Tamil Sangams of North America.
Innovator Recognition, Fellowship and Monetary Assistance from ASHOKA- Innovators for Public, USA (1990).
Best Bank Manager Award IOB, 1978.
Indira Gandhi Memorial National Award for Excellent Bank Manager of India (1989).
Best IOB Branch Award during IOB Golden Jubilee celebrations presented to him by Finance Minister Mr. V P Singh. Founder's Day Award of IOB presented by RBI Governor (1996).
For the Sake of Honour Award of the Rotary International (1995).
Melvin Jones Award of Lions Club (1994).
Example to Youth Award by District Rotract Council (1997).
Best Practices of the World Award for Exnora International by UNCHS (Habitat), Turkey (1996).
Excellence Award for 1998, on behalf of Tamil Nadu Foundation, INC. USA, the Chapters of Federation of Tamil Sangams of North America, FETNA at St. Louis, USA (1998).
Dr.V.V.Giri Birth Centenary Award presented by Governor of Tamil Nadu for contribution to protect environment.
Recognition
Reader's Digest, the largest circulated magazine of the world in its "Heroes for Today" section lauded Dr.M.B.Nirmal and described him as a Peerless Leader who has a remarkable ability to inspire people to work together (Mar, 1999).
New India Times again wrote 'Many call him a visionary. Most regard him as a Motivator. He has proved that motivation can move mountains and people too. He is always pregnant with ideas' (8.10.1999).
The Inner Wheel Club of Rotary International featured him as one of the eight 'Pathfinders' of India, along with Mother Terasa, Mr.Sunderlal Bahuguna, Dr.Verghese Kurien Dr.M.S.Swaminathan, in their book "Path Finders".
Rotary News, published by Rotary International commended, "Dr.M.B.Nirmal is full of new ideas and suggestions", (April 1999).
New India Times (USA) wrote, 'Dr.M.B.Nirmal's speech at FETNA Conference, Missouri was electrifying' (7.8.98).
The Hindu, the National daily covered him under Personality Column and described him as a Catalyst of Social change and wrote, "Dr.M.B.Nirmal's Optimism is infectious" (2.6.1997)
Indian Express, the National daily regarded him as one of the six crusaders who will change India (25.1.1996)
The Hindu recognized him as an Outstanding Achiever in their feature 'Achievers' (10.02.1996)
India Today, the national weekly chose him as "one of the Ten Angels of Change" who are transforming India (Cover Story, 15.01.1995),
Gentleman (Indian Express) selected him as One of the Ten Leading Gentlemen of Chennai and wrote, "Dr.M.B.Nirmal is a walking example of positive thinking." (August 1995).
Trinity Mirror, the daily honoured him as an Outstanding Environmentalist for 1995 (31.12.1995) and an outstanding Environmentalist of the century (23.12.2000) and described him as a legend.
Mahamedhaa Nagar
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Mahamedhaa Nagar
Udaan Utsav 2016 , North Campus of Delhi University
Born 10 October 1994
Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh, India
🏳️ Nationality Indian
🏫 Education LLB, Faculty of Law, DU
🎓 Alma mater Miranda House, New Delhi (2013–2016) ; Mahamaya Balika Inter College, Noida (2011-2013)
💼 Occupation
Social activist
🏢 Organization Secretary,Delhi University Student Union, Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad
👴 👵 Parent(s) Sharad Nagar & Bhawana Nagar
Mahamedhaa Nagar (born 10 October 1994) a social activist, and former secretary of the Delhi University Students' Union. She has been working with Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, and was the youngest Indian delegate at the former SAARC Summit (2016), She represented India as the Youth Women Leader in the Study at United States (2015) and has been a speaker at India Today Conclave (2016). Mahamedhaa also appeared in MTV RoadiesX4, a youth-based popular reality television show on MTV India.
Early life and education
Born to the Sharad & Bhawana Nagar, a Hindu family, Mahamedhaa Nagar (nickname- MM, Shubhi) hails from Ghaziabad, UttarPradesh. She has four siblings. Mahamedhaa did her high school at Mahamaya Balika Inter College, Noida (2013) and later on pursued her graduate honors in English Language and Literature at Miranda House, Delhi University (2013–2016).Currently she is pursuing LLB from Faculty of Law, Delhi University
Activism
As a student activist, Mahamedhaa has been working towards women's empowerment and has participated in many programmes on sexual harassment against women. Her activist life for the social cause started after she joined Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad as unit president in 2014 at the Miranda House.
In 2015, Mahamedhaa represented India as a Youth Women Leader in the United States of America at the Kansas Women Leadership Institute.
In January 2016, Mahamedhaa was the youngest South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) delegate in a conference held on the issues of Minorities in South Asian countries at Bangkok, Thailand.
Mannathu Padmanabha Pillai
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bharata Kesari
Mannathu Padmanabha Pillai
Pillai's stamp released in 2 January 1989, by Government of India
Born 2 January 1878
Perunna, Changanassery
Died 25 February 1970 (aged 93)
Perunna, Changanassery
Resting place Perunna
Monuments Mannam Memorial, Changanassery
Nationality Indian
Other names Bharata Kesari, Madan Mohan Malaviya of Kerala
Citizenship India
Occupation Social reformer, teacher, lawyer, politician
Era Reformation in Kerala
Organization Nair Service Society
Known for Founder of Nair Service Society
Works
Pancha Kalyani Niroopanam
Ente Jeevitha Smaranakal
Home town Perunna
Movement Savarna Jadha
Vaikom Satyagraha
Vimochana Samaram
Board member of Travancore Devaswom Board
Spouse(s) Mechettu Kalyani Amma (1901 - 1912)
Thottakkattu Madhavi Amma (1932 - 1968)
Parent(s) Nilavana Illam Easwaran Namboothiri (father)
Mannathu Parvathy Amma (mother)
Honours Padma Bhushan
aathu Padmanabha Pillai (2 January 1878 – 25 February 1970) was an Indian social reformer and freedom fighter from the south-western state of Kerala. He is recognised as the founder of the Nair Service Society (NSS), which claims to represent the Nair community that constitutes 12.10% (From KMS 2011) of the population of the state. Padmanabhan is considered as a visionary reformer who organised the Nair community under the NSS.
Early life
Mannathu Padmanabhan Pillai was born in Perunna village in Changanacherry, Kottayam District, British India on 2 January 1878 to Easwaran Namboothiri of Nilavana Illam and Mannathu Parvathy Amma . He began his career as a teacher in 1893 in a Government primary school. After a few years, from 1905 he changed his profession and started practicing law, in the Magistrates Courts.
Nair Service Society
On 31 October 1914, with the help of a few others, he established the Nair Service Society. His main ambition was to uplift the status of the Nair community. From 1915 onwards, he gave up law practice and became full-time secretary of the Nair Service Society. Mannam revived and reshaped the old concept of village societies, the Karayogams, which practically set the tenor of family and village life. In 1924-25 the NSS persuaded the Travancore Government to enact the Nair Regulation which broke up the matriarchal joint family providing for paternal and maternal property to divided among all the children.
Padmanabhan was involved with the Nair Service Society as its secretary for 31 years and as its president for three years. He was honoured with the title Bharata Kesari by the President of India. He also received Padma Bhushan in 1966.
NSS Logo, Kerala
On January 02 2019, Nair Service Society celebrated the 142th Mannam Jayanthi at NSS headquarters, Perunna in Changanassery.
Political Life
He fought for social equality, the first phase being the Vaikom Satyagraha, demanding the public roads near the temple at Vaikom be opened to low caste Hindus. In 1924, he took part in the Vaikom and Guruvayoor temple-entry Satyagrahas and anti-untouchability agitation. He opened his family temple for everyone, irrespective of caste distinction He became a member of the Kerala Congress in 1964 and took part in the agitation against Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer's administration in Travancore. As the first president of Travancore Devaswom Board he revitalised many temples which had almost ceased to function. In May 25 1947 Padmanabhan delivered his famous Muthukulam Speech at Muthukulam, Alappuzha.
In 1949, Padmanabhan became a member of the Travancore Legislative Assembly. In 1959, he along with Christian Churches led a united opposition against the State Communist Ministry, which became known as the Vimochana Samaram (liberation struggle). The cause of the Vimochana Samaram was the introduction of an Education Bill by the Minister of Education, Joseph Mundassery, and the movement caused the dismissal of the Communist government under E. M. S. Namboodiripad on 31 July 1959. After the success of the movement he famously tethered a white horse at the Kerala Secretariate building as he had challenged to do if the dismissal was successful. The consequence of the dismissal was the beginning of President's rule in the state under Article 356 of the Indian Constitution. In 1964 he was instrumental in the formation of Kerala Congress, the first regional party in India
Death
Padmanabhan died on 25 February 1970 at the age of 92, after age related complications. Mannam memorial (or Samādhi) is located at NSS Headquarters Changanacherry. He is regarded as the reformer and moral guide of Nairs.
Maghfoor Ahmad Ajazi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Maghfoor Ahmad Ajazi
Maghfoor Ahmad Ajazi
Born 3 March 1900
Muzaffarpur, India
Died 26 September 1966 (aged 66)
Muzaffarpur, India
Nationality Indian
Occupation Political & social activist
Known for Founder of All-India Jamhur Muslim League & Flag bearer for the cause of Urdu Language
Maghfoor Ahmad Ajazi (1900–1966) was an Indian political activist from Bihar.
Early life
Ajazi was born in village Dihuli, Block Sakra of District Muzaffarpur, in Bihar on 3 March 1900.His father Moulvi Hafizuddin Husain and grand father Haji Imam Bakhsh were zamindars and his mother's name was Mahfoozunnisa. His maternal grandfather Reysat Husain was an advocate in Sitamarhi.
He became a disciple of Ajaz Husain Budayuni, the Khalif of Hazrat Fazle Rahman Ganj Muradabadi, and assumed title of 'Ajazi'. He gained his patriotism from his father.
Ajazi's mother died in his childhood, while his father died in Lucknow during treatment and was buried in Chaar Bagh Qabristan when Ajazi was in school. His elder brother Manzoor Ahsan Ajazi was also a freedom fighter. He had only one sister, Noorun Nisa.
Pre-Independence activism
Ajazi left his studies at B.N. College Patna to follow Mahatma Gandhi and joined the non-co-operation movement in 1921.
Ajazi was in charge of North Bihar.[citation needed] Once he unknowingly reached the house of his cousin in a remote village. He inquired about 'Muthia'. He received a negative answer. His cousin recognised him and requested him to take meal, but he refused even a glass of water. When his sister promised to take out muthia and donated the dues, he agreed to take meal.
He attended the AICC session held at Ahmedabad in 1921 and supported Mohani's motion on 'Complete Independence', which was opposed by Mahatma Gandhi and failed.He met Gandhi at Sabarmati Ashram. He joined Khilafat movement and became member of the Central Khilafat Committee. Thus he came into contact with Mohammad Ali Jauhar and Shaukat Ali and became their associate.
He represented the Central Khilafat Committee at the All Parties Conferences and All Muslim Parties Conferences on Nehru Report along with Maulana Shaukat Ali, Begum Md. Ali, Abdul Majid Daryabadi, Maulana Azad Subhani, Maulana Abul Mohasin Md. Sajjad and others.On the direction of Md Ali Jauhar, he took charge of the Khilafat Committee Calcutta. He was arrested in a protest march led by Subhash Chandra Bose and was arrested and released. He obtained a degree from Calcutta Homoeopathic Medical College.
During the by-election of Abdul Bari, he was arrested and expelled from Purnia district.[citation needed] He was prosecuted for the 'Dihuli Conspiracy' and his office was searched. In August 1942, his house was searched, forcing him to work secretly, and his eldest son Muzaffar Husain Ajazi died on 25 July 1942.
After the earthquake of 1934, he and Rajendra Pd. devoted themselves to the relief operation. One night they had to sleep beneath a tree with their heads on a single brick.
Ajazi opposed Jinnah's two-nation theory and the creation of a separate Pakistan. He founded the All-India Jamhur Muslim League to counter Jinnah's All-India Muslim League, and served as its first general secretary.Opponents used to come in batches to his residence, virtually spitting and shouting slogans.
Post-independence activismAjazi was also a poet and writer in the Urdu language as well as an orator. His papers, diaries, letters and files are preserved in the Nehru Memorial Museum & Library in New Delhi, National Archives in New Delhi and the Khuda Bakhsh Oriental Public Library in Patna.
He was the chairman of the Urdu Conference of Muzaffarpur held in 1960, in which for the first time a resolution was passed demanding that Urdu be accepted as an official language in Bihar. (After 15 years this demand became reality).
Ajazi established Anjuman Khuddam-e-Millat, based on the pattern of Sir Syed's Educational society. This society established a school, renovated the Company Bagh Mosque of Muzaffarpur, now the biggest Mosque of this city, built a rest house, and undertook the last rites of unclaimed dead bodies.
Death
Ajazi died on 26 September 1966. Acharya J.B. Kripalani said: "Dr. Ajazi was a great patriot, a devoted servant of humanity and a lovable friend. Selfless patriot like him are becoming rare. His death is a loss to society". Fictionist and journalist Kalam Haidry and novelist and journalist Moin Shahid called him "Baba-e-Urdu, Bihar" (Father of Urdu in BIhar) for his services towards Urdu language. Journalist and poet Wafa Malikpuri described him an old 'Mujahid' (crusader) for Urdu language..Newly inaugurated Museum named "Azadi Ke Deewane "In Lal Quila (Red Fort) Delhi photograph of Dr.Maghfoor Ahmad Ajazi has been decorated with inscription 'Opposed Jinnah's Two Nation Theory & Founded All India Jamhur Muslim league to Counter It'.
Makanji Kuber Makwana
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Makanji Kuber Makwana (1849-1924) was a social leader, social worker and a historian, who is noted for writings on the history of the Mahyavanshi caste.
Life sketch
Makanji was born in 1849 at Ahmadabad in a Vankar community. He shifted to Bombay at the early age of fifteen and later joined J.J. School of Art and became a painter by profession. He opened his own painting shop and amassed a good fortune.
Makanji was deeply disturbed about caste treatment meted out. Community in which he belonged, tried to establish that communities like Vankars (weavers) were actually Kshatriya caste, which had fallen from grace by writing several researched books starting with Mayavat Rajput Prakash in 1908 followed by several others. These books written by him helped the cause of their caste to get Kshatriya status officially as Mahyavanshi by Government of India in 1939, in which other social and political leaders after his death in 1924, like Dr. Kanhaiyalal Munshi and Dr. Purshottam Solanki played the leading role.
Makanji spent most of his wealth for the benefit of community and philanthropic works. He founded "Kabir Ashram" (Hostel) and "Kabir Temple" named after Sant Kabir in Bomaby and declared opened for the community on 11 May 1913, which provided free boarding and lodging for community person till he found an employment in Bombay.
Further, he was also founder of community forum, Mayavat Rajput Hitt Vardhak Sabha in 1910, to unite the community spread across the erstwhile Bombay State and make them aware of his movement to establish the community as Rajputs.
Books
Makanji in his writings stressed that the Mahyavanshi were the descendants of the Hattiavanshi King Arjuna, arguing that it was because of the slaughter of Parsuram they were relegated to a lower caste thus linking them with the Mayavat Rajputs, a branch of Parmara clan of Kshatriyas. There are several books written by him in Gujarati language, as under:-
Mayavat Rajput Prakash (1908) (A light on Mayavat Rajputs)
Mahyavanshi no Itihas (1910) (History of Mahyavanshi)
Mayavat Rajputoday (1911) (The rise of Mayavat Rajput)
Mahyavanshi Atle Shu? (1911) (Who is a Mahyavanshi?)
Meena Seshu
Meena Seshu is an activist for sex workers' rights. She is the founder of the non-governmental organisation (NGO) SANGRAM which is aimed at empowering sex workers. She created Veshya Anyay Mukti Parishad (VAMP), a collective of people insex work. Seshu is based in Sangli, Maharashtra,and SANGRAM and VAMP work in Maharashtra and Karnataka.
Background
Seshu was born on 24 March 1962, in Bengaluru, Karnataka. She grew up in Mumbai. She has a bachelor's degree in Life Sciences and a master's degree in Social Welfare from Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), Mumbai. She worked with Stree Mukti Sangharsh, the women's wing of Shramik Mukti Dal, Maharashtra. She moved to Sangli in 1986 along with her husband who got a job with the Marathi Newspaper Kesari.
Social work
During the mid 1980s, Seshu was an activist looking to stop brutality against women in Maharashtra state. Her real focus in the following decade was HIV/AIDS as it took a destructive toll in the poor regions where she worked. She began working with a group of women who experienced disturbing rates of both violence and HIV/AIDS. Her experience showed her that organising into collectives is a useful method for bringing about empowerment, so she adopted this in the brothels she visited. This led to the setting up of Sampada Grameen Mahila Sanstha (SANGRAM) set up in 1992 and Veshya Anyay Mukti Parishad (VAMP), a collective led by sex workers, set up in 1996. These work in eight districts across Maharashtra and Karnataka. Seshu went on to set up Vidrohi Mahila Manch, a collective of rural women that spreads awareness against HIV/AIDS, in 1997. In 2000, she set up two more collectives: Muskan for Men who have sex with men (MSM) and Nazariya for women living with HIV. In 2006, she set up a Centre for Advocacy on Stigma and Marginalisation (CASAM). She had begun working with children of sex workers in 2004, and built a hostel for them called Mitra in Nipani, Karnataka, in 2009.
Seshu's work is focused on decriminalisation of sex work. She believes rehabilitation efforts can be misguided:
"In VAMP we have a slogan: “save us from saviours”. These saviours are saving us for themselves, they’re not saving us for ourselves. If they had come to save us for ourselves, maybe they’d help us get better working conditions, they wouldn’t use the most oppressive arm of the State, the police, to “help us”"
When Meena Seshu first entered a brothel in rural India, she was expecting a melodramatic scene from a Bollywood film, in which poor helpless women were being victimised by brutal, aggressive men. Seshu, who runs SANGRAM, an Indian non-governmental organisation (NGO) that works with sex workers to stop the spread of HIV/AIDS, soon found that the reality was rather different. These women were, for the most part, in control of their lives, but through a combination of prejudice and fear were being mistreated by every section of society. SANGRAM, based in rural Maharashtra, which seeks to empower the women to form collectives and fight for their human rights, came along at the right time.
Sex workers, used to being exploited by most of society, are notoriously closed in their dealings with the outside world. Seshu realised that “fostering a sense of community would be crucial in ensuring that their HIV prevention programme was effective”. The organisation has helped create a collective of 5000 women (called VAMP) working in prostitution from seven districts across Maharashtra and the neighbouring state of Karnataka. SANGRAM, which means “struggle”, works with the women to ensure that they are accorded the sexual and human rights they deserve.
(Compiled from various sources)Mudnakudu Chinnaswamy
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Mudnakudu Chinnaswamy
ಮೂಡ್ನಾಕೂಡು ಚಿನ್ನಸ್ವಾಮಿ
Born 22 September 1954
Mudnakudu, Mysore State, India
Occupation
Writer
Poet
Financial Advisor
Nationality Indian
Alma mater M.Com. M.A.(Kan). D.Lit
Period 1989–present
Genre Dalit Literature
Notable awards Karnataka Rajyotsava Award
Mudnakudu Chinnaswamy (born 22 September 1954) is a noted Indian speaker, poet and writer supporting the voice of Dalits and unprevilaged communities . His writings advocates for eradicating caste system, untouchability and against fundamentalism. His works have been translated into various Indian languages, English, Spanish. He has been conferred with Karnataka Sahitya Academy Award.
Early life
Born on 22 September 1954 in the village Mudnakudu of Chamarajanagar dist. in the state of Karnataka, India in a dalit family. His father was Basavarjaiah and mother Gowramma. He has M.Com. M.A.(Kan). D.Lit., as educational qualifications. He has served as Financial Advisor in Karnataka State Road Transport Corporation and Bangalore Metropolitan Transport Corporation.
Works
Mudnakudu Chinnaswamy's first collection of poetry, "Kondigalu Matthu Mullubeligalu" (Links and barbed fences) published in 1989 brought a new wave of change in otherwise stagnant Kannada Dalit-Bandaya (protest) Poetry and appreciated by critics, writers and poetry lovers. And so far, six collections of poetry have been published. The essence of the poetry is dalit experiences which are empirical in nature and expressed with intensity which attracted discussions and deliberations in the literary circles. Prof. Dharanendra Kurakuri has translated selected poems into Hindi and were published by Amar Prakashan, Kanpur in 2001 under the caption ‘Angar Ki Choti Per’ (Over the mountain of embers)
Prof.Rowena Hill (es), a British born Venezuelan poet has translated 47 selected poems into Spanish and English. A Spanish literary magazine from Columbia Arquitrave has published 10 of them in its June 2003 issue. The Spanish version has been later published by the Cultural dept. of Venezuelan Govt., (CONAC) in 2004 under ‘world poetry series’. And the English translation has been published by ‘erbacce press’ Liverpool, UK in 2016. Poems have also been translated into Hebrew Indian vernaculars like Bengali, Marathi, Telugu, Malayalam and Urdu.
As many as 27 poems and a play have been prescribed as curriculum in the language text books of various courses by the Government of Karnataka, Government of Maharashtra, CBSC, New Delhi, and Universities in Karnataka and West Bengal, also in UK. Apart from poetry he has also worked in other genres of literature and brought out collections of short stories, essays, plays and monographs etc.,
Awards and honours
He has been felicitated with Karnataka Sahitya Academy Award in 2009 and Karnataka State Rajyotsava Award in 2014 for life time achievement.
List of works
His contribution to Kannada literature are listed below.
Poetry
Kondigalu mattu Mullubeligalu – 1989
Godhooli – 1993
Nanondu Maravagiddare – 1998
Chappali Mattu Nanu – 2001
Kanakambari – 2004
Matte Male Baruva Munna – 2000
Chandirana Kannu Hingalarada Hunnu – 2005 (Selected Poems)
Buddha Beladingalu – 2010
Plays
Kendamandala – 1990
Mooru Beedi Natakagalu – 2004
Bahuroopi (Poetry drama) – 2003
Mudnakudu Natakagalu – 2010
Essays
Nondavara Novu – 2002
Maathu Manthana – 2004
Ondu koda halina samara – 2008
Aparimitada Kattale – 2010
Chinnudi – 2015
Short Stories
Mohada Deepa – 1999
Papa prajne – 2015
Monograph
Bhima Boyi – 1994
Belakina Saradararu – 2015
Letters
Ole Okkane – 2005
Translations
Yuva Bouddharigondu Darshana – 2002
Deegha Nikaya – 2012 (Revision for Mahabodhi Society, Bengaluru)
Dalita Darshana – 2014
Edited
Dalita Kathegalu – 1996 (for Karnataka Sahitya Academy)
Kavya Bangara – 2005
Poems of Dasara Poets' meet – 2004
Marali Manege – 2006 (A souvenir on the event of Buddhanedege… a dalit march for equality commemorating 50th year of Ambedkar's conversion)
Kavya 2005 – 2008 (for Karnataka Sahitya Academi)
Translated into other Languages
Angar Ki Choti Per – 2001 (Translated into Hindi by Prof. Dharanendra Kurakuri)
Poemas: Mudnakudu Chinnaswamy – 2005 (Translated into Spanish by Prof. Rowena Hill)
Zakhm Kasak Awaz – 2012 (Translated into Urdu by Nooruddin Noor)
Before It Rains Again – (Translated by Rowena Hill)
Asmita Ki Khoj – 2010(Translation of "Ondu koda halina samara’ a collection of essays into Hindi by Bhalachandra Jayshetty)
About the Author
Bayala Belaku – 2008 (Edit: Appagere Somashekara)
Beyuva Bege – 2012 (A research work on Dr. Mudnakudu by Dr. Mallappa Chalavadi)
मुंशी रायबहादुर हरीप्रसाद टम्टाजी
(26.8.1887--23.2.1962)
"कोई भी व्यक्ति व समाज बिना शिक्षा के उन्नति व सम्मान प्राप्त कर ही नहीं सकता।" -- मुंशी रायबहादुर हरीप्रसाद टम्टा जी
बहुआयामी व्यक्तित्व एवं समाज सुधारक कार्यों के कारण आज भी उत्तराखंड क्षेत्र का पिछड़ा समाज टम्टाजी को श्रद्धा व सम्मान के साथ उत्तराखंड का डॉ. अंबेडकर के रूप में याद करता है। टम्टाजी का जन्म 26.8.1887 को उत्तराखंड के अल्मोड़ा जनपद के एक ताम्रकार परिवार में हुआ। आप अपने पिता मा. गोविंद प्रसाद व माता मा. गोविंदी देवी की प्रथम संतान थे। उनके अतिरिक्त एक बहन कोकिला और भाई ललित था। बचपन में ही पिताजी का देहांत हो गया। बाद में पालन-पोषण उनके मामा मा. कृष्ण टम्टा ने किया।
शिक्षा
वेद कालीन समाज व्यवस्था के कारण शूद्रों के लिए शिक्षा ग्रहण करना वर्जित था। हालांकि अंग्रेजी शासन में प्राथमिक शिक्षा अनिवार्य और नि:शुल्क कर दी गई थी। अतः सरकारी स्कूल में प्राथमिक कक्षा में प्रवेश लेना कोई कठिन कार्य नहीं था। लेकिन कुछ सामंती एवं ब्राह्मणी मानसिकता के लोग अछूत बच्चों की पढ़ाई में बाधा डाल रहे थे। इन बाधाओं के होते हुए 1892 में मामा कृष्ण टम्टा ने अपने भांजे को एक आदर्श स्कूल डिग्गी बंगला प्राइमरी स्कूल में प्रवेश दिला दिया। इसके बाद मिशन के हाई स्कूल से 1902 में टम्टाजी ने उच्च श्रेणी से हाई स्कूल पास किया और उर्दू भाषा में विशेष योग्यता (डिस्टिंगशन) प्राप्त किया। विद्यालय के अधिकारियों ने टम्टाजी को 'मुंशी' उपाधि से सम्मानित किया। सामंतवादी और ब्राह्मणी मानसिकता के कारण टम्टाजी अपनी शिक्षा आगे नहीं बढ़ा सके।
समाज सुधार
टम्टाजी बचपन से ही मेधावी, परिश्रमी, निर्भीक, अपने समाज की सेवा करने की प्रबल भावना रखते थे। इस भावना के कारण अछूत जाति के पुनरुत्थान के कार्य अपने मामा कृष्ण टम्टा के सहयोग से 1903 से ही प्रारंभ कर दिए। अछूतों की तरफ से जो भी शिकायते आती, ध्यान से सुनते और पिटीशन तैयार कर जिलाधिकारी कार्यालय में संबंधित अधिकारी के पास भेज देते थे। इस कार्य में जो भी खर्चा आता, टम्टाजी स्वयं वहन करते थे। उच्च वर्ण द्वारा अछूतों पर होने वाले अत्याचार, शोषण को रोकने एवं उनको सामाजिक, राजनैतिक अधिकार दिलाने हेतु 1905 में टम्टाजी की अध्यक्षता में 'टम्टा सुधार सभा' की स्थापना की गई।
1914 में टम्टा समाज सुधार के स्थान पर 'शिल्पकार समाज सुधार' की स्थापना टम्टाजी की अध्यक्षता में की गई।
हिल मोटर ट्रांसपोर्ट कंपनी
टम्टाजी के प्रयास से सबसे पहले नैनीताल से हल्द्वानी आने जाने वाले लोगों की सुविधा के लिए 1920 में 'हिल मोटर ट्रांसपोर्ट कंपनी' की स्थापना की गई।
धोली डांडा सम्मेलन
24, 25 सितंबर 1925 को अल्मोड़ा के पास धोली डांडा ग्राम में शिल्पकार समाज का एक विशाल सम्मेलन हुआ। जिसकी अध्यक्षता टम्टाजी ने की। इस अवसर पर शिल्पकार समाज की उन्नति के लिए 21 प्रस्ताव पास किए गए। जिनमें मुख्य निम्नलिखित हैं।
1.जिला बोर्ड, नगर पालिका में शीघ्र से शीघ्र प्राथमिक शिक्षा अनिवार्य व नि:शुल्क की जाए।
2.कुमाऊं क्षेत्र में शिल्पकारों की उन्नति के लिए उनकी संख्या के आधार पर जिला बोर्ड एवं नगर पालिका में सदस्य मनोनीत किए जाए।
3.सेना में शिल्पकार के नाम से बटालियन का गठन किया जाए।
4.शिल्पकारों को आत्मनिर्भर बनाने के लिए खेती योग्य भूमि आवंटित की जाए।
5.अछूतों के बच्चों को पढ़ाने के लिए अधिक से अधिक विद्यालय खोले जाएं।
6.कुमाऊं क्षेत्र के लिए शिल्पकार सभा की स्थापना की जाए।
7.शिल्पकारों में भ्रातृत्व भावना की वृद्धि की जाए।
धौली डांडा का विशाल सम्मेलन एक बड़ी लड़ाई की शुरुआत थी। यह लड़ाई शिल्पकार समाज के लिए न्याय, समानता व व्यक्तित्व की गरिमा की लड़ाई थी।
शिल्पकार शब्द व्यवहार में 1914 से ही प्रारंभ हो गया था लेकिन बड़े ही संघर्ष के बाद सरकार ने इस शब्द को जाति के रूप में 1926 में मान्यता प्रदान की
डॉ. अंबेडकर और टम्टाजी
1932 में इंग्लैंड के प्रधानमंत्री मैगडोनाल्ड ने भारत की समस्याओं को जानने हेतु भारत के कुछ नेताओं को जाति के आधार पर लंदन में आमंत्रित किया। इस सभा में डॉ.अंबेडकर के आने पर गांधीजी एण्ड पार्टी को आपत्ति हुई। गांधीजी ने प्रधानमंत्री जी से पूछा आपने डॉ.अंबेडकर को क्यों आमंत्रित किया? प्रधानमंत्री जी ने उत्तर दिया क्योंकि डॉ.अंबेडकर अछूतों के सबसे बड़े नेता हैं। पटेल आदि नेताओं ने कहा हिंदुओं के नेता गांधीजी है न कि डॉ.अंबेडकर। यह सूचना सारे भारत में आग की तरह फैल गई। स्वामी अछूतानंद एवं टम्टाजी ने सेंकड़ो टेलीग्राम प्रधानमंत्री जी के पास भिजवाए जिसमें लिखा था कि अछूतों के एकमात्र नेता डॉ. अंबेडकर है न कि गांधीजी। पूना पैक्ट में भी टम्टाजी ने डॉ. अंबेडकर का साथ दिया।तब से दोनों एक दूसरे के मित्र बन गए।
समता साप्ताहिक पत्र
शिल्पकार समाज के लोगों में सामाजिक, राजनैतिक, शैक्षणिक आत्मगौरव की भावना और नई चेतना जागृत करने हेतु टम्टाजी ने 1935 में समता साप्ताहिक पत्र के स्थापना की। इस पत्र के द्वारा शिल्पकार समाज में गुलामी की भावना कम हुई और उनमें नई चेतना आई।
अछूतों की दुर्दशा के कारण
जब टम्टाजी 16 वर्ष के ही थे। तभी उन्हें भली-भांति अनुभव हो गया था कि अछूतों की दुर्दशा का मुख्य कारण अशिक्षा, संगठन का अभाव और आर्थिक अभाव (धन, धरती, खेत आदि) है। सबसे पहले उन्होंने शिक्षा पर बल दिया। उन्होंने कहा कोई भी व्यक्ति व समाज बिना शिक्षा के उन्नति व सम्मान प्राप्त कर ही नहीं सकता। विभिन्न विषयों का ज्ञान शिक्षा के द्वारा ही संभव है। ब्रिटिश सरकार से अछूतों के बच्चों की पढ़ाई के लिए अधिक से अधिक विद्यालय खोलने एवं कुछ विद्यालयों में अछूत अध्यापक रखने की मांग की गई। जब टम्टाजी 1946-1952 में नगरपालिका अल्मोड़ा के अध्यक्ष बने। उन्होंने शिल्पकार (अछूत) बच्चों की पढ़ाई का विशेष ध्यान रखते हुए अपने क्षेत्र में 150 प्राथमिक विद्यालय एवं रात्रि विद्यालय भी खुलवाए। उनके लिए छात्रवृत्ति का भी प्रबंध करवाया गया। अछूतों की आर्थिक स्थिति बहुत चिंताजनक थी, अपनी कोई जमीन, संपत्ति न होने के कारण उच्चवर्ण लोग अपमानित करते थे। इस महत्वपूर्ण कमी को दूर करने के लिए टम्टाजी ने ब्रिटिश सरकार से 30000 एकड़ जमीन डिस्फॉरेस्ट कराकर शिल्पकार समाज में वितरित करा दी गयी।
समाज की उन्नति एवं सरकार से अपनी मांग मनवाने के लिए एक मजबूत संगठन की आवश्यकता होती है। इसकी पूर्ति हेतु टम्टाजी ने बिखरी हुई 51 अछूत जातियों को एक सूत्र में पिरोकर शिल्पकार शब्द (जाति) में समावेश करा दिया। यह टम्टाजी की बहुत बड़ी उपलब्धि थी।
अकाल व महामारी
टम्टाजी जहाँ एक कुशल प्रशासक, राजनीतिज्ञ व समाज सेवी थे, वहीं उनके ह्रदय में बीमार व असहायो के प्रति करूणा व उदारता की भावना भी थी। सन 1960 तो 1945 में उत्तराखंड में भयंकर अकाल पड़ा। टम्टाजी ने कुमाऊं क्षेत्र के गाँव में सरकारी सस्ते अनाज की दुकानें खुलवाई। इससे लोग भुखमरी से बच गए। इसी तरह सन 1944 में इंफ्लुएंजा नामक संक्रामक रोग फैला। इस बीमारी से बचने हेतु टम्टाजी ने शीघ्र ही 1500 स्काउटों की नियुक्ति की और उनको दवा देकर ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों में मरीजों की सेवा के लिए भेजा। ग्रामीण जनता उनके इस पुनीत कार्य से लाभान्वित हुई। क्षेत्र के लोग टम्टाजी की उदारता से बहुत प्रभावित हुए।
महिला शिक्षा पर टम्टा जी के विचार
उत्तराखंड देश के अन्य भागों से अधिक पिछड़ा, अंधविश्वासी और परंपरावादी है। इसके कारण उत्तराखंडवासी प्राय: कहा करते थे, "लड़कियां पराया धन होती है।" लेकिन टम्टाजी प्रगतिशील विचारों के होने के कारण स्त्री शिक्षा के पक्के हिमायती थे। उनका मानना था लड़की शिक्षित होने से परिवार, आदर्श परिवार बन जाता है। आदर्श परिवार ही एक आदर्श नागरिक का निर्माण कर सकता है। इस उद्देश्य को पूरा करने के लिए टम्टा जी ने अपने क्षेत्र में सरकार के द्वारा लड़कियों के लिए स्कूल खुलवाए। उनके प्रयास से 1930 में उनकी भांजी ने हाईस्कूल, 1934 में स्नातक (उत्तराखंड में प्रथम महिला स्नातक) और 1935 में मनोविज्ञान से एम. ए. किया।
महिला सशक्तिकरण
शिल्पकार समाज में अशिक्षा के कारण बाल विवाह, बेमेल विवाह होते रहते थे। विधवा स्त्री को देखना पाप समझा जाता था। टम्टाजी इन प्रथाओं के विरोधी थे। वे चाहते थे समाज में विधवाओं का अपमान न हो, विधवा समाज पर भार न बने, आत्मनिर्भर बने, उनकी अपनी नियमित आय हो, इस विचार को पूरा करने के लिए टम्टाजी ने रोजगार गृह खुलवाएं। सिलाई, बुनाई, कटाई के लिए ट्रेनिंग सेंटर खुलवाए ताकि उनकी नियमित आय हो सके।
जो व्यक्ति अपने समाज में प्रतिष्ठित, शांतिप्रिय और न्यायप्रिय हो और साथ ही साथ अंग्रेज सरकार के कार्यों में सहयोग करता रहा हो। ऐसे व्यक्ति को ब्रिटिश सरकार सम्मानित करती थी। सरकार की दृष्टि से टम्टाजी ऐसे ही व्यक्ति थे। इसलिए उन्हें 1935 में स्पेशल मजिस्ट्रेट नियुक्त किया। रायबहादुर उपाधि से सम्मानित किया। अपने समाज के प्रतिष्ठित और लोकप्रिय नेता होने के कारण टम्टाजी को 1947 में गोंडा जिला, उत्तर प्रदेश से विधान सभा का सदस्य निर्विरोध निर्वाचित किया गया।
महादानी
टम्टाजी ने 1903 से ही समाज सेवा का कार्य प्रारंभ कर दिया था। इसके लिए अनेक कार्यक्रमों का आयोजन करना पड़ता था। अधिकांश कार्यक्रमों में होने वाले व्यय को वह स्वयं ही वहन करते थे। अकाल के समय अनाज आदि का प्रबंध करके लोगों को जीवन दान दिया। महामारी के दौरान बीमारी के लिए दवा आदि का प्रबंध करवाया।
1930 में अल्मोड़ा में हाईस्कूल नहीं था। हाई स्कूल खोलने के संबंध में एक प्रबंध समिति का गठन किया गया। समिति को कहीं जगह नहीं मिली। निराश होकर वे टम्टाजी के पास गए उनसे अनुरोध किया। टम्टाजी के पास मुख्य बाजार में जमीन पड़ी थी उस पर पांच कमरे बना भी चुके थे। समिति के अनुरोध पर उन्होंने जगह देना स्वीकार कर लिया और छात्रों के खेलने के लिए कि स्टेडियम भी बनवा कर दिया। शिल्पकार समाज के जीवन से संबंधित ऐसा कोई भी पहलू शेष नहीं रहा जिस पर टम्टाजी का ध्यान न गया हो। उत्तराखंड विशेषकर कुमाऊं क्षेत्र में जो परिवर्तन आया है उसका श्रेय मुंशी रायबहादुर हरिप्रसाद टम्टा जी को ही जाता है उनकी उपलब्धियों को देखते हुए कहा जा सकता है कि वह शिल्पकार समाज के एक कर्मठ, समाजसेवी, कुशल प्रशासक, दूरदर्शी, दानवीर एवं लोकप्रिय नेता थे।
यदि आज के समाजसेवी और नेता उनसे प्रेरणा लेकर काम करें तो बहुत सीमा तक देश की समस्या का समाधान हो सकता है। ऐसे कर्मयोगी, दानवीर रायबहादुर हरिप्रसाद टम्टा जी को शत्-शत् नमन!
-साभार
मूलनिवासी टाइम्स हिंदी पाक्षिक
(दिनांक 1-15 अक्टूबर 2015)
बामसेफ भवन 527-A, कबीर बस्ती, अंबेडकर पार्क, मलका गंज, नई दिल्ली 110007 फोन 01123854369
हरि ने हरे पिछड़े भूमिहीनों के दर्द
Publish Date:Thu, 25 Aug 2016
डीके जोशी, अल्मोड़ा: एतिहासिक नगरी में 129 साल पहले एक सपूत ने जन्म लिया जिसका नाम था हरि प्रसाद टम्टा।
डीके जोशी, अल्मोड़ा: एतिहासिक नगरी में 129 साल पहले एक सपूत ने जन्म लिया जिसका नाम था हरि प्रसाद टम्टा। उत्तराखंड के सामाजिक, शैक्षिक व आर्थिक रूप से पिछडे़ भूमिहीन शिल्पकारों को संगठित करने, हक-हकूक की लड़ाई लड़ने वाले अल्मोड़ा के रायबहादुर मुंशी हरि प्रसाद टम्टा ने सामाजिक सौहार्द की दिशा दी। असुविधा के उस दौर में अल्मोड़ा में जन सुविधाओं के लिए भी उन्होंने काफी संघर्ष किया। 19वीं शताब्दी के शुरू में समाज हित में संघर्ष करने वालों समाज सुधारकों में मुंशी हरि प्रसाद टम्टा का नाम भी प्रमुखता से शामिल है। वह आजन्म एक निष्काम कर्मयोगी की भांति परोपकार के कार्यो में जुटे रहे।
उन्होंने सामाजिक हितों व हक-हकूकों के लिए संघर्ष करते हुए उत्तराखंड में विभिन्न उप जातियों में बंटे उपेक्षित वर्ग के लोगों को एकजुट किया और उनके स्वाभिमान को जगाने का काम किया। भले ही रूढि़वादिता के कारण समाज में उन्हें कई बार अपमान का सामना करना पड़ा। अपमान की घटनाओं में सन् 1913 में म्यूनिसिपल बोर्ड अल्मोड़ा में मुंशी हरि प्रसाद टम्टा के मामा कृष्ण टम्टा सदस्य के रूप में निर्वाचित हुए, तो उस दौर में रूढि़वादी विचारों के चलते विरोधी स्वर के जरिये अपमान सहना पडा। इसके अलावा सन् 1911 में जार्ज पंचम की राजनैतिक ताजपोशी पर बद्रेश्वर अल्मोड़ा में सजे जश्न कार्यक्रम में उन्हें आमंत्रित करने पर भी हरि प्रसाद टम्टा व उनके मामा को रूढि़वादिता के चलते अपमान का झेलना पड़ा। सन् 1925 में अल्मोड़ा में कुमाऊं व गढ़वाल के शिल्पकारों के सम्मेलन के दौरान भी नगर में अपमान का सामना करना पड़ा।
ऐसी घटनाओं के बावजूद वह अपने मकसद से डिगे नहीं, बल्कि सहनशील बनकर आगे बढ़े। उनकी सहनशीलता व धैर्य समाज में सामाजिक समरसता का भाव पैदा करता गया। उन्होंने अल्मोड़ा में बिजली, पानी, सडक, शिक्षा व स्वच्छता के लिए भी संघर्ष किया और सच्चे समाज सेवक के रूप में पहचान बनाई। उनके इसी व्यक्तित्व, सहनशीलता व समाज सेवा का परिणाम है कि आज भी उन्हें लोग भूले नहीं। पर्वतीय क्षेत्र में यातायात की व्यवस्था उस दौर में नगण्य थी, उन्होंने यह सुविधा उपलब्ध कराने के लिए सन् 1920 में हिल मोटर ट्रांसपोर्ट की स्थापना अपने अनुज स्व. लालता प्रसाद के सहयोग से सर्वप्रथम आरंभ की। उनकी जयंती पर हर वर्ग के लोग एकजुट होकर उन्हें याद कर करते हैं। उनसे समाज सेवा की प्रेरणा लेकर सामाजिक समरसता की दिशा में कदम बढ़ाना ही उन्हें सच्ची श्रद्धांजलि होगी। with Dr.Anil Joshi)
Mary Madiga
Mary Madiga
Dalit blogger from India
Meet Mary Madiga, the newest contributor to our Voices from the Ground blog. Mary Madiga, 39, is a Dalit social activist in Hyderabad, the capital of Andhra Pradesh state in southern India.
Dalit, which literally means “the downtrodden”, refers to a group of communities who are considered as socially “backward” (an official Indian government term of categorisation) and “impure” by non-Dalit communities.
As part of the caste system, identified in particular with Hinduism, they are considered the lowest rank, which is why many Dalit families have converted to Buddhism and Christianity in the past few decades. Despite this, they still continue to be seen as Dalit and are treated as “untouchable” and “polluting” even after converting
Whether in the government or the private sector, Dalits are offered the lowly jobs like sweeping, cleaning roads and drains, waste-collection, skinning of animals etc. In most places in India, they are barred from entering temples and are not allowed to share food and drinks with non-Dalit people. The constitution of India has given special status and guaranteed special facilities such as quotas in government jobs in order to place them at a par with non-Dalit communities. But little has changed at the community level where the majority of the Dalits still live in utter poverty, with little education as other communities refuse to treat them as equals.
Mary Madiga fights against this continuous ill-treatment of her community. Mary was born into a family of cobblers – considered one of the lowest professions in the society as they work with leather, the skin of dead animals, which is considered polluting. Girls in the community had never been educated.
Mary was the first girl in her community to go to school and has risen to the level of a firebrand social activist who relentlessly campaigns for Dalit people’s rights to education, work, land and participation in the political process.
Since Mary cannot write in English, her experiences will be recounted, in her own words, by Indian journalist Stella Paul, who will meet up with Mary once a week to hear what she has been doing.
Stella said that she wanted to interview Mary because she is an amazing example of how an ordinary woman can rise as a leader, despite living in abject poverty and experiencing utter humiliation, physical abuse and discrimination as a Dalit woman.
Stella writes: “In rural Andhra Pradesh, each year scores of Dalit youths join the armed Naxalite movement to avenge the social and political injustice they experience. Mary has also undergone a lot of humiliation and abuse all through her life; she was even jailed and tortured for seeking a better status for Dalit people. Yet her faith in the constitution has remained unshaken and instead of taking the path of armed revolution, she firmly stands on the path of democracy and fights for social justice through peaceful means.”
After working and fighting for various civil society organisations and political parties, three years ago Mary founded an all Dalit women’s organisation called Telengana Mahajan Mahila Samity. The group works to highlight and curb atrocities against Dalit youth and women and police harassment of Dalit women. She organises street protests, sit-in demonstrations and rallies and also encourages Dalit men and women to exercise their rights by casting votes and participating in elections. This makes her a true leader who stands for democracy and peace in a land where ambushes, mine blasts and killings are features of everyday life.
Panos London set up the Voices from the Ground blog to provide first-hand accounts from local people in developing countries whose lives are affected by the Millennium Development Goals.
Mary joins Bhan Sahu, a grassroots social activist in Chhattisgarh state in central India, “Ambra” (Takhelchangbam Ambravati), a grassroots volunteer with a local NGO near Imphal, the capital of Manipur in northeast India, Maimoona Shahzadi, a teacher in a rural school in Pakistan and Kaidia Samake, a widow who lives in a village in Mali.
As told to Stella Paul
Moses Parmar
With more than 25 years experience in holistic, transformational work, Moses Parmar is DFN’s North India Director. He oversees a staff of more than 1,000 Indian national workers serving among north India’s Dalit communities, bringing high quality English-medium education to Dalit children. Additionally, Moses and his team focus on empowerment for Dalit women, and indigenous expressions of freedom of conscience for Dalits. Moses also serves as the North India Public Relations officer of the All India Christian Council (AICC). Moses has traveled extensively internationally and spoken to groups ranging in size from of 50 to 50,000. He is an excellent storyteller as he relates what is happening in India and around the world in a manner in which all audiences can relate.
To contact Mr. Parmar, please email info@dalitnetwork.org or call 202-375-5000.
Jana Natya Mandali
Gaddar protests against arrest of Varavara Rao- 2005
The Art Lovers Association was renamed the Jana Natya Mandali in 1972. Even while he was singing of revolution in the villages, Gaddar took a banking recruitment exam and got the post of a clerk at Canara Bank in 1975. He quit his bank job in 1984 and concentrated on Jana Natya Mandali. After he voiced his protest against the killing of several Dalits by upper caste landlords in Karamchedu village in Prakasam district in July 1985, the police raided Gaddar's house. He went underground.
Underground
In exile, Gaddar roamed through the forests of Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradeshand Odisha, spreading the revolutionary ideology through folk arts. Gaddar and his troupe adapted folk forms such as Oggu Katha, Veedhi Bhagotham (vernacular ballets using a combination of song, dialogue and dance) and Yellamma Katha (the story of the local deity) to revolutionary themes depicting the travails of peasants, labourers and other weaker sections. Jana Natya Mandali was soon regarded as the cultural wing of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) People's War, a Maoist party active in Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Bihar and Odisha.
With his revolutionary songs catching the imagination of the masses, Gaddar became a legend. Hundreds of thousands of printed copies and thousands of cassettes of his songs have been distributed and sold over the last two decades.
Gaddar's attire is as well known as his songs. In his own words, 'in the beginning, we used to perform wearing lungis. But then, since women too formed a part of the audience, we thought that costume was not appropriate. Therefore, we preferred gochis (dhotis). In the same way, gongali (a thick blanket made of rough wool) worn across the chest had its own advantages. It is in the jungles that we first took to wearing anklets and a loaded rifle on the right shoulder. On the left one, we had a dolu (drum).' He sticks to the same gochi and gongali, anklets and dolu. The loaded rifle has given way to a lathi in the right hand.
After four-and-a-half years of exile, Gaddar emerged from hiding when the then Congress government led by Dr Marri Chenna Reddy adopted a 'liberal attitude' towards the Naxalites. On February 18, 1990, Gaddar met the media. Two days later, Jana Natya Mandali celebrated its 19th anniversary at Nizam College Grounds in Hyderabad. A staggering 200,000 people came to watch Gaddar.
In the last 15 years since he surfaced from self-imposed exile, Gaddar has seen six chief ministers blow hot and cold on the Naxalite movement. During this period, he has launched campaigns to protest against State repression in the countryside and killings of scores of Naxalites by the police in what he calls 'fake encounters.'
Gaddar believes those wielding political and administrative power will, one day, realise that the Naxalite issue can be tackled only by addressing the socio-economic issues in the countryside, and not through 'State terror.'
Assassination attempt
On April 6, 1997 there was an assassination bid on Gaddar. While two of the three bullets the assailants fired into him were removed, one was left untouched because of medical complications. The near-fatal attack, which the balladeer believes was engineered by the police, did not deter Gaddar from being a champion of the downtrodden.
Peace Emissary
In 2001, the Telugu Desam government accepted a proposal to have peace negotiations with Naxalites and the then Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) People's War announced the names of Varavara Rao and Gaddar as its emissaries to work out modalities for the proposed talks. The Naxalite party was under ban at that time and these two writers were chosen as emissaries, keeping in view their yeomen services in people's causes for over three decades then. The government had also named two ministers as its representatives and after three sittings held at a time of unabated encounter killings, Varavara Rao and Gaddar pulled out of the talks’ process, that went on between May and July 2002.
The then opposition Indian National Congress criticized the stand of the Telugu Desam Party with regard to the talks and made a categorical promise in its Election Manifesto 2004 to hold talks to arrive at a meaningful peace. The Congress came to power in May 2004 and initiated the talks’ process in June. This time around the then Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) People's War named Varavara Rao, Gaddar and novelist Kalyana Rao as its emissaries. The emissaries assumed their position on 13 July 2004 and had involved themselves in several rounds of discussions on modalities with the government including the Home Minister and the government representatives. Finally, leaders of two Naxalite parties (by then Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Janashakti also joined the talks process and the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Peoples War became Communist Party of India (Maoist)) came for the talks held between 15 October and 18 October 2004. After this first round of talks, the negotiating parties had to meet for subsequent rounds but after the encounter killings of some naxalites in January 2005, the Naxalite parties withdrew from the process on 16 January. After some failed attempts to revive the process, Varavara Rao and other emissaries withdrew from their positions on 4 April 2005. The peace process ended with the imposition of ban on CPI (Maoist), Revolutionary Writer’s Association (Virasam) and some other people’s organizations on 18 August 2005.
Within 24 hours of imposition of ban on Virasam, Varavara Rao and Kalyana Rao, were arrested on 19 August 2005 under AP Public Security Act. The police did not arrest Gaddar though they say they have evidence against him. The police accuse Gaddar of inciting violence and propagating the Naxalite ideology of 'power through the barrel of the gun.'
Unlike other left-wing revolutionary writers and poets, Gaddar is equally well known in rural and urban Andhra Pradesh. He is a familiar face on television screens, participating in protest programmes or spirited debates. His songs cut across the barriers of region, religion, dialect, caste and social status.
In the words of prominent academic Dr. Kancha Ilaiah, 'Gaddar was the first Telangana intellectual who established a link between the productive masses and the literary text and, of course, that text established a link between the masses and educational institutions.'
Political career
Telangana Praja Front
Main article: Telangana Praja Front
Gaddar founded Telangana Praja Front on October 3, 2010 and a formal announcement was made at a broad-based convention on October 9.
As many people in Telangana believe TRS is mostly used by K.Chandra Sekhar rao family for advance of its political interests, the Telangana Praja front viewed by those people that it will bring a new dynamic into the demand for Telangana state hood.
Personal life
Gaddar is married to Vimala. He has two sons, called Sureedu and Chandrudu (died of illness in 2003) and a daughter Vennela. Gaddar's daughter presently works in Malla Reddy Engineering College in MBA Dept. Gaddar's son works for NIFT.
Muldas Bhudardas Vaishya
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Muldas Bhudardas Vaishya
In office
1951–1957
Succeeded by Karsandas Ukabhai Parmar
Constituency Ahmedabad
Personal details
Born 16 August 1894
Died 1 August 1977
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Ambabahen
Muldas Vaishya was an Indian politician, activist and social reformer.
Personal life
Muldas Vaishya was born to Bhudardas Vaishya at Umta, Visnagar, Baroda State. He belonged to Vankar community and was associated with weaving.
He was enrolled into Govt. School at Baroda but the upper caste Hindus boycotted his admission because of his caste status. He later came into contact of an Arya Samaji, Pandit Atmaramji and embraced the movement. Their family later moved to Ahmedabad.
Social Reforms
In 1921, he attended conference of the Depressed Classes under aegis of Labour Welfare Association which was addressed by Mahatma Gandhi and he became a staunch Gandhian. He then joined as a teacher into Sanskrit School at Ahmedabad and later became Superintendent of hostel for boys and girls.
He led satyagrah for untouchables to enter in public buses, hostel and temples. In 1936 he founded Maha Gujarat Dalit Harijan Samaj and in 1948 led a major satyagrah to enter into Swaminarayana Temple at Ahmedabad. Many upper caste satsangi members challenged his move in district court and decision was taken in favour of appelant. Also Muldas Vaishya challenged the decision in trial court and later moved to Supreme Court and won the case in favour of the untouchable communities.
He also served as the Vice-President of Depressed Classes League, Gujarat State Post and Telegraphs Board (Bombay). During initial period he also served as the President of Antyaj Conference, member of the School Board at Ahmedabad Municipality, President of Mehsana Distt. Weavers' Association and member of Senate in Gujarat University
Politics
In 1925, he was nominated to Baroda State Assembly and served till 1928. After independence he fought from Ahmedabad constituency in 1951 Lok Sabha elections. In 1957 he re-elected from the same constituency but lost to SCF's K.U.Parmar and again got successfully elected from same constituency in 1962 Lok Sabha election
Meena Kandasamy
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Meena Kandasamy
Meena in 2012
Born Ilavenil Kandasamy
12 October 1984
Pen name Meena
Occupation Writer, activist, translator
Nationality Indian
Ilavenil Meena Kandasamy (born 1984) is an Indian poet, fiction writer, translator and activist from Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India.
Meena published two collections of poetry, Touch (2006) and Ms. Militancy (2010). From 2001-2002, she edited The Dalit, a bi-monthly alternative English magazine of the Dalit Media Network.
She represented India at the University of Iowa's International Writing Program and was a Charles Wallace India Trust Fellow at the University of Kent, Canterbury, United Kingdom. She writes columns for platforms like Outlook India and The Hindu.
Early life and education
Born in 1984 to Tamil parents, both university professors, she developed an early interest in poetry, and later adopted the name Meena. Meena completed a Doctorate of Philosophy in Socio-linguistics from Anna University, Chennai. She began writing poetry at age 17 and began translating books by Dalit writers and leaders into English.
Professional career
As writer
My Kali kills. My Draupadi strips. My Sita climbs on a stranger’s lap. All my women militate. They brave bombs, belittle kings, take on the sun, take after me.
— Meena Kandasamy
As a writer, Meena's focus was mainly on caste annihilation, feminism and linguistic identity. She says, "Poetry is not caught up within larger structures that pressure you to adopt a certain set of practices while you present your ideas in the way that academic language is" and thus, prefers to use it for her activism. One of her first collections, Touch was published in August 2006, with a foreword by Kamala Das Ms. Militancy was published the following year. In this book, she adopts an anti-caste and feminist lens to retell Hindu and Tamil myths. Other works such as Mascara and My lover speaks of Rape won her the first prize in all India Poetry competition.
Touch was criticised for its English language errors, though its challenging themes were described as "interesting". Ms. Militancy was described as an improvement in her use of the English language but "disastrous, if not worse" in terms of themes and content. A review in The Hindu put the negative criticism into context, describing Meena's work as difficult for anyone whose politics were "mainstream". Her poetry is "about the female self and body in ways not 'allowed' by this discourse". An analysis of Touch and Ms Militancy in the Journal of Postcolonial Cultures and Societies concludes that Meena "authors a poetic discourse that not only castigates the prevalent modes of subjugation but also resolutely strives towards futures that are yet to be born." In an interview with Sampsonia Way Magazine, Meena said "My poetry is naked, my poetry is in tears, my poetry screams in anger, my poetry writhes in pain. My poetry smells of blood, my poetry salutes sacrifice. My poetry speaks like my people, my poetry speaks for my people."
Her work has been published in anthologies and journals that include Anthology of Contemporary Indian Poetry,The Little Magazine, Kavya Bharati, Indian Literature, Poetry International Web, Muse India, Quarterly Literary Review, Outlook, Tehelka and The New Indian Express. She was also invited to participate in the International Writing Program at the University of Iowa in 2009 Two years later, Meena was made the Charles Wallace India Trust Fellow at the University of Kent. Meena was made a featured poet at the City of Asylum Jazz Poetry Concert held in Pittsburgh, the 14th Poetry Africa International Festival (2010), Durban and the DSC Jaipur Literature Festival (2011). She co-authored AYYANKALI: A Dalit leader of Organic Protest, a biography of Ayyankali, a dalit leader in Kerala. Meena was shortlisted among 21 short fiction women writers aged less than 40 from South Asia for an anthology published by Zubaan, New Delhi, the country's first feminist publishing house. In 2014, she published a novel about the Kilvenmani massacre titled The Gypsy Goddess, influenced by the figure of Kurathi Amman, her "ancestral goddess". From January 2013, she began working on a book titled Caste and the City of Nine Gates, her first non-fiction work.
As activist
Meena works closely with issues of caste and gender and how society puts people into stereotypical roles on the basis of these categories. She has faced threats for her fearless criticism of the Hindu society, to which she says, "This threat of violence shouldn’t dictate what you are going to write or hinder you in any manner.”
Osmania University "Beef Festival" Controversy
In 2012, a group of Dalit students of Osmania University, Hyderabad, organised a beef eating festival to protest against the "food fascism" in hostels. It saw participation from over 200 people, including both teachers and students who ate various dishes made of beef. The right-wing student group Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) staged protests against the event and the organisers, turning the campus into a "battlefield." Meena attended this festival and spoke in support of it. For the same, she had to face incessant abuse online. The Network of Women in Media India (WMNI) released a press-statement condemning the attack on her.
As translator
Meena has translated prose and poetry from Tamil. She has translated the work of Periyar E. V. Ramasamy, Thol. Thirumavalavan and Tamil Eelam writers such as Kasi Anandan, Cheran and VIS Jayapalan into English. Speaking about her role as translator, she says "I know that there is no limit, no boundary, no specific style guide to poetry—that you are free to experiment, that you are free to find your own voice, that you are free to flounder and also free to fail once in a while because all this happens all the time when you translate."
As actor
Meena made her acting debut in the Malayalam film, Oraalppokkam. It was the first online crowd funded independent Malayalam feature film.
Notable works
Biographies
(with M. Nisar) AYYANKALI: A Dalit leader of Organic Protest. Foreword by Kancha Ilaiah, Other Books, Calicut, January 2008, pp. 103.
Poetry
Ms. Militancy, 2010, published by Navayana
“Ms Militancy”, the title poem of this volume, is based on Kannaki, the heroine of the Tamil Classic Silapathikaram. This poem is a call to women to be revolutionary and courageous like the heroine herself.
TOUCH. Published by Peacock Books, Mumbai in August 2006, ISBN 81-88811-87-4.
(Chapbook) 16 elegant, untitled poems have been hosted as an e-chapbook The Eighth Day of Creation on the poetry website Slow Trains.
#ThisPoemWillProvokeYou & Other Poems, chapbook, HarperCollins India, 2015.
We Are Not The Citizens, limited edition handmade chapbook (53 copies), Tangerine Press, London, 2018.
Novels
The Gypsy Goddess, Atlantic Books, April 2014.
When I Hit You: Or, A Portrait of the Writer as a Young Wife, Atlantic Books, May 2017. It was shortlisted for Women's Prize 2018.
Exquisite Cadavers, Atlantic Books, 2019.
Translations
Talisman: Extreme Emotions of Dalit Liberation, Thol.Thirumaavalavan, Samya (Kolkata) 2003.
Uproot Hindutva: The Fiery Voice of the Liberation Panthers, Thol. Thirumaavalavan, Samya (Kolkata), 2004.
Why Were Women Enslaved, Thantai Periyar E.V.Ramasamy, The Periyar Self-Respect Propaganda Institution (Chennai), 2007.
Waking is Another Dream: Poems on the Genocide in Tamil Eelam, D.Ravikumar (editor), Ravishanker (co-translator) Navayana Publishing (New Delhi), 2010.
(editor/translator): Desires Become Demons: Poems of Four Tamil Woman Poets: Malathi Maithri, Salma, Kutti Revathi, Sukirtharani, Tilted Axis Press (Sheffield), 2018.
Meena Kandasamy (Photo by Simone Padovani/Awakening/Getty Images)Mahila
A movement against oppression and discrimination is rising. It’s changing the face of India as women walk together to enforce their rights.
A Women’s Movement Rising
“Mahila” tells three stories of empowerment in India’s rural Dalit communities. For ages, Dalit women have suffered from triple oppression — from discrimination based on their gender, their caste and their impoverished economic class. The women of “Mahila” have found a rare voice and an important standing in their communities, and in the wider India. They’ve achieved this through education, through the access to credit and training to form businesses, and through awareness of their rights as citizens.
“Mahila” introduces us to three generations of Dalit women who represent a movement that is changing the face of India. Young Indira gets her parents full support to fulfil her dream of becoming a teacher. Jaysree leads a women farmers’ cooperative that negotiates fair prices for their dairy production. And, finally, Mary Rani is the first Dalit woman to be elected president of her village.
The Good Shepherd sisters, who have advocated for women’s and Dalit’s rights in India for the past 30 years, lead this movement, supporting hundreds of girls and women out of oppression through education, economic justice and human rights.
Moorkoth Kumaran
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Moorkoth Kumaran
Moorkoth Kumaran (1874–1941) was a social reformer ,a teacher and a prominent short story writer in Malayalam.
Kumaran came from a respected wealthy Thiyya family of Thalassery, Kannur. He was the second S.N.D.P Yogam General Secretary but he could not continue in that post for a long time since he was very busy in his official duty. He had to leave the SNDP Yogam when he got promotion as a judge. He was a disciple of Narayana Guru and wrote the first biography of Guru. This biography contains the essence of Guru's message. He has initiated to install first statue of Narayana Guru in Kerala when he was alive
Mayilamma
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Mayilamma born 10 August 1937, was an Indian social activist whose claim to fame was the campaign against Coca-Cola Company in Plachimada in Palakkad, Kerala. She belonged to a native tribal community. She was the recipient of the Speak Out award by Outlook magazine and the Sthree Shakthi Award. She is also known as the 'Plachimada Heroine'.
Early life
She was born and brought up in the village Muthalamada, on the border of Palakkad. When she turned 15 years old, her father Raman and mother Kurumanda married her off to Mari Muthu from Plachimada. She came to live with him in Plachimada after her wedding. The couple had four children. Mari muthu died before she stepped into the terrain of grassroots activism.
Fight against Coca-Cola
Mayilamma was directly affected by Coca-Cola's operations in Plachimada, in Kerala's Palakkad district. The water in her well (in Vijaynagar colony in Plachimada) had been so heavily polluted by Coca-Cola's operations that it has been deemed unfit for human consumption.
Mayilamma played a key role in the campaign to hold Coca-Cola accountable for water shortages and pollution in the area. She joined the agitation after one year of its operation. She launched a Satyagraha against Coco-Cola on April 22, 2002. It was under her leadership that the community forced the Coca-Cola bottling plant to shut down in March 2004. The plant has remained shut down since.
Mayilamma, a member of the Eravalar tribe, was the founder of the Coca-Cola Virudha Samara Samiti (Anti Coca-Cola Struggle Committee) in Plachimada which has spearheaded the campaign against Coca-Cola. The Anti-Coca-Cola Struggle Committee has held a continuous vigil directly outside Coca-Cola's factory gates since 22 April 2002, demanding its permanent closure.
She never joined a political party as she felt that political parties were detrimental to grassroots based development.
Mayilamma lived with her extended family in Vijaynagar Colony in Plachimada, and is survived by three sons and a daughter.
Mayilamma died on 6 January 2007. She was cremated in the Sarkarpathy burial ground in Perumatty grama panchayat, Chittur.
Manik Chand Jatav-vir
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Manik Chand Jatav-vir was a Dalit activist and Member of 1st Lok Sabha from Sawai Madhopur, Rajasthan.
Biography
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Manik Chand Jatav-vir was a Dalit activist and Member of 1st Lok Sabha from Sawai Madhopur, Rajasthan.
Biography
Manik Chand Jatav-vir was born to Shri Bab Saheb Bhola Nath Jatav-Vir and Smt. Vishastra Devi in March 1897 at Agra, North-Western Provinces (now Uttar Pradesh). He got his education at St. John's College, Agra. He was imprisoned in connection with Dalit Uplift movement in 1947. He had a lifelong interest in Dalit Uplift and Social Services. He lived in Vir Bhawan, Raja ki Mandi, Agra (U.P.)
Posts held
Member of Parliament (Krishikar Lok Party) from Bharatpur-Sawai MadhopurRajasthan (Reserved for SC) in 1952.
1 D.; Businessman; Member, Sewa Samiti, Agra, 1912
Member, Arya Kumar Sabha, Agra, 1912
Founder, Shree Jatav Maha Sabha, 1917
Member, Arya Mitra Sabha, 1915—18
Incharge, Municipal Hospital, Agra, 1918—28
Founder, Jatav-Vir Dal, 1923
President, U.P. Depressed Classes League
Founder, the "Jeevan Jyoti" and the "Jatav Granthmala", monthly magazines, 1934
M.L.A., U.P., 1937—39
Founder, Jatav-Vir Institute, Agra, 1937
Chairman, District Scheduled Caste Education Board, Agra, 1938-45.
Member, U.P. Provincial War Board, 1940—44
Member, Provincial Civil Defence Committee, 1941
Member, Provincial Reclamation Board, U.P., and Provincial Scheduled Castes Education Board, U.P., 1943—45
Recognition
In 1943, Viceroy awarded a prize for services to Depressed Classes
Became Rao Sahib and then Jagir in 1945.
Malti Devi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Malti Devi
Constituency Nawada
Personal details
Born 5 August 1968
Died 6 September 1999 (aged 31)
Nationality Indian
Political party Rashtriya Janata Dal
Spouse(s) Bhubaneshwar Prasad
Profession Agriculturist, Politician, Social Worker
Malti Devi (5 August 1968 – 6 September 1999) was a political and social worker and a Member of Parliament elected from the Nawada constituency in the Indian state of Bihar on the Rashtriya Janata Dal party ticket.
Early life
Malti Devi was born on 5 August 1968 in the Manglagori village in Gaya district in the Indian state of Bihar. She was married to Bhubaneshwar Prasad on 4 February 1984 and has two sons. She left her school education in 1980.
Politics and activism
She led the Farmers Movement and was a member of Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist). She advocated for women,[1] landless farmers and tribals in central and south Bihar. She lef the C.P.I. (ML) in 1995. She was a member of the Bihar Legislative Assembly from 1995 to 1998 and was elected to the 12th Lok Sabha in 1998. She was also a member of Committee on Urban and Rural Development and its Sub-Committee-I on Urban Affairs and Employment and a member of Consultative Committee, Ministry of Health and Family welfare.
Death
Devi died on 6 September 1999 at her Delhi residence. She was suffering from cancer for nearly a year according to her family sources
Marimuthu Bharathan
From Wikipedia
Marimuthu Bharathan (born 9 January 1961) is a Dalit human rights defender from the south Indian state of Tamil Nadu. He was awarded the 2012 Human Rights Tulip by the Dutch government, but was refused a passport to leave India to receive the award in person, due to a pending murder charge that he strongly denies.
Activities
Human Rights Education and Protection Council
Bharathan is director of the Human Rights Education and Protection Council (known locally as KALAM) in Tirunelveli, a city in Tamil Nadu. This organisation, in existence for over thirty years, works for the welfare of Dalits and challenges caste discrimination and human rights violations. It provides training and legal support and supports self-help organisations of Dalits, including Dalit women. Its activities on behalf of children from the Dalit community in 51 villages of Tirunelveli district have been documented: it has improved school enrolment rates, ensured more children are immunised and their births registered, and has set up children’s groups and centres. It has also put an end to manual scavenging in a number of villages.
Other activities
Bharathan is a long-standing campaigner against caste discrimination in temples, schools, and even teahouses, having documented over 450 cases in Tirunelveli and Tuticorin districts. He has alleged that "The country has several laws to protect human rights, but they are not implemented in letter and spirit." He has worked for compensation and rehabilitation of Dalits who suffer human rights violations, and has organised campaigns against police corruption.
2009 murder charge
On 27 May 2009 Bharathan was arrested and taken to the Suthamalli police station. Although his name did not figure in initial reports of the case, he was subsequently charged with the murder on 11 January 2009 of three caste Hindus, K. Madhan of Suthamalli and S. Ayyappan and N. Ayyappan, becoming the 25th person accused in the case. After a court hearing on 3 June he was released on bail on 27 June. A further hearing was scheduled for 25 August 2009 but as Bharathan was not able to attend, he filed a petition and the hearing was re-scheduled to a later date.
In January 2013 Bharathan stated that he had never met the other 24 accused in the case, and that it had still not come for trial.
Denial of charges
Bharathan himself, and several human rights groups, have denied the charges and have speculated about the motivation for them. Bharathan said "I’m facing all these problems only because of being a Dalit activist..."
Indian human rights organizations strongly deny the allegations, which one of them has described as "judicial harassment". It has been claimed that the accusation of murder was obtained under duress from one of a group of jailed Dalit suspects whom Bharathan had been supporting in a case in 2009.
2012 Human Rights Tulip award
In December 2012 Bharathan was pronounced winner of the annual Dutch Human Rights Tulip award. In his mail to Bharathan, Gerard Oonk, the director of the India Committee of The Netherlands, stated that the independent award jury in his country had recognised him as a "tireless champion of better living and working conditions for his country’s Dalits."
However, on 18 December the passport office in Madurai, on advice from the Palayamkottai police station, refused to renew Bharathan’s passport, preventing him from travelling to The Netherlands for the award ceremony in The Hague on 9 January 2013. The police cited the triple murder case pending since 2009 as grounds to deny him a passport. The award, worth 100,000 euros, was handed over in absentia by the Dutch foreign minister Frans Timmermans, after a message from Bharathan was read out. He said that India, a signatory of Human Rights Defenders Protection Treaty, "should not have let him down" by preventing him from travelling, as his attendance "would have been a recognition for 200 million Dalits."
It was the second year in succession that the Tulip award was not given in person: the 2011 winner, Chinese activist Ni Yulan, had been unable to attend the ceremony, as she was in custody and awaiting trial in a case.
Asked what he would do with his prize, Bharathan said that he would like to set up a training centre "to help educate the Dalits to demand their legitimate rights by peaceful and legal methods".
Questions in Dutch Parliament
On 28 January 2013, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Timmermans and the Minister of Foreign Trade and Development Co-operation, Lilianne Ploumen were asked in the Dutch House of Representatives what the Dutch government would do to support Bharathan in his struggle for human rights of Dalits; referring to "the criminal court case against him and 23 other Dalit accused because of a – according to human rights organisations – false accusation of murder and [the obstruction of] Bharathan’s work by the Tamil Nadu government." The matter was again raised on 12 March, asking whether the Dutch government would raise with the Indian government "the problems that Bharathan is experiencing at the hands of the Indian government – including a ban to organise demonstrations or to participate in [them]", and if so, when and in what way.
The reply was, in part, that "The Netherlands respects the Indian legal system and therefore does not interfere in this ongoing case. The contact with Mr. Bharathan will be maintained also in view of the further development of the [Tulip] Award."
The struggle of Marimuthu Bharathan against oppression of Dalits in India
Human Rights Tulip Ward Indian winner Marimuthu Bharathan, a Dalit activist from Tamil Nadu, cannot receive the Dutch Human Rights Tulip in person as he did not get a passport. Bharathan was supposed to be handed the Tulip Award for human rights defenders by the Minister of Foreign Affairs Mr. Frans Timmermans on the 9th of January 2013. The passport refusal is another example of the disenfranchised position of the 200 million Dalits and the defenders of their rights in India. The Indian authorities clearly fail in combating discrimination and exclusion of Dalits and are themselves often the perpetrator of crimes against them.
It is the second year in a row that the Human Rights Tulip – awarded by an independent jury - cannot be given to the winner in person. Last year this person was the Chinese activist Ni Yulan who was in custody awaiting trial for her work on behalf of citizens of Beijing whose houses were confiscated and demolished in the run-up to the 2008 Olympic Games. This year it is Marimuthu Bharathan, an activist and Dalit himself who works for the rights of Dalits, formerly known as ‘untouchables’’ or ‘outcastes’. The reason for the refusal to renew his passport seems to be a – according to Indian human rights organizations – false accusation of murder. On the 9th of January a ceremony will take place in his absence where the jury will motivate her choice and Minister Timmermans will give his views on the issue.
Bharathan was arrested in May 2009 because he was supposed to be involved in the murder of a man called Madhan who himself was being accused of murdering a large number of Dalits. The police subsequently arrested more than 20 Dalits from surrounding villages. Bharathan came to support them in order to help them to tell their side of the story. According to the Indian organization Human Rights Defenders’ Alert – India a forced written statement was obtained from another accused who was already in jail. The result was a false accusation against Mr. Bharathan as the 25th accused allegedly being involved in the murder of Madhan. He was locked up for a few weeks and later released on bail. In the meantime the court case against the 25 accused, including Bharathan, is already pending for years.
UN Rapporteur: ‘Deeply disturbed’
The life story of Bharathan is one illustration of the situation of the defenders of the human rights of Dalits as described last year in the report by UN human rights rapporteur Margaret Sekaggya after her visit to India: ‘’The Special Rapporteur was deeply disturbed by the situation of the Dalits rights activists…The range of human rights violations they suffer is appalling.. From the dominant caste, Dalits’ rights defenders reportedly face.. death threats, beatings and caste-based insults in public places, destruction of their property/belongings; and filing of false cases against them.” and “With regard to the police and state officials, Dalits’ rights defenders reportedly have often seen their complaints not taken up and instead have been charged in false cases … in collusion with the dominant caste community. They have also been summarily executed, forcibly disappeared, physically assaulted, arbitrary detained…. branded as Naxalites and anti-nationals, and had their privacy invaded, including by being placed under surveillance.”
Bharathan’s work as a 51-year old Dalit activist in the southern state of Tamil Nadu in addition shows a sample view of the problems that Dalit’s in India are facing. He is supporting the cause of the Dalit sub-caste of Arundhathiyar who are condemned as manual scavengers to clean cleaning dry latrines bare-handed. In the whole of India this is affecting around a million people, especially women. Bharathan is fighting for the eradication of this illegal practice, just thousands of others who are now on a footmarch – the Maila Mukti Yatra - through 18 Indian states to ban the practice. He also campaigns for reforms in the police system and against custodial torture. The appallingly ineffective and corrupt functioning of the police shows from the fact that perpetrators of crimes against Dalits are hardly ever convicted. According to the report ‘Torture and Impunity in India’ (People’s Watch, 2008) financed by the EU annually around 1.8 million people are tortured in police offices and prisons. The victims are mostly Dalits and Adivasi (tribals), who are together a quarter of the population. A law against torture - there is a draft - is already being postponed for years by the government by not placing it before the Parliament. This way the ‘biggest democracy on earth’ is guilty of systematic grave violations of human rights.
Inpunity of violence against women
As director of the organization Human Rights Education and Protection Council Bharathan helps in setting up of organizations of Dalits, including of Dalit women. The recent brutal rape of a woman in New Delhi especially focussed attention to the sexual violence against middle class women. The problem is however a ‘standard experience’ of many Dalit women. In many areas the landlord or another man of a higher caste can abuse a Dalit woman with impunity. Because of resistance by Dalit women there is slowly some change now in some areas, but the police still normally sides with the perpetrators of higher castes.
Bharathan also fights for compensation and rehabilitation of Dalits who have become victims of human rights violations. These include among many others coarse insults and humiliation, no access to the village water tap or temple, bonded labour, robbery of land up to rape and assault. Also at present Bharathan is being harassed by the dominant caste people and police trying to do his disrupt work. Recently again a few cases were filed against him, including in July 2012 for staging a roadblock to demand a burial ground for Dalits who are denied access to existing graveyards. The police prohibits every demonstration that Bharathan organizes or in which he participates.
Dalits higher on EU agenda
By awarding the Human Rights Tulip to a Dalit the jury of the Tulip nudges Minister Timmermans of Foreign Affairs to make the position of Dalits in South Asia – there are also at least 60 million in rest of South Asia – to a priority in his new human rights policy. The Parliament already asked for that by adopting a motion in 2011. Minister Timmermans described the Dalits during the budget session in December 2012 as 'population groups that for centuries are not even on the ladder, let alone on the bottom rung of a ladder', and told the Parliament that we have to invest in strengthening the position of Dalits. The topic of discrimination based on work and descent has, the Minister said, 'to be put higher on the agenda of the European Union' and 'the European Parliament has recently adopted a very relevant resolution about the position of Dalits and I think that we can also better shape European policy on that basis.'
Minister Timmermans can use the granting of the Human Rights Tulip to the regrettably absent Mr. Bharathan to make clear what he is planning to contribute to this.
Gerard Oonk
director India Committee of the Netherlands and co-ordinator Dalit Netwerk Netherlands
Mahesh Raut
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Mahesh Raut is an activist working with Adivasi in Gadchiroli. He is the youngest accused in the 2018 Bhima Koregaon violence case., Born 2 July 1987.
Personal life
Raut was born in Lakhapur village in Chandrapur district of Maharashtra's Vidarbha region. He did his schooling from Navodaya school in Gadchiroli. In 2009, he joined TISS, Mumbai to study social work. After completing his degree from TISS, Raut was selected for the Prime Minister Rural Development (PMRD) fellowship. In 2018, he suffered from acute ulcerative colitis.
Activism
Raut is a co-convener of the Visthapan Virodhi Jan Vilas Andolan (VVJVA), which fights the displacement of marginalised communities. Under the VVJVA, he has campaigned along with Adivasi communities of the region to sell Tendu leaves directly into the market without the involvement of the middlemen. He is also a member of the Bharat Jan Andolan, a human rights NGO. He has campaigned against mining projects in Gadhciroli, including the Surajgarh mining project. He has also campaigned against caste discrimination.
Arrest
On 6 June 2018, he was arrested from his house by the Pune Police, under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. He is currently lodged at Taloja central jail
Manda Krishna Madiga
, leader of MRPS
Manda Krishna Madiga is a Dalit politician and activist fighting for the rights of the madigas. He heads the movement fighting for the rights of the madigas called Madiga Reservation Porata Samiti (MRPS)The daily experience of caste discrimination, feudal oppression and exploitation of the village life made him to associate with radical movements of the region. His active involvement as a grassroots worker and fighter in the movement helped him to learn the role that he can play in the transformation the unequal society. Later his realization of the limitations of the radical movements which are dominated by dominant castes pushed him to search for the new path of revolutionary agenda and practice.
The post-Karamchedu struggles made him to become an active full-time worker and leader in the "Ambedkar Yuvajana Sangam" and "Samatha Sainik Dal" activities across the state against caste atrocities, discrimination and humiliation on Dalits at gross root level.The historical disparities, hierarchy of untouchability, the different trajectories of social life of 62 scheduled castes and monopolization of reservation benefits by few communities (Mala etc.) made Manda Krishna Madiga to start a "Dandora Movement" 7 July 1994, which is popularly known as MRPS (Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi) in order to rationalize (categorize) of SC reservation to reach the lowest of the low within SCs. The contribution of the Dandora movement is a historical in transforming the stigmatized identities of Madigas into self respected Madiga identity.
The uncompromised struggle and journey towards dignity and human rights, the new forms of struggles, strategies, forms of protests and consciousness of Madigas across state inspired thousands of activists, writers, artists and made Madiga community to stand by transformative peoples struggles, aspirations and work beyond madiga community in the state in realizing the humanitarian and democratic values across caste and religion. Both Manda Krishna Madiga leadership and MRPS movement since its formation or in 18 years of its history created a ray of new hope for the Madigas in particular and oppressed in general, by overcoming many obstacles, which is a great source of inspiration for the future generation. He added Madiga surname in 1994.
Mata Ramabai
Ramabai Bhimrao Ambedkar was born in a poor family. His father Bhiku Dhotre (Valangkar) and Mata Rukmini lived with Ramabai Dabhol with them in the river bank Maharpura township in Vrindagaon. There were 3 sisters and a brother-Shankar. Ramabai’s elder sister used to live in Dapoli. Bhiku used to reach the toplalia market, filled with fish in Dabhol Monkey. They had chest pain. In the childhood of Rama, his mother died from the disease.
The mother of the baby Rama had a heart attack. Little sister Gaura and Bhai Shankar were very young. A few days later his father Bhiku died too. Further, Valangkar uncle and Govindapurkar Mama went to Mumbai to take care of all these children and they were living in Chhala.
Marriage of Ramabai with Bhimrao Ambedkar
Subedar Ramji Ambedkar was looking for a bride for his son Bhimrao Ambedkar. There they found Ramabai, they went to see Rama. Rama loved them and he decided to marry his son Bhimrao with Rama and wrote it. The date for marriage was ensured and in April 1906 Ramabai’s marriage was resolved with Bhimrao Ambedkar. At the time of marriage, Rama was only 9 years old and Bhimrao was 14 years old and he was studying 5th English class.
Mother Ramabai always kept worrying because of Yashwant’s illness, but still he took full care of the fact that there was no hindrance in the works of Babasaheb and his studies would not be bad. Mother Ramabai had also learned to read something from her husband’s efforts. Generally, it is a pleasant thing in the lives of the great men that they found life partners very ordinary and good. Babasaheb was also one of the only fortunate great men who got a very good and obedient life partner like Ramabai.
Ramabai was often ill Babasaheb also took Dharwad to him. But there was no difference. Babasaheb’s three sons and a daughter had abandoned the body. Babasaheb used to be very sad. On May 27, 1935, the mountain of mourning and grief broke down on them. On that day the brutal death took away his wife Ramabai from them. More than ten thousand people joined Mother Rama’s Parinirvana.
Ramabai with Babasaheb Ambedkar
Babasaheb had an intimate love with his wife. Ramabai was with Babasaheb to create a world-renowned great man. Ramabai also served the house with great satisfaction and patience in extreme poverty, and on every difficulty, Babasaheb’s courage was enhanced. He was hit by the death of Ramabai that he shaved his hair and shaved his hair. He used to be very sad, sad and upset. A life partner who struggled with the crisis in poverty and misery, and now when it comes time to get some pleasure, it has always been disturbed.
Ramatai was the housewife of virtuous and religious instincts. He had a great desire to go to Pandharpur. There is a famous temple of Vitthal-Rukmani in Pandharpur in Maharashtra. However, the entry of untouchables was forbidden in Hindu temples. Ambedkar explained to Rama that after going to such temples, he could not be saved, where he was forbidden to go in. But, Rama did not believe. Once upon a lot of insistence of Rama Baba Saheb went to Pandharpur. But due to being untouchable, they were not allowed to enter the temple. They had to return without seeing Vithoba.
The grandeur of the Rajghat and spreading around Baba Saheb also did not improve any improvement in Ramatai’s deteriorating health. Inverted, she was very worried about her husband’s busyness and safety. Sometimes he used to scold those who came to meet ‘Saheb’ in his leisure moments. Ramatai also took full care of the comfort of Dr. Ambedkar in the condition of illness. He was not worried about his health as much as his husband was relieved to bring home comfort.
On the other hand, Dr. Ambedkar was unable to pay attention to Ramatai and his house due to his busy activities. One day Rama7ai from his family friend, Upasham Guruji, narrated his sadness – ‘Guruji, I am sick for several months. Do not have the time to ask Dr. Sahib for my recent tricks. While going to the High Court, only standing near the door and asking about my health and going away from it.
Virtuous and religious tendencies of Ramabai Ambedkar
Ramabai was a homemaker of virtuous and religious instincts. They have great desire to go to Pandharpur. There is a famous temple of Vitthal-Rukmani in Pandharpur of Maharashtra, but then the entry of untouchables in Hindu temples was forbidden. Bhimrao Ambedkar used to explain to Ramabai that due to his going to such temples, he could not be saved, where he was forbidden to go in. Sometimes Ramabai used to persevere in performing religious rituals.
Death of Ramabai Ambedkar
Bhimrao Ambedkar’s family life was becoming increasingly saddened. His wife Ramabai was often ill. He also took Dharwad to wife for change, but there was no difference. Bhimrao Ambedkar’s three sons and a daughter had sacrificed the body. They used to be very sad. On May 27, 1935, the mountains of mourning and grief broke down.
On that day the brutal death took away his wife Ramabai. More than ten thousand people went with Ramabai’s meaning. The mental state of Dr. Ambedkar at that time was indescribable. He had intimate love with his wife. Ramabai was in the making of the world famous Maha Purusha. Ramabai also served the house with great satisfaction and patiently in extreme poverty and increased his courage during every difficulty.
He was hit by the death of Ramabai that he shaved his hair and shaved his hair. They wear saffron cloth and began to adopt the behavior of sadhus for renunciation. He used to be very sad, sad and upset. A life partner who struggled with them in times of poverty and misery, and now that it was time for some pleasure to come, he got lost forever.
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M. Subhadra Nair
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
M. Subhadra Nair
Born 21 January 1929
Irinjalakuda, Thrissur, Kerala, India
Occupation Gynecologist, social worker
Spouse(s) Gopalakrishnan Nair
Children Asha Nair
Shanthi Nair
Parent(s) Krishnan Kutty Menon
Madhavi Amma
Awards Padma Shri
M. Subhadra Nair is an Indian gynaecologist, medical teacher and social worker, reportedly credited to have assisted over 50,000 child births. The Government of India honoured her, in 2014, with the Padma Shri, the fourth highest civilian award, for her services to the field of medicine, the first gynaecologist to receive the Padma award.
Biography
"It feels great to be recognised, but I am not overjoyed", says Dr. Subhadra Nair, on the Padma Shree award
U C College Aluva
Madras Medical College
Thiruvananthapuram Medical College Campus
Subhadra Nair was born on 21 February 1929 at Irinjalakuda, Thrissur, in the south Indian state of Kerala to Krishnan Kutty Menon and Madhavi Amma, one of the pioneer lady doctors in India, as the sister of two elder brothers and one elder sister. Madhavi Amma, a follower of Mahatma Gandhi and a freedom fighter, was a strict disciplinarian and a busy doctor dues to which the young Subhadra was brought up by her maternal aunt.
Subhadra started her schooling at an early age of 3 at the local school in Irinjalakuda and passed matriculation before she turned 14. Madras University, under which Irinjalakuda fell, had minimum age requirement for college studies and Subhadara, being under age, had to move to Travancore University area for college studies. As such, she joined Union Christian College, Aluva and passed the Pre University Course. Again, age prevented her to join a medical course directly, which only Madras University offered and Subhadra joined Maharajas College, Ernakulam to complete her BSc degree.
The medical career of her mother had influenced Subhadra and she had already made up her mind to pursue a career in medicine. Accordingly, in 1947, she moved to Madras, where her eldest brother, Vishwanatha Menon was already a practising diabetologist, to join Madras Medical College from where she passed her MBBS. Though she had opportunities to start medical practice in Madras, along with her brother, Subhadra decided against it and returned to Kerala.
Her career started as the assistant surgeon at the Sree Avittam Thirunal Hospital for women and children in Thiruvananthapuram, part of the Government Medical College, Thiruvananthapuram which was in its infancy at that time. As the Medical College grew, Subhadra joined the faculty as a tutor. To further her teaching career, which required a post graduate degree to enter the mainstream teaching profession, she secured a postgraduate degree with specialisation in gynecology and obstetrics from Patna and Madras universities and soon rose up the ranks. Subhadra Nair retired from the Government service in 1984, as the Head of the Department of Gynecology and Obstetrics.
Nair was married to Gopalakrishnan Nair, a district superintendent with the Kerala Police, who has since died leaving behind two daughters, Asha Nair and Shanthi Nair. Asha Nair is settled in the UK while the younger daughter remains in Thiruvananthapuram. After retiring from the government service, Subhadra joined Cosmopolitan Hospital, Thiruvananthapuram as consultant surgeon of gynecology, when the hospital was a small-time setup. The hospital has now developed into a multi-speciality hospital.
Subhadra Nair lives in Pattom, Thiruvananthapuram, continuing her work as the chairman and the senior consultant of gynecology at the Cosmopolitan Hospital.
Career graph
Assistant surgeon – Sree Avittam Thirunal hospital for women and children
Tutor – Government Medical College, Thiruvananthapuram
Lecturer – Government Medical College, Thiruvananthapuram
Assistant professor – Government Medical College, Thiruvananthapuram
Professor – Government Medical College, Thiruvananthapuram
Director and head of the Department of Gynecology – Government Medical College, Thiruvananthapuram
Consultant surgeon – Cosmopolitan Hospital, Thiruvananthapuram
Senior consultant surgeon – Cosmopolitan Hospital, Thiruvananthapurm
Chairman – Cosmopolitan Hospital, Thiruvananthapuram
Social service
After retirement from government service, Subhadra Nair started working with Abhaya, a charitable organisation engaged in the support service to destitute people. Later, she was attracted to the activities of the Sri Sathya Sai Orphanage Trust, an NGO operating in Thiruvananthapuram and started devoting her attention to the social activities of the Trust.
At Sai Trust, she, along with the founding members, were able to set up a Saigramam, a village to provide shelter and support to the needy. Subhadra, personally stood guarantee for obtaining a bank loan for the construction of the village. The project has since grown to provide social, educational and medical support to a large section of people through Sainiketan (Children's home), Sayoojyam (Old age home), Sathya Sai Vidya Mandir (School), Sai Narayanalayam (Public kitchen), Navajeevanam Free Dialysis Unit and Sai Care Home (centre for differently gifted people). The organisation claims they have provided over 200,000 free dialysis to people from financially poor background.
Subhadra, a trustee of the Saigramam from its inception, is serving as its acting Chairperson. She frequently gives lectures on the subject of gynaecology at various platforms. She has also been involved in the publication of a book on infertility.
M.D. Jayakrishnan K. (Author), M. Subhadra Nair (Foreword) (February 2012). Insights into Infertility Management. Jaypee Brothers Medical Pub. p. 280. ISBN 978-9350255186.
Awards and recognitions
Padma Shri – Government of India – 2014
Fellowship – Commonwealth[9]
Fellowship – World Health Organization
Controversy
In 1990, Shibu Thomas and Geetha Shibu Thomas, parents of Baby Naveen, approached the Kerala State Consumer Disputes Redressal Commission alleging medical negligence on the part of the Cosmopolitan Hospital and the doctors. Baby Naveen was reported to have sustained Birth asphyxia (lack of oxygen), which consequently resulted in Hypoxic-ischemic encephalopathy, but, the commission dismissed the petition citing lack of evidence.[20] The petitioners approached the National Consumer Disputes Redressal Commission with an appeal against the state body's verdict on which the appellate authority allowed a compensation of ₹ 1.35 million with interest, to be paid jointly by the hospital and the doctors. Subhadra, who had to pay approximately ₹500,000, however, maintained that there was no negligence on the part of the doctors.
Master Gurbanta Singh
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Master Gurbanta Singh
Constituency Kartarpur
Personal details
Born 4 August 1904
Died 5 February 1980 (aged 75)
Political party INC
Spouse(s) Sampuran Kaur
Children 3 sons Santokh Singh Chaudhary
Residence Jalandhar
As of 24 May, 2020
Master Gurbanta Singh (4 August 1904 – 5 February 1980) was an Indian politician, educationist and social reformer from Punjab, India.
He was a former member of Unionist Party and then Indian National Congress. Master Gurbanta Singh wss one of the tallest Dalit leaders of Punjab till date.
Early life
Master Gurbanta Singh was born in Dhaliwal village, Jullundur, Punjab in British India. Master did his education from the Jalandhar town and became a school teacher at Sain Dass A.S Sr. Secondary School (Jalandhar).
His political career started when he became village sarpanch. After the influence of Ad Dharm movement he declared himself Ad Dharmi in 1931 census along with other Dalits of Punjab, especially in Doab.
Ad-Dharm Movement
In mid 1920s, Gurbanta Singh came into contact of Mangu Ram Mugowalia, a fellow casteman and also founder member of Ghadar Party. Mangu Ram had started Ad-Dharm movement and established many mandals in Doab regions of Punjab, where Dalit formed major share of population. Though in initial years, Singh's closeness to movement was because of oppression and illireracy among Dalits of Punjab. But later he fully got involved in this social movement and became General Secretary of Ad-Dharm Mandal of Jalandhar. Both Mangu Ram and Gurbanta Singh took Ad-Dharm movement to its zenith and it became most successful Dalit's reform movement in North India. At the same time he joined Unionist Party and fought election unsuccessfully.
After years of long contribution into the movement but due to differences with Seth Kishan Dass another prominent leader of Ad-Dharm movement, he left the mandal and became active into politics.
Politics
Master Gurbanta Singh again fought elections from Jullundur (Reserved Seat) and became successful. He was made Parliamentary Secretary in the Ministry of Malik Khizar Hayat Tiwana (Premier of Punjab).
In 1947, India gained independence and he joined Indian National Congress. He fought elections in 1952 and 1957 also but lost elections. In 1962, he won from Kartarpur constituency and was chosen as cabinet minister in the Cabinet of Pratap Singh Kairon from 1956 to 1964.
He became Agriculture Minister of Punjab and played an instrumental role in establishment of Punjab Agricultural University (Ludhiana), which paved the way for Green Revolution in India and also was a key player in construction of Bhakra Dam.
Gurbanta again elected unopposed in 1972 Punjab Assembly Elections and joined the Ministry of Giani Zail Singh (former C.M of Punjab). He he became six times a member of Punjab Assembly and slowly came to be known as biggest Dalit leader of Punjab in those times even Republican Party of India which was founded by Dr.Ambedkar himself became small infront of his stature.
Gurbanta's political clan
Master Gurbanta's family is known to be one of the biggest political families of Punjab. His elder son, Chaudhary Jagjit Singh became his successor who became Zila Parishad of Jalandhar and later became five-time MLA from Kartarpur seat and then Minister in Beant Singh, Rajinder Kaur Bhattal and Amarinder Singh's ministry. His son Chaudhary Surinder Singh, also became MLA and Zila Parshad but both father son failed to become like Gurbanta Singh.
Gurbanta's youngest son, Santokh Singh Chaudhary became his real political successor even without his declaration and became MLA of Phillaur and then Member of Parliament from Jalandhar. He was also made Chief Parliamentary Secretary, Vice-President of Punjab Congress, four times Cabinet Minister in Punjab govt., also member of Central Board of Film Certification and served parliamentary committees.
His wife, Karamjit Kaur Chaudhary is a retd. principal of Govt. Sports and Arts College (Jalandhar) and also contested from Phillaur seat. Their son, Vikramjeet Singh Chaudhary, was President of Punjab Youth Congress and General Secretary of PPCC.
Legacy
Master Gurbanta Singh Memorial Janta College at Kartarpur, Punjab (India) was established by him which was later renamed after him. Master Gurbanta Singh Marg at Basti Bawa Khel in Jalandhar is also named after him.
Master Gurbanta Singh is known as a Dalit stalwart in Punjab politics and today Dalits are one of the politically strongest communities in Punjab due to works of Master.
Mithavaadi Krishnan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Changaramkumarath Krishnan Vakkeel was a community leader, banker, social reformer, and journalist from Kerala, India.
Biography
C. Krishnan was born in Thrissur on 11 June 1867. He took over the newspaper called Mithavaadi ("Reformist") from Moorkoth Kumaran. Dr. Ayyathan Gopalan a great social reformer of Malabar, Kerala, during those times, was the one who gave C. Krishnan the impetus and advice to start this newspaper. Later on he is known by Mithavaadi C Krishnan. Mitavadi was the "Bible" of the socially depressed and it is also known as the "Magazine of Thiyya's".
The Kochi metro entrance has the history of the Kerala press and C. Krishnan is listed amongst the first under 1907. It says “MITAVADI – From Tellicherry marks the next important milestone in the history of the press in Kerala. It published a daily news sheet featuring the latest news from the war front during the First World War. Separately, the Government of Kerala states "The Mitavadi was in the forefront of the movement for social reforms and the uplift of the weaker sections of society".
C. Krishnan was a follower of Sree Narayana Guru. He was a leader of the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam and was active in organizing the meetings of the northern Malabar district his area of Kerala. He participated in many SNDP yogam conventions and chaired its 9th anniversary at sivagiri along with the consecration ceremony of ‘Sharada’ temple there. He was an excellent organizer and fund raiser for the SNDP. He was appointed the Dharmakartha of all the Ashram properties. He actively participated in Vaikom Satyagraha. In 1907 Krishnan (along with Rarichan Moopan of the famous Kallingal Madom) invited Sree Narayana Guru to Malabar. The guru accepted the invitation and visited many places in Malabar.
C. Krishnan however did not support the freedom movement, and was against the Indian National Congress and Mahatma Gandhi. He supported the British rule because he believed that freedom for rule without freedom from serfdom was meaningless. He blamed Gandhiji for his failure to prevent the Malabar rebellion. He was suspicious of the national freedom that would be won without putting an end to the social inequalities. He wanted the freedom of the oppressed classes to be attained before the nation achieved freedom.
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.
Just after 6 p.m. on April 4, 1968, Martin Luther King, Jr. is fatally shot while standing on the balcony outside his second-story room at the Lorraine Motel in Memphis, Tennessee. The civil rights leader was in Memphis to support a sanitation workers’ strike and was on his way to dinner when a bullet struck him in the jaw and severed his spinal cord. King was pronounced dead after his arrival at a Memphis hospital. He was 39 years old.
In the months before his assassination, Martin Luther King became increasingly concerned with the problem of economic inequality in America. He organized a Poor People’s Campaign to focus on the issue, including a march on Washington, and in March 1968 traveled to Memphis in support of poorly treated African-American sanitation workers. On March 28, a workers’ protest march led by King ended in violence and the death of an African American teenager. King left the city but vowed to return in early April to lead another demonstration.
On April 3, back in Memphis, King gave his last sermon, saying, “We’ve got some difficult days ahead. But it really doesn’t matter with me now, because I’ve been to the mountaintop … And He’s allowed me to go up to the mountain. And I’ve looked over, and I’ve seen the Promised Land. I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight that we, as a people, will get to the promised land.”
One day after speaking those words, Dr. King was shot and killed by a sniper. As word of the assassination spread, riots broke out in cities all across the United States and National Guard troops were deployed in Memphis and Washington, D.C. On April 9, King was laid to rest in his hometown of Atlanta, Georgia. Tens of thousands of people lined the streets to pay tribute to King’s casket as it passed by in a wooden farm cart drawn by two mules.
The evening of King’s murder, a Remington .30-06 hunting rifle was found on the sidewalk beside a rooming house one block from the Lorraine Motel. During the next several weeks, the rifle, eyewitness reports, and fingerprints on the weapon all implicated a single suspect: escaped convict James Earl Ray. A two-bit criminal, Ray escaped a Missouri prison in April 1967 while serving a sentence for a holdup. In May 1968, a massive manhunt for Ray began. The FBI eventually determined that he had obtained a Canadian passport under a false identity, which at the time was relatively easy.
On June 8, Scotland Yard investigators arrested Ray at a London airport. He was trying to fly to Belgium, with the eventual goal, he later admitted, of reaching Rhodesia. Rhodesia, now called Zimbabwe, was at the time ruled by an oppressive and internationally condemned white minority government. Extradited to the United States, Ray stood before a Memphis judge in March 1969 and pleaded guilty to King’s murder in order to avoid the electric chair. He was sentenced to 99 years in prison.
Three days later, he attempted to withdraw his guilty plea, claiming he was innocent of King’s assassination and had been set up as a patsy in a larger conspiracy. He claimed that in 1967, a mysterious man named “Raoul” had approached him and recruited him into a gunrunning enterprise. On April 4, 1968, he said, he realized that he was to be the fall guy for the King assassination and fled to Canada. Ray’s motion was denied, as were his dozens of other requests for a trial during the next 29 years.
During the 1990s, the widow and children of Martin Luther King, Jr. spoke publicly in support of Ray and his claims, calling him innocent and speculating about an assassination conspiracy involving the U.S. government and military. U.S. authorities were, in conspiracists’ minds, implicated circumstantially. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover obsessed over King, who he thought was under communist influence. For the last six years of his life, King underwent constant wiretapping and harassment by the FBI. Before his death, Dr. King was also monitored by U.S. military intelligence, which may have been asked to watch King after he publicly denounced the Vietnam War in 1967. Furthermore, by calling for radical economic reforms in 1968, including guaranteed annual incomes for all, King was making few new friends in the Cold War-era U.S. government.
Over the years, the assassination has been reexamined by the House Select Committee on Assassinations, the Shelby County, Tennessee, district attorney’s office, and three times by the U.S. Justice Department. The investigations all ended with the same conclusion: James Earl Ray killed Martin Luther King. The House committee acknowledged that a low-level conspiracy might have existed, involving one or more accomplices to Ray, but uncovered no evidence to definitively prove this theory. In addition to the mountain of evidence against him—such as his fingerprints on the murder weapon and his admitted presence at the rooming house on April 4—Ray had a definite motive in assassinating King: hatred. According to his family and friends, he was an outspoken racist who informed them of his intent to kill Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. He died in 1998.
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. is assassinated
Author
Website Name
Access Date
April 4, 2021
Publisher : A&E Television Networks
Last Updated : April 1, 2021
Original Published Date : November 24, 2009
M Kunjikannan
From Wikipedia
M Kunjikannan Master
journalist, Gandhian, educational and social activist
Personal details
Born : 3 March 1926
Mavilodan Kunjikannan
Died 30 June 2010 (aged 83)
Kozhikode, Kerala, India
Spouse(s) Kundancheri Narayani
Mavilodan Kunjikannan (Malayalam: മാവിലോടന് കുഞ്ഞികണ്ണന്) (3 March 1926 – 30 June 2010), popularly known as Kunjikannan Mash or Kunjikannan Master, was a journalist, Gandhian, and educational and social activist among tribals in Wayanad district of Kerala, India. He wrote for the Malayalam language newspaper Mathrubhumi starting in 1970. He also worked as reporter for Thozhilali, a newspaper published in Thrissur, Kerala. He was president of Kalpetta Girijan Co-Operative Society, and was a member of the Kerala Tribal Board, the State Orphanage Control Board and the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee.
Manasi Pradhan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Manasi Pradhan
Born 4 October 1962
Banapur, Khordha district, Odisha, India
Nationality Indian
Education M. A. in Odia literature, LL.B.
Alma mater Utkal University, G.M. Law College, Puri
Occupation Women's Rights Activist, Author and Poet
Organization Nirbhaya Vahini, OYSS Women, Nirbhaya Samaroh
Notable work Urmi-O-Uchchwas, Akasha Deepa, Swagatika
Movement Honour for Women National Campaign
Awards Stree Shakti Puraskar
2013
Outstanding Women Award
2011
Manasi Pradhan (born 4 October 1962) is an Indian women's rights activist and author. She is the founder of Honour for Women National Campaign, a nationwide movement to end violence against women in India. In 2014, she was conferred with Rani Laskhmibai Stree Shakti Puraskar by the President of India. Along with Mary Prema Pierick, global head of the Missionaries of Charity, she won the 'Outstanding Women Award' in 2011.
Pradhan is frequently featured by international publications and organizations. In 2016, the New York based Bustle (magazine) named her among 20 most inspiring Feminists Authors and Activists. In 2017, the Los Angeles based Welker Media Inc. named her among 12 most powerful feminist change makers. In 2018, the Oxford Union of University of Oxford invited her to address the union.
She is the founder of Nirbhaya Vahini, Nirbhaya Samaroh and OYSS Women. She has served on the panel of Central Board of Film Certification (Censor Board) for India[20] and Inquiry Committee of the National Commission for Women.
Born to a poor family in a remote village of Odisha, she fought successfully the widely prevalent social taboo against educating women, walked 15 km daily amidst hilly terrain and swamp to the only high school in the entire region to emerge as first woman matriculate of her village and subsequently the first woman law graduate of her region. The life story of Manasi Pradhan has been adopted as documentaries in United States and Israel.
Early life and education
Pradhan was born to a poor family in a remote village called Ayatapur in Banapur block of Khordha district, Odisha. She was the eldest among two daughters and a son born to Hemalata Pradhan and Godabarish Pradhan. Her father was a farmer and mother a house wife.
Female education was considered a major taboo in most rural areas of Banapur then. Girls were rarely allowed to attend high school. After completing her middle school in the village, there was strong pressure to end her studies. Further, there was no high school in the nearby areas.
She walked 15 km daily, amidst hilly terrain and swamp, to the only high school in the entire region, to emerge as the first woman to pass high school examination in her village.
After completing her schooling from Patitapaban High School in Gambharimunda, the family shifted to Puri for her college education. With little earning from the village farmland, it became difficult to sustain. Soon after passing the intermediate examination, she had to work to support her family and her studies. She earned a B.A. in Economics from Government Women’s College, Puri, and M.A. in Odia literature from Utkal University. She obtained Bachelor of Laws from G.M. Law College, Puri.
President of India Pranab Mukherjee bestowing the 2013 Rani Lakshmibai Stree Shakti Puraskar on Manasi Pradhan at Rashtrapati Bhawan in New Delhi on 8 March 2014.
Career
She worked with the finance department, Govt. of Odisha and Andhra Bank for a short period but left both to pursue her own passion. In October 1983, at the age of 21, she began her own printing business and a literary journal. In few years time, the business grew exponentially, putting her in the league of few successful women entrepreneurs of her time.
Activism
In 1987, she founded OYSS Women. The initial motive was to help girl students achieve higher education and develop them as future leaders in the society. OYSS Women has been organizing leadership workshops, education and vocational training camps, legal awareness and self-defense camps, nurturing thousands of young women as prospective leaders in their chosen field.
Apart from the above, the organization undertakes numerous activities and events and is widely credited for pioneering contribution in empowering women. The organization is also spearheading the Honour for Women National Campaign.
Honour for Women National Campaign
In November 2009, she launched the Honour for Women National Campaign, a nationwide movement to end violence against women in India. The movement has been instrumental in galvanizing the nation against women atrocities.
The movement employs a multi-pronged strategy to fight the menace of violence against women in India.
It uses a plethora of vehicles i.e. women’s rights stall, women’s rights festival, women’s rights meets, women’s rights literature, audio-visual displays, street plays etc. to raise awareness on legal and institutional provisions to fight atrocities on women.
On the other hand, it puts pressure on the state by mobilizing public opinion and sustained campaigning for institutional changes and correctional measures to contain violence against women.
In 2013, after a four year long churning involving a series of national seminars, workshops and consultations involving stakeholders from across India, the movement came up with a detailed draft charting its fight to end violence against women.
In 2014, the movement released a Four-Point Charter of Demand for all state governments of India. In the same year, it launched Nirbhaya Vahini, consisting of over 10,000 volunteers spread across India to mobilize public opinion and engage in a sustained campaign for implementation of its four-point charter of demand.
Four-Point Charter of Demand
In 2014, the Honour for Women National Campaign headed by Manasi Pradhan released a four-point charter of demand for all state governments of India. The charter forms a cornerstone of the movement and has led several state governments to make suitable amendments.
Complete clamp down on liquor trade
Self-defense training for women as part of educational curriculum
Special protection force for women security in every district
Fast-track court and special investigating & prosecuting wing for crime against women in every district.
Muktyala Raja
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Raja Vasireddy Ramagopala Krishna Maheswara Prasad
Statue of Muktyala Raja at Nagarjuna Sagar project site.
Born 4 October 1917
Muktyala village, Krishna district, Andhra Pradesh, India.
Died 28 August 1972 (aged 54)
Nationality Indian
Occupation Zamindar of Muktyala
Known for Nagarjuna Sagar Dam
Raja Vasireddy Ramagopala Krishna Maheswara Prasad, popularly known as Muktyala Raja (4 October 1917 – 28 August 1972) was a zamindar of Muktyala, politician, and patron of Ayurveda. He was instrumental in the construction of the Nagarjuna Sagar Dam, the tallest masonry dam in the world, located across the Krishna River between Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. He also represented the Jaggayyapeta Constituency in the Andhra Legislature.
Early life
Vasireddy Ramagopala Krishna Maheswara Prasad was born in the Muktyala village of Krishna District to Raja Vasireddy Chandramauleeshvara Prasad Bahadur of the Muktyala Samasthanam and his wife in a Kamma family. He descends from Vasireddy Venkatadri Nayudu, was the brother-in-law of the Raja of Challapalli (Yarlagadda Sivarama Prasad),and the nephew of the Raja of Jayanthipuram (Vasireddy Durga Sadasiveswara Prasad).He married Yarlagadda Rajya Lakshmamma (Muktyala Rani), the sister of the Raja of Challapalli.
Work
The Raja of Muktyala strived hard for the construction of the Pulichinthala Project across the Krishna River and put the project on track. Former Union Minister of Irrigation & Power Kanuri Lakshmana Rao said that Vasireddy suffered for leading the agitation for the Pulichinthala Project.
Vasireddy came to know that the Government of the Madras Presidency had made plans to divert Krishna River water to Madras by linking the Krishna and Pennar rivers. He embarked upon a tour of nine districts of Andhra Pradesh to collect the signatures of people in favour of the Nagarjuna Sagar Dam project. He traveled through the thick and inhospitable jungles near Macherla to visit the site of Nandikonda and formed a team of retired engineers at his own expense to make the project plans and designs. The government of Madras tried to scuttle his plans for which the Raja established the 'Krishna Farmers Welfare Society' and exerted pressure on the Government of India in favour of the Nagarjuna Sagar Dam. The Government of India instituted the Khosla Committee but the committee refused to visit the site on the excuse that there was no motorable road to Nandikonda. The Raja gathered villagers and volunteers from twenty five villages and built a road at his own expense. The Khosla committee visited the site and found it to be the most ideal location to build a gigantic dam across the river.
There were attempts to suppress the report of the Khosla committee. The Raja went to New Delhi and with the support of N. G. Ranga, Moturi Hanumantha Rao and Kotha Raghuramaiah resurrected the report, distributed it to important people and urged the Planning Commission (Government of India) to take cognizance.
Chandulal Trivedi, the Governor of the state of Andhra Pradesh urged the Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to accept the report of the Khosla Committee. An announcement was made in 1954 for the construction of the project. The foundation stone was laid on 10 December 1955. The Raja of Muktyala donated fifty two lakh rupees (crores of rupees in today's money) and fifty five thousand acres of land as a matching grant for the project construction.
The Raja of Muktyala was also a patron of Ayurveda. The Arsa Rasayana Sala of Muktyala, which contained unique Ayurveda literature in its libraries and published Sanskrit and Telugu Ayurvedic works like the Carucarya in 1957, functioned under his patronization. The patronage that the Rajas of Muktyala gave to the revival of Ayurveda has been described as "remarkable." Many notable classical musicians, poets, and scholars were also patronized at the Muktyala Samasthanam.
Martin Macwan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
life and career
He is one of 11 children. As a student, he watched assaults and killings of fellow Dalits, which motivated him to become an activist for Dalit rights.
He barely escaped death in 1986 when colleagues were murdered during a land rights campaign. Since suffering this tragedy, Macwan has fought to bring the killers, a group of feudal Darbars, to justice. He founded the Navsarjan Trust in 1989 to promote the rights of Dalits, addressing issues of land rights, minimum wages, and women’s rights. He served as the organization's director until 2004, and he has also served as a convener of the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights.
Macwan has been trying to gain more exposure to the plight of Dalits, and has argued that the caste system violates the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, in hopes of gaining international attention to the discrimination against the untouchable class. He argues that the caste system cannot be considered simply a domestic matter: "We say that India did support the U.S. civil rights movement in the 1960s, and also the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa ... In this era of the globalization of markets and of human rights, no country can claim that it's a domestic matter. It's a universal concern."
Legacy and awards
The U.S.-based Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice and Human Rights presented him its Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award in 2000. In the same year, Human Rights Watch named him one of the year's five "outstanding human rights defenders".
He was also engaged in the bringing together of the Dalit Mithila artists of the godana tradition from Bihar. The godana or tattoo style within the Mithila paintings is practiced by the women of the Dusadh caste of the MIthila region.[6] As Sindalli Thakur says "Macwan's plan was to introduce these painters to the dalit discourse, make them acquainted with icons like Phule and Ambedkar, and inspire them to paint these icons and themes related to caste discrimination. Some of the themes that these artists depicted at Macwan's organization include aspects of Ambedkar and Phule's life histories, such as the Mahad Satyagraha of 1927: caste discrimination in schools and in the access to public resources like village wells."
Narendra Nayak
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Narendra Nayak
Born 5 February 1951
Occupation Rationalist, sceptic, columnist and biochemistry professor
Spouse(s) Asha Nayak
Prof Narendra Nayak during a miracle-exposure program conducted at Ayodhya on 5 November 2007 during the First All India Conference of Arjak Sangh, an affiliate of FIRA
Narendra Nayak (born 5 February 1951) is a rationalist, sceptic, and godman debunker from Mangalore, Karnataka, India.
Nayak is the current president of the Federation of Indian Rationalist Associations (FIRA). He founded the Dakshina Kannada Rationalist Association in 1976 and has been its secretary since then. He also founded an NGO called Aid Without Religion in July 2011. He tours the country conducting workshops to promote scientific temper and showing people how to debunk godmen and frauds. He has conducted over 2000 such demonstrations in India, including some in Australia, Greece, England, Norway, Denmark, Sri Lanka and Nepal. He is also a polyglot who speaks 9 languages fluently, which helps him when he is giving talks in various parts of the country.
Life and work
Nayak was named after Swami Vivekananda (born Narendra Nath Datta). He has stated that seeing his father's business premises being repossessed by the bank and his father buying a lottery ticket on the advice of an astrologer to pay off the loan with the total confidence that it would get the first prize made him turn to rationalism.[5] He married Asha Nayak, a lawyer in Mangaluru in a non-religious ceremony. Nayak started out working as a lecturer in the Department of biochemistry in the Kasturba Medical College in Mangalore in 1978. In 1982, he met Basava Premanand, a notable rationalist from Kerala, and was influenced by him.
Activism
Nayak decided to take on full-time anti-superstition activism in 2004 when he heard that a girl had been sacrificed in Gulbarga in Karnataka He was an assistant professor of biochemistry when he took voluntary retirement on 25 November 2006, after working there for 28 years.
Before the general election in 2009, Nayak laid an open challenge to any soothsayer to answer 25 questions correctly about the forthcoming elections. The prize was set at ₹1,000,000 (about US$15,000). About 450 responses were mailed to him, but none were found to be correct. The Federation of Indian Rationalist Associations has been conducting such challenges since 1991. During May 2013 Karnataka state assembly election, disappointed at the challenge being one-sided, Nayak had decided against the idea of challenging astrologers this time. But when a Bengaluru-based astrologer Shankar Hegde made claims to predict the election results accurately, he received the challenge. Nayak offered to hand over a cheque of Rs.10 lakh (after deducting taxes as applicable under income Tax Act), if 19 out of the 20 results were proven right. However, later on astrologer Hegde did not turn up.
Through the organisation named Aid Without Religion which was registered in July 2011, he has been helping people and institutions where there are no religious rituals, superstitious practices, unscientific systems of medicine and such supernatural beliefs. The registration was done at Rahu Kalam, a time of the day which is the most inauspicious - so it was a double rather a triple whammy, a Saturday, new moon day that too in the month of Ati which is considered to be the most unlucky time and at Rahu Kalam
He has been featured on National Geographic's television show Is it real?. He has also appeared on the Discovery Channel. He has been a regular columnist at the newspaper Mangalore Today since its inception. He also serves on the editorial board of the Folks Magazine.
He has admitted to have been attacked for his activism a few times. He also has stated that his scooter's brake wires were once found severed, after an astrologer predicted his death or injury.
He was also involved in fighting against Midbrain activation, an alleged modern technique that enables students to see objects despite being blindfolded.
Views
Nayak advocates that more people should be taught to perform the so-called miracles of godmen. He also advocates that people should be trained to recognize pseudoscience and demand scientific evidence. He holds the opinion that well-known scientists should be convinced to join the cause and form pressure groups against pseudoscience. He is also lobbying for a bill for the separation of state and religion to be introduced in the Indian parliament. After the murder of anti-superstition activist Narendra Dabholkar and enactment of the anti-superstition ordinance in Maharashtra state, Nayak expressed the need of a similar law in Karnataka.
Awards
2011 "Distinguished Service to Humanism Award" from the International Humanist and Ethical Union
2015 "Lawrence Pinto Human Rights Award" from the Friends of Lawry
Neiliezhü Üsou
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Neiliezhü Üsou
Born 7 July 1941
Nerhema Village, Kohima District, then Assam, British India
Died 30 January 2009 (aged 67)
Organization Angami Baptist Church Council
Spouse(s) Rüülhou-ü Üsou
Children Neikhrieo, Aviü, Asou, Aleü, Akobu, Ameü and Azha.
Awards Bharat Jyoti Award (2000),
International Gold Star Award (2001),Jawaharlal Nehru Excellence Award (2001)
Neiliezhü Üsou (7 July 1941 – 30 January 2009) was an influential Baptist minister and public leader from the North-Eastern state of India, Nagaland. He belonged to the Angami Naga tribe and hailed from Nerhema Village in Kohima district, Nagaland, India. He was well known for his interpretive skills, powerful sermons and involvement with the State Government.
Early life and education
Neiliezhü Üsou was born on 7 July 1941, in Nerhema village, in Kohima District. His father, Putsolie Üsou, was the village head. His early education was the village primary school. He came from a non-Christian family, and was inspired to become a missionary by witnessing B. I. Anderson, an American missionary, and his wife playing piano accordion during their visit to Nerhema Village Baptist Church in 1951, led by Kenneth Kerhüo. He took water baptism on 13 March 1953, from Rev. Kevizelie. He joined the Naga National Movement and went underground for sometime. He resurfaced and continued his schooling in Government High School, Kohima. He joined Eastern Theological College (ETC), Jorhat, Assam and did his Bachelor of Theology from 1960 to 1964. Seeing his interest in Music he was sent to Leonard Theological College (LTC), Jabalpur, Madhya Pradesh by an American missionary, Dr. Frederick S. Downs, where he did his Religious Education in Church Music from 1964 to 1965.
Üsou joined Baptist English School, Kohima as teacher for sometime and married the youngest daughter of Rev. Zhapuzhülie Sekhose, Rüülhou-ü, on 18 December 1965, at the age of 24.
Family
Rev. Dr. Neiliezhü Üsou and his wife Rüülhou-ü have seven children: three sons and four daughters. They have two daughters-in-law, two sons-in-law and eight grandchildren. Most of the children are involved in Christian Ministry.
Ministry
Angami Baptist Church Council (ABCC)
After his theological studies he joined the Angami Baptist Church Council (ABCC) as Superintendent of Mission Hostel under ABCC from 1966 to 1968 and also in 1971. He also served as Youth Director of ABCC in 1968, 1971 and as Youth Promoter in 1972. He started Nagaland Christian Youth Movement (NCYM) in 1970 and Angami Youth Gospel Team (AYGT) in 1971 as the Director respectively.
The ABCC gave him license in 1974 and in 1975 he was appointed as Evangelist-at-Largeand held the same post until 1977. He was the Vice President of the ABCC during 1987 to 1989.
Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC)
Üsou was the first Honorary Youth Director of Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) in 1972 and actively participated in the Billy Graham Crusade held in Kohima the same year. He became the Liaison Committee member of Nagaland Peace Council under the aegis of NBCC from 1975 till 2009. He led the Naga Choir as a Choir Director to IndiaYouth for Christ convention in 1975 at Kolkata.
Üsou along with other members of Nagaland Peace Council met the then Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi, and Home Minister, Giani Zail Singh, in October 1979 at the Prime Minister's Office, New Delhi in connection with peace work in Nagaland. He actively took part in the movement spearheaded by Nagaland Baptist Church Council for total liquor prohibition in Nagaland which finally culminated in the Government of Nagaland passing the, still widely debated, Nagaland Liquor Total Prohibition Act (NLTP) in 1989 in the Nagaland State Legislative Assembly.
He attended the 16th Baptist World Alliance Congress at Seoul, South Korea from 14 to 18 August 1990 and was among the 370 Ordained ministers from 149 countries to take part in a mass Baptism at the Olympic rowing competition site in Misari Regatta, where 10,000 candidates received water baptism.
Council of Baptist Churches in North East India (CBCNEI)
In 1974 he was sent by the Council of Baptist Churches in Northeast India (CBCNEI) to Arunachal Pradesh to conduct two weeks music seminar. Incidentally Arunachal Pradesh was famous for persecution of Christians during that time. He successfully carried out the dangerous mission trip conducting music classes in the afternoons and Bible studies in the evenings.
School of Music
He established the first Government approved institute for Music studies in Nagaland, the School of Music, Kohima, on 13 August 1969, and has held the position of Founding Proprietor until his death. The school has been producing many amateur musicians and Church pianists and now has voice, violin, piano, saxophone, drums and conductingdepartments under the music exam boards of ABRSM (the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music) and Trinity Guildhall, London.
Ministers' Hill Baptist Church (MHBC)
Üsou was installed as full-time Pastor on 1 October 1978, at Ministers' Hill Baptist Church(MHBC), located at a hillock named Ministers' Hill Colony because it quarters Government Ministers.[1][4] He successfully completed twenty five years as full-time pastor and was conferred the title of Senior Pastor during the Silver Jubilee celebration held on 12 October 2003, attended by many Church leaders and believers from various Churches including the State Chief Minister, Neiphiu Rio. The same evening a musical concert was organized to honour him. He opened the concert singing his favourite song "His Eye Is on the Sparrow". Many local musicians and veteran singers participated. He was ordained on 20 December 1981, by Rev. L. Bizo at Ministers' Hill Baptist Church (MHBC) and celebrated twenty five years as ordained minister on 20 December 2006. During his Pastorship the Church grew from strength to strength, the Church managed school Ministers' Hill Baptist English School was alleviated to Higher Secondary level, Ministers' Hill Baptist Higher Secondary School(MHBHSS), in 1998. The Church and the School has been producing many theologiansand missionaries. His dream project "The new church building" was completed and dedicated by him on 22 December 2002.
The Royal British Legion (RBL)
Üsou served as Officiating Chaplain of the Royal British Legion (RBL) from 1994 till 2009.Kohima is famous for the Battle of Kohima between the British and Japanese during the Second World War. The slain soldiers of UK, India and Nagaland are buried in Kohima War Cemetery.Every three years the relatives and war survivors from the United Kingdom visit Kohima for memorial services where he conduct these solemn occasions.
He chaired the Remembrance Day service along with some Agape members from Japan led by Keiko Holmes, recipient of OBE, working for reconciliation on 11 November 2002, at Kohima War Cemetery.
Music
Apart from his education in Church music, Üsou did Condensed Piano Course from Kolkata in 1972 to equip himself better. He played several musical instruments with the piano accordion as his favorite. He formed his family musical band christened Üsou's Instrumental Praise in 2002, where he plays piano accordion; his three sons on piano, saxophone, acoustic and bass guitar, Hawaiian guitar, drum and a daughter on violin and cello. They are considered to be the only musical family in Nagaland and they perform in different concerts, government functions and Churches.Üsou was a composer and has composed many songs, including few theme songs which are sung by the respective members on appropriate and specific occasions.
Crusades
He conducted several Revival Crusades in Nagaland and was invited to a number of such crusades and Churches to speak. He was considered to be one of the best interpreter in Nagaland and has interpreted renowned preachers including Billy Kim, Frederick S. Downs and Roger Houstma. His interpretive skill was marked by speed, accuracy and enthusiasm.
Governmental engagements
Üsou closely associated with successive Governments in Nagaland. Some of his notable engagements with the Government are:
During the occasion of distribution of tickets to a Political party for Nagaland general election in 1987 by the then Prime Minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi, he offered Dedicatory prayer for the candidates and for peaceful election.
He dedicated the newly built Nagaland State Secretariat Building with over 200 rooms on 30 May 1994.
He invoked God's blessings during the State level peace rally held on 13 March 1999, participated by thousands of people where Sonia Gandhi was the Chief Guest.
He offered dedicatory prayer at the inauguration of the newly built Governor's Office, the Naga Bhavan,at Raj Bhavan, Kohima on 15 August 1999.
He also invoked God's blessing for the Kargil War heroes on the occasion of Kargil Vijay Diwas at Durbar Hall, Raj Bhavan, Kohima on 26 July 2000.
During the Indian Republic Day celebration on 26 January 2002, he chaired the farewell ceremony of the outgoing Governor of Nagaland, Om Prakash Sharma, and delivered the farewell message at Durbar Hall, Raj Bhavan, Kohima.
He offered invocation prayer on the public reception to the new Governor of Nagaland, Shyamal Datta on 4 February 2002.
He offered dedicatory prayer at the inauguration of the Multi Purpose Sports Complex at Indira Gandhi Stadium, Kohima, on 1 August 2007, where Union Minister for Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports, Mani Shankar Aiyar, was the Chief Guest.
Others
He was twice Chairman of Kohima Baptist Pastors' Fellowship (KBPF) in 1982 and from 1995 to 2004. Prompted by the resolution passed on 27 March 1984, by the Kohima Baptist Pastors' Fellowship that Tribal tunes and songs could be used in Christian worship, an Indigenous Tribal Music Concert was organized at Kohima College Auditorium under his chairmanship on 8 June 1984, which was wholeheartedly participated by all Naga Tribal Churches in Kohima.
He was the President of All Nagaland Baptist Pastors' Union (ANBPU) from 1994 till 1999 and President of Kohima Baptist Church Council (KBCC) from 1999 till 2001. One of Üsou's most remarkable achievement is that under his leadership the Kohima Baptist Pastors' Fellowship (KBPF) organized a mass Holy Communion on Easter Sundaysunrise service held at Kohima War Cemetery on 16 April 1995, where believers from different denominations from all over Kohima city, in thousands, took part.
He baptized and served the Holy Communion to the Naga Vigil Prisoner of Conscience, David P. Ward, a British citizen, on 12 March 1993, in Kohima District Jail.
He was the Convenor of the historic Naga Shisha Hoho Assembly where 120,000 Nagascongregated from 25 to 27 February 1994, and pledged to pray for peace and unity amongst the people.
Awards and honors
Neiliezhü Üsou was awarded the prestigious Glory of India Award (also called Bharat Jyoti Award) on 21 December 2000; International Gold Star Millennium Award and the Jawaharlal Nehru Excellence Award for enriching human life and outstanding attainments on 2 March 2001, by the India International Friendship Society (IIFS) at New Delhi.
He was conferred Doctorate in Divinity (D.D) by the International Institute of Church Management (IICM) on 24 August 2002, at Gurukul Theological College, Chennai.
Works
Üsou researched on Naga indigenous music from 1981 to 1984 and published a booklet and also produced an audio cassette in 1985 with an aim to bring the Naga tribes closer through spiritual unity. He also produced his own audio cassette of Christmas songs.
He has compiled a number of song books which are widely used in school assemblies and Revival crusades. His book Elementary Music is used in Nagaland Schools as an externally assessed subject approved by Nagaland Board of School Education (NBSE). He also wrote a book on Naga Music, Naga Identity which was published in 2007.
Later years
He fell sick in the first part of 2006 and was admitted to Sir Ganga Ram Hospital, New Delhiin the month of August and underwent major surgery. The Chief Minister of Nagaland, Neiphiu Rio, and many other dignitaries and well-wishers visited him at the Hospital. He was admitted to Apollo Hospital, New Delhi for follow-up treatment.
Under his Chairmanship his native village Nerhema Baptist Church successfully celebrated 100 years of Christianity from 15 to 17 December 2006. In July 2007, the Üsou launched the Naga Global Mission (NGM). The most significant achievement of this Mission is having supported two missionaries in China. Soon after, he visited the United States during August 2007 on the invitation by Mt. Gilead Church, Indianapolis and gave sermons in different churches in Indianapolis, Kentucky, Michigan and Ohio.
His family band Üsou's Instrumental Praise gave a music concert at the State Academy Hall, Kohima on 25 October 2007, under the theme "Transcend" which was attended by the State Chief Minister, his Cabinet colleagues and many well-wishers. Üsou's performance in this concert is seen as his last public performance.
Declining health and death
His health deteriorated and he was once again rushed to Apollo Hospital, New Delhi and in the month of November 2007, he was shifted to Tata Memorial Hospital in Mumbai for further treatment. For the first time in his entire ministry he was compelled to spend the festive season of Christmas far away from his family and Church. It was during this very critical period that the Nagaland Baptist Church Council (NBCC) General Secretary, Rev. Zhabu Terhüja, wrote an appeal to all the Nagaland Churches to pray for his health. Prayers of the believers were answered and he came back home stronger and was able to continue serving the Lord by being one of the main speakers during the crucial Naga Peace Convention held from 22 to 24 February 2008, at Dimapur.
Üsou died on 30 January 2009, at Naga Hospital, Kohima. His remains was kept for two days in his residence enabling thousands of mourners to pay their respect. His funeral service took place at 2:00 PM IST on Sunday, 1 February 2009, in his Church (MHBC) and was attended by thousands. His demise was mourned by the then Governor of Nagaland, K. Sankaranarayanan, the then Governor of Maharashtra, S.C. Jamir, Naga Hoho, different organizations and Churches in Nagaland and the United States. Speakers at the Funeral included the Chief Minister of Nagaland; representatives from various government and civil societies.
Nanak Chand Rattu
Nanak Chand Rattu was born on 6th February 1922, in village Sakruli, in Hoshiarpur District of Punjab. He is best known as the most closely associated and loyal Private Secretary to Dr.Ambedkar who served him, sacrificing personal gains, his family, official career, ambitions and inspiration for over 17 years, from January 3, 1940 up to Dr.Ambedkar’s death on December 6, 1956.
Sh. Nanak Chand on passing his Matriculation Examination in 1938, came to Delhi in November 1939 in search of a job. After facing many difficulties he got a job in the Government of India, in 1941. While in service he worked his way up and passed the B.A degree Examination. He came in contact with Dr Ambedkar and abandoned his studies before taking his M.A.examination to, serve Dr.Ambedkar with exemplary dedication.
He has carved such a place of Honour – undergoing sufferings, carping humiliations, troubles and tribulations, for a great cause of the oppressed millions – and living so dominantly in the sweet hearts of Dalit masses / Buddhists, that they held him high esteem as being the reflex of their savior, the Great Dr. Baba Sahib Ambedkar. Like a shadow he remained in the sacred service of his Messiah Dr.Ambedkar.
He was awarded Bheem Medal, Bheem Rattan Award, Ambedkar Centenary Award, Anand Award, Ambedkar Rattan Centenary Award, Vishvrattan Dr.Ambedkar Bhushan Award and Letters of Appreciation, grandly and befittingly presented to him by Dr.Ambedkar organizations in India, United Kingdom and Germany, in recognition of his unique services to Dr.Ambedkar and a reputed social worker of outstanding qualities. The felicitations and honors that he received are uniquely superb and ceremonious. After the untimely death of his master Dr Ambedkar Dr. Savita Ambedkar also known as Mai sahib called first to Nanak Chand Rattu and he was perhaps the first person to see Dr Ambedkar as dead after Mai sahib. He accompanied the dead body to Bombay now Mumbai. Nanak Chand Rattu had embraced Buddhism with Baba Sahib.
In Dr.Ambedkar’s heroic, great, glorious history of liberating battle, he is assigned a golden chapter by reputed biographers, research scholars, eminent writers and journalists who have produced volumes of literature on Dr.Ambedkar, from the material and information readily given by him, gratefully acknowledged in their writings. He also has written some books on the life, Last days, and Mission of Dr Ambedkar. Nanak Chand Rattu’s writing give vivid description of events related with Dr. Ambedkar, including last days neglect by his wife, family dispute and many such heart rendering events. He is said to have started the first games in the open naming the place as Dr Ambedkar Stadium, which now holds world level games events in Delhi.
With his restless endeavors, Ambedkar Museum, set up by him at Nagpur, is going to be the historical monument and the world famous Buddhist Pilgrimage Centre. Apart, his effort to build “Ambedkar Guest House” for the convenience of the visitors is laudable.
Nanak Chand Rattu retired as under secretary from Central Government on February 29, 1980. . He breathed his last on 15th September 2002. But till his last days he was actively associated with the spread of Dhamma and the noble mission of Dr. Baba Sahib Ambedkar.
Nodeep Kaur
Why Nodeep Kaur, Dalit labour activist part of farmer protest, is behind bars for a month now
Nodeep Kaur is a member of Mazdoor Adhikar Sangathan that joined farmers' protest at Singhu to air grievances about alleged non-payment of salaries and harassment by employers.
Labour rights activist Nodeep Kaur | ThePrint
New Delhi: Until December 2020, Nodeep Kaur, a 24-year-old from Punjab, worked at a firm in the Kundli Industrial Area (KIA) in Sonepat, which lies just about 3 kilometres from the Singhu Delhi-Haryana border.
Since her arrest on 12 January, the young Dalit labourer has become the face of a labour rights campaign that has run parallel to the farmers’ protest.
The campaign began in December and has since not just sought inspiration from the farmers’ agitation but also adopted Singhu as a stage to voice their own concerns about alleged non-payment of salaries and harassment by employers at the KIA — allegations denied by the Kundli Industrial Association, which represents local industry owners.
The campaign, led by the Mazdoor Adhikar Sangathan (MAS), a three-year-old labour organisation, has become a subject of controversy that centres on Kaur’s arrest.
Kaur’s family claims she was sexually assaulted and tortured in custody, but Sonepat police have denied the allegations.
Nodeep Kaur, police say, was detained during a gherao around an industrial unit that erupted in violence on 12 January.
Kaur is a member of the MAS, which has its own tent at Singhu. Two FIRs have been filed against her in connection with alleged violence in KIA on 12 January, where the charges invoked include the non-bailable sections 307, 384 and 379 of the Indian Penal Code — attempt to murder, extortion and theft, respectively.
According to her lawyer Vikas Attri, she faces another FIR under sections 148, 149, 384 and 506 (rioting, unlawful assembly, extortion and criminal intimidation, respectively) from a clash on 28 December.
She was denied bail by a Haryana court last week, and her next bail hearing is slated for Monday, 8 February.
Besides Nodeep, MAS president Shiv Kumar has also been arrested. Attri told ThePrint last week that Kumar has been sent to judicial custody in Sonepat jail.
‘Sexually assaulted in custody’
Nodeep, 24, is from Punjab’s Sri Muktsar Sahib. She has studied till Class 12.
Speaking to ThePrint, her sister Rajveer Kaur said Nodeep was sexually assaulted in police custody.
“I met her (Nodeep) on 13 January when she told me that she was beaten by both male and female officers in her private parts,” she added. “Haryana Police got involved and attacked the protesting labourers on 12 January. There was no female officer present. My sister was beaten up there and then picked up and taken to the police station,” she added.
Rajveer said she last met her sister on 13 January, while Attri last met her on 23 January.
“We raised the issue of sexual assault in court and are currently awaiting medical reports. But this has already been delayed so much that we don’t know how accurate the report will be,” Attri said.
“We filed for a medical report on 15 January… The judge gave the chief medical officer direction on 18 January to carry out an exam but did not inform the jail authorities. The medical exam finally took place on 25 January, (and) we were told the report will take one week to 15 days,” he added.
Sonepat police have denied these allegations. “Nothing of this sort happened. These are all false allegations. After arresting Nodeep, we took her straight to hospital, got her medical exam done, and then presented her in court before taking her to the Karnal jail,” Investigating Officer Shamsher Singh told ThePrint.
“She was not sexually assaulted, Mahila thanedar (policewoman) Sonia was there at all times.”
In a statement issued Saturday, the Sonepat police reiterated the denial.
Referring to a 1 February article published by the Sikh Press Association on the allegations made by Kaur’s family, and “similar messages… circulated on social media platforms about (Kaur’s) illegal detention and harassment”, Sonepat police said it “negates the concocted version”.
It said Nodeep and other activists got “violent and started beating the police officials with huge lathis and sticks” when they arrived to tackle a “gherao of an industrial unit… by certain members of Mazdoor Adhikar Sangathan”.
They had received a complaint about the “manhandling of staff/management”, and “illegal extortion of money from the factory owners by the activists, under the garb of workers’ unpaid salaries”, it added.
The activists’ attack, the police said, resulted in injuries to seven personnel, including a woman constable.
The allegations of sexual assault “seem to be an afterthought and the police department clearly negates” them, the police said, adding that Kaur was constantly in the presence of two women personnel.
“At the civil hospital, she underwent not just a general medical examination but also a special medical examination by a lady doctor for sexual assault where she herself gave a written statement to the female doctor that she doesn’t want to be medically examined as she had not been assaulted,” they said, stating that she had not raised the issue before the chief judicial magistrate either.
Her sister, however, stands by their charge. “This is not the case at all. She was sexually assaulted. They tortured her so much, her foot hasn’t stopped bleeding. There are bruises and marks on her back as well,” Rajveer said.
She also denied the allegation that Kaur indulged in violence on 12 January. “Police got violent with the workers first. They have even charged her under Section 307 — attempt to murder — how can they do that? Nodeep was actually trying to ease the situation,” she added. Referring to the extortion allegation, she added, “They are workers in a factory demanding their salary. This is not extortion.”
Against ‘denial of wages’
Nodeep, Rajveer said, was “forced to work due to financial constraints our family was going through”. “She had applied to Delhi University for an undergraduate programme in literature, but she has been unable to pursue it,” she added.
She said Nodeep is not associated with any political party, but underlined that their mother was very active in the Punjab Khet Mazdoor Union when Rajveer and her two brothers and three sisters were in school.
The protest against firms at the KIA largely revolves around alleged violations of minimum-wage rules and non-payment of wages.
“According to the Haryana government, the minimum wage should be Rs 9,300, but workers in the KIA are made to work 12 hours for Rs 6,000-7,000/month. Women are paid even less,” Nodeep said in a video report done by independent journalist Saurabh Bambaiya on 27 January.
According to her, they joined the protest at Singhu because “farmers and labourers are tied together and we are both falling backwards”.
In a 12 January statement demanding Nodeep’s immediate release, the Campaign Against State Repression — a group of 30 organisations that has been raising its voice against activists’ arrest — said workers “also face daily threats of violence and outright assaults at the hands of the extra-legal armed force of the management and contractors called the Quick Response Team (QRT) sponsored by the Kundli Industrial Association (KIA), a body of factory owners and management”.
The lockdown impacted workers the most, it said, adding that conditions remained “pitiable” in the Kundli Industrial Area even after the lockdown.
The MAS is described as a platform working towards ensuring that labour laws are followed.
“A total of Rs 1 lakh-1.5 lakh has been recovered as withheld salaries (by the MAS),” Attri told ThePrint.
Nodeep, Rajveer said, was asked to resign from her job at Fiem Industries — a light manufacturer — in December 2020 for her involvement with MAS and the farmers’ protest at Singhu. Her salary was also withheld, she added.
ThePrint tried to reach Fiem Industries via calls and emails for a comment but did not receive a response.
However, Dheeraj Choudhary, an executive of the Kundli Industrial Association, denied the charges.
“Why would any industry not pay their workers? This is not the case. They are family and we have always maintained that. We didn’t threaten anyone with violence or assault. If the salary has been stopped, it must have been for a reason — for instance, if the worker didn’t follow the company’s rules,” he told ThePrint. “We have to look at the situation from all angles before making a decision.”
Nalini Jameela
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Nalini Jameela
Born August 18, 1954
Kallur village, Thrissur, India
Nationality Indian
Occupation Prostitute
Sex work archivist
Author
Notable work Autobiography of a Sex Worker (2005)
Romantic Encounters of a Sex Worker (2018)
Nalini Jameela (18 August 1954- ) is an Indian best selling author, sex worker activist and former prostitute from Thrissur, Kerala. She is the author of the books The Autobiography of a Sex-worker (2005) and Romantic Encounters of a Sex Worker (2018). She is the coordinator of the Sex Workers Forum of Kerala (SWFK) and is a member of the five non-governmental organisations (NGO).
Biography
Nalini Jameela was born on 18 August 1954 in Kallur village, Thrissur, India. She worked in the fields planting and harvesting crops until her husband died of cancer when she was aged 24. This left her with no means of supporting her two young children. A prostitute named Rosechechi introduced her to prostitution. Rosechechi arranged her first client, a senior police officer, and she met him in a guesthouse in Trissur that was frequented by politicians. When leaving the guesthouse in the morning she was arrested by the police and beaten.
She had left school after the 3rd grade when she was about seven. In the 1990s she furthered her education at the Kallur Government School, eventually reaching the 12th grade.
In 2001 she became coordinator of the Sex Workers Forum of Kerala (SWFK), Under her leadership the SWFK held protest marches to draw attention to the plight of street-based sex workers.
Jameela is a member of the five non-governmental organisations (NGO). At the fourth meeting of the AIDS Counselling Program in Bangalore, she called on the government not just to distribute condoms, but to provide an education to sex workers and their children.
Works
Autobiography of a Sex Worker
In 2005 Jameela wrote the autobiographical book Oru Lymgikathozhilaliyude Atmakatha (Autobiography of a Sex Worker) with the aid of sex work activist I. Gopinath. The book sold 13,000 copies, ran to six editions within 100 days of publication. Originally written in Malayalam, the book was translated to English in 2007 by J. Devika, and into French the following year by Sophie Bastide-Foltz. The book created massive movements in society, and led to many debates and controversies in Kerala. The book was condemned by feminists, who claimed it glorified sex work, and by conservatives who thought the subject should not be publicised.
Romantic Encounters of a Sex Worker
In 2018 Jameela's second book Romantic Encounters of a Sex Worker was published. The book was translated into English by Reshma Bharadwaj, and also translated into Gujarati, Bengali and Tamil. The book includes eight stories from the 1970s to the 2000s, telling of the relationships she developed with her clients.
Documentary
Sanjeev Sivan, younger brother of noted film director Santosh Sivan, made a 28 minute documentary film, Sex, Lies and a Book, in 2013 about the life Jameela. The documentary was a joint venture of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Public Service Broadcasting Trust. Jameela appeared in the film.
Narayan Meghaji Lokhande
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Narayan Meghaji Lokhande
Lokhande on a 2005 stamp of India
Born 1848
Thane, Maharashtra, India
Died 1897
Mumbai, India
Movement Trade Union Movement in India
Narayan Meghaji Lokhande (1848–1897) was a pioneer of the labour movement in India. He is remembered not only for ameliorating the working conditions of textile mill-hands in the 19th century but also for his courageous initiatives on caste and communal issues. The Government of India issued a postage stamp with his photograph in 2005.
Social contribution
Narayan Meghaji Lokhande was a prominent colleague of Mahatma Jyotirao Phule. Lokhande is acclaimed as the Father of the Trade Union Movement in India. From 1880 onwards he took over the management of Deenbandhu which was published from Bombay. Along with Lokhande, Jyotirao also addressed the meetings of the textile workers in Bombay. It is significant that before Jyotirao and his colleagues Bhalekar and Lokhande tried to organise the peasants and the workers, no such attempt was made by any organisation to redress their grievances. Lokhande started the first Indian Workers organization – 'Bombay Mill Hands Association'.
Some of the rights mill workers got because of N M Lokhande were:
Mill workers should get a weekly holiday on Sunday.
In the afternoon, workers should be entitled to half-hour recess.
The mill should start working from 6:30 in the morning and close by sunset.
The salaries of the workers should be given by the 15th of every month.
He was awarded the title of Rao Bahudur by the British Raj. He established 'Mumbai Kamgar Sangh'.
Nauroti
Dalit woman makes history in Rajasthan
Sarita Brara
GUTSY AND WISE: Nauroti believes in action. Photo: Sarita Brara | Photo Credit: de18 sarpanch 2
From a stone cutter in Puharu village to a sarpanch of Rajasthan’s Harmada gram panchayat, Narouti has waged an unrelenting battle for empowering the marginalised
Four kilometers from the famous village of Tilonia is Harmada. A land of freedom fighters, Harmada today has a dalit woman sarpanch -- Nauroti.
This plucky woman had earned a name in the region for her struggle against injustice long before she was elected to this post a few years back. As she walks towards you, bare foot and clad in a simple, inexpensive sari, Nauroti is a picture of humility but the moment you start talking to her you know that she is no ordinary woman and no ordinary sarpanch either.
Nauroti was born in an extremely poor dalit family in Kishangarh district of Rajasthan and had to work on a road construction site for a living as a stone cutter. But despite the toil, she and many fellow labourers were not paid full wages on the pretext that they had not performed work according to the wages. It was like putting salt on fresh wounds, she felt. Nauroti raised her voice against this injustice, mobilised labourers and became the voice of the agitation. Finally they got justice when their case was taken to a court by an NGO.
That was more than three decades ago. From then till now, Nauroti has continued her unrelenting battle for empowerment of the marginalised and her journey from a stone cutter in Puharu village to a sarpanch of gram Panchayat in Harmada is the story of unflinching courage and impeccable honesty in the face of every adversity.
It was in the early 1980s that she joined the barefoot college in Tilonia founded by Bunker Roy. What made her stand apart from other women was her boldness, her ability to learn fast and above all the leadership qualities she displayed when she mobilised the construction workers. She became a sathin for women’s empowerment and would travel to villages in the region and educate them about their rights. She also joined adult literacy classes and later learnt to work on computers. Later, she trained many other women who had never gone to school like her. She has also had the chance to go to the US and China.
Above everything else, it is working amongst the people that gives her real satisfaction, she says. Nauroti first became member of her gram panchyat – Harmada -- and about three year back was elected as its sarpanch with an overwhelming majority.
As sarpanch, she waged a battle against the daru (alcohol) mafia and stopped encroachment of the graveyard in Harmara. She has been working tirelessly to get approval for development projects in the region and has achieved a lot in the past two and a half years. Nauroti says that there are two things she can never tolerate -- injustice and dishonesty. When it came to her notice that a mate working for a project of the Mahatama Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme was committing fraud, she immediately took action. Despite resistance from many quarters, she did not stop till the person was jailed.
It is the villagers who talk about what she has done for them and the development of the village, whether it is the construction of water bodies, hand pumps, toilets, houses for those below poverty line, but when you ask her, she speaks about her unfinished agenda. “There is a lot more to be done before my tenure is over”, she says and lists a number of projects that remain to be completed.
Naik Devrao Vishnu
Naik was born on 9th February 1894 at Aalewadi (Taluka Palghar). He joined the Ambedkar movement of untouchables for Human Rights in 1927 when Mahad Satyagraha was launched by Baba Sahib to taste water from Chavdar Tale. He the Editor of the newspaper Brahmin-Brahminetar and of Samta. Dr. Ambedkar launched the Samta on 15th March 1929 with a view to highlight existing conflict between the Brahmins and non-Brahmins. Devrao Naik was one of the front runner organizers of the Kalaram Temple Satyagraha at Nasik organized by Dr Ambedkar on 3rd of March, 1930. This Satyagraha was organized to waken the Untouchable and test the Hindu Mind towards their religious brethren. Devrao V. Nail was also entrusted the editorship of the Janta fortnightly news paper started by Dr. Ambedkar on 24th November 1930. The publication of the paper was also helped by Bhaiya Sahib Jaswant Rao Ambedkar besides Bapu Sahib Sahasrabuddha, B.C. Kamble, R.D. Bhandare .He was dedicated to work as very active volunteer of the Samaj Samata Sangha ( League for Equality) founded under the leadership of Dr.Ambedkar. He edited The Samata a fortnightly news magazine of the Samaj Samata Sangha. Shri Naik died in Mumbai on 27th August 1982. He was stanch trusted
Namdev Laxman Dhasal
Namdev Laxman Dhasal, a political activist belonging to the Dalit Panther Party in Maharashtra, is a poet and fiction writer of repute. Born on February 15, 1949, Namdev was raised by his mother in poverty. In memory of his mother's tribulations as a sex worker, Namdev ignored the prevailing naming practices by adopting her name for his middle name. As an indication of the painful trajectory of his life, he later adopted his father's name as a mark of respect.
Dhasal received the Nehru award for Golapitha. Named after Mumbai's red light district the publication of Golapitha set a realistic trend in Marathi poetry in the 1970s. American scholar Dr. Eleanor Zelliot stated that, the "most important poet in Dalit literature in recent times is Namdev Dhasal, as no one can beat Dhasal in the powerful imagery, evocative language and bold statements against the system". He has been awarded with three Maharashtra State awards for his five collections of poems.
The Library of Congress has acquired eight titles by him.
नन्ही वेश्या
दूध में कांच मिला पिलाया था स्वामी दयानंद सरस्वती को
नन्ही वेश्या ने दूध में कांच मिला पिलाया था स्वामी दयानंद सरस्वती को
SUNIL CHOUDHARY
दूध में कांच मिला पिलाया था स्वामी दयानंद सरस्वती को
नन्ही वेश्या ने दूध में कांच मिला पिलाया था स्वामी दयानंद सरस्वती को
SUNIL CHOUDHARY
दीपावली के दिन हुई थी मौत
जोधपुर। जोधपुर की एक वेश्या की नाराजगी आर्य समाज के प्रणेता और महान समाज सुधारक स्वामी दयानंद सरस्वती पर बहुत भारी पड़ी थी और उन्हें आखिरकार अपनी जान तक गंवानी पड़ी। स्वामी दयानंद सरस्वती से नाराज नन्ही नाम की वेश्या ने धोखे से उन्हें दूध में कांच का चूरा पिला दिया। इससे बीमार हुए स्वामी कभी उबर नहीं पाए और दीपावली के दिन उन्होंने देह त्याग दी।
वर्ष 1883 में वे जोधपुर नरेश महाराजा जसवन्त सिंह के निमन्त्रण पर जोधपुर आए हुए थे। वहां उनके नित्य ही प्रवचन होते थे। यदाकदा महाराजा जसवन्त सिंह भी उनके प्रवचन सुनते। दो-चार बार स्वामी भी राज्य महलों में गए। वहां पर उन्होंने नन्ही नामक वेश्या का अनावश्यक हस्तक्षेप और महाराजा जसवन्त सिंह पर उसका अत्यधिक प्रभाव देखा। स्वामी दयानंद को यह बहुत बुरा लगा। उन्होंने महाराजा को इस बारे में समझाया तो उन्होंने विनम्रता से उनकी बात स्वीकार कर ली और नन्ही से सम्बन्ध तोड़ लिए। इससे नन्ही स्वामी दयानंद से नाराज हो गई और उन्हें राह का रोड़ा मान उनको हटाने की जुगत भिड़ाने में जुट गई। उसने स्वामी दयानंद के रसोइए कलिया उर्फ जगन्नाथ को अपनी तरफ मिला कर उनके दूध में पिसा हुआ कांच डलवा दिया। खासियत की बात यह रही कि कांच मिश्रित दूध पिलाने के बाद नन्ही को बहुत पछतावा हुआ और उसने स्वामी दयानंद के पास जाकर अपना अपराध स्वीकार कर लिया। नन्ही ने स्वामी से माफी मांगी तो उदार ह्रदय के साथ उन्होंने उसे क्षमा करते हुए कुछ पैसे देकर जोधपुर से चले जाने को कहा ताकि वह सजा से बच सके। बाद में जब स्वामी दयानंद को जोधपुर के अस्पताल में भर्ती करवाया गया। बाद में जब स्वामी दयानंद की तबीयत बहुत खराब होने लगी तो उन्हें अजमेर के अस्पताल में ले जाया गया, लेकिन तब तक काफी विलम्ब हो चुका था। स्वामी जी को बचाया नहीं जा सका।
पहली गदर में दिया था सहयोग
स्वामी दयानंद का जन्म वर्ष 1824 में हुआ था। वर्ष 1875 में उन्होंने मुंबई में आर्य समाज की स्थापना की। वे आधुनिक भारत के महान चिंतक, समाज सुधारक और देशभक्त उन्होंने वेदों की सत्ता को सदा सर्वोपरि माना। स्वामी दयानंद ने देश के स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन की 1857 में हुई क्रांति में महत्वपूर्ण योगदान दिया। उन्होंने वर्ष 1855 में इस क्रांति के कर्णधार नाना साहेब, तात्या टोपे, अजीमुल्ला खान, बाला साहब व बाबू कुंवरसिंह से हरिद्वार में मुलाकात कर देश में सशस्त्र क्रांति की आधारशिला तैयार की। हरिद्वार में ही 1855 की बैठक में बाबू कुंवर सिंह ने जब अपने इस संघर्ष में सफलता की संभावना के बारे में स्वामी से पूछा तो उनका बेबाक उत्तर था स्वतंत्रता संघर्ष कभी असफल नहीं होता। भारत धीरे-धीरे एक सौ वर्ष में परतंत्र बना है। अब इसको स्वतन्त्र होने में भी एक सौ वर्ष लग जाएंगे। इस स्वतंत्रता प्राप्ति में बहुत से अनमोल प्राणों की आहुतियां डाली जाएंगी।उनका यह कथन एकदम सही साबित हुआ। देश को आजाद होने में नब्बे साल और लग गए और इसके लिए सैकड़ों लोगों ने अपने प्राणों का आहुति दी।
Nalini Ambady
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Nalini Ambady
Nalini Ambady in 2009
Born March 20, 1959
Died October 28, 2013 (aged 54)
Alma mater Harvard University
Known for thin slice judgments
Awards AAAS Prize for Behavioral Science Research
Scientific career
Fields Psychology
Institutions Stanford University
Harvard UniversityDoctoral advisor Robert Rosenthal
Nalini Ambady (March 20, 1959 – October 28, 2013) was an Indian-American social psychologist and a leading expert on nonverbal behavior and interpersonal perception. She was born in Calcutta, India and earned her bachelor’s degree at Delhi University. She furthered her education by moving to the United States for her master’s degree in psychology, from the College of William and Mary, and later received her PhD in social psychology from Harvard. While completing her research at Harvard, she met her husband Raj Marphatia, who was studying at Harvard Law school.
After completing her PhD in 1991, she quickly entered the ranks of academia by accepting a position as an assistant professor at the college of the Holy Cross; she become an associate professor at the Tufts University. Ambady later joined the Stanford faculty in 2011, becoming the first individual of Indian origin to teach Stanford’s department of Psychology. Most notably in her academic career she introduced and conducted extensive research around the concept of thin slice judgments. While teaching at Stanford she founded the SPARQ center and worked to build it until her death in 2013 from leukemia. Her death sparked campaigns to increase the number of South-Asian bone marrow registries globally.
A native of the state of Kerala, India, Ambady did her schooling at the Lawrence School, Lovedale, and joined college at the Lady Shri Ram College for Women, Delhi. Subsequently, she moved to the United States for higher education, completing her M.A. in Psychology from the College of William & Mary, Virginia. She earned her Ph.D. in social psychology from Harvard University in 1991 under the guidance of Robert Rosenthal, with whom she researched thin slice judgments.
Academic career
She held academic positions at Harvard University, Cambridge and the College of the Holy Cross, Massachusetts before being appointed as Professor in the Department of Psychology at Tufts University in 2004. She subsequently moved to Stanford University, California in 2011. She was the first Indian-American woman to teach psychology at Harvard, Tufts, and Stanford.
Ambady specialized in the study of intuition. Her research found that humans perceive nonverbal cues in response to novel people or situations and that the information gleaned from an instant impression is often as powerful as information gleaned by getting to know a situation or person over a longer period of time. She and Robert Rosenthal coined the term "thin slices" to refer to such instantaneous non-verbal cues. Later, author Malcolm Gladwell referred extensively to Ambady's work in his popular book, Blink: The Power of Thinking Without Thinking.
One of Ambady's more well-known experiments asked students to watch silent 10-second videos of unfamiliar professors as they taught, and to rate the professors for likability, honesty, competence, and other qualities. The students' responses correlated remarkably well with similar ratings by students who had spent a full semester getting to know the professors' personalities and teaching qualities.
Founding of SPARQ
During Ambady's appointment at Stanford, she founded SPARQ, the Center for Social Psychological Answers to Real-World Questions. The center was initially called "The Lewin Center", after social psychology pioneer Kurt Lewin. SPARQ officially opened its doors in 2014 after the passing of Ambady, however, she remained active in its formation even during her struggle with leukemia, and until her death The main goal of SPARQ is to improve society by taking knowledge from the field of social psychology directly to policymakers, teachers and other impactful societal figures. SPARQ is an attempt to address the gap between psychology and the real world and aims to build a bridge between the hands-on experiences of practitioners in the field, and the scientific findings of the lab. SPARQ attempts to accomplish this goal through the fostering of meaningful collaborations between practitioners and social psychologies to the benefit of both.
Illness and death
Ambady was diagnosed with leukemia in May 2004 but recovered after treatment. In 2011, the cancer recurred in a more aggressive form. Her friends and family led an intensive worldwide campaign to find a compatible bone-marrow donor since they were unable to successfully locate any in existing bone-marrow registries. This was partly due to the low numbers of Indians on such registries worldwide and a limited base of donors numbering around 25,000 in the few Indian registries that exist. Her plight sparked a global effort to increase participation in bone marrow registries among South Asian ethnic groups. Though as many as thirteen potential donors were located over a period of time, many of them refused to go through with the transplant process after identification.
Ambady died on October 28, 2013 at Brigham and Women's Hospital in Boston.
Research
Culture and neural activation
Nalini Ambady and Jamshed Bharucha produced a study published in the journal Current Directions in Psychological Science in 2009 that focused on articles regarding how culture can affect neural activation. They suggest a framework for cultural neuroscience in which both features are objective: culture mapping and source analysis.
Moreover, Ambady discusses source analysis as the process of defining the source or causes of culture mappings. She explains three sources of cultural universals and differences:
Genetic commonality or difference.
Behavioural genetics studies examining the functional role of 5-HTT have recognized individuals carrying the short allele seem prone to higher levels of anxiety and depression compared to long allele carriers. In addition, individuals with the short allele showed greater amygdala activation, during an emotion-matching task relative to individuals with the long allele.
Cultural learning and exposure meditated by brain plasticity.
The evidence shows how cultural learning originates from inspecting neural processing in bilinguals and learners of a second language. A study included in the article compared Korean adults who were adopted by French families before the age of 8. The results demonstrate how Korean-born subjects did not remember their native languages and were fluent in French. However, both groups demonstrated parallel patterns of activation to sentences spoken in French, Korean or other foreign languages, implying that proficiency in the language of the new culture was connected with neural changes.
Similarity or difference explains the difference in stimuli and pattern structures across cultures.
In a meta-analysis comparison, the neuroimaging results for word reading across different languages and cultures found one common area of dispensation across language and cultures. They proposed the existence of a visual word form area in the left mid fusiform gyrus, which seems to be central to word recognition. They also found culture and language-specific patterns of activation. This was through the example of the Chinese writing system which, for example, requires more activation in the visual areas in both hemispheres than do western alphabets.
Racial bias and stereotyping
Race salience and essentialist thinking in racial stereotype development
Nalini Ambady conducted a vast number of research to understand how and why individuals develop racial biases and why they stereotype others.
Published in the journal Child Development in 2010, Nalini Ambady, Kristin Pauker, and Evan P. Apfelbaum, collaborated on a research study that investigated the arrival and the background of racial stereotyping by studying 89 children between the ages of 3 and 10. For the study, the children had to complete a variety of tasks related to matching and sorting. These tasks were used as a measure to assess the children’s knowledge and how they apply positive and negative stereotypes when encountered with in-groups and out-groups. The results from those tasks implied that children start to use stereotypes on out-groups when they are around 6 years old. This could occur based on a number of factors, but this study showed that there were 2 predictors that played an important contribution to the use of these stereotypes. The first predictor was race salience, which is where one sees and then organizes those people by race. The second predictor is essentialist thinking, which is where one believes that a certain race cannot change. These two predictors showed when and how these racial stereotypes may be taking place in real-life situations.
Stereotype susceptibility in children: Effects of identity activation on quantitative performance
Nalini Ambady, Margaret Shih, Amy Kim, and Todd L. Pittinsky worked together on a research study that examined the impact of positive and negative stereotypes had on cognitive performance and shared their findings in the journal Psychological Science in 2001. They accomplished this using two studies which consisted of three separate age groups of children. The first group was between the grade of kindergarten to grade 2 (lower elementary grades). The second group was between the grade of grade 3 and grade 5 (upper elementary grades). The third group was between the grades of grade 6 and grade 8 (middle school). The study showed results of children in lower elementary grades and middle school grades having shifts in their performance based on the positive and negative stereotypes. These findings were also consistent with the adult findings. The stereotypes were subtle and resulted in negative stereotypes impeding one’s performance and positive stereotypes facilitating one’s performance. Stereotype susceptibility development is a critical area and is a necessity to be able to understand the connections between an individual’s behavior and stereotypes.
In a different study conducted by Ambady and her colleagues, she looked at the effects of stereotype saliency on the performance of minorities, specifically in this case Asian Women. Because of the different stereotypes associated with the identities of Asian women; Ambady hypothesized that by making one identity salient, in this case, either gender or race, it would impact the women's performance because it would make different stereotypes salient. What Ambady found was, the women who had their gender made salient, performed poorly on mathematical tasks when compared to control. This was in-line with the stereotype that women are less proficient in math. When the women had their Asian identities made salient, their performance improved relative to control, reflecting the stereotype of Asians being "good at math". These findings were significant as they showed a causal link between stereotype saliency and one's performance, which has real-world impacts.
Nonverbal behavior
Nonverbal communication and psychology: Past and future
Ambady and Marvin A. Hecht investigated the relationship between the study of nonverbal communication and psychology in their 1999 article published in the New Jersey Journal of Communication. The study of nonverbal communication was invented in the 1950s primarily as a cross-disciplinary effort on the part of the psychiatrists, linguists and anthropologists This was surveyed in the 1960s and 1970s by an explosion of empirical research, books, and popular media attention. However, in the 1908s psychologists began to frequently integrate nonverbal communication variables into new research. Attention to nonverbal cues waned as the cognitive revolution gained momentum. In this generation, there is a renaissance of awareness in nonverbal communication, particularly among those who study emotion, psychophysiology and person perception. Consequently, the future of nonverbal communication may lie where it started; as an interdisciplinary venture.
In a research study published in 2009, Nalini Ambady and Max Weisbuch explored the importance of nonverbal behavior in shaping culture. They used television as a communication medium to investigate the impacts of nonverbal bias on individuals. They discovered that nonverbal bias influenced individuals’ beliefs, attitudes, and behavior. In research constituting 4 studies, they found out that there was a favorable nonverbal attitude towards especially slim female characters in popular TV programs, and exposure to nonverbal bias against heavier women in TV programs influenced the participants’ attitudes about ideal weight. In the last study, they found out that the regional difference in exposure to nonverbal bias accounted for regional variance in unhealthy dieting behavior among female teenagers.
"Misery loves company: When sadness increases the desire for social connectedness"
In an attempt to specify the potential functions of sadness, Heather M. Gray, Keiko Ishii, and Nalini Ambady examined the effects of induced sadness on attention and motivation. Functional theories hold that different emotions elicit different adaptive responses in the mind and body to prepare us for specific events or surrounding environment. Within this study, Nalini Ambady and colleagues draw upon the previous research by Pickett and colleagues based on the existence of social monitoring systems (SMS). Nalini and colleagues conducted three experiments to investigate the effects of sadness on attention motivation: In the 1st experiment, they built upon the previous research showing that individuals concerned with social connectedness, were specifically attuned to the vocal tone of speech as an important nonverbal social cue. Nalini and colleagues discovered that sadness associated with social loss resulted in attentional bias towards vocal tone. In their second study, they found a significant effect of induced sadness on increased and urgent motivations for affiliation with others. In the third and last part of their study, they provided evidence to distinguish the effects of social loss sadness versus status loss sadness. In contrary to hedonic contingency hypothesis, their result showed that sad individuals were selective in their choice of behavior; the results established in the 1st and 2nd parts of the study concerning attentional bias toward vocal tone and increased desire for social affiliation were restricted to sadness precipitated by social loss, whereas sadness as a result of status loss did not have the same effects.
"Thin slices" of behavior
In collaboration with Kathleen R. Bogart and Michael L. Slepian, Nalini advanced the study of “thin slices” of behavior when researching the ability to precisely recognize characteristic traits people possess along with their individuality. This method establishes a way to predict an individual’s behavior with something as simple as a swift observation of their nonverbal behavior.
With a glimpse of someone’s “thin slices” of behavior, Nalini and her colleagues believed that just by observing nonverbal behavior, one can determine with accuracy to a certain extent, behavioral outcomes influenced by personality disorders (e.g. anxiety, depression etc.); mental states (e.g. suicide); and how an individual adapts to life events. One could even go as far as specific types of life events such as traumatic experience (e.g. divorce, sexual abuse etc.).
There is only one limitation to this method, a clinician’s analysis can falter when presented with a patient suffering from particular clinical disabilities (e.g. movement disorders such as Parkinson’s disease), since healthy nonverbal behavior is impaired or masked by the exhibited symptoms of these disorders. Conventional methods already entail clinicians to observe their patients and make diagnoses through intuition based on the patient’s personality traits and nonverbal behavior. With the added method of “thin-slice” judgment, specialists would have another valuable resource to provide more qualitative assessments of their patients.
Accuracy of prediction
Previously, through a meta-analysis published in 1992, Nalini and co-author Rober Rosenthal coined the term “thin slices” of expressive behavior as a valid method of predicting human behavior. The results of their findings presents that thin slices provide a 70% accuracy prediction as opposed to the 30% when using other assessment methods.
They provided three explanations as to why this method is so accurate:
Derivative of ecological approach and social perception.
Emotions such as anger, fear or dominance are easily recognized due to how well they are recognized universally and the important role they play in survival and adaptability. In contrast, non-crucial survival emotions such as humor, are more challenging to detect due to the necessity to identify through inferential processes.
Truths to stereotypes and their effects on self-fulfilling prophecies.
It is believed that individuals react to stereotype cues, whether they are biological or behavioral. These stereotypes create expectations in others that influence an individual’s behavior toward the target person and/or group. Research has demonstrated how such expectations will affect people’s positive or negative behavior toward targeted individuals. By exhibiting these behaviors toward target individuals, they, in turn, modify their behavior and confirm the previous expectations. This creates an endless loop of self-fulfilling prophecies.
Evidence based on the disruptive effect of thinking and reasoning.
A reason why evidence drawn from “thin slices” is accurate is due to the fact that the individuals were not exposed to distracting stimuli. Research found that subjects were less accurate in judgement toward other target individuals during face-to-face scenarios in contrast to impressions evaluated from videotaped targeted individuals. This draws upon two types of stimuli, external and internal.
External stimuli refer to verbal components that can be distracting within actual interactions and require cognitive resources to process internally. These internal processes can also be distracting because it requires the function of thinking and reasoning which can overpower and cloud judgment. Thin slices of behavior are "snap" judgments, therefore, bypass all the distracting stimuli, creating a more accurate impression of the targeted individual(s).
Awards and honours
Ambady was a fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, the American Psychological Association, and the Association for Psychological Science. She won the AAAS Prize for Behavioral Science Research in 1993. She was presented the Carol and Ed Diener Award in Social Psychology in 1999 by the Society for Personality and Social Psychology for substantial contribution to the field. She also received the Presidential Early Career Award for Scientists and Engineers from President Bill Clinton.
Nilakantha Das
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Nilakantha Das
Nilakantha Das's portrait in Odisha State Assembly.
Speaker: 2nd Odisha Legislative Assembly
In office
27 May 1957 – 1 July 1961
Preceded by Nanda Kishore Das
Succeeded by Lingaraj Panigrahi
Constituency Satyabadi
Member: 1st and 2nd Odisha Legislative Assembly
In office
1952–1961
Constituency Satyabadi
Personal details
Born 5 August 1884
Died 6 November 1967 (aged 83)
Political party Indian National Congress
Other political
affiliations Swadhin Jana Sangha
Education MPhil
Profession Writer, politician
Nilakantha Das (5 August 1884 – 6 November 1967) was an orator, politician and social reformer born in the village Sri Ramchandrapur of Puri district, Bengal Presidency, British India. He was awarded an M. Phil. by the University of Calcutta. He denied a lucrative job under the British Raj and worked as a headmaster of Satyabadi High School. His speeches inspired the youth generation to fight against untouchability and other social evils.
In 1951, Das was elected to the Odisha Legislative Assembly as a member of a new political party called Swadhin Jana Sangha. In 1955, he joined the Indian National Congress at the request of Jawaharlal Nehru. He was re-elected in 1957 as a member of that party.
Das was awarded the Padma Bhushan in 1960. He died on 6 November 1967
Nidhin Shobhana
Dr. Dhammasangini Ramagorakh
Today, 5th September, is the birthday of Nidhin Shobhana. On this occasion, I want to introduce him to you. This guy is not on Facebook! He lives in Calcutta.
In the defense of Ambedkarism, in ideological fights and battles, people like us have to write lengthy articles to argue but this man does the same through a single illustration. Be it against the imaginary idea of 'Dominant Dalit' by Prof. Badri Narayan who produces research and arguments to help BJP, or be it against the 10 percent reservation for the Savarnas who were already enjoying unreserved space.
Nidhin's illustrations are staunchly critical. Look at the illustration in which the Janaudhari rests his foot on Parliament. It seems the Parliament, an official symbol of democracy, is being crushed by the Janaudhari. And you don't need to speak differently on today's Brahmanical fascism. The picture itself speaks so powerfully.
A drawing of a woman engaging constantly with cow dung: Nidhin has drawn two illustrations of how women lag behind in education and other fields because of the work burden of tending to cows. Asha, Nidhin's wife, has written an extensive article on how the life of cow herding OBC women in Bihar is ruined in caring for the cow. Asha being from a cow herding community has exposed BJPs unholy love for the cow and how it is based upon women's labor. Nidhin Shobhana has drawn cover pages of some of the recent books on Dalit discourse published by The Shared Mirror Publishing House.
Where can one find stability in today's unstable environment? Where can one get good shelter in this extreme hindutva environment? These are the major topics in his illustrations. His drawings are highly emotional, but at the same time display an optimistic path ahead. Really, these drawings have gone deep inside my heart.
Phule, Ambedkar, Savitri, Fatima--all make an appearance, and all of them try helping the exploited, oppressed, giving courage to those who are fighting for rights, giving guidance, protection and love to them. Truly, these drawings indicate the last abode of those striving for equality. His illustrations are all the time hinting at an Ambedkarite utopia.
You will not find devotion, helplessness, surrender, despair in these pictures. What you find is the spring of knowledge, compassion, and love.
Today's generation is trying to have a 'friendly bond' with Jotiba, Savitri, Babasaheb by loving them deeply, sometimes posing questions to them, fighting with them, etc. Nidhin Shobna is an illustrator who depicts the emotional and ideological world of our generation. His drawings are very unique in this respect.
An artist with a critical vision and scholar of our generation, Nidhin Shobhna is a Dalit Christian from Kerala. Currently, he is pursuing his PhD from JNU.
Apart from and beyond the poems, autobiographies, stories, and novels if anyone wants to see how Ambedkarism and Dalit literature is evolving and expanding please see his illustrations.
Dr. Dhammasangini Ramagorakh is an activist, academician and spokesperson of Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi.
This note was translated from Marathi by Mahipal Mahamatta.
Nangeli
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Nangeli is believed to have been an Ezhava woman who lived in the early 19th century at Cherthala in the erstwhile princely state of Travancore in India who is claimed for having cut off her breasts in an effort to protest caste-based "breast tax". It is a village tale that is not officially recognised in any of India's historical accounts.
In the Kingdom of Travancore, a breast tax or mulakkaram was imposed by the landowning Brahmin king of on lower caste Hindu women if they wanted to cover their breasts in public.
According to the story, at this time, in the early years of the 19th century, Nangeli, a poor Ezhava woman from Cherthala in the erstwhile Kingdom of Travancore, protested the mulakkaram (breast tax system). She refused to both uncover her bosom and pay the breast tax. When the pravathiyar (village officer) of Travancore, came to her home repeatedly asking her to pay tax, she became frustrated at the unjustness of her harassment. To make her protest known, she chopped off her breasts and presented them to him in a plantain leaf. She died the same day from loss of blood.
Nangeli's husband, Chirukandan, seeing her mutilated body, overcome by grief, jumped into her funeral pyre committing suicide. Following the death of Nangeli, a series of people's movements were set off and the breast tax system was ultimately annulled in Travancore. The place she lived came to be known later as Mulachiparambu (meaning land of the breasted woman).
The woman who cut off her breasts to protest a tax
The story of a lower caste woman who cut her breasts to protest against a discriminatory "breast tax" in British ruled India is being revived by an artist wants to recognise her sacrifice. BBC Hindi's Divya Arya reports from the south Indian state of Kerala.The story of Nangeli may never have been known, but for a chance discovery.
Four years ago, artist Murali T was flipping through an in-house magazine of a local bank, when he stumbled on a small report about Nangeli, written by a native from her area, Cherthala.
Intrigued by the story, he made his way to the small sleepy town.
"I spent a lot of time with the local people of Cherthala and even found the locality where Nangeli is believed to have lived over 100 years ago.
"It was called Mulachhipuram or the land of the woman with breasts, named to remember Nangeli's great sacrifice against the breast-tax," he told the BBC.
It is a village tale that is not officially recognised in any of India's historical accounts.
But the story of Nangeli is much loved by her local villagers - and now Murali T hopes to document it and have it recognised as part of Kerala's history by the government.
Reinforcing caste structure
The "breast-tax" had been imposed by the king of the erstwhile State of Travancore, one of the 550 princely States that existed in British ruled India.
Women from lower castes were not allowed to cover their breasts, and were taxed heavily if they did so.
"The purpose of the breast-tax was to maintain the caste structure," said Dr Sheeba KM, an associate Professor of gender ecology and Dalit studies at the Shri Shankaracharya Sanskrit Vishwavidyalaya in Kerala.
Social customs on clothing were tailored to a person's caste status, which meant that they could be identified merely by the way they dressed.
Nangeli belonged to the Ezhava caste. Her community was required to pay the tax along with other lower castes like the Thia, Nadar and Dalit communities.
But, villagers say, she decided to protest by covering her chest without paying the breast-tax - a brave move in the early 1900s for a woman of lower caste status.
Our auto rickshaw driver Mohanan Narayan takes us to the neighbourhood where Nangeli lived.
"When the tax inspector heard she was refusing to pay the tax, he went to her house to ask her to stop breaking the law. But she still refused to pay the tax, and cut her breasts off in protest instead," he says.
According to local villagers, Nangeli died of excessive blood loss, while her distraught husband committed suicide by jumping into her funeral pyre. The couple had no children.
Her relatives moved out of Mulachhipuram to nearby towns and hamlets.
Recognising sacrifice
Maniyan Velu, her cousin's great-grand-son, says he feels upset that Nangeli's story is not more widely known.
"Her act was selfless, a sacrifice to benefit all the women of Travancore, and ultimately forced the King to roll back the breast-tax," he says.
An old man, Maniyan owns no land, and his children work as farm labourers. But he is not looking for charity, only some recognition.
"We feel so proud that we are her family. All we want is that more people should know about her sacrifice. It would be befitting if her name was made a part of this region's history," he tells the BBC.
Murali T hopes to make that happen.
He was so moved by Nangeli's story and the absence of any visual documentation that he decided to paint a likeness of the violent act she brought upon herself.
"I did not want to depict it as a bloody event; instead my aim was to glorify her act as an inspiration to humanity, a representation that would command respect," he said.
His three paintings of Nangeli have now been published in his book, Amana - The Hidden Pictures of History, this year.
He has also held 15 exhibitions of his paintings across Kerala and now plans to hold one in a public place in Cherthala.
"If I can get the people of that area to take notice, that may help convince the government to include this important act as part of our official history."
200 years on, Nangeli’s sacrifice only a fading memory
Nidhi Surendranath
Kochi
Nangeli gained her place in history as the woman who cut off her breasts to protest against an inhuman tax imposed in erstwhile Travancore
Many books and histories have been written about caste oppression in Kerala and the men and women who fought the injustice. Yet the story of one woman’s protest has almost faded away from the collective memory of the State.
Nangeli, who lived in Cherthala in Alappuzha over 200 years ago, gained her place in history as the woman who cut off her breasts to protest against the inhuman mulakkaram (breast tax) that was imposed in the erstwhile kingdom of Travancore.
Caste oppression
Kings of the time ensured the subjugation of the lower castes by imposing heavy taxes on them. Their wealth was built on some of the worst taxes imposed anywhere in the world. Besides the tax on land and crops, peasants had to pay taxes for the right to wear jewellery, the right of men to grow a moustache, and even the right of women to cover their breasts.
The heavy taxes ensured that the lower castes were kept eternally in debt, while members of the upper castes flourished.
“Nangeli was a poor Ezhava woman from Cherthala. Her family could not afford to pay the taxes and was in debt to the rulers,” says D. Sugathan, advocate and former MLA from Alappuzha.
“The tax collector, then called the parvathiyar, came to her house one day and demanded that she pay the tax,” he says. The legend goes that Nangeli cut off her breasts and presented them to the parvathiyar on a plantain leaf. The tax collector fled in fear, while Nangeli bled to death at her doorstep.
Her husband Chirukandan came home to find his wife lying dead and mutilated. He is said to have jumped into her funeral pyre out of grief.
“The incident happened in 1803. It created a lot of anger and the practice of collecting breast tax was put to an end here by 1812,” says Mr. Sugathan, who mentions Nangeli’s story in his book ‘Oru Desathinte Katha, Kayarinteyum’.
While Nangeli’s sacrifice put an end to one form of caste oppression, the land where she lived came to be known as mulachiparambu – the plot where the woman of breasts lived.
“Nangeli’s story is unique also for the fact that it is the first recorded instance of a man committing sati,” says Ajay S. Sekher, a teacher of English at the Tirur centre of Sree Sankaracharya University of Sanskrit. A blog post written by Mr. Sekher, who researches issues of caste and gender, has introduced many to the story of Nangeli and mulachiparambu.
An earlier generation of political leaders grew up hearing about Nangeli’s protest and its significance in Kerala’s history. Leaders C. Kesavan and K.R. Gowri Amma have mentioned her in their autobiographies.
‘Unique resistance’
“Nangeli’s story is an articulation of a unique resistance and struggle against a Brahmanic patriarchy. The tradition of such resistance by leaders such as Gowri Amma could perhaps be traced all the way back to Nangeli,” says Mr. Sekher.
The legend of Nangeli’s mutilation of her own body in protest against oppression has been handed down through generations.
Today, however, her tale is preserved only in the memories of a few old-timers and researchers. There are no memorials to her name, no books extolling her courage.
The name mulachiparambu too has been covered up, perhaps due to embarrassment. The plot, divided up between several owners, is situated near the SNDP office at Manorama Junction in Cherthala.
N.G.Uke
A True HumanistBy V.B. Rawat & N.G.Uke
10 November, 2006
Countercurrents.org
Mr N.G.Uke, a great Ambedkarite, a friend and guide died on November 4th, 2006 at his Vasant Kunj residence at the age of 82. Uke Saheb, as I would fondly call him was among the rare breed of Ambedkarite who saw Baba Saheb and was selected by him as a scholar though he had already got the same.
As an admirer of Mr Uke for his forthright views and because his open support for atheism, I knew NG Uke was a treasurer who had with him a number of incidents and things and that is why I kept on calling him for an interview. ' You are always welcome', Uke Saheb told me. Last month on October 7 th, I was able to record a conversation with him to keep his memoirs. I know many such Ambedkarite who are treasure of great source are on the wane and I decided to interview them and record conversation to keep their memories safe.
I have rarely found person of strong secular commitment such as N G Uke. Even in his conversation, he hated words like 'fortunate, unfortunate, Mahatma, noble soul, gods' etc. He would say that by using these words we are ultimately trapped into the religious moulding justifying the oppression and exploitation.
Uke Saheb send reply to some of my questions on mails. A freewheeling interview with him was recorded which I would be able to produce after some time. As a tribute to Uke Saheb, I am sending this interview to our friends. He was the first person to use term ' Ambedkar Samaj' and rather than saying ' I am a Buddhist' which he was. Till his last, Uke Saheb remained a sharp mind, concerned about the condition of his community, which he always thought would lead India to 21 st Century.
I salute to his memory.
Excerpts of his conversation with me
VB: Uke Saheb, how did you come in touch with Dr Ambedkar.
NGU: My first meeting with Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar was in July 1942 at Nagpur
during the Depressed Classes Conferences held on 18,19,20 July 1942. During these conferences were attended by about 75,000 Scheduled Castes persons, including 25,000 women. The three Conferences were: 1. All India Depressed Classes Conference, 2. All India Depressed Classes Women's Conference, 3. Samata Sainik Dal Conference.
During these Conferences we the Scheduled Castes student established All India Scheduled Castes Students Federation (SCSF). I was one of the Joint Secretaries of the SCSF. At that time I was studying in Inter Science at the College of Science Nagpur. We met Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and sought his advice and guidance for working of our SCSF. He was very happy and we had a very useful discussion.
Since Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar was being appointed as the Labour Member of the Executive Council of H.E. the Viceroy and the Governor General, he could not function as the full time President of the All India Depressed Classes Conferences. In his place Rao Bahadur N. Shivraj, MLA (Central) was appointed as the president of the Conference.
My second meeting with Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar was at his residence 22 Prithviraj road at Delhi. I had gone to Delhi for an interview before the selection board for the selection of scholars to be sent abroad for higher studies. I was selected by the board for higher studies in Engineering in London. Rai Saheb GT Meshram who was the Estate Officer Govt. of India took me to 22, Prithviraj road to meet Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. As soon as I was introduced to Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, he immediately said " Mr. Uke Congratulations since we have selected you for higher studies in UK, under the Scheduled Castes Students Scholarship. We had a selection in Simla". I thanked Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar for my selection in the SC Scholarship. But I told Babasaheb that I have also been selected today by the Govt. of India under general scholarship for study in UK for Engineering. Babasaheb was very happy that I was selected in General Scholarship, thus saving one scholarship of Scheduled Caste.
My next meetings with Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar were in London 4 times, on 26 th Oct. 29th Oct. 2nd Nov. and 9th Nov.1946. During this period he had met important personalities from London including Clement Attlee Prime Minister of UK, and Mr. Winston Churchill. On 2 nd Nov. 1946 we invited him to visit our place at 4, Downside Crescent. He blessed us by visiting our place and sitting for a group photo which included number of SC Scholars including Mr. Khobragade studying for Bar.
The next time when I met Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar was when I was called from London to return to India, for selection for a post in Defence. The Public Service Commission selected me for this post. I met Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar along with Raisaheb GT Meshram after my selection. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar had a liking for me and suggested to Mr. Meshram that he should propose my marriage with his daughter Kamal. Meshram family and Babasaheb Ambedkar were very close to each other. Whenever Babasaheb used to go to Nagpur he used to stay with Meshram family. Kamal used to know Babasaheb from her childhood of about 6 years since 1935. Our marriage took place on May 8 th,1949 at 4 Lodhi Estate, the residence of Mr. Meshram. Our marriage certificate was signed by 3 Cabinet Ministers of Govt. of India, 1 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar , 2. Dr. John Matthai, and 3. Dr. Kakasaheb Gadgil.
VB: What was your personality about ? Did you face discrimination during your childhood? How supportive were your parents.
NGU: You desired to know whether I was docile or strong person and whether I suffered from discrimination. In my childhood I was very strong. I normally used to score very high position in my class. The Brahmins did not like my status in the class and they closed the school after I passed class 3 of the primary school. For the 4th class I had to go to near by village about 2 miles from our village. I cleared class 4 th from that school with top record. I had told my father that he should help me financially up to 8th class including the middle school in English at Bramhpuri about 10 miles from my village. I passed the 8 th class with high % and was allotted Govt. Scholarship from 9th class onwards. I secured the high school admission in Patwardhan high school at Nagpur. My further studies were at the College of Science at Nagpur. Later I won the Govt. of India Scholarship for higher studies in London.
VB : What impression did you get from Baba Saheb. What do his followers need to do to take forward his mission?
NGU: When we met Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar in London during 1946 he advised us that our people should be better than their best. Some of us definitely tried to come to the expectation of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar embraced Buddhism on 14th of October 1956 along with 5 lacks of people at Nagpur. His mission was to make whole of India as a Buddhist Country. How ever he expired within 53 days of his embracing Buddhism.
His followers were not of the required capacity for the mission of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar with same vigor and achievements. They have been working in different groups and are not united.
Ambedkarites must join together under one platform. I had met Dalai Lama in Ashoka Hotel a few years ago and I had suggested to him that he should take up the mission of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar of converting India into a Prabuddha Bharat. For my suggestion he became very happy and embraced me very warmly. In order to convert India into Prabuddha Bharat on the advice of Buddha and Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, it is necessary to workout a rational program.
There are various factions in Buddhism. We must consolidate all the Buddhists of the world. For that matter we will have to spell out the Buddhism as has been prescribed by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar.
VB: A number of people are redefining Ambedkar's conversion. Some says that he wanted to embrace Islam while others suggest that he was in fact for Christianity. There is a Sikh angle also. To strengthen their point, they say that Ambedkar buckled under the pressure of the upper caste Hindu leadership? For me it is difficult to digest as Ambedkar remained a man of conviction and character all his life and it would have been difficult for him to accept anything as final word or Gods word. As a staunch Ambedkarite how do you respond to such questions?
NGU: It is wrong. He never wanted to become Muslim or Sikh or Christian. Neither did he want to remain as a Hindu. He wanted to become Buddhist and he had declared in 1935 that though he was a born a Hindu, which was not in, his hand but he would not die as a Hindu. When he was in his matriculation, he was given a book on Buddhism. Baba Saheb had been reading about Buddhism for a very long time. Nizam offered him a lot of money. Others also offered him but he was not worried about money. He was worried about India. To make India a Prabuddha Bharat, an enlightned India and no religion can do that. He believed in Buddha but never in those rituals. He redefined Buddhism. Scriptures and Gods cannot help India at all.
VB: Reservation issue has again rocked the country. While the current row has been actually against the OBC reservation in government services but it seems that in this entire scheme of things, it is the Dalits who have become target of the upper caste contempt. The Dalits are fighting the battle for OBCs while the latter are not visible anywhere, only to be found hitting at them in the villages. Now questions are being raised about creamy layer as well as different Dalit identities. As an Ambedkarite how to you resolve this crisis?
NGU: As per as the reservation for Scheduled Castes is concerned people refused to understand the Constitutional provisions regarding SCST reservation. The Constitution is very clear. Constitution provides for reservations for the Scheduled Castes. These reservations are Universal. However the Govt. have excluded a large number of Jobs from the reservations, which goes against the spirit of the Constitution.
There is also a view that a creamy layer from Scheduled Castes must be taken away from Scheduled Castes. This view is totally wrong The Creamy layer is the cream of the society. The Cream, which consists of the intellect of the Scheduled Castes are the people who guide and lead the Scheduled Castes. Nobody can deprive the Scheduled Castes of their intellectual leaders. All the rulers namely The President, The Prime Minister and the other leaders come from Creamy layer and govern. The Scheduled Castes cannot be divided as very rightly ruled by the Supreme Court.
As far as the reservations for Scheduled Castes are concerned no Non-SC is affected and they have nothing to do with reservations.
VB : You are a rare breed of Ambedkarite who are proclaimed atheists. Why?
NGU: Scheduled Castes cannot gain anything from Gods and their work. The only way out is to prove that our society, our system is better than theirs. We believe that superstitions, rituals ultimately exploit human being.
VB: What do you think of economic globalisation. I mean many new Dalit scholars have complimented capitalism and often condemn Marx and his vision. What is an Ambedkarite vision of India.
NGU: Privatisation is a threat to our soverignity. Land should be nationalized and redistributed among our people. Why should we allow the national resources to the private companies to suck our blood. Privatisation is nothing but taking away people's resources and we must oppose it.
Once you privatize things, our people lose jobs in the government sector. Private companies are not going to follow that. The government must bring out a law to protect the interest of the Scheduled Castes.
Baba Saheb was a revolutionary and so was Marx though Baba Saheb differed with his violence theory yet in no way was Baba Saheb anti Marx. We may have differences with Marxist theoreticians in India yet Marx and his philosophy are for the benefits of the common man.
VB: What are the activities of Ambedkar Samaj. What does it aims at?
NGU: We have started Ambedkar Samaj to bring all Ambedkarites on one platform to fulfill the mission of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar not only to convert India as a Prabuddha Bharat but we have to transform the whole world as a Scientific Humanity without any differences. The Ambedkarites must lead to take the world forward as one humanity.
Narayana Guru
Narayana Guru
Written by Harshkumar Kugwe
Published on 17 March 2019
Harshkumar Kugwe
It is commendable that the government of Karnataka is celebrating the birthday of the great thinker Sri Narayana Guru as an official ceremony. It is definitely a means of showing respect to the great religious thinker and social reformer. Unfortunately, though, the situation has become such that whenever governments celebrate birthdays, it is usually for the appeasement of the castes and communities the person was born in. Basava Jayanthi for Lingayatas, Valmiki Jayanti for Valmiki Nayakas, Kanaka Jayanthi for the Kurubas, Kempgegouda Jayanti for Vokkaliga Goudas, Ambedkar Jayanti for Dalits, Tippu Jayanti for Muslims, and Narayana Guru Jayanti for Idigas, Billava Deevas… The limiting of the birthdays to the groups is an irony of our times and also a symptom of ill health of our society.
The reason I had to say this was because all those great souls mentioned above dedicated their lives to expel the very caste-religion-gender fissures from our society and to realize a world where all humans are equal. Narayana Guru is no exception. It will become evident when you look at the life of the great 19th century south Indian sage, and the work he did in concert with his disciples. On the occasion of the Narayana Guru Jayanthi being celebrated today, this article intends to introduce the reader to Narayana Guru’s life, and the social transformations he brought about and the social philosophy he espoused.
Narayana Guru was born in the village of Chembalanti, 7 miles north of Thiruvanthantpuram in Kerala, as the 4th son of a middle-class couple Madanasan and Kuttiyamma, on the 20th of August 1854. The couple belonged to the Ezhava community –considered untouchable in those days (Anthropologist Edgar Thurston has established that the castes called Billava, Namadhaari, Halepaika or Deeva in Karnataka and Ezhava of Kerala are related). The couple was involved in farming along with that they also practiced Ayurveda or folk-medicine. The Asan appendage (literally teacher) came into the father’s name as he served as a teacher for a while.
Nobody could have even guessed that Narayana (He was affectionately called naaNu when he was a boy) born in such a family, would go on to transform the lives of lakhs of people across Kerala so drastically. The caste system in Kerala was so disgusting, in the early 19th century - around the time when Narayana Guru was born, that Vivekananda who once visited Kerala said that Kerala, in the grip of inter-castes fights, has become a mental asylum. Thanks to the castes which acted like frogs in ponds. Kerala was engulfed in darkness.
How did such a situation even arise?
After the 5th century AD, Brahmins entered Kerala from North India. Till then, even though there were communities engaged in different professions, there was no fixed hierarchy among them, no discrimination. Some communities did the administration. Communities called Pulaya and Paraya (Holeya in Kannada) were involved in cultivation. Ezhavas, Nayars and few others did cultivation, practiced trade, medication and also served as warriors in armies. When Brahmins, who called themselves Namboodaris descended and settled, the entire social fabric got disfigured. Saying that they come from the Moon God, the sun God, the fire God; saying they came from the mouth of Brahma the creator; incessantly flattering and glorifying the kings; calling themselves supremely ‘knowledgeable’; chanting hymns in Sanskrit, the so-called language of the Gods, a language which the people didn’t understand; and through all this, fooling the people and the kings; they continued to plant themselves in the highest echelons of the Kerala society. Because of the land titles bestowed by the kings, all the tillable land came under their ownership. As time passed, the people who came empty handed not only stood equal to the king but also started to do the king’s job themselves. Consequently, the farmers of the past lost their land holdings. They ended up as ‘untouchables’ in society. At this stage in Kerala history, all the landowners of the Malabar province happened to be Namboodaris. They coercively enforced the Varnashrama (caste-system) on the society. Even while keeping the Kshatriyas and Nayars beneath themselves in the social hierarchy, the Brahmins bestowed some privileges on them and kept them above the rest of the castes. It was a practice that the first son of the Brahmin couple married a Brahmin girl and the rest married Nayar girls. The children born of these out of caste marriages had no property rights. Through such arrangements Kshatriyas, Brahmins and Nayars formed an alliance calling themselves the ‘Savarnas’. The group comprising the rest –Ezhava, Theeya and Holeyas – came in to be known as the ‘Avarnas’. And thus the society split into two halves. Following such an arrangement, the lives of the ‘untouchable’ avarnas got pushed below ground level. They had to live the life of humiliation in front of the Savarnas. Ezhavas and Holeyas were forbidden from being seen by Savarnas around dusk, because their shadows would make the Savarnas impure! The Avarna women were forced to remain bare-breasted in public. Out of the 200 odd types of taxes levied on Avarnas one was based on the size of the breasts of Ezhava women! A woman had to pay a higher tax to the Brahmin landlords if she had bigger breasts! Non-payment of taxes attracted severe punishments. It could even lead to the death penalty sometimes! At the beginning of the 19th century Nangeli an Ezhava girl from the Chartela village of Travencore cut her breasts placed them on a banana leaf and presented them to the men who came to collect taxes and then died of bleeding thus registering her protest against the vile taxes. If weavers weaved they paid tax. If the fishermen fished they paid tax. If the oilman extracted oil he paid tax. If the farmer extracted toddy he paid tax… in this way, the Brahmin landlords suffocated everybody through vicious cycles of taxes. When the Avarnas spoke to the Savarnas, they couldn’t address themselves as me or I, they had to say ‘your servant’. Even a Brahmin kid had to be called ‘Lord’! And that’s not all. Avarnas had no entry the temples constructed by Brahmins. Even on the street of the Shiva temple built by the 8th-century Advaitist (non-dualist) Shankaracharya at Vynkana, there was a big board proclaiming the ban on the Avarnas. It was even said that Shankaracharya himself ordered that board into existence.
Starting from the 5th century up to the 19th century, for around 1400 years, with Kerala stuck in the stranglehold of Brahminism, mired in caste discrimination, the lower castes had no way of raising their heads. The downtrodden did protest now and then even under such circumstances. However, whenever such protests surfaced, they were brutally crushed. For example, in 1800, when 200 Ezhava youths tried to break the ban and enter the Vaikom temple, the Brahmin Dewan came riding on his horse and butchered many by wantonly wielding his sword. This incident drove terror in the hearts of Ezhavas. When the oppression and subjugation faced by the Avarna communities were at their peak, there came a ray of hope in the form of Narayana Guru.
NaaNu got a good education due to his family background. He even learned Sanskrit quickly and took to writing eloquent poetry in both Sanskrit and Malayalam. At the same time boy, NaaNu felt sympathy for the plight of the oppressed and progressed as a good-hearted student. It bothered him to see Brahmins and Nayars treat Ezhavas badly, but it bothered NaaNu, even more, when he saw the way Ezhavas ran a mile away from the ‘impure’ lower castes of Holeyas, Paras, Nayadis. NaaNu grew mutinous early. He would intentionally touch Holeyas and then go stand beside his caste brethren to spite them. Once he rushed into a Holeya house to turn off the stove to stop a rice pot from boiling over. His mother said, “Kutti, you made yourself impure going into a Holeya house!” NaaNu then ran and hugged his mother, saying “Now you became impure also” and started laughing.
In another incident, when he was a student, his friends became suspicious and displeased with him when he kept the company of a Holeya Girl. Resolute on uncovering the truth behind this, they followed NaaNu as he went into the Holeya girl’s house. Peaking in, what did they see? NaaNu cleaning and treating the wounds of the girl’s father, ailing with severe leprosy! NaNu had learned Ayurveda from his father and uncle; he used his skills to treat the infirm without regard to caste barriers.
NaaNu with such a bent of mind naturally gravitated towards deliberations on religious philosophy. He studied Vedanta and Upanishads. He eventually developed an interest in Advaitha philosophy. In the end, he told his wife about the purpose of his life, he made her understand it, renounced worldly attachments, became a yogi, became an Avadhootha, roamed the hills, forests and caves and studied and deliberated for years. Narayana who was hitherto called NaaNu, became the Guru of people. People, who saw his immense spiritual and worldly knowledge and his ability to treat ailments, devoted themselves to him and deeply respected him. They came to him with their pains and worries and found solace. Being fully aware of the situation of his ‘untouchable’ people in society, he embarked on a journey to bring new light in to their lives. The first milestone he achieved as part of this ended up being a religious revolution!
‘Untouchables’ came to him. They said “Guru, they are not letting us inside the temple. Shouldn’t we see God?” He showed them God. That too, in the temple these very people built at the place he designated. And the tradition mandated that only the Brahmin shall install the idols. Also, society firmly believed that only Brahmins shall construct temples and do priestly duties. But the steps Guru took uprooted these beliefs. Narayana Guru led the devotees to build the first temple at Aravipuram, in 1888. It was a very simple temple made of just a gazebo. Even when the temple was in place the question of where to get the idol from, hung in the air. Guru thought about this for half a moment, then he took a dive into the lake by the side of the temple, came up after a while carrying a stone shaped like a Linga, and placed it in the temple. “He is your Shiva” Guru pronounced. So, even God came there! In this way, when you count the ones in neighbouring Sri Lanka and Karnataka, he led to the construction of 39 temples. He said, “now, go and worship your own God”. This obviously enraged the priestly class. How can they not be angry? In response to the Brahmin Namboodaris who hissed with rage, “we have the lease on God. It is our God-given right. And because of you who are defying our rights and installing Gods for the lower castes, Shiva himself has become ‘impure’. You made God himself ‘impure’.” Narayana Guru had a calm response to shut them up “Look, the Shiva here is not the Shiva of Naboodaris. This is the Ezhava Shiva. Let the ‘impure’ people worship an ‘impure’ God. Why should you have a problem with that?” The construction of temples in this way was a massive revolution for the believers of that era. Furthermore, there was no place for expensive sacrificial fire prayers and such in these temples.
Around this time, enchanted by his social reformation work, his commitment to society, his spiritual thinking, Dr. Palpu, Kumaran Asan, T K Madhavan, and Sahodaran Ayyappan and other leaders joined forces with Narayana Guru. Due to the collective and balanced action of all these people not only did the movement started by Narayana Guru proliferate far-and-wide but also kindled the dream of unprecedented changes in the lives of oppressed masses.
Dr. Palpu came from a well to do Ezhava family, even in those days he had gone on to study medicine abroad. In spite of that, the ‘untouchable Ezhava’ wasn’t allowed to become a doctor in Kerala. Later he started his practice at the Madras Medical College and was posted in Mysore. Dr. Palpu was tormented thinking of the fate of Ezhava commoners, especially given the extent of discrimination even a man of his stature had to face. He was looking forward to finding a solution to this problem. During his stay in Mysore, he had developed a friendship with the King of Mysore within a short period of time and had become his confidante. Swamy Vivekananda visited Mysore around this time. When Dr. Palpu brought up the topic of caste hatred in Kerala in a discussion with him, Vivekananda said “You would have to work alongside a spiritual reformation movement for this. Only this way can you bring in changes in other spheres.” Dr. Palpu took his advice and went looking. The person he found was Narayana Guru. It should be said that even Narayana Guru gained immense strength befriending Dr. Palpu. Guru and Dr. Palpu put their heads together and created a blueprint for transforming the Ezhava community and also the Kerala society as a whole. As a result of this, in 1903, Sri Narayana Guru Dharma Paripalana Yogam SNDP-Yogam came into existence. It was registered under the companies’ act of the then British government as the Guru himself being its head. Kumaran Asan, who had taken to poetry as a student and had shown immense talent had been helped by Dr. Palpu in his higher education by introducing him to the Deewan of Mysore. Dr. Palpu and Kumaran Asan worked as the founder secretaries of SNDP.
Education revolution carried out by Guru!
For many years hence, Narayana Guru channelled his reform work through SNDP. Chiefly – wherever temples were being erected accompanying libraries were built, schools came up in the vicinity, other means of gaining knowledge also cropped up, spiritual training was imparted, people were brought out of superstitions, simple marriages were encouraged, and many more such activities were arranged through SNDP. At that time, in the government run schools there was no entry for Ezhavas or Holeyas. The Dharma Paripalana was successful in organizing people against this discrimination and was successful in gaining entry to the schools. On this occasion Guru called on people to get involved in education and industry. His call “Be free through education, be strong through organizing and be financially independent through industry” attracted many people like a magnet. With the help of SNDP thousands of Ezhavas, Holeyas, Theeyas and other education deprived masses started sending their children to schools; Guru also ran night schools for the adults. In Shivagiri for shepherd families, in Chembalanthi for the Holeyas, in Vetturu for the paraya people… In this way Guru opened night schools in 42 different places. All this lead to a revolution in education. The people, who were treated worse than trash for centuries - by economic and social oppression - by educational deprivation, got introduced to the wonders of education through the SNDP institutions. Many such beneficiaries became the followers of Narayana Guru and actively involved themselves in the movement. Some in the Ezhava community made living drawing toddy from palm trees. Narayana Guru, realizing the social implications of it, told them to leave that work. He encouraged them to take up various forms of self-employments. SNDP imparted vocational trainings in coir and other cottage industries. ‘VivekOdayama’, the newspaper run by the institutions in remembrance of Swami Vivekananda, worked as the kindle of intellectual revolution among the oppressed. It only helped that, ‘revolution poet’ Kumaran Asan, a star by this time in the Kerala literary world, was its editor. Thanks to the effective leadership of SNDP, Ezhavas and other backward communities could emerge out of the shroud darkness. Ballads (Khanda Kavya) composed by Kumaran Asan – ‘Duravastha’, ‘Chandala Bhikkuni’, ‘Karuna’ and others had made him a luminary in Malayalam literary scene. Kumaran Asan’s source material of the then prevalent caste untouchability in Kerala and Buddhist philosophy had made his work immensely popular.
An event happened around this time. Narayana Guru and Kumaran Asan were walking in the street in front of the Shiva temple at Vaikom in Kottayam taluka. A bunch of Brahmins stopped them and treated them viciously. They said “you are not allowed here. This is for Savarnas”. This happened to be the same temple where a massacre had taken place a hundred years ago. This time around Ezhavas and Holeyas were not to digest the dishonour meted out to their Guru himself. In the ensuing days, Kumaran Asan’s voicing of concern against this had found cold responses. At this point, two people realized the seriousness and saw the seeds of a revolution here. They were Narayana Guru and a disciple of him – T.K. Madhavan.
After long deliberations with Guru and with his guidance, the historical Vaikom Satyagraha movement took off. Ezhavas and Holeyas organized under the SNDP banner and started jumping into the ‘temple entry’ Satyagraha in thousands. Madhavan envisioned that the movement shouldn’t be limited to the temple or to the street, it should work to show the rotten state of Kerala caste discrimination in front of the whole nation. To realize this goal, he invited the Indian National Congress and Mahatma Gandhi to participate in the movement. He brought them up to speed about the education revolution which happened in Kerala under Narayana Gurus leadership. In the end, the movement gained extra significance when not only did Gandhi agree to the movement and also asked his followers and the members of the Indian National Congress to participate. He even met Narayana Guru in person and discussed the matter. The Satyagraha started on the 30th of March 1924 and went on for a year. Narayana Guru addressing the fasting Satyagrahis once said “Why do you fast? Don’t torment yourself this way, jump across the temple gates. Sit along with the Savarnas to get Prasada. Don’t hesitate, thrust yourself to the forefront”. Gandhi saw this as encouragement to violence and this lead to some misunderstanding between Gandhi and Guru. However, it didn’t last long. When support started pouring in from outside Kerala, Gandhi asked for it to be refused. Periyar Ramaswamy who had written the foreword for the Dravida movement in Kerala defied Gandhi, came to Vaikom, participated in the movement and even went to jail along with Madhavan. Periyar was later respected as “The Vaikom Hero” for having gone to jail in Vaikom. With the intent of bringing about change in the hearts of Savarnas, Gandhi called for Savarna Jatha. Responding to this, thousands of Nayars participated and took out processions through their caste front, thus supporting the Ezhava-Holeya fight. Even Naboodaripad Brahmins participated. However, when the administrative committee of the temple wanted to hold discussions with Gandhi, Namboodari Brahmins made Gandhi stop outside their houses not letting him in. They talked to him outside their houses since Gandhi had become impure by the touch of the low-born. In these negotiations, they turned down all of Gandhi’s proposals and snubbed him. In spite of all this, the movement only gained in strength due to the organizing ability of Madhavan, guidance of Narayana Guru, and the participation of the kinds of Gandhi and Periyar. In spite of the impudence show by Raghava Ayyar, the Diwan, the administration finally had to relent.
A similar uprising happened in Guruvayur in 1931. As a result of all this, in 1936 the king of Travancore decreed that, in his kingdom anybody can enter any temple without discrimination. This edict was first in the history of the whole country. T.K. Madhavan grew enormously as a leader because of the Vaikom movement. From then on he has been called ‘the godfather of Ezhava politics’. That’s not all. The Congress which was an upper caste party in Kerala till then, thanks to this fight against untouchability, gained huge followership among Ezhavas, Holeyas, Parayas and other low castes and became a mass party.
Even though Narayana guru at the core was a spiritual person, through his ideas and work he demonstrated that he was a social reformer first and foremost. He has written many works in both Malayalam and Sanskrit. They include works of spiritual teachings such as Aatmopadesha Shatakam, Darshana Mala, Vedaanta Sootra, further his works of the likes of ‘Jaati Nirnaya’, ‘Jaati Lakshana’ and others distinctly show his perspectives on society – the goal of all religions is the same. He has argued: like the rivers flowing from different directions all reach the sea, ‘for humans there is only one religion’. In Atmopadesha Shatakam, he says “No religion can defeat another religion by fighting. Only those who don’t know this argue against other religions. Everybody should know this.” Guru who had such views organized a conference of religions in 1924 at the advaita Ashrama in Alavaayi. He invited leaders, gurus and spiritual thinkers among Hindus, Christians, Muslims and Parsis. The invitation note said, “To know from others and to tell others, not to argue and perish”. It is worth noting that such a conference was unprecedented in Indian history.
Being himself a victim of caste discrimination, his opposition to it formed the crux of his philosophy. It is important to note that his resistance to caste discrimination during his formative years led to his later study of Vedas and Upanishads and consequently his adopting the Advaitha philosophy. It is worth noting that in the 8th century in the same land was born Adi Shankara who preached Advaitha and that lead to religious intolerance and caste discrimination. And through the same Adviatha the ‘untouchable’ Narayana Guru strived to eradicate caste discrimination. In his ‘Jaathi Nirnayam’ he says:
In human species
a Brahmin is born
a Paraiah also is born. So, where is the caste difference
among human lives?
In the womb of a Paraiah woman
was born the great sage Parashara.
The secret of Vedas
were uttered in small couplets
by the son of a daughter of a fisherman.
So, in the human species
between people and people
where is the difference?
only Illusory difference
between person to person.
As a worldview, Advaitha is an emotionalist one and one which defends the authority of Vedas. There were also worldviews in India which rejected Vedas like Saankhya and Lokayatha. However, continuing to advocate the theistic philosophy of ‘unity of soul and God’, still not turning away from the burning problems of material existence, managing to assimilate them all within his spiritual and religious endeavour and putting forth it all in a model of social philosophy is the singular achievement of Narayana Guru. Buddha, Basava, Vivekananda, Babasaheb Ambedkar, Kuvempu and others worked along similar lines.
Another person who joined hands in these efforts of Narayana Guru was the unrivaled thinker Sahodaran Ayyappan. Being an Ezhava he strived for the development of communities lower in social order than Ezhavas, the Holeyas, the Parayas, and others. Through the ‘Sahodaran Sanghatan’ (The association of the brothers) he built, he conducted inter-caste marriages, communal banquets cutting through caste lines and many such activities striving towards creating a bond of brotherhood between castes. He was the first graduate among the Ezhavas of the Cochin area. It was his greatest desire to get all communities called ‘untouchables’ to live together as brothers.
At one point in time, the opposition to his activities started coming from within the Ezhava community itself. Ayyappan directly approached Narayana Guru and confided in him his woes. Guru was deeply pained listening to him. He published a written statement in which he declared his support for Sahodaran Ayyappan. In that message, he said, “Let whatever be the religion, language, tradition, caste, attire, the lives are all the same, hence there shall not be any opposition to inter-caste or inter-religion marriages.” In later times, this became one of his most popular messages. The Guru who gave this message, addressing Ayyappan said: “Ayyappan, you should develop patience like Jesus Christ.” Sahodaran took this passionately and it led him to play an important role in the founding of the trade union movement in Kerala.
Narayana Guru who in this way, dedicating his life thinking and working for the downtrodden, was the strength in individuals, was an organization unto himself and even a movement in himself. It’s only natural that he couldn’t hope to see the complete fruition of all his work in his lifetime. On 20th of September in 1928, Guru departed from this world. However, the movement he initiated continue unhindered. The social consciousness he kindled became the prime mover in changing the Kerala society – from Vivekananda’s ‘mental asylum’ to a civilized and educated modern society. The awareness which Narayana Guru created worked as a foundation to the national movement gathering steam in Kerala. And it led to the Indian National Congress and the Communist party gaining strength among the majority Ezhavas and other marginalized ‘untouchables’ and among Muslims and Christians. Among the many followers of Narayana Guru are Ezhavas, Paraiahs, Brahmins, Nayars, and members of other castes and religions. And they have carried forward his spiritual tradition. Nataraja Guru, the son of Dr. Palpu is notable among them for being an important spiritual thinker.
It is essential for everyone in today’s world to understand Narayana Guru’s life, the work he did through organizing and the social philosophy he stood for. In these times when the politics is adding venom between religions and leaving no stone unturned to widen the crevices between castes instead of narrowing them, we very much need Guru’s philosophy of ‘human religion and human caste’.
The original Kannada article was published on Round Table India in September 2018 and this translation to English is done by Swarna Kumar BA.
Harshkmar Kugve is actively involved in pro-people movements. He has worked to awaken the communities through his effective writings. ‘Desha Andre Manushyaru’ (Nation means human), ‘Nakshatrada DhooLu’ (Star Dust) and ‘Maang Gaarudi’ (A socio ethnolical research of Mang Garudi, a Denotified Tribe) are the books he has written so far. He has also translated Ravish Kumar's book 'The Free Voice - On Democracy, Culture and Nation' into Kannada
https://roundtableindia.co.in/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=9609:life-and-social-philosophy-of-his-divine-holiness-narayana-guru&catid=119:feature&Itemid=132Omeo Kumar Das
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Omeo Kumar Das
Born 21 May 1895
Died 23 January 1975 (aged 79)
Guwahati, Assam, India
Other names Lok Nayak
Occupation Indian independence activist
Social reformer
Translator
Educationist
Known for Social reforms
Spouse(s) Pushpalata Das
Awards Padma Bhushan
Omeo Kumar Das (21 May 1895 – 23 January 1975), popularly addressed as Lok Nayak, was an Indian social worker, Gandhian, educationist, writer and a former minister at the Government of Assam. He held various ministerial portfolios such as Education, Labour and Food and Civil Supplies, during various periods, in the state of Assam. He translated The Story of My Experiments with Truth, the autobiography of Mahatma Gandhi, into Assamese language and contributed to the implementation of Tea Plantation Worker’s Provident Fund in the state. The Government of India awarded him the third highest civilian honour of the Padma Bhushan, in 1963, for his contributions to society. India Post honoured Das by issuing a commemorative stamp on him on 15 May 1998.
Early life
Das was born on 25 May 1895 at Nagaon district in the Northeast Indian state of Assam and his schooling was at Tezpur High School, Tezpur. He did his higher education at Cotton College, Guwahati and City College, Calcutta during which time he was reported to have been attracted to the activities of Indian independence activists such as Gopal Krishna Gokhale and Bal Gangadhar Tilak and started getting involved in student politics.
Political life
He was one of the leaders of the Civil disobedience movement of 1930 in Assam and was jailed many times during the freedom struggle. He successfully contested the Assam legislative Assembly and the Constituent Assembly elections of 1937 and 1945 respectively and, after the Indian independence, he represented Dhekiajuli Assembly constituency for three consecutive terms, 1951, 57 and 62. During these periods, he served as the minister in various portfolios. It was during his tenure as the Labour minister, the Worker's Provident Fund for the labourers of the tea plantations was instituted, an initiative reported to be among first such instances in Asia. As the minister of Education, his contributions were noted in the implementation of basic education scheme in Assam. He also served as the minister of Food and Civil Supplies for a period of time.
Das is credited with the publication of several books, including Mor Satya Aneshwanar Kahini, an Assamese language translation of The Story of My Experiments with Truth,the autobiography of Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhijir Jiboni, Mahatma Gandhik Aami Kidore Bujilu and Asomot Mahatma are some his other works. He was involved with the activities of several social and Gandhian organisations such as Harijan Sevak Sangh, Bharatiya Adim Jati Sevak Sangha, Bharat Sevek Samaj, Gandhi Smarak Nidhi, Kasturba Smarak Nidhi and Assam Seva Samiti and was a part of their social activities like campaign against substance abuse and rehabilitation of patients afflicted with leprosy and tuberculosis.
Awards and honours
Prerna Kohli
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dr. Prerna Kohli
Born 21 December 1965
Aligarh, Uttar Pradesh, India
Alma mater Aligarh Muslim University (AMU)
Occupation Clinical psychologist
Social worker
Website www.drprernakohli.in
Dr. Prerna Kohli is a clinical psychologist, social worker and author. She was awarded the ‘100 Women Achievers of India’ in 2016 by the President of India for her work on mental health.
Career
Kohli completed Ph.D. in clinical psychology from Aligarh Muslim University (AMU) and began her practice in 1994 from Gurugram. Kohli has advised various Government committees like the Press Information Bureau of India and the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights.
Kohli is the author of a book on mental health called Psychologist Musings. She has helped the prison inmates and the prison officers of Tihar Jail and Aligarh Jail to overcome mental health problems.
In January 2016, she got felicitated by the then President of India, Pranab Mukherjee, as one of the top 100 Women Achievers of the country.
पेरियार के सुनहरे बोल
महात्मा फुले और डॉ आंबेडकर ने ब्राह्मणवाद से लड़ने के लिए समतावादी आध्यात्मिकता की राह चुनी। पेरियार का उद्देश्य भी ब्राह्मणवाद का खात्मा था। लेकिन उनका रास्ता बिल्कुल अलग था। उन्होंने धर्म की आवश्यकता को सिरे से खारिज किया। पढ़ें, पेरियार के चयनित उद्धरण :
By Periyar E.V. Ramasami पेरियार ई.वी.रामासामी On December 16, 2018
[पेरियार ने आजीवन ब्राह्मणवाद का विरोध किया। वह मानते थे कि भारत के विकास में सबसे बड़ा बाधक कोई और नहीं बल्कि विभेद पैदा करने वाली यह व्यवस्था है। उन्होंने इसके समूल नाश करने का आह्वान किया। हिंदी भाषी राज्यों में अब भी लोग उनके उन विचारों और तर्कों से अपरिचित हैं जिनके आधार पर वे यह सिद्ध करते रहे कि हिन्दू धर्म से जुड़ी बातें मूलतः ब्राह्मण-वर्चस्व को कायम करती हैं। उनके प्रतिनिधि उद्धरणों का यह चयनित संकलन हम यहां प्रस्तुत कर रहे हैं ताकि लोग यह जान सकें कि पेरियार धर्म, राजनीति आदि के बारे में क्या सोचते थे, वह किस तरह का समाज बनाना चाहते थे, श्रमिकों के लिए उनके क्या विचार थे, सामाजिक व्यवस्था में सुधार कैसे हो और यह भी कि उनका बुद्धिवाद क्या था –प्रबंध संपादक ]
पेरियार ई. वी. आर.
राजनीति
जो लोग प्रसिद्धि, पैसा, पद पसंद करते हैं, वे तपेदिक की घातक बीमारी की तरह हैं। वे समाज के हितों के विरोधी हैं।
आज हमें देश के लोगों को ईमानदार और निःस्वार्थ बनाने वाली योजनाएं चाहिए। किसी से भी नफरत न करना और सभी से प्यार करना, यही आज की जरूरत है।
जो लोगों को अज्ञान में रखकर राजनीति में प्रमुख स्थिति प्राप्त कर चुके हैं, उनका ज्ञान के साथ कोई संबंध नहीं माना जा सकता।
हम जोर-शोर से स्वराज की बात कर रहे हैं। क्या स्वराज आप तमिलों के लिए है, या उत्तर भारतीयों के लिए है? क्या यह आपके लिए है या पूंजीवादियों के लिए है?क्या स्वराज आपके लिए है या कालाबाजारियों के लिए है? क्या यह मजदूरों के लिए है या उनका खून चूसने वालों के लिए है?
स्वराज क्या है? हर एक को स्वराज में खाने, पहनने और रहने के लिए पर्याप्त होना चाहिए। क्या हमारे समाज में आपको यह सब मिलता है? तब स्वराज कहाँ है?
आइए विश्लेषण करें। कौन उच्च जाति के और कौन निम्न जाति के लोग हैं। जो काम नहीं करता है, और दूसरों के परिश्रम पर रहता है, वह उच्च जाति है। जो कड़ी मेहनत करके दूसरों को लाभ प्रदान करता है, और बोझ ढोने वाले जानवर के समान बिना आराम और खाए-पिए कड़ी मेहनत करता है, उसे निम्न जाति कहा जाता है।
जो ईश्वर और धर्म में विश्वास रखता है, वह आजादी हासिल करने की कभी उम्मीद नहीं कर सकता।
जब एक बार मनुष्य मर जाता है, तो उसका इस दुनिया या कहीं भी किसी के साथ कोई संबंध नहीं रह जाता है।
धन और प्रचार ही धर्म को जिन्दा रखता है। ऐसी कोई दिव्य शक्ति नहीं है, जो धर्म की ज्योति को जलाए रखती है।
धर्म का आधार अन्धविश्वास है। विज्ञान में धर्मों का कोई स्थान नहीं है। इसलिए बुद्धिवाद धर्म से भिन्न है। सभी धर्मवादी कहते हैं कि किसी को भी धर्म पर संदेह या कुछ भी सवाल नहीं करना चाहिए। इसने मूर्खों को धर्म के नाम पर कुछ भी कहने की छूट दी है। धर्म और ईश्वर के नाम पर मूर्खता एक सनातन रीत है।
ब्राह्मणों ने शास्त्रों और पुराणों की सहायता से शूद्रों (वेश्या या रखैल पुत्र) को बनाया है। हमने हिंदू धर्म स्वीकार कर लिया है। हमने तालाब खोदे हैं, मंदिरों का निर्माण किया है, धन दान किया है। लेकिन कौन आनंद ले रहा है? केवल ब्राह्मण आनंद ले रहे हैं।
ब्राह्मणों ने हमें हमेशा के लिए शूद्र बनाने की साजिश रची, जिसके परिणामस्वरुप हमें आर्य धर्म द्वारा दास के रूप में बनाया गया है। और अपने उच्च स्तर की सुरक्षा के लिए उन्होंने मंदिरों और देवताओं को बनाया है।
पेरियार ई.वी. रामासामी (जन्म : 17 सितंबर 1879 – निधन : 24 दिसंबर 1975)
धनी लोग, शिक्षित लोग, व्यापारी और पुरोहित वर्ग जातिप्रथा, धर्म, शास्त्र और ईश्वर से लाभ उठा रहे हैं। इनकी वजह से इनको कोई परेशानी नहीं होती है। इन्हीं सब चीजों से इनका उच्च स्तर बना हुआ है।
इस तथ्य को साबित करने के लिए पर्याप्त सबूत हैं कि इस भारत देश को जाति व्यवस्था द्वारा बर्बाद कर दिया गया है।
हम द्रविड़ियन इस देश के मूल निवासी हैं। हम प्राचीन शासक वर्ग से आते हैं। किन्तु आज हम चौथे वर्ण के अधीन बना दिए गए हैं। क्यों? हमारी इस वर्तमान अपमानजनक स्थिति के लिए हमारे पूर्वज, पुरखे और हमारे राजा ज़िम्मेदार हैं, जिन्होंने शर्मनाक व्यवहार किया था।
जब सभी मनुष्य जन्म से बराबर हैं, तो यह कहना कि अकेले ब्राह्मण ही उच्च हैं, और दूसरे सब नीच हैं, जैसे परिया (अछूत) या पंचम, एकदम बकवास है। ऐसा कहना शातिरपन है। यह हमारे साथ किया गया एक बड़ा धोखा है।
एक धर्म को प्यार को बढ़ावा देने वाला होना चाहिए। वह हर एक को दूसरों की सहायता करने के लिए प्रेरित करना चाहिए। उसे हर एक को सत्य का सम्मान करना सिखाना चाहिए। दुनिया के लिए ऐसा ही धर्म आवश्यक है, जिसमें ये सारे गुण हों। एक सच्चे धर्म का इसके सिवा कोई अन्य महत्वपूर्ण काम नहीं है।
हमने ईश्वर को आज़ाद नहीं छोड़ा है। आप मंदिर-गोपुरम (टावर) क्यों चाहते हैं? आप पूजा करना क्यों चाहते हैं? आप एक पत्नी; गहने क्यों चाहते हैं? आप स्वर्ण और हीरे के आभूषण क्यों चाहते हैं? आप भोजन क्यों चाहते हैं? क्या आप खाना खाते हैं? क्या आप देवदासियों का आनंद ले रहे हैं, जो आपको अपनी पत्नियों की तरह बुलाती हैं? हमने ईश्वर को आज़ाद नहीं छोड़ा है। हमने उसे प्रश्नों की बौछार के साथ परेशान किया है। अब तक कोई ईश्वर उत्तर देने के लिए आगे नहीं आया है। कोई ईश्वर विरोध करने के लिए आगे नहीं आया है। किसी भी ईश्वर ने हमला करने या दंडित करने की हिम्मत नहीं की।
ये लम्बे और शंकु जैसे टावर किसने बनाए हैं? उनके शिखर पर सोने की परत किसने चढ़ाई? नटराज के लिए सोने की छत किसने बनाई? एक हजार खम्भों वाला मंडपम किसने बनाया? चॉकलेटियों (कारवाँ सराय) के लिए कड़ी मेहनत किसने की? क्या इनमें से किसी भी मंदिर, टैंक और धर्मार्थ चीजों के लिए दान के रूप में एक भी पाई ब्राह्मण ने दी है? जब यह सच है, तो ब्राह्मणों को कुछ भी योगदान किए बिना उच्च जाति बनकर क्यों रहना चाहिए? उन्हें हमें धोखा देने की अनुमति क्यों दी जानी चाहिए? यही कारण है कि, हम साहसपूर्वक भगवान को चुनौती दे रहे हैं। ईश्वर ने लोगों का कुछ भी भला नहीं किया है। यही कारण है कि, हम भगवान से पूछते हैं कि क्या वह वास्तव में भगवान है या केवल पत्थर है? ईश्वर गूंगा और अचल रहकर हमारे आरोपों को स्वीकार कर रहा है। इसलिए कोई भी भगवान हमारे खिलाफ मानहानि का मुकदमा दायर करने अदालत में नहीं गया है।
अगर धर्म यह कहे कि मनुष्य को मनुष्य का सम्मान करना चाहिए, तो हम कोई आपत्ति नहीं करेंगे। अगर धर्म यह कहे कि समाज में न कोई उच्च है और न नीच, तो हम उस धर्म के खिलाफ आवाज नहीं उठाएंगे।अगर धर्म यह कहे कि किसी को भी उसकी पूजा करने के लिए कुछ भी खर्च करने की ज़रूरत नहीं है, तो हम उस भगवान का विरोध नहीं करेंगे।
ब्राह्मण आपको ईश्वर के नाम पर मूर्ख बना रहे हैं। वह आपको अन्धविश्वासी बनाता है। वह आपको अस्पृश्य के रूप में निंदा करके बहुत ही आरामदायक जीवन जीता है। वह आपकी तरफ से भगवान को प्रार्थना करके खुश करने के लिए आपके साथ सौदा करता है। मैं इस दलाली के व्यवसाय की दृढ़ता से निंदा करता हूँ और आपको चेतावनी देता हूँ कि इस तरह के ब्राह्मणों पर विश्वास न करें।
रूढ़िवादी हिंदुओं के लिए सबूत है कि कुछ देवताओं ने मुस्लिम लड़कियों को जीवन-साथी बना लिया है। ऐसे भी देवता हैं, जो अस्पृश्य समुदाय की लड़कियों से प्यार करते थे और उनसे विवाह करते थे।
हालांकि ब्राह्मण जातियों के मामले में सौदा करने के लिए आगे आ सकते हैं, पर जब तक कृष्णा और उनकी गीता यहां है, जातियों का अंत होने वाला नहीं हैं।
ईश्वर सद्गुणों का प्रतीक है। उसे रूप धारण करने की जरूरत नहीं है, क्योंकि उसका भौतिक अस्तित्व ही नहीं है।
इंग्लैंड में न कोई शूद्र है, और न परिया अछूत। रूस में आपको वर्णाश्रम धर्म या भाग्यवाद नहीं मिलेगा। अमरीका में, लोग ब्रह्मा के मुख से या पैरों से पैदा नहीं होते हैं। जर्मनी में भगवान भोग नहीं लगाते हैं। टर्की में देवता विवाह नहीं करते हैं। फ्रांस में देवताओं के पास 12 लाख रुपये का मुकुट नहीं है। इन देशों के लोग शिक्षित और बुद्धिमान हैं। वे अपना आत्मसम्मान खोने के लिए तैयार नहीं होते हैं। बल्कि, वे अपने हितों और अपने देश की सुरक्षा के लिए तैयार होते हैं। अकेले हमें क्यों बर्बर देवताओं और धार्मिक कट्टरवाद को मानना चाहिए।
उस ईश्वर को नष्ट कर दो, जो तुम्हें शूद्र कहता है। उन पुराणों और महाकाव्यों को नष्ट कर दो, जो हिन्दू ईश्वर को सशक्त बनाते हैं। यदि कोई ईश्वर वास्तव में दयालु, हितैषी और बुद्धिमान है, तो उसकी प्रार्थना करो।
प्रार्थना क्या है? क्या इससे नारियल टूट रहा है? क्या यह ब्राह्मणों को पैसे दे रही है? क्या यह त्यौहारों में है? क्या यह ब्राह्मणों के चरणों में गिर रही है? क्या यह मन्दिर बना रही है? नहीं, यह हमारे अच्छे व्यवहार में निहित है। हमें बुद्धिमान लोगों की तरह व्यवहार करना चाहिए। प्रार्थना का यही सार है।
समाज
एक समय था, जब हमें तमिल कहा जाता था। पर आज तमिल का प्रयोग तमिल भाषा के लिए किया जाता है। अत: आर्य संस्कृति और आर्य सभ्यता के लोग भी इसलिए अपने आप को तमिल कहते हैं, क्योंकि वे तमिल बोलते हैं। इतना ही नहीं, वे हम पर आर्य सभ्यता को भी थोपना चाहते हैं। मैं कहता हूं कि आज हमें उनके साथ सहयोग करने के कारण ही शूद्र कहा जाता है।
हम रक्त के बारे में चिंतित नहीं हैं। हम संस्कृति और सभ्यता के बारे में चिंतित हैं। हम भेदभाव रहित समाज चाहते हैं। हम समाज में किसी के भी साथ प्रचलित भेदभाव के कारण अलगाव नहीं चाहते हैं।
हिन्दू धर्म और जाति-व्यवस्था नौकर और मालिक का सिद्धांत स्थापित करती है। अगर भगवान हमारे पतन का मूल कारण है, तो भगवान को नष्ट कर दो। अगर यह काम मनु धर्म, गीता या कोई अन्य पुराण कर रहा है, तो उन्हें भी जलाकर राख कर दोI अगर यह काम मन्दिर, कुंड या पर्व करता है, तो उनका भी बहिष्कार करो। अंतत: यह हमारी राजनीति है, तो इसे आगे आगे बढ़कर खुलेआम घोषित करो।
मनुष्य मनुष्य बराबर है। कोई शोषण नहीं होना चाहिए।हर एक को दूसरे की मदद करनी चाहिए। किसी को भी किसी का नुक्सान नहीं करना चाहिए। किसी को भी कोई कष्ट या शिकायत नहीं होनी चाहिए। हर किसी को राष्ट्रीय भावना के साथ जीना चाहिए और दूसरे को भी जीने देना चाहिए।
स्वाभिमान आन्दोलन का आदर्श क्या है? इस आन्दोलन का मकसद उन संगठनों का पता लगाना है, जो हमारी प्रगति में बाधक बने हुए हैं। यह उन ताकतों का मुकाबला करेगा, जो समाजवाद के खिलाफ काम करते हैं। यह समस्त धार्मिक प्रतिक्रियावादी ताकतों का विरोध करेगा। यह उन लोगों का विरोध करता है, जो कानून-व्यवस्था भंग करते हैं। स्वाभिमान आन्दोलन शान्ति और प्रगति के लिए काम करता है। यह प्रतिक्रियावादियों को कुचल देगा।
एक समाजवादी समाज को तैयार करने के लिए और आम आदमी तथा दलित वर्गों का हित करने के लिए स्वाभिमान आंदोलन शुरू किया गया था। पर समाज के सभी वर्गों में शांति और संतोष स्थापित करना भी आज आंदोलन की एक और ज़िम्मेदारी है।
यदि लोग और देश समृद्ध हैं, तो शिक्षा, विज्ञान, प्रौद्योगिकी और अनुशासन में भारी सुधार किया जाना चाहिए
द्रविड़ियन आन्दोलन ब्राह्मणवाद के खात्मे तक सक्रिय और जिन्दा रहेगा। तब तक हमारे दुश्मनों या सरकार द्वारा हमारे साथ कुछ भी अत्याचार, दमन, साजिश और विश्वासघात किया जा सकता है, पर हमें विश्वास है कि अंत में सफलता निश्चित रूप से हमारी होगी।
मुझे ब्राह्मण प्रेस द्वारा ब्राह्मण-विरोधी के रूप में चित्रित किया गया है। किन्तु मैं व्यक्तिगत रूप से किसी भी ब्राह्मण का दुश्मन नहीं हूँ। एकमात्र तथ्य यह है कि मैं ब्राहमणवाद का धुर विरोधी हूँ। मैंने कभी नहीं कहा कि ब्राह्मणों को खत्म किया जाना चाहिए। मैं केवल यह कहता हूँ कि ब्राह्मणवाद को खत्म किया जाना चाहिए। ऐसा लगता है कि कोई ब्राह्मण स्पष्ट रूप से मेरी बात समझ नहीं पाता है।
जातियां नहीं होनी चाहिए। जन्म के कारण स्वयं को उच्च या निम्न नहीं बुलाया जाना चाहिए। यही वह चीज है, जो हम चाहते हैं। अगर हम यह कहते हैं, तो यह गलत कैसे है?
कांग्रेस पार्टी से अकेले ब्राह्मण और धनी लोग ही लाभ उठा रहे हैं।यह आम आदमी, गरीब आदमी और श्रमिक वर्गों के लिए अच्छा काम नहीं करेगी। यह बात मैं काफी लम्बे समय से कह रहा था। आप लोगों ने मेरी बातों पर विश्वास नहीं किया। पर अब आप लोग कांग्रेस शासन में चीजों को देखने के बाद, सच्चाई को महसूस कर रहे हैं।
जब मैं तमिलनाडू कांग्रेस पार्टी का अध्यक्ष था, तो मैंने 1925 के सम्मेलन में एक प्रस्ताव प्रस्तुत किया था। उस प्रस्ताव में मैंने जातिविहीन समाज के निर्माण का समर्थन किया था। मेरे मित्र राजगोपालाचारी ने अस्वीकृत कर दिया थाI मैंने यह भी अनुरोध किया था कि कांग्रेस के विभिन्न पक्षों और क्षेत्रों में सांप्रदायिक प्रतिनिधित्व का पालन किया जाना चाहिए। पर यह प्रस्ताव भी विषय समिति में थिरु वि. का. (एक सम्मानित तमिल विद्वान कल्यानासुन्दरानर) के द्वारा अस्वीकृत कर दिया गया थाI तब मुझे अपने प्रस्ताव के समर्थन में 30 प्रतिनिधियों के हस्ताक्षर प्राप्त करने के लिए कहा गया था। श्री एस. रामानाथन ने 50 प्रतिनिधियों से हस्ताक्षर प्राप्त कर लिए। तब सर्वश्री सी. राजगोपालाचारी (राजाजी), श्रीनिवास आयंगर, सत्यमूर्ति और अन्य लोगों ने अपना प्रतिरोध दर्ज करायाI उन्हें डर था कि अगर मेरा प्रस्ताव स्वीकार कर लिया गया, तो कांग्रेस खत्म हो जाएगीI बाद में यह प्रस्ताव थिरु वि. का. और डा. पी. वरदाराजुलू के द्वारा रोक दिया गयाI ब्राह्मण बहुत खुश हुएI इतना ही नहीं, उन्होंने मुझे सम्मेलन में बोलने की इजाजत भी नहीं दी, यह केवल उस दिन हुआ, जब मैंने कांग्रेस पार्टी में प्रमुख ताकतों से लड़ने की अपील की थी। मैंने सांप्रदायिक प्रतिनिधित्व लागू करने के लिए संघर्ष करने के लिए संकल्प किया। मैंने सम्मेलन में अपना दृढ़ निश्चय घोषित किया और मैं कांग्रेस सत्र से बाहर चला गया। उसी दिन से मैं कांग्रेस पार्टी की चाल, षड्यंत्र और धोखाधड़ी की गतिविधियों का खुलासा कर रहा हूं।
जिसे भाषण और अभिव्यक्ति की स्वतंत्रता कहा जाता है, वह चीज बहुत पहले ही गायब हो गई। जो लोग सरकार के खिलाफ वैध आरोप लगाते हैं, उन्हें गिरफ्तार किया जा रहा है। उन पर स्वतंत्रता के दुश्मनों के रूप में झूठा आरोप लगाया जाता है।
उन व्यक्तियों के विवरण जानिए, जिन्होंने पहले ही धन और लाभ अर्जित कर लिए हैं। इस बुराई को रोकने के लिए साधन क्या तैयार किये। क्या हमें किसी व्यक्ति को इस तरह धन इकट्ठा करने की अनुमति देनी चाहिए?
कांग्रेस और अंग्रेजों के बीच हुए समझौते के कारण यह सरकार अस्तित्व में आई है। यह वह स्वतंत्रता नहीं है, जो सभी भारतीयों को दी गई है। इस स्वतंत्रता से गैर-कांग्रेसी लोगों को कोई लाभ नहीं हुआ है। वे कहीं भी प्रतिनिधित्त्व नहीं करते हैं। जातिवाद की बुराई भी गायब नहीं हुई है।
आर्यों ने द्रविड़ों को दीपावली, राम का जन्मदिन, कृष्ण का जन्मदिन त्यौहार मनाने के लिए बनाए। इसी तरह उत्तर भारतीयों ने स्वतंत्रता दिवस मनाने के लिए 15 अगस्त बनाया। इस सब के सिवा कोई अन्य लाभ या प्रशंसनीय कार्य नहीं है।
प्रत्येक व्यक्ति को स्वतंत्र रूप से अपनी राय व्यक्त करने का अधिकार है। यह उसका अभिव्यक्ति के अपने अधिकार के प्रयोग करने का अधिकार है। इस अधिकार को अस्वीकार करना अन्यायपूर्ण है। बोलने की आजादी लोकतंत्र का आधार है।
श्रमिक
अमीर लोग जो मजदूरों का शोषण करते हैं और अपनी संपत्ति की रक्षा करने की कोशिश करते हैं और जो लोग एक खुशहाल जीवन का आनंद लेना चाहते हैं और जो लोग अधिक धन के लिए भगवान से याचना करते हैं और जो मृत्यु के बाद भी नाम और प्रसिद्धि चाहते हैं और जो अपनी संपत्ति अपने बेटों और पोतों के लिए छोड़ना चाहते हैं, वे हमेशा शाश्वत चिंता में रहते हैं। किन्तु एक कठोर श्रम करने वाले श्रमिक के साथ ऐसा नहीं है।
विश्व में श्रम समस्या हमेशा लोगों की समस्या है। यह श्रमिक ही है, जो विश्व में सब कुछ बनाता है। लेकिन यह श्रमिक ही चिंताओं, कठिनाइयों और दुःखों से गुजरता है।
कुरल (Kural) एक दुर्लभ किताब है जो जाति, धर्म, भगवान और अंधविश्वास से ऊपर है। यह उच्च गुणों और प्रेम की प्रतीक है।
तिरुवल्लुवार का कुरल अकेला ग्रन्थ है, जो हमारे देश के लोगों को शिक्षित करने के लिए पर्याप्त है।
बुद्धिवाद
ज्ञान का आधार सोच है। सोच का आधार तर्कवाद है।
कोई भी अन्य जीवित प्राणी अपने ही वर्ग को नुकसान नहीं पहुंचाता है। कोई भी अन्य जीवित प्राणी अपने ही वर्ग को निम्न स्तर का नहीं बनाता है। कोई भी अन्य जीवित प्राणी अपने ही वर्ग का शोषण नहीं करता है। लेकिन मनुष्य, जो एक बुद्धिमान जीवित प्राणी कहा जाता है, इन सभी बुराइयों को करता है।
भेदभाव, घृणा, शत्रुता, ऊँच-नीच, गरीबी, दुराचरण इत्यादि, जो अब समाज में प्रचलित हैं, वह ज्ञान और तर्कवाद की कमी के कारण हैं। वे भगवान या समय की क्रूरता के कारण नहीं हैं।
विदेशी ग्रहों को संदेश भेज रहे हैं। हम ब्राह्मणों के माध्यम से हमारे मृत पूर्व पिता को चावल और अनाज भेज रहे हैं। क्या यह बुद्धिमानी का काम है?
मैं ब्राह्मणों के लिए एक शब्द कहना चाहता हूं, ‘भगवान, धर्म, शास्त्रों के नाम पर आपने हमें धोखा दिया है। हम शासक लोग थे। अब धोखा देने के इस जीवन को खत्म करो। तर्कवाद और मानवता के लिए जगह दो।’
मैंने 17 साल की उम्र में ही इन देवताओं और ब्राह्मणों का विरोध किया था। तब से आज तक, पिछले 53 सालों से मैं तर्कवाद का उपदेश दे रहा हूँI क्या मैं इसके लिए मारा गया हूँ? क्या मैं अपमानित किया गया हूँ? बिल्कुल नहीं। तो, आप डरते क्यों हैं? ज्ञान की तलाश करो।
सुधार
आम आदमी सोचता है कि शादी काम करने के लिए किसी की नियुक्ति करने की तरह है। पति भी ऐसा ही सोचता है! पति का परिवार भी ऐसा ही सोचता है। हर कोई सोचता है कि एक लड़की काम करने के लिए परिवार में आ रही है। लड़की का परिवार भी लड़की को घर का काम करने के लिए प्रशिक्षित करता है।
शादी का मतलब क्या है? खुशी के साथ प्राकृतिक जीवन का आनंद लेने के लिए एक पुरुष और एक स्त्री परस्पर एक होते हैं। कड़ी मेहनत के बाद उससे सन्तोष मिलता है। ज्यादातर लोगों को यह एहसास नहीं होता कि विवाहित जीवन के साझा सुख विवाह हैं।
विवाह के परिणाम युगल की इच्छाओं के कारण होने चाहिए। यह उन हृदयों की बुनाई है, जो शादी का कारण बनते हैं।
बाल विवाह खत्म होने चाहिए। अगर तलाक का अधिकार है, तो विधवाओं के पुनर्विवाह के लिए भी अधिकार हो और यदि महिलाओं को अब कुछ अधिकार दिए गए हैं, तो हम देश में वेश्यावृत्ति को नहीं देखेंगे। यह धीरे-धीरे गायब हो जाएगी।
एक पुरुष को आनंद के लिए, जो वह चाहता है, भटकने का अधिकार है। उसे कितनी ही लड़कियों से शादी करने का अधिकार है। इस प्रवृत्ति ने स्त्रियों को वेश्यावृत्ति की ओर अग्रसर किया है।
कोई भी राजनेता और अर्थशास्त्री समाज-सुधार की उन वास्तविक योजनाओं को स्वीकार करने को तैयार नहीं है, जिनकी समाज को जरूरत है।
मुझ पर दुनिया को बर्बाद करने का आरोप लगाया जाता है। दुनिया को बर्बाद करके मैं क्या हासिल करने जा रहा हूँ? मुझे समझ में नहीं आता कि ब्राह्मण भक्त वास्तव में क्या महसूस करते हैं। क्या कोई दुनिया को बर्बाद करने के लिए प्रचार करेगा? मुझे उम्मीद है कि वे जल्द ही इस पर तर्कसंगत विचार करेंगे।
यह पता लगाना बुद्धिमान लोगों का कर्तव्य है कि खादी आन्दोलन से देश को कोई लाभ हुआ है या नहीं? आज के आधुनिक औद्योगिक और राजनीतिक दौर में यह केवल एक अनाचारवाद है।
गरीबी का मूल कारण समाज में पूंजीपतियों का अस्तित्व है। यदि समाज में पूंजीपति लोग नहीं रहेंगे, तो गरीबी नहीं होगी।
जब तक हम शासक वर्गों को चाहते रहेंगे, यहां चिंताएं और चिंतित लोग बने रहेंगे। इसी वजह से देश में गरीबी और महामारी हमेशा बनी हुई है।
यदि हम मंदिरों की संपत्ति और मंदिरों में अर्जित आय को नए उद्योग शुरू करने के लिए खर्च कर दें, तो न कोई भिखारी, न कोई अशिक्षित और न कोई निम्न स्तर वाला व्यक्ति होगा। एक समाजवादी समाज होगा, जिसमें सब समान होंगे।
जब से ब्राह्मण यहां आए (तमिलनाडु), शायद ही कभी हम किसी से पूछते हैं कि ब्राह्मण क्यों? शूद्र क्यों? यहां तक कि जिन लोगों ने पूछा था, उन्हें शांत कर दिया गया। वल्लुवार और कपिलर ने भी स्पष्ट रूप से कहा कि जन्म से कोई उच्च और निम्न जाति नहीं है। ब्राह्मण उनके विचारों का विरोध नहीं कर सके। उन्होंने बस उनके विचारों का प्रचार नहीं किया।
मूर्तियों तथा वेदों को, जो अज्ञानता पैदा करते हैं, और उपनिषद, मनुस्मृति, बाराथम जैसे लोगों को मूर्ख बनाने वाले ग्रन्थों को हमारी तमिलनाडु की सीमाओं से बाहर निकाल दिया जायेगा।
मैंने ब्राह्मणों को तुच्छ मानने के लिए कुछ भी नहीं बोला है, सिर्फ इसलिए कि वे ब्राह्मणों के रूप में पैदा हुए हैं।
कांग्रेस पार्टी का नेता ब्राह्मण है। सोशलिस्टों का नेता ब्राह्मण है। कम्युनिस्टों का नेता ब्राह्मण है। हिन्दू महासभा का नेता ब्राह्मण है। आरएसएस का नेता ब्राह्मण है। ट्रेड यूनियन का नेता ब्राह्मण है। भारत का राष्ट्रपति ब्राह्मण है। वे सभी दिलों के दिल में हैं।
(उपरोक्त चयनित उद्धरण कलेक्टेड वर्क्स ऑफ पेरियार ई. वी. आर., संयोजन : डॉ. के. वीरामणि, प्रकाशक : दी पेरियार सेल्फ-रेसपेक्ट प्रोपगंडा इन्स्टीच्यूशन, पेरियार थाइडल, 50, ई. वी. के. संपथ सलाय, वेपरी, चेन्नई – 600007 के प्रथम संस्करण, 1981 के पृष्ठ संख्या 471 से लेकर 518 से लिए गए हैं।)
(अनुवाद : कँवल भारती, कॉपी संपादन : एफपी डेस्क)
Quotes of Periyar E. V. Ramasamy
‘I, E.V. Ramaswamy, have taken upon myself the task of reforming Dravidian Society so that it shall be comparable to other societies of the world, in esteem and enlightenment, and I am solely devoted to that service.
I express, plainly and openly, thoughts which occur to me, and which strike me as right. This may embarrass a few; to some this may be distasteful; and a few others may even be irritated; however, all that I utter are proven truths and not lies.
It is my considered opinion that kings are redundant in the present-day world, and that they are demeaning to the self-respect of the people.
I am also one who says that besides kings, rich men, landed aristocracy, business, and Capitalists are groups that should be eliminated, as they are parasites on men.
Not that all the people of the world should act according to my wish, but that come what may, surely in polities and in public life, humane justice alone, and not justice as prescribed by any epoch or religion should be imposed: such is my desire.
I shall never be a party to doing anything by instigating others from behind. Even if I am thus inclined by any chance, I have not the capacity to do so. To act from behind, certain means and machinery are required, because I lack these, I have had not only to remain a servant of society throughout my life, but also to give expression to my views candidly, and to censure, where necessary, without fear or favour.
As far as I am concerned, I am never a party man. I have always been a man of principles.
In my public life, after I reached my years of discretion, I always volunteered to support the government of Non-Brahmins. In this, I did not see any dignity or indignity.
I had my strong conviction even from 1925 that superstition must be eradicated and that people should be turned into rationalists.
Till the end of my life, I shall never canvass for a vote. I shall not even expect a word of praise from any quarter.
I am one who has been ostracized by politics and religion. I have suffered pain and privation; sacrificed my self-esteem; and rejected a place in the ministry.
Indeed, it was my family and I who volunteered for the first time in India to court imprisonment for the sake of the freedom we cherish so dearly today.
I have supported whichever political party has done well to the society to which I belong, and opposed those that have done ill. I have not supported any party merely it is in power.
I serve only because I wish that our people and society should progress on par with other lands. In the best interest of society, therefore, I support those that are capable of doing well to our people, and those administrators who work for our social betterment.
I am under no necessity to permanently support anyone for gaining selfish ends. I see no wrong at all in supporting that person who does well to us, who strives for the removal of our social degradation even if he is a foreigner.
I have no (political) heirs. My principles and ideas are my heirs. My principles and ideas are my heirs. Heirs should evolve on their own.
Even if I were to live in a place where I would have to experience much worse sufferings than those of a hellish life, I would consider it a pleasanter life than this mean, caste-ridden existence, if only I were respected as a man there.
Gandhiji said: ‘If the untouchables are prevented from drawing water from a well, let separate wells be dug for them; if they are not allowed into the temple, let separate temples be built for them ‘. I said then: ‘if no amends are made for the abject humiliation that they cannot draw water from a well, let them then die of thirst. That they must be freed from this degradation is more important than the provision of water to save their lives.’
For how long are we still to remain ‘sudras’ and allow our progeny also to be ‘sudras’, in this world? Should we not do something to attain human dignity, devoid of our ills, at least in this generation, during this age of science, of scientific freedom? Is there a nobler deed than this for us? It is for this reason that I have dedicated the whole of my life for this cause: and not out of any perversity or spite.
Some say that eradication of caste is communalism, and hatred for the high-castes. Are we communalist? Have we ever harmed a single Brahmin, or set fire to a Brahmin locality? An appeal for the abolition of caste is not to be considered class-hatred.
The oppressed and backward people- toilers, coolies, poor men- who are treated like animals, are an eye-sore to me. This sorry sight can be removed only by their being made equal among men.
Though I am more than sixty years of age, my feelings are not as old, only because of my contact with the young. To do nothing is something my mind is never inclined to. Rest and boredom are suicide to me.
People all over the world should unite. They should have an existence that does no harm to other beings. Means must be found for a peaceful life, free from envy, care, deceit, hatred and sorrow. This is my cherished wish.
I am aware that my capacity is limited. But my love for humanity is boundless. That is why I am impelled to action and utterance beyond my position and capacity.
You conduct yourselves according to what you deem proper, after an inquiry aided by reason, this is what I call reform.
Do not think I am selfless. I am a very avaricious person. My desire and selfishness are boundless; I consider the welfare of the Dravidian society as my own welfare, and I toil solely for that ‘Selfishness ‘
Justice, and nothing else, is my justification.
Are my ideas admired or rejected?
Are they considered lofty or low? I do not bother. My life’s aim is that my views, however bitter they are to others, should only express truth.
From my tenth year onwards, (as far as I can remember), I have been an atheist. I have no faith in caste or rituals. In matters of public conduct, I am aware that others should not be pained or troubled; apart from this, I have little regard for proper conduct. Even though I am covetous of money and materials, I have earned them only through my resourcefulness and not by pecuniary dishonesty, or by betrayal of trust. I have never attempted to cheat anyone, even in the smallest matter. Even though I may have told lies in business deals, I have not told lies in public life, or consciously expressed opposing views. Why should a person like me carry enmity or ill-will to a particular community? I am one who ardently wishes to bring our land and society on a par with the character and culture of England. I consider, rightly or wrongly, that the Brahmin community is a stumbling block to this.
Should not the Brahimins then demonstrate that such is not the case? In fact, if only I had the support of the Brahmins, I would have found it possible to a large extent to bring about the advancement of our country.
I am one who lives just to see that the whole world is suffused with atheistic rationality.
My only goal is the welfare of the people.
I am no passionate seeker after power. Only, I have a fierce social consciousness. For the sake of the welfare of society, I am prepared in the days to come to give up anything.
I devote myself to service only for the reason that our people should gain in knowledge and live on a par with the peoples of the world.
You Decide for Yourselves
Decide for yourselves as to what you should think of those who say there is God, that He is the preserver of Justice and that He is the Protector of All, even after seeing that the practice of Unsociability, in the form of man being banned from human sight and contact, from walking in the street, from entering the temples and from drawing water from a tank, is rampant in a land and yet that land is spared from being razed by an earthquake, burnt by the fiery lava of a volcano, engulfed in a deluge from the occan, submerged in the chasm of the earth, or fragmented by a thunder-storm.
On Rationalism
Why is it that a foreigner is required to find out the height of the Himalayas, while we claim to have discovered the Seven Worlds above and the seven more below; why is it that when we claim to have the ability to expound Lord Nataraja’s Cosmic Dance, the construction of this simple loudspeaker in front of us is an enigma; we should really contemplate on these aspects. You should come forward to use reason to enlarge your general Knowledge.
Man is considered superior to other beings in this world, because he has limitless capacity for knowledge. People in other lands have advanced greatly, utilizing this knowledge. But our countrymen owing to lack of this knowledge are abjectly deteriorating. Stating that ours is a land of enlightenment, we build tanks and temples; in other lands, men fly in space and amaze the whole world.
In other lands, knowledge alone is respected and trusted and held as the basis of everything, but in this country, men believe only in rituals and ceremonies, in God, in religion and such other rubbish.
Knowledge, born of rationalisation, is real knowledge. Can mere bookish lore become knowledge? Can one become a genius through learning by rote? Why is it that educated persons endowed with the highest mental gifts- degree holders in general and science degree holders in particular- believe that a mere stone is a God and prostrate before it? Why do great savants and specialists in science anoint themselves with turbid water in order to expiate their sins? Are there any connections between the science they have learnt and the anointing mixture consisting of cow’s dung and urine?
The aeroplane is referred to in Ramayana and Mahabharata, but it flies by the power of magic. The aeroplane is explained in English literature, but it flies by mechanical power. What do we need now? Mechanical or magical energy?
Let us bring up two children of the same parents– one in England and the other, in our country. He who is reared in England will look at everything from a scientific point of view, and the other will consider everything from a religious point of view.
The reason for the present chaos and deterioration in our country is that we have been hindered from enquiry and cogitation and repressed from the use of rationality.
In whatever manner you surmise God, and with whatever good intentions you found a religion, the results are all the same. A reformist God and a rational religion cannot achieve anything more than a superstitious God and a blind religion.
Just as machines, invented for the social good of man, to give him added advantage and to save him labor and time, are under the control of the capitalists to keep the worker and the laborer in hunger- so reason that is to serve for the excellence, satisfaction and comfort of man has been enslaved by a few, to cause people pain, poverty and anxiety.
Activities that are not consonant with rational understanding, intellectual enquiry and human needs should not be carried on in the name of customs, traditions, God, religion, caste and class, or in any other name.
Man possesses reason. It is given to him for enquiry, not for blind animalism. It is by abusing reason that man has brought himself into a lot of troubles. He has created God, as an antidote to his troubles.
Uncertainties in life, dissatisfaction owing to wants and competition among individuals, if these exist in a country, then it is evident that her people do not have full powers of reason. In a country where people live freely and in contentment, it is clear that reason rules there
Man believes that he must gather wealth for his children who have the gift of reason, even by cheating his own society. But animals and birds do not save anything for their offspring who do not have the gift of reason; in fact they bite, peck and chase them away when the time comes for them to be on their own. They do not care for them or even remember them afterwards.
On Self-Respect
We are fit to think of ‘Self-respect’ only when the notion of superior and inferior caste is banished from our land.
Religion, politics, economics and social life in India are based only on class distinctions. That is why some live high and many are constrained to live low in society. People have also lost their sense of self-respect.
If any one wishes to serve society, on the basis of humanism, what he should do first is to make people think and conduct themselves rationally.
Because man has been compelled to have faith and trust in a mysterious God, he is now made to believe all the lies about Him.
Man does not grow by merely accepting whatever others have said. However, do listen to others, but later think with the help of your reason. Accept and try to follow what appears right to you.
The aim of a genuine self-respect movement is to change whatever appears to be adverse to man’s feelings of self-respect.
That which enslaves you to customs of the world to orthodoxy, to the rigours of religion, contrary to your rationality and awareness of truths of experience, is what I shall describe as antagonistic to self-respect.
This all-important awareness of self-respect, based on feelings of dignity and indignity, may be deemed man’s birth-right, as the word ‘man’ is itself a word based on dignity. Therefore, he who is called ‘man ‘ embodies dignity in himself, and only through his right to this dignity, reveals his human qualities. That is why ‘self-esteem is his birth-right’.
Man must remove by himself his feelings of inferiority, the feeling that he is lesser born than other beings, and attain self-confidence and self-respect.
On Social Reform
Books that advocate communal distinctions and complexes of superiority and inferiority should be prohibited from being read. If read, they should be confiscated.
Social reform cannot stand apart from politics, nor can politics stand apart from social reform. Politics exists only for human society. Every political active is only for social good. Constitutional law and defense are made only for society and in accordance with social good.
Offering alms and receiving alms should be deemed illegal, if human society should prosper without hindrance. Only then will man be able to live in self-respect.
The evils of religion, communalism, tradition and orthodoxy can never be eradicated from our land and society, unless the government creates what may be called a ‘Department for Defeating Superstitious Beliefs’ and through it facilitates propaganda against these evils in schools and public places and among students and the people.
The world today has no place for the meek, the poor, the innocent and the honest. Are we to wait for an opportune time to mend this condition?
It is important that communal distinctions, in the name of temples, are eradicated and that all the properties held in the name of temples are utilized for the welfare of the people.
History bears out that the threat of power has never stopped any reform. Social changes will always occur. People also will undergo social change.
Tentative and superficial changes here and there in the name of social reform will not bear fruit. The present social set-up should be destroyed at its very base, and a new social order, free from caste and class be created.
Though we have progressed and changed in the field of politics, we are still backward in the social field. This condition should change.
Ours is an obstinate society. Even after more than three-fourths of the people of the world have progressed, our society is still in a backward and barbaric stage, adamantly following customs of yore, because they have been adopted for a long time by its forebears.
Our society consists of many castes, religions and sects. The human and social distinctions that exist in our country should be put an end to. Without considering that someone else will bring about this change, each one of us should do something for our society.
Whomsoever I love or hate, my principle is the same. That is, the educated, the rich and the administrators should not suck the blood of the poor.
Those that pretend to serve the cause of social good for their selfish ends, without caring even a little for our society, are enemies of the Tamils, even if they are themselves Tamils.
In the village where you reside, some fifty people are affected by water-borne diseases and you discover that the well in the village contains the carrier-germs. Pumping out the water completely should clean the well. If the springs in the well are infected, then they should also be closed and a new well dug. If one insists on drinking the same infected water, then there is no escape for him from that disease. I am engaged in the task of stopping those springs in the well.
No individual who came forward to achieve social reform on the basis of religion has ever succeeded even to a small extent.
If the education, the rich and the administrators are opposed to the welfare of the toiling people and to their enjoying all the fruits of their labor, then they are only fit to disappear from the face of the earth.
Without an upheaval in our attitude to religion, caste, customs, traditions, orthodoxies, God, and commandments, which are the bases of social tyranny, no political reform will be of any use to the ordinary folk.
Is it necessary that there should be divisions of high (Brahmins) and low (Panchamas) castes in society? If it is said that God is responsible for this, should those of the lowly castes (panchamas and Sudras) worship Him?
Science
If man objects to the use of machines, then it is evident, he is against the expansion of knowledge.
Look at the enormous change in our life today. Our comforts in daily life have vastly improved. Formerly, we had only the bullock cart. Now we have such modern comforts as the locomotive, the motor car, and aero plane. We struck flints to make a fire, but now, the pressing of a button makes a thousand electric lights burn. Our people’s understanding, despite so much change in life, remains just as it was a thousand years ago!
Science exhibitions feature many modern flowerings of the imagination. Several new inventions, conductive to life’s comforts, would be displayed there. Sensitive instruments, obtained from many countries, would find a place at the exhibition. He, who enters at one end of the exhibition and comes out at the other, would have increased his knowledge in all fields. He sees and enjoys the world’s scientific advancement and attains clarity of understanding. He gets an opportunity to be aware of the many intricacies of research. He has the pleasure of seeing a number of wonderful equipments. In fine, within a few hours, he derives from that exhibition a maturity of knowledge that he would have to spend years at a University to acquire.
He who first created fire with the help of flints was the ‘Edison’ of those days. Thereafter, we advanced step by step and we now have fire through electricity. Thus, change is natural and inevitable, and no one can stop it.
On The Tirukural
People praise the Tirukural but in practice they cherish the Gita which is directly opposed to it!
Valluvar’s Kural is impelled by ideas that are in accordance with practical knowledge, and in tune with Nature and Science.
Those who study the Kural deeply will certainly attain a consciousness of self-respect. Knowledge of politics, knowledge of society and knowledge of economics are all embedded in it.
The Tirukural is a work that is so written as to teach society noble traits and proper conduct by pointing to a moral path and fostering ethical principles. That is why peoples of all religion, all over, adore the Kural as their work or as one that agrees with the principles of their religion.
It is my firm conviction that the kural was especially created to demonstrate that the arts, culture, ethics and conduct of the Tamils were vastly different from and antithetical to those of the Aryans.
Only because we regard Valluvar as a man, a great man, who strove for the removal of the ills of the people so that human qualities could be nurtured, we accept his kural. We do not accept it as divine utterance or inspired Apocalypse.
It is better to read ten kural for knowledge, than a hundred songs of kamba Ramayana or two hundred songs of periapurana, or kandapurana.
If any one asks you what your religion is, say that you belong to the ‘Valluvar Religion’ and if you are asked what your moral code is, say that it is the kural. The kural is so irrefutable that no conservative or crafty person will dare to oppose you.
The Tirukural will pave a lofty way for the eradication of superstition and the enlargement of knowledge. The thoughts of the kural should be spread throughout the country. It should be brought about that education means the learning of the kural and knowledge means, the awareness of the kural.
The author of the kural did not accept God, Heaven and Hell, You could find only Virtue, wealth and Love in the Kural; ‘Salvation’ and ‘Final Bliss’ are not alluded to by the author.
In the Kural, there is a chapter on invocation to God, but there is no place in it for principles of idol worship.
On Socialism-Communism
What should be done, if everyone is to have enough food?
If none consumes more than what is needed, then, there will be enough food for all.
All factories and their management should be Governmental, like the administration of the posts, the Telegraphs, the Railways and the public works. Not a single capitalist should exist in the country. No single individual should be our master.
The principle of communism should come into force in the present day world if people are to live in peace and contentment, free from worries and difficulties and from being deceived by each other. In this there is no place for luck. But our efforts should not bring about the least of personal suffering and desolation to the common folk.
Though my aim is to demand economic equality, I believe that coveting other people’s properties is an act that is worse than economic inequality. Therefore, it is the Government that should divide equitably by Law.
A single person should not have a vast, accumulated possession of land. A time will come when land will be distributed equally to all. If we cannot bring about the time soon, we should remain as path-finders in this.
If a condition free from tensions and discriminations is to be established, a pattern of socialism for all alike should be created. To bring this about, the right to property should be abolished and property should be held in common.
Capitalism should be destroyed at the roots, if the cares and worries of the workers are to be put an end to.
The final aims of communism is to usher in a world order in which the whole world is one family; al its peoples are kith and kin; and all the world’s wealth, its joys, comforts and pleasures belong to that family whose members have an equal share in the property.
The aim of offering succour to the poor is only to help to eradicate poverty from society, and not to create sluggards, by the offer of alms to one here, and another there.
Why were women prevented from receiving education?
It was to prevent their emancipation and to make them slaves under the pretext that they did not have intelligence and ability.
The way man treats women is much worse than the way landlords treat servants and the high-caste treat the low-caste.
These treat them so demeaningly only in situations mutually affecting them; but men treat women cruelly and as slaves, from their birth till death.
Women in India experience much worse suffering, humiliation and slavery in all spheres than even the untouchables.
Because we do not realize that the subjugation of women leads to social ruin, that society which should grow, goes on declining day by day, in spite of its capacity for reason.
Each woman should learn an appropriate profession for herself, so that she is able to earn. If she is able to eke out a living at least for herself, no husband will treat her as a slave.
A woman is for the male, a cook for himself; a maid for his house; a breeding farm for his family and a beautifully decorated doll to satisfy his aesthetic sense. Do enquire whether they have been used for any other purpose.
The slavery of women is only because of men. The belief of men that God created man with superior powers and woman to slave for him and woman’s traditional acceptance of it as truth are alone responsible for the growth of women’s slavery.
The boy and the girl are matched before marriage, not on a consideration of compatibility in appearance, mutual affection, proper understanding and similar education, but on whether the girl will be obedient and be a good slave to the boy, much in the same manner as we do when we buy cattle.
The implication of the sacred knot is that from the time it is tied, the boy accepts the girl as his slave, and she also agrees to be a slave to him. Thus, the husband can treat his wife in whatever manner he likes, and none has the right to question him, nor is there punishment for him if he misbehaves.The women of today, despite their education, wealth, sophisticated knowledge, dignified relatives and a comfortable life, behave in a very conventional and backward manner, even worse than rustic girls and this causes us pain. How can there be human dignity in the children that are born to these women and brought up by them?
Our women should change from considering themselves as slaves by birth.
Women! Be brave! If you change, it is easy for your husbands and other men to change. Men throw the blame on you, saying that you are backward. Do not subject yourselves to that accusation. In future, instead of your being described, ‘she is so-and-so’s wife’, your husband must be described, ‘so-and-so is the husband of this lady’!
Women who are pampered by their husbands and who succumb to the craze for jewellery and apparel and to the appeal of feminine beauty and fashions, and those that are rich and proud, will be satisfied with their slavish existence, and they will not serve to reform the world .
Despite there being a Goddess of Learning and a Goddess of Wealth in Hindu religion, why do they not grant women their education and right to property?
Among the many reasons for the subjugation of women, the most important one is that they lack the right to property.
The tyranny of the male is the only reason for the absence of a separate world in our languages for describing the ‘Chastity’ of men.
The cruelty perpetuated in the name of chastity that a wife should put up with even the brutal act of the husband should be abolished.
If a woman can not have the right to property and the liberty to love whomsoever she chooses, what is she but a rubber-doll for the selfish use of man?
To insist that chastity is only for women and should not be insisted upon for men, is a philosophy based on individual ownership; the view that women is the property of the male determines the current status of a wife.
If our literature has all been written for the sake of justice and disciplined conduct, then, should not all the conditions imposed on women be applied to men too?
In this world, qualities like freedom and courage have been claimed solely as ‘masculine’. Men have concluded that these characterized the ‘superiority of the male’.
As long as male superiority survives in the world, the subjugation of women will continue. Until women put an end to the principle of male domination, it is certain that they will have no freedom.
To give man freedom of sexual selection, and to permit him to take as many wives as he likes, gives rise to promiscuity.
Others advocate birth-control, with a view to preserving the health of women and conserving family property; but we advocate it for the liberation of women.
If a man has the right to claim a woman, then women also should have the right to claim a man. If conditions are imposed for the worship of man by woman, let there be conditions imposed for the worship of woman by man.
Men’s ‘endeavour’ for the emancipation of women only perpetuates woman’s slavery and hampers their emancipation. The pretence of men that they respect women and that they strive for their freedom is only a ruse to deceive women. Have you ever seen anywhere a jackal freeing the hen and the lamp, or the cat freeing the rats, or the capitalists freeing the workers?
Do not train women for doing such slavish work as attending to household chores; decorating the floors; making cow-dung pats, washing utensils; group dancing ( Kummi ) and dancing with batons (Kolattam).
On Politics
If there is no ‘high’ or ‘low’ by birth or by riches, there will also be no ‘high’ or ‘low’ among the rulers and the ruled. This is the apprehension of kings.
Members of the Assembly should consider the Government as a structure for social good, and as a true spokesman and representative of the people, and not as a means for power, or for occupying positions of honour.
The prevalent desire for the existence of a political administration to look after the good of the people is because the rich should not tyrannize over the poor, the bad should not disturb the good or the meek, and the hardy chieftains should not rob the common folk.
For a proper conduct of the administration, the administrators themselves should be honest. There should be a rule that those who break law and order, should be declared unfit for administration and be disqualified from contesting elections.
Only those who want to earn wealth by hook or crook become dignitaries, and only those who want to destroy socialism by any means are in the limelight. Such people should be prevented by law from finding a place in politics and in democratic rule and administration.
Politics does not concern itself with who should rule us. It is about what kind of rule people should have.
A nation or a society is governed in the interest of the welfare of the people of the land, and not the welfare of the administrator.
A Government that tries to transfer its own responsibilities to the people or their representatives is guilty of shirking its obligations, and evading its duties.
Whatever form of politics is introduced today in our country, it should be conducive to the creation of social equality and unity.
I would not call the rule of even a hideous brute a greater indignity or drawback, over a people who read with pious reverence the tale in the Ramayana that our lands was administered for 14 years by a pair of sandals.
Whether man or animal be ruling, my concern is only about the principles, the kind of administration and the benefits that the people derive.
The duty of officers is that they should serve the people honesty and impartially, and conduct themselves with sympathy and understanding.
As long as the rich and the poor exist, practices like bribery and beggary will never cease.
Only when the principle of capitalism goes, and communism comes into being, can corruption be put an end to. Without that, talking about the abolition of corruption is equivalent to preaching the laws of Manu.
A democratic life is that which should prevail among cultured people.
A revolution is that which destroys and changes from the base. Therefore, this society should bring about very drastic changes in the spheres of politics and religion.
The rule of the people is the true principle of democracy. There should be intelligent, and reasonably honest and disciplined people for such a ‘democracy’
Rightly or wrongly, there obtains in India a democratic rule. But party-rule makes a mockery of it. On seeing this, what will people of other nations think? Should not democrats be ashamed?
Everyone has the right to refute any opinion of any other person. But no one has the right to prevent the expression of that opinion.
Rivalry should last only till the election. Once it is over, both the ruling and opposition members should join hands to carry on the affairs of the Government. Only then some good can be done for the people.
None can declare that a country has secured political freedom unless it has achieved social reform and social unity.
Politics is a means to end social evils. Society does not need Politics that has no bearing on social work.
The real service through politics is to serve society.
If genuine Politics is to flourish, human qualities should be fostered. There should be discipline and honesty. People should feel the need for showing compassion to others.
If the Administration is not able to function properly, owing to party squabbles and agitations, it is only the people who will suffer.
Those who contrive to acquire money, fame and position through politics, are like a wasting disease of society.
People should contemplate whether our society is fit for freedom or democracy, in the context of frequent floor-crossings, plots to topple ministries, and the occurrence of lawlessness.’
Source – Periyar.Org
Poykayil Yohannan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Poykayil Sreekumara Gurudevan
Born Yohannan
February 17, 1879
Eraviperoor, Travancore, present dayPathanamthitta district, Kerala, India
Died June 29, 1939 (aged 60)
Occupation Dalit leader, poet
Nationality Indian
Genre Poetry, theology
Spouse Janamma
Poykayil Sreekumara Gurudevan (17 February 1879, in Eraviperoor – 1939), known as Poykayil Appachan alias Poykayil Kumara Guru Devan, was a dalit activist, poet and the founder of the socio-religious movement Prathyaksha Raksha Daiva Sabha ("God's Church of Obvious Salvation"). His father was Kandan and mother Lachi. His original name was Kumaran.
Religious work
Yohannan joined the Marthoma church, a reformist sect among the Syrian Christians, but realised the church treated Dalits as an inferior class, and so left it. He then joined a new sect called the Brethren Mission where he faced similar instances of caste based discrimination. Johannan concluded that Indian Christian communities continued to discriminate based on caste, and felt this defied the basic tenets of Christianity.
In 1909, Yohannan left Christianity and started his own religious protest movement named Prathyaksha Raksha Daiva Sabha. He was known as Poikayil Appachan or Kumara Gurudevan afterwards. Johannan advocated spiritual liberation, and sought to empower and consolidate the Dalits, promoting a creed in which the "slave castes" would be free of discrimination.
He was the first person to start an English medium school for the dalith community.
Work as a legislator
Yohannan was also a member of the Dalit advocacy group Sadhujana Paripalana Sangham which was founded in 1907 by another dalit leader of Kerala, Ayyankali. Yohannan was also twice nominated, in 1921 and 1931, to the Sree Moolam Praja Sabha, the legislative council of the princely state of Travancore.
Publications
Unknown Subjects: Songs of Poykayil Appachan. Translated from Malayalam by A.S. Sekher
Vadyakhoshangal Nadathunnavarum and Ente Vamshathepatti were featured in the Dalit Poem Collection named Kathal — published by DC Books
Pravir Chandra Bhanj Deo
From Wikipedia
Pravir, King of Bastar (Pravir Chandra Bhanj Dev 25 June 1929 – 25 March 1966) was 20th Maharaja of Bastar state who was shot in 1966 for championing the cause of his subjects. He fought for rights of the tribal people. He represented the Jagdalpur Vidhan Sabha constituency in the undivided Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly following the general election of 1957.
He was the last ruler of Bastar state which was established by a branch of Kakatiya dynasty.The Kakatiya dynasty adopted Dev or Deo surname in line with other feudal kings of Odisha ruled under Gajapati Kingdom in medieval period.The Bastar region was part of greater Kalinga kingdom and an extenstion of Trikalinga. He was born on 25 June 1929 and was educated at Rajkumar College, Raipur. He succeeded to throne on 28 October 1936. He was married to Rajkumari Shubhraj Kumari of Patan, Rajasthan daughter of Raj Rishi Rao Saheb Udaya Singhji and Rani Trilokya Raj Lakshmi of Patan on 4th July 1961.
He was immensely popular among his people, as he took up the cause of the local tribal people, and provided political leadership against exploitation of natural resources of the region, and corruption in land reforms. On 25 March 1966 he was killed in police firing at the steps of his own palace at Jagdalpur along with many of his tribal followers. The official death toll was twelve including the king, with twenty wounded; the police had fired sixty one rounds. The district magistrate was reported as stating that Pravir Chandra was leading armed adivasis against the police, who fired in self-defence
Padam Sundas
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Padam Sundas
Born 15 July 1945
Nationality Nepalese
Citizenship Nepalese
Occupation Social work
Known for Dalit rights advocacy
Movement
Siddhakali Mandir Pravesh (1964)
Sipa Pokhari Paani Ubau (2000)
Gorakhkali Mandir Pravesh (2000)
Gaindakot Doodh Bharau (2002)
Spouse(s)
Amina Sundas
(m. 1964; died 1999)
Amrita Sundas
(m. 2001)
Children 3
Parent(s)
Hastabir Sundas
Ratna Maya Sundas
Awards
Jana Utthan Rashtriya Puraskar (2000)
Bhagat Sarbajit Manab Maryada Rashtirya Puraskar (2016)
Padam Sundas (Nepali: पदम सुन्दास) (born 15 July 1945) is a Nepalese social worker and activist for Dalit communities in Nepal. Known as the "Guardian of the Dalits", Sundas has published a number of short stories, poems, and articles related to social justice and political reform. He has published two books of his own and over 25 books written by writers from Dalit and non-Dalit communities with the help of Ratna Maya Dalit Sahitya Samrakshan Samiti, of which he is a trustee.
Early life and education
Sundas was born to Hasta Bir Sundas and Ratna Maya Sundas as the youngest among six siblings at Bhojpur Bazaar in Bhojpur, Nepal. After completing his SLC from Vidyodaya High School, Bhojpur, he moved to Kathmandu for higher education. He completed his engineering course from the Engineering School located in Jawalakhel, Lalitpur, and obtained his diploma in 1963.
Personal life
Sundas married Amina Mohtey on 19 August 1964 at the yard of the Siddhakali Temple situated in Bhojpur. After her death on 7 May 1999, Sundas married Amrita Trikhatri on 19 August 2001. He fathered a son and two daughters.
Career
Sundas started his career as an overseer at Khandbari, Sankhuwasabha and Bhojpur. Fifteen years later, he left his government job to work as an independent contractor. Sundas worked in construction as the chair of Sundas Construction Pvt. Ltd. and the deputy chair of Amrit Nirman Sewa Pvt. Ltd. till 2007. He left his job as a construction worker in the late 2000s to become a full-time social worker.
The success of united struggles have stressed on the significance and the inevitability of Dalit unity. Struggle is possible in unity; so are positive outcomes.
— Padam Sundas
Sundas has actively participated and led several Dalit rights movements including the Siddhakali Mandir Pravesh in Bhojpur (1964), Sipa Pokhare Pani Ubjau in Sindhupalchok (2000), Gorakhkali Mandir Pravesh in Gorkha (2000) and Gaindakot Doodh Bharau in Nawalparasi (2002). Sundas has actively participated and marched in several movements to demand judicial reform and end caste discrimination in Nepal. Having worked with different generations, Sundas is referred to as "Daju" (transl. "elder brother") by many.
Affiliated organizations
SNOrganizationsPostYearRef.
1 Nepal Dalit Sahitya tatha Sanskriti Pratisthan Chair 1995
2 Nepal Rashtriya Dalit Jana Vikas Parishad Vice chair 1982–1992
3 Nepal Utpidit Dalit Jatiya Mukti Samaj Vice chair Till 2006
4 Nepal Rashtriya Dalit Mukti Morcha Vice chair Till 2011
5 Rotary Club of Dharan President
Member 2011–2012
2012–present
6 Dalit Nagarik Samaj Organizer 2015–2016
7 Pandit Chhabi Lal Pokharel Smriti Pratisthan Member 2008–2010
8 Samaj Vikas Chhatravas, Kathmandu Member 1999–2009
9 B.P. Koirala Institute of Health Sciences Cooperation Committee Member 2004
10 Asahaya Bal Anathalaya, Itahari Lifetime member 2004–2005
11 Sunsari Sahitya Pratisthan, Dharan Lifetime member 2000
12 Cancer Relief Society, Dharan Lifetime member 2003
Sundas is the patron of Nepali Manch, Dalit Sandesh and Parishrami magazines, and the special advisor for Jana Utthan magazine. The advisor of Jagaran Media Center, Sundas worked as an advisor for Sathi till 2003 and Shabda Samyojan till 2007.
Activism
In memory of his late wife, Amina Sundas, Sundas established the Amina Scholarship Fund for the Dalit female students studying in Sharada Balika Namuna Secondary School, Dharan. The founder of Amina Sundas Dalit Scholarship Fund that provides scholarships to students of Purwanchal Campus, Sunsari District, Sundas believes that education is the most effective tool to improve the quality of life. In 2007, Sundas worked as the deputy chair of the Dalit Development Committee of the then Ministry of Local Development. From 2009 to 2017, Sundas worked as the executive chairperson of Samata Foundation, an independent think tank specializing in the area of caste-based issues concerning Dalit communities of Nepal. From 2010 to 2014, he worked as the member of the national level council formed to promote equality and judicial reform within the Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers. Sundas has visited several countries including India, Bangladesh, Thailand, Switzerland, South Africa and the United States to raise awareness on the issues of caste discrimination and untouchability in Nepal, and to promote equality and judicial reform.
Diplomatic service
Sundas was appointed as the Nepalese ambassador to the Kingdom of Bahrain by President Bidhya Devi Bhandari on 28 June 2017 on the recommendation of Council of Ministers. According to a press statement published by the President's Office, the head-of-the-state made the decision in accordance with the Article 282.1 of the Constitution of Nepal. At present, Sundas is in Bahrain as a part of his tenure.
Works
Choriyeka Raat (Short story collection, 1969)
Bhojpur ko Chinari (1969)
Padam Sundas ka Purana Katha tatha Kavita (to be published)
Parampara, Purpuro ra Punki: Dalit Jatiya Sangharsha ko Vivechana (to be published)
Farkera Herda; Jeevan ka Aafna Anubhavharu (to be published)
Awards and honours
Bhagat Sarbajit Manab Maryada Rashtirya Puraskar (2016)
Certificate of appreciation from the Utpidit, Upekshit tatha Dalit Varga Utthan Vikas Samiti (2009)
Public felicitation from Buddha Bihar, Dharan (2001)
Jana Utthan Rashtriya Puraskar (2000)
Certificate of appreciation from the Bharatiya Dalit Sahitya Academy (1997)
Engineering School Sanskritik Padak (1962)
Pampady John Joseph
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Born Pampady Joseph
23 May 1887
Died 14 July 1940 (aged 53)
Occupation Teacher
Alma mater Trukkakara Mission School
Subject Dalit activism
Notable works Sadhujan Dootan (Periodical), Cheruma Boy
Spouse Sara Joseph
Children 2
Pampady John Joseph (Pampady, 23 May 1887 – 14 July 1940), known as Pampady John or Pampady Joseph, was a Dalit activist and the founder of the socio-religious movement Cheramar MahajanSabha.
Early life
Joseph was born in 1887 at Pampady, Kottayam to Pampady John. His father was a Christian who was converted from Pulaya (then untouchable) caste to Catholic Christian. Joseph was educated up to the sixth standard at Trukkakara Mission School. He moved to Thiruvananthapuram in 1918.
Career
Joseph worked for some time as a teacher. He felt that the Catholic Church was not treating newly converted Christians as equals to their Syrian counterparts, leading to dissatisfaction among the converts.
Joseph believed that the Pulayars were the original inhabitants of Kerala and hence he called them Cheramar, which means the people of Kerala. He organised the Cheramar Mahajan Sabha on 14 January 1921 to protest against the traditional attitude and customs of the caste Hindus and caste Hindu converts. Caste Christians as well as untouchable Hindus were allowed to be the members and the organisation worked to counter the Hindu mentality and obtain rights. He thought that the Cheramar, Pulayar, Parayar and Kuravar are the Adi Dravida races of India.
Joseph initiated the Sadhujan Dootan magazine in 1919, in which he wrote inspiring articles. It was published until 1924.
Joseph, in his book Cheruma Boy, questioned the Syrian Christian's apathetic and discriminatory attitude towards the untouchable Christians.
On 8 June 1931, Joseph became a member of the Shri Moolam Legislative Assembly in Travancore. In 1935 he asked the British Parliament to give allow the same civil rights for untouchables as were available to other communities.
Joseph also suggested that untouchable Christians should combat their lack of equal treatment within religious bodies by constructing their own churches and temples. He also acquired land for redistribution among the untouchables.
P. Jeevanandham
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
P. Jeevavanandham
Jeevanandham on a 2010 stamp of India
Born
Sorimuthu
21 August 1907
Boothapandi, Travancore, (in present-day Kanyakumari District), India
Died 18 January 1963 (aged 55)
Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India
Occupation Communist Leader and Social Reformer
Political party Communist party of India
P. Jeevanandham (21 August 1907 – 18 January 1963) also called Jeeva, was a social reformer, political leader, litterateur and one of the pioneers of the Communist and socialist movements in the state of Tamil Nadu, India.
He was not only a socio-political leader, but was also a cultural theoretician, an excellent orator, journalist and critic; and above all, a relentless fighter for the deprived. A down-to-earth person with a clean record in public life, Jeevanandham was held in high esteem by ordinary people.
Early life
P. Jeevanandham was born in the town of Boothapandi, near Nagercoil, in the then princely state of Travancore (which is now in Kanyakumari District of Tamil Nadu) into an orthodox middle-class family on 21 August 1907. His original name was Sorimuthu. He was named this name after his clan god Sorimuthu.
The orthodox and religious background of his family exposed Jeevanandham to literature, devotional songs and the arts, early on in his life. He grew up in an era when caste-based rigidity was widely prevalent, and from early on in his life he resented the very idea of untouchability and could not tolerate his Dalit friends being denied entry into temples and public places and being humiliated. Even as a schoolboy he became averse to Varnasrama Dharma, a Hindu religious code that stratifies society on caste lines and facilitates the practice of untouchability. The national movement and Gandhi’s call to wear khadi and his stand against untouchability influenced Jeevanandham to join the movement. He began wearing only khadi from then on.
Jeevanandham took his Dalit friends into the streets and public places where, usually, entry was denied to them, which earned him the displeasure of his family and orthodox caste members in his village. His father disapproved his behaviour and asked him to stop all things which were against their caste traditions. Jeevanandham said he would rather leave his home rather than follow discriminatory practices and eventually did so.
Political life
Gandhian and Congress Worker
Jeevanandham started his political life basing himself on Gandhian ideas. In 1924, he participated in the Vaikom Satyagraha against upper-caste Hindus, where Dalits were barred from walking on the road leading to the temple at Vaikom. He participated in a similar protest, demanding entry for Dalits into the Suchindram temple. When he joined an ashram run by V. V. S. Aiyar at Cheranmadevi, he found that Dalits and ‘upper-caste’ students were fed in separate halls. He supported Periyar’s protest against this practice and quit the ashram. Later, he took charge of an ashram funded by a philanthropist in Siruvayal near Karaikkudi. The ashram life gave him an opportunity to read a lot of books. In this ashram, he got opportunity to meet Gandhi. Jeeva had written a letter to Gandhi disagreeing with his methods. When Gandhi came to Madras, he had this letter in his pocket and wanted to meet Jeeva. Rajagopalachari asked Gandhi to name the person he wanted to meet so that particular person can be called. Gandhi mentioned that he did not want the person to be called and would like to go to the ashram where Jeeva resided and meet him. When Gandhi went to the Siruvayal ashram and asked for Jeeva a young man of around 25 years appeared before him. Gandhi asked him if he was the same person who wrote the 'letter' and Jeeva replied in the affirmative.
When Periyar (Periyar E. V. Ramasamy), on returning from a visit to the Soviet Union, spoke highly of its achievements and expressed his desire to propagate socialism, Jeevanandham, who was by then familiar with the egalitarian principle, felt elated. His hopes of getting the national movement merged with the Congress Socialist Party were dashed when Periyar began dragging his feet. He, however, remained in the Congress. He was elected as a member of the All India Congress Committee, a prestigious post in those days, and was also a member of the working committee of the State Congress unit. Later, when the Madras Provincial Congress Socialist Party was formed in 1937, Jeevanandham became its first secretary. He joined the Communist Party of India (CPI) two years later along with P. Ramamurthi, another veteran of the movement.
Communist years (before Indian independence)
The last 25 years of colonial rule saw the emergence of two movements in Tamil Nadu – the Self-Respect Movement (which was a precursor to the Dravidian movement led by Periyar) and the Communist movement. Before enrolling himself as the first member of the united CPI in Tamil Nadu, Jeevanandham was an active participant in these two earlier movements. His patriotism took him to the national movement; his revulsion toward untouchability and caste-based discrimination led him to support the Self-Respect Movement.
After joining the CPI, Jeevanandham and Ramamurthi organized rickshaw-pullers and factory workers on Marxist lines. In this they were assisted by leaders such as M. R. Venkatraman and B. Srinivasa Rao. They had already organized workers and formed unions in industrial towns such as Madurai and Coimbatore when they were functioning as socialists. Jeevanandham was in the forefront of efforts to build a strong labor movement based on Marxism. His oratory and writings helped him fulfill the task. But these leaders suffered police repression and were imprisoned several times. Jeevanandham visited sensitive areas and kept the workers’ fighting spirit alive. Alongside industrial workers, agricultural laborers and small farmers were also organized in Thanjavur and other districts. Jeevanandham and Ramamurthi inspired thousands of people through powerful speeches.
Under the colonial rule, Marxist literature and propaganda were banned, and Marxist workers were frequently arrested on one pretext or the other. Jeevanandham was no exception. He even had an externment order against him and had to stay away from the then Madras province for a brief period.
Political life (after Indian independence)
After Indian Independence, the ban on the CPI was lifted, and all its leaders were released.
In the first general elections in post independent India, Jeevanandham won a seat for the Legislative Assembly from the Wasermanpet constituency in Madras. P. Ramamurthi, his close associate, who was in jail then, was also elected from the Madurai constituency. After being elected to the Legislative Assembly, he put pressure on the government to initiate action on issues relating to development schemes and reform measures. He also led many struggles, one of which was against the proposal to form Dakshina Pradesh comprising the four southern states. Despite his loss in the subsequent elections, he continued his party work.
Tamil nationalism and literary works
He played a key role in making his native Tamil language an official language in the state and the judiciary, and a medium of instruction in educational institutions.
He was a supporter of pure usage of Tamil, which had, to an extent, become corrupted by the influence of Sanskrit and other languages. He declared his name to be "Uyirinban", a literal translation of the Sanskrit word Jeevanandham. One of his major influences was the works of the Tamil poet Subramania Bharati, and also Bharati's persona and simple lifestyle. Jeevanandham was the first to take to cultural politics and cited his long struggle for nationalising Subramania Bharati’s songs.
He was well-versed in Tamil literature and was a good orator.
Jeevanandham was the founder of Thamara, a Tamil literary magazine. The Communist Tamil newspaper JanaSakthi was also begun with his commitment.
Periyar encouraged Jeeva to translate Bhagat Singh’s classic essay "Why I am an Atheist" in 1933. He translated it into Tamil, which was probably its first-ever translation. It was published by Periyar's publication.
Later years
Jeeva led a busy and hectic life: teaching classes on Marxism for party workers, advising students to equip themselves to meet the nascent republic’s development needs, addressing literary fora on topics such as the greatness of the poet Bharati, explaining the flaws in the government’s language policy at meetings of intellectuals, and addressing factory gate meetings in support of workers on strike. In between, he wrote editorials for the party daily or discussed strategies for resolving industrial disputes.
In 1962, his health suffered a setback. Later in the year he visited the Soviet Union. He took treatment there and returned by the end of the year. However, his health worsened weeks later. On 18 January 1963, he died at his modest home at Tambaram, near Chennai. About two lakh (200,000) people attended his funeral and paid their last respects to one who had toiled all his life for the common man, who symbolised the simplicity of Gandhism and who had a Periyar-like zest for social equality and the Marxist spirit to fight exploitation.
Legacy
Jeevanandam Government Higher Secondary School, Puducherry
The Tamil Nadu State Transport Corporation(TNSTC), Erode Division is named the Jeeva Transport Corporation in modern days.
The railway station at Vyasarpadi in Chennai is named Vyasarpadi Jeeva, as he lived in the area for a period.
A commemorative stamp on him was issued on 21-August-2010.
Jeevanandam Government Higher Secondary School, Puducherry, is named after him.
Reputation
Even his political adversaries respected him. He led a justified and honest life. No one could criticize his personal life.
DMK leader C. N. Annadurai saw Jeeva walking down a road, and offered him a ride in his car. Jeeva thanked Annadurai but humbly refused his help.
When Communists were proscribed and subject to arrest, Jeeva took refuge in the home of M. R. Radha, a notable stage and cinema actor. Kalaignar Karunanidhi came to the house, and saw a sannyasi (Hindu renunciate) with a shaved head. He was suspicious of the sannyasi, trying to remember the well known face. Radha entered the room and asked Karunanidhi whether he could recognize the sannyasi. Later Karunanidhi recognized the sannyasi as Jeeva.
He and Rajaji were always political rivals but still respected each other.
He and K. Kamaraj were good allies. On his deathbed, Jeeva told his attendants "Telegram Padma Vathi [his wife]. Call Kamaraj." This shows how close these two leaders were.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Padmanabhan Palpu ( Dr.P.Palpu) LMS, DPH (Cantab) FRIPH (London) (2 November 1863 – 25 January 1950) was the second public health doctor in Travancore and a social revolutionary, who become the Chief Medical Officer of Mysore State. He was a member of the British Medical Council for Virology .Ritty Lukose describes him as the "political father" of the Ezhavas, who are numerically the largest caste in the region now encompassed by the state of Kerala. In 1903, he founded the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam,(Society for the Propagation of the Religion of Sree Narayana, or SNDP) that had as its first president Narayana
Guru, who sought an end to the caste system and preached his concept of "one caste, one religion, one god."
Life
Padmanabhan Palpu was born on 2 November 1863 in Petta, Trivandrum, then in the Kingdom of Travancore, India.[citation needed] His family were wealthy and relatively educated members of the Ezhava caste, which at that time was considered to be a backward community among what Swami Vivekananda described as the "mad house" that was the caste system of Kerala. The Ezhavas were traditionally occupied as weavers , warriors, farmers and a few of them were toddy tappers but many had involvements in agriculture and ayurvedic medicine, and they were also occupied as shopkeepers, astrologists,businessmen and land lords.
Palpu, who had learned English from a Eurasian tutor from the age of 12, attended Maharaja's College in Trivandrum and matriculated there in 1883. Like his older brother, he seems to have been able to use his family's association with Christian missionaries to avoid the usual rule in the kingdom that Ezhavas were forbidden from school attendance. He was subsequently refused admission to Travancore Medical College due to his caste. From 1885, he attended a similar college in Madras, which was outside the kingdom, having raised money to do so through subscriptions and taking on debt. His financial situation was dire by the end of the first year, when he received an honour certificate, but he was able to complete the course with the aid of donations he solicited from various high-placed people. These donations were carefully scripted to prevent him from later taking up a position within the government, as Ezhavas were forbidden from such employment and many higher caste doctors would in any event refuse to work with low caste colleagues. He went to England to further his medical training at London and Cambridge. Back in India and having been awarded his Licentiate in Medicine and Surgery in 1889, he found that his caste status prevented him from obtaining employment in the Travancore Health Service, which meant that he had to relocate to Mysore to get work. Later he became the chief Medical officer of Mysore state like a minister. His salary was more than the salary of Travancore Diwan. Later he was selected to the British Medical Council for virology. He was the only person for Asia. After the retirement,he was offered the post of Diwan in Baroda, but he refused the offer. . He was able to work for the British there as a public health doctor.
Becoming aware of the importance of education as a method of socio-economic advancement and also as means to improve health and hygiene, Palpu was the third signatory to the "Malayali Memorial", a petition organised and submitted to the Maharaja of Travancore in january 1, 1891, that primarily sought to address the concerns of those members of the Nair community and other natives, who were in government jobs but felt that the best of those jobs were dominated by non-Malayali Brahmins. The petition was amended to include a statement on the injustices faced by Ezhavas and was published in the Madras Times in July. Whilst the Memorial had no success, according to Robin Jeffrey it did indicate to Palpu a method by which he could continue to campaign for the improved position of Ezhavas in society. Caroline Wilson notes that he also petitioned the Houses of Parliament while in England.
Palpu was among those who attempted to use data from the 1891 census to highlight inequalities in Travancore society[7] and he again made demands in 1895, when he petitioned the Diwan of Travancore, S. Shungrasoobyer, with a statement explaining the ways in which the Ezhavas suffered discrimination. He noted that if members of the community wanted education or government jobs then their only recourse was to convert from Hinduism to Christianity. Shungrasoobyer was slow in responding but in February 1896, when Palpu had taken leave from his job in Bangalore, Mysore, to press the matter in Trivandrum, he told Palpu that the government would open as many of its schools as possible to Ezhavas and that it would consider applications from qualified Ezhavas for posts in all departments other than Revenue.
In practice, when some Ezhava graduates applied for government jobs soon after Shungrasoobyer's announcement, they were told that there were no vacancies. Thus, later in 1896, Palpu again took leave from his job to campaign in Travancore. He organised a petition that attracted the signatures of 13,176 Ezhavas. This letter was presented to the Maharajah of Travancore and demanded their right to admission in schools run by the colonial government and access to employment in public service. The bar from education in government schools was noted as being inequitable given their claim that the Ezhavas paid more taxes than any other community in the kingdom. The petition was published in the Madras Mail in September of that year. This use of petitions as a vehicle to achieve a coalescence of communal consciousness and cause change was one of the first examples of such in the kingdom, where the ritually superior Brahmin groups held the majority of posts available in the administration of the state.
Palpu influenced the political philosophy of C. Kesavan. He had a son, commonly known as Nataraja Guru.
Pandit Karuppan Master
by V.N. Gopalakrishnan, Mumbai
Kandathiparambil Paapu Karuppan popularly known as Pandit Karuppan Master or K.P. Karuppan was a crusader against untouchability and other social evils prevalent during his time. For his relentless efforts in uplifting the socially, economically and educationally backward communities, Karuppan Master earned the epithet ‘Lincoln of Kerala’. He became the first human rights activist from the Cochin State. He was also a renowned Sanskrit scholar, poet and dramatist. He used his organizational ability and literary talent to fight against illiteracy, social injustice, casteism and superstitions. Karuppan Master belonged to the Dheevara community of Hindu fishermen.
The Dheevara community rightfully claims that they are the descendents of Satyavathy, the mother of Sage Veda Vyasa and the great grandmother of Pandavas and Kauravas of the mythological Mahabharata. According to the epic, Satyavathy, the attractive daughter of a fisherman, had her son Veda Vyasa from a Brahmin called Sage Parasara. Later when King Shantanu desired to marry Satyavathy, her father agreed on condition that their children should inherit the throne of Hastinapura. Accordingly, after his death of King Shantanu, Satyavathy ruled Hastinapura along with her sons Chitrangadan and Vichitraviryan!.Karuppan was born to Paappu and Kochupennu on May 24, 1885 in a lower middle class family at Cheranelloor, near Ernakulam. Paappu was proficient in Sanskrit and Ayurveda and was known as Atho Poojari engaged in pujas and other rituals. Karuppan’s childhood name was Sankaran. However, a Tamil Gosai who used to visit his family regularly once predicted that the boy would become a scholar and suggested that he be named Karpan which later became Karuppan. Karpan in Tamil means ‘learnt person’ whereas Karuppan in Malayalam means ‘person of black colour’, though ironically he had a fair complexion!
Karuppan’s formal education commenced at the age of five under Azheekkal Velu Vaidyan. Hadaka Valath Appu Asan taught him basics of Sanskrit such as Amarakosham, Sidhdharoopam and Sreeramodantham. He started reading Puranas and Ithihasas from a very young age. At the age of 12, he wrote a poem titled Lankamardanam which was well appreciated. He studied Sanskrit Kavyas under Mangalappillil Krishnan Asan and Annamanada Rama Pothuval. The upper caste Hindu students did not allow him to sit with them and hence he had to sit separately in a corner.
The significant period of his education was spent at Kodungalloor Kovilakam. The Kodungalloor Thampurans (Rajas) were scholars and poets. Kunhikkuttan Thampuran, known as Kerala Vyasa was prominent among them. Karuppan studied Sanskrit under these stalwarts. Though the Kovilakam was inaccessible to lower caste Hindus, Kunhikkuttan Thampuran encouraged Karuppan to take advantage of the facilities there. It was during this period that he wrote Jaathikkummi which sarcastically criticised the prevailing caste system and untouchability. It was written at the age of 19 in simple folklore form in Malayalam though most of his writings were in Sanskrit.
Kunhikkuttan Thampuran introduced Karuppan to H.H. Ramavarma Raja, the Maharaja of Cochin when he visited Thiruvanchikkulam Siva Temple in Kodungallur. The Maharaja was impressed and he invited Karuppan to his Tripunithura Palace. He made arrangements for Karuppan’s advanced study of Sanskrit under Sahridayathilkan Rama Pisharody. Soon he was appointed Sanskrit Teacher at St. Theresa’s Convent Girls’ High School, Ernakulam, a special institution for the upper caste girls. Though there was protest against the posting from upper caste Hindus, the Maharaja overruled against the objections. Later, he joined the Victoria Girls’ High School, Thrissur and subsequently posted at the Teacher Training School there. He was re-appointed at St. Theresa’s Convent Girls’ High School in 1921. He was nominated as a member of the Cochin Legislative Council to represent the backward classes in 1925. As an MLC, he presented their grievances before the authorities and pleaded for their education, health services and better living conditions. Accordingly, the Department for the Protection of the Depressed Classes was established with Rao Sahib C. Mathai as ex-officio Protector and Karuppan as full-time Assistant Protector.
Karuppan Master was instrumental in initiating many reforms including the commencement of schools and establishment of colonies. He convinced the Government for providing scholarships and concession in fees. In order to create awareness against superstitions, he wrote Aacharabhooshanam which was printed by the Government and distributed to the public. The Depressed Classes Department was subsequently renamed as the Harijan Welfare Department. Under the re-organised Fisheries Department, fisheries schools were started. While serving as a Director of the Cochin Central Co-operative Bank, he appealed to fishermen and agricultural labourers to form co-operatives in order to make them self-reliant.
When Karuppan Master was nominated for a second term as MLC, he requested the Dewan to give the post to another member of the backward classes. Accordingly, the Government appointed P.C. Chanchen, a Pulaya leader as MLC and Karuppan tendered his resignation. He was then appointed as Secretary to the Elementary Education Committee and the Bhashaparishkarana Committee. In 1931, he was appointed as Superintendent of Vernacular Education of the erstwhile Cochin State and four years later, appointed as Malayalam Lecturer in the Maharaja’s College. He also served as Chairman of the Board of Examiners of the Madras University and as Member of the Municipal Council, Ernakulam.
On the eve of the Shashtipoorthi celebrations of the Maharaja of Cochin in 1919, a drama script competition was organized. Karuppan’s script dedicated to the Maharaja was adjudged the best. The drama titled Baalakalesam discussed the progress achieved during the 16-year rule of the Maharaja but also criticized the atrocities suffered by the poor people in the name of caste. The drama was first staged in Maharaja’s College and his upper caste Hindu friend provided financial assistance for printing the book. The scholars of the time discussed and appreciated the book. The Maharaja honoured him with the title Kavithilakan. After reading the drama's script, H.H. Sree Moolam Thirunal, the Maharaja of Travancore presented him a nine-jewelled (Navaratna) ring. As per Karuppan Master’s request, the Maharaja sanctioned half-fee concession to all students of Dheevara community in Travancore. Keralavarma Valiakoithampuran, known among the literary circle as Kerala Kalidasan conferred on him the title of Vidwan.
In order to find more time for social service, he relinquished his teaching job. He started organizing the people of Dheevara community into regional groups called Sabhās. The main agenda was to persuade people to fight against illiteracy and superstitions in Cochin State. He also formulated the Pulaya Maha Sabhā for the uplift of the Pulaya community. In due course, he persuaded other backward communities like Velas, Sambhavas, Ulladas, Kudumbis etc., to form similar Sabhās to give fillip to their fight against social injustice. He also secured the right to walk on public roads for the Pulayas and other depressed classes.
Pandit Karuppan Master was an accomplished poet and dramatist and his works are: Achara Bhooshanam, Arayaprasasthi, Baalakalesam, Baalodyanam, Bhaasha Bhaimeeparinayam, Bhanjithavimanam, Chanjenkutty, Chithralekha, Dheevara Tharuniyude Vilapam, Dhruvacharitham, Edward Vijayam, Jaathikkummi, Kairaleekouthukam, Kattile Jyeshtan, Lalithopaharam, Lankamardanam, Mahasamadhi, Mangalamala, Panchavadi, Sakunthalam Vanchippattu, Sangeetha Naishadham, Soudamini, Sree Budhan, Sree Ramavarma, Sugathasooktham, Thirunalkkummi, Udyanavirunnu, Ulukopakhyanam, and Vallorkkavitha. His Sakunthalam, Baalodyanam and Kairaleekouthukam were prescribed text books in Cochin State. Bhaasha Bhaimeeparinayam was a Malayalam text book for the F.A.Examination of the Madras University.
Pandit Karuppan Master was married to Kunhamma and had a daughter Parvathy. He died at the age of 53 due to pleurisy on March 23, 1938. The Pandit Karuppan Smaraka Grameena Vayanasala is a library founded in 1953 in his native village of Cheranelloor and A. K. Velappan, his nephew was instrumental in setting it up. The 50th anniversary meeting of the Pandit Karuppan Memorial Club (PKMC) at Udayamperoor was held on August 31, 2011. The Club organised its golden jubilee with a year-long programme. Dr. Gopinath Panangad is the present Chairman of Pandit Karuppan Foundation. Karuppan Master will be long remembered for his fight against social evils in Kerala.
(Author is Director, Indo-Gulf Consulting, a PR consulting firm. He can be contacted on telegulf@gmail.com)
P N Rajbhoj
पी एन राजभोज
जब कभी मैं, डॉ आंबेडकर के सामाजिक आंदोलन के बारे में पढता हूँ तब, कई जगह पी एन राजभोज का नाम आता है। किसी समय पी एन राजभोज , डॉ बाबा साहब आंबेडकर के लेफ्टिनेंट माने जाते थे। आइए; हम इन हस्ती के बारे में जानने का यत्न करे।
दलितों के राजनैतिक हितों की रक्षा के लिए 17 -20 जुला 1942 के नागपुर अधिवेशन में 'आल इण्डिया शेड्यूल्ड कास्ट फेडरेशन' की स्थापना की गई थी। मद्रास के राव बहादुर एन शिवराज इसके पहले अध्यक्ष और मुम्बई के पी एन राजभोज महासचिव चुने गए थे।
ब्रिटिश सरकार के केबिनेट मिशन ( जो 24 मार्च 1946 को भारत आया था) की घोषणा में दलित वर्ग के लिए जो देश की जनसंख्या का एक चौथाई भाग है, कुछ नहीं कहा गया था। देश का नया संविधान बनाने के निमित्त मुसलमानों और सिखों को तो संविधान-समिति में जगह दी गई थी। किन्तु , दलितों को इससे बाहर रखा गया था। इस तरह अपनाये जा रहे भेदभाव पूर्ण रवैये से दलित जातियों के बीच भारी रोष था । पी एन राजभोज के नेतृत्व में शेड्यूल्ड कास्ट फेडरेशन ने इसके विरोध में देश भर में व्यापक सत्याग्रह का आन्दोलन चलाया था।
दलितों के इस राष्ट्रयापी विरोध को देखते हुए पंडित नेहरु को शेड्यूल्ड कास्ट फेडरेशन के जे एन मंडल को जो बंगाल से चुने गए थे, अपने अंतरिम मंत्री-मंडल में शामिल करना पड़ा था।
इसी तरह सन 1952 के प्रथम आम चुनाव में शेड्यूल्ड कास्ट फेडरेशन ने कुल 34 स्थानों से चुनाव लड़ा था। इस चुनाव में करीमनगर से एम आर कृष्णा और सोलापुर (महाराष्ट्र ) से पी एन राजभोज ने अपनी एतिहासिक जीत दर्ज कराई थी ।मगर, बाद में पी एन राजभोज कांग्रेस में चले गए थे। धर्म परिवर्तन के मुद्दे पर वे डा. आंबेडकर से भिन्न मत रखते थे।
यद्यपि कांग्रेस में रह कर पी. एन. राजभोज को कांग्रेस के नेताओं के कथनी और करनी के अंतर को समझने में देर नहीं लगी। दि. 21 मई सन 1940 को भानखेडा (नागपुर ) में इंडीपेंडेंट लेबर पार्टी की एक सभा में उन्होंने इसका खुलासा किया था. यह सभा एडव्होकेट शेंदरे की अध्यक्षता में आयोजित थी.
सभा में पी. एन. राजभोज ने रहस्योद्घाटन करते हुए बतलाया था कि उन्हें गाँधी जी ने उन्हें अपने साबरमती आश्रम ठहराया था. वहां उन्हें उबला हुआ खाना दिया जाता था. वहां शांति और अहिंसा का पाठ पढाया जाता था. दरअसल, आश्रम में उन्हें दलित समाज का 'महात्मा' बनाने की कवायद हो रही थी.
Independent Labor party members
with Dr Ambedkar
कांग्रेस में यूँ तो शांति और अहिंसा का पाठ पढाया जाता हैं. किन्तु, कांग्रेसी नेताओं का आचरण और व्यवहार ठीक इसका उल्टा होता है. विसंगति का यह पैमाना उन्होंने स्वत: कई मौकों पर देखा है।
पी. एन. राजभोज ने आगे कहा कि डा. आंबेडकर से उनका विरोध धर्मान्तरण के प्रश्न पर था। इस्लाम या सिख धर्म में जाना उन्हें पसंद नहीं था। किन्तु अब, उनकी आँखे खुल गई है. वे बाबा साहेब डा. आंबेडकर का विरोध किये जाने की माफ़ी मांगते है।
एक और कंट्रवर्सरी पी एन राजभोज के साथ जुडी है। रत्नागिरी (महाराष्ट्र ) स्थित पतितपावन मंदिर इन आर्गेनाईजेशन कार्यक्रम में पी एन राजभोज ने महार समाज का होते हुए भी हिंदुओं के शंकराचार्य डॉ कुर्तकोटि की पाद-पूजा की थी।
Posted by Amrit
http://amritlalukey.blogspot.com/2013/12/p-n-rajbhoj.html
Phoolan Devi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Phoolan Devi
In office
1996–1998
Constituency Mirzapur
In office
1999 – 26 July 2001
Constituency Mirzapur
Personal details
Born
Phoolan Mallah
10 August 1963
Patherakala, Uttar Pradesh, India
Died 26 July 2001 (aged 37)
New Delhi, India
Cause of death Assassination by shooting
Nationality Indian
Political party Samajwadi Party
Occupation Dacoit, politician
Phoolan Devi (10 August 1963 – 26 July 2001), popularly known as "Bandit Queen", was an Indian female rights activist, bandit and politician from the Samajwadi Party who later served as Member of Parliament.
Born into a poor family in rural Uttar Pradesh, Phoolan endured poverty, child marriage and had an abusive marriage before taking to a life of crime. Having developed major differences with her parents and being raped multiple times by her husband, the teenage Phoolan sought escape by running away and joining a gang of bandits. She was the only woman in that gang, and her relationship with one gang member, coupled with caste difference, caused a gunfight between gang members. Phoolan's lover was killed in that gunfight. The victorious rival faction, who were Rajputs, took Phoolan to their village of Behmai, confined her in a room, and took turns to rape her repeatedly over several weeks. After escaping, Phoolan rejoined the remnants of her dead lover's faction who were gangs of Mallaah, took another lover from among those men, and continued with banditry. A few months later, her new gang descended upon the village of Behmai to exact revenge for what she had suffered. As many as twenty-two Rajput men belonging to that village were shot dead by Phoolan's gang.
Her act of revenge was portrayed by the press as an act of righteous rebellion. The respectful sobriquet 'Devi' was conferred upon her by the media and public at this point.
Phoolan evaded capture for two years after the massacre before she and her few surviving gang-members surrendered to the police in 1983. She was charged with 48 crimes, including multiple murders, plunder, arson and kidnapping for ransom. Phoolan spent the next eleven years in jail, as the various charges against her were tried in court. In 1994, the state government headed by Mulayam Singh Yadav of the Samajwadi Party summarily withdrew all charges against her, and Phoolan was released. She then stood for election to parliament as a candidate of the Samajwadi Party and was twice elected to the Lok Sabha as the member for Mirzapur. In 2001, she was shot dead at the gates of her official bungalow (allotted to her as MP) in New Delhi by former rival bandits whose kinsmen had been slaughtered at Behmai by her gang. The 1994 film Bandit Queen (made around the time of her release from jail) is loosely based on her life until that point.
Early life
Phoolan was born into the Mallah (boatmen) caste, in the small village of Ghura Ka Purwa (also spelled Gorha ka Purwa) in Jalaun District, Uttar Pradesh. She was the fourth and youngest child of Moola and her husband Devi Din Mallah. besides Phoolan, only one older sister survived to adulthood.
Phoolan's family was very poor. The major asset owned by them was around 1 acre (0.4 hectares) of farmland with a large but very old neem tree on it. When Phoolan was eleven years old, her paternal grandparents' death led to her father's elder brother's son, Maya Din Mallah, proposing to cut down the neem tree to cultivate that patch of land with more profitable crops. Phoolan's father agreed to it with mild protest. However, the teenage Phoolan was enraged and protested, publicly taunting and verbally abusing her cousin for several weeks, going on to physically assault him. She then gathered a few village girls and staged a Dharna (sit-in) on the land, and did not budge even when the family elders tried to use force to drag them home. She was eventually beaten unconscious with a brick.
A few months after this incident, when Phoolan was eleven years old, her family arranged for her to marry a man named Puttilal Mallah, who lived several hundred miles away and was thrice her age. She was physically and sexually abused by her husband and after several attempts at running away was returned to her family in 'disgrace'.
In retaliation for being humiliated by Phoolan, Maya Din went to the local police and accused Phoolan of stealing from him. The police kept her locked up for three days, physically abused her, and then let her off with a warning.
After Phoolan was released from jail, at the age of sixteen, her parents once again wanted to send her to her husband. After Phoolan's family offered generous gifts, her in-laws finally agreed to take her back. Phoolan's parents performed the ceremony of gauna (after which a married woman begins to cohabit with her husband), took Phoolan to her husband's house and left her there.
Within a few months, Phoolan, this time no longer a virgin, again returned to her parents. Shortly afterwards, her in-laws returned the gifts that Phoolan's parents had given them and sent word that under no circumstances would they accept Phoolan back again. This was in 1979 and Phoolan was only a few months past her sixteenth birthday. She later claimed in her autobiography that her husband was a man of "very bad character." A wife leaving her husband, or being abandoned by her husband, is a serious taboo in rural India, and Phoolan was marked as a social outcast.
Life as a bandit
The region where Phoolan lived, Bundelkhand, is even today extremely poor, arid and devoid of industry; most of the able-bodied men migrate to large cities in search of manual work. During the period in question, industry was depressed even in the large cities, and daily life was a grim engagement with subsistence farming in a dry region with poor soil. It was not unusual for young men to seek escape from fruitless labour in the fields by running away to the nearby ravines (the main geographical feature of the region), forming groups of bandits, and plundering their more prosperous neighbours in the villages or passing townspeople on the highways.
Shortly after her final sojourn in her husband's house, and in the same year (1979), Phoolan fell in the company of a gang of dacoits. How exactly this happened is unclear; some say that she was kidnapped by them because her "spirited temperament," estrangement from her own family and outspoken rejection of her husband had attracted the attention of the bandits, while others say that she "walked away from her life." In her autobiography, she merely says "kismet ko yehi manzoor tha" ("it was the dictate of fate") that she become part of a gang of bandits.
The gang leader, Babu Gujjar, raped and brutalized her for three days. At this juncture, Phoolan was saved from rape by Vikram Mallah, the second-in-command of the gang, who belonged to Phoolan's own Mallah caste. In the altercation connected to the rape, Vikram Mallah killed Babu Gujjar. The next morning, he assumed leadership of the gang.
Relationship with Vikram Mallah
Undaunted by the fact that Vikram already had a wife and that she likewise had a husband, Phoolan and Vikram began cohabiting together. A few weeks later, the gang attacked the village where Phoolan's husband Puttilal Mallah lived. Phoolan herself dragged him out of his house and stabbed him in front of the villagers. The gang left him lying almost dead by the road, with a note warning older men not to marry young girls. The man survived, but carried a scar running down his abdomen for the rest of his life. He lived his life as a recluse because most people in the village began avoiding his company out of fear of the bandits.
Phoolan learned how to use a rifle from Vikram, and participated in the gang's activities across Bundelkhand, which straddles the border between Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh. This included attacking and looting villages where upper-caste people lived, kidnapping relatively prosperous people for ransom, and committing occasional highway robberies which targeted flashy cars. Phoolan was the only woman member of that gang of dacoits. After every crime, she would visit a Durga temple and thank the Goddess for her protection. The gang's main hideouts were in the ravines of the Chambal River. According to legend, Vikram taught Phoolan, "If you are going to kill, kill twenty, not just one. For if you kill twenty, your fame will spread; if you kill only one, they will hang you as a murderess."
Sometime later, Shri Ram and Lalla Ram, two upper-caste Rajput brothers who had been caught by the police, were released from jail and came back to the gang. They were outraged to hear of the murder of Babu Gujjar, their former leader, and held Phoolan responsible for inciting the act. A scuffle then ensued between Shri Ram and Phoolan. The Rajput brothers' resentment was exacerbated by the fact that Phoolan and Vikram both belonged to the Mallaah caste of boatmen, lower than the land-owning Rajput caste to which they themselves belonged.
Over a period of time, the Rajput brothers recruited more Rajputs in the gang and began abusing the Mallahs of the villages they ransacked, leading to the anger and subsequent exit of the Mallahs of the gang. Vikram Mallah then suggested that the gang be divided into two, one comprising mainly Rajputs and the other mainly Mallahs. Shri Ram and Lalla Ram refused this suggestion stating that the gang had always included a mixture of castes. Meanwhile, the other Mallahs were also not happy with Vikram Mallah. The fact that he alone had a woman cohabiting with him incited jealousy; some of the other Mallahs had bonds of kinship with Vikram's actual wife; and Phoolan's abuses made them dislike her.
A few days after the proposal for division had been floated, a quarrel ensued between Shri Ram and Vikram Mallah, resulting in a gunfight. Vikram and Phoolan escaped in the dark. However, they were tracked down and Vikram Mallah was killed. Phoolan was taken by the victorious faction to the Rajput-dominated village of Behmai, home to Shri Ram, Lalla Ram and several of the new Rajput recruits.
Detainment in Behmai
Phoolan was locked up in a room in one of the houses in Behmai village. She was beaten, raped and humiliated by several upper caste Thakur men over a period of three weeks. In a final indignity, they paraded her naked around the village She then managed to escape, after three weeks of captivity, with the help of a low-caste villager of Behmai and two Mallah members from Vikram's gang, including Man Singh Mallah.
A new gang
Phoolan and Man Singh soon became lovers and joint leaders of a gang composed solely of Mallahs. The gang carried out a series of violent raids and robberies across Bundelkhand, usually (but not always) targeting upper-caste people. Some say that Phoolan targeted only the upper-caste people and shared the loot with the lower-caste people, but the Indian authorities claim this is a myth; there is no evidence of Phoolan or her partners in crime sharing money with anyone, whether low-caste or otherwise.
Massacre in Behmai
Several months after her escape from Behmai, Phoolan returned to the village to seek revenge. On the evening of 14 February 1981, Phoolan marched into Behmai with her gang and demanded that her tormentors be produced before her. The two men could not be found. She then rounded up twenty two young men from the village and ordered them killed.
The Behmai massacre provoked outrage across the country. V. P. Singh, the then Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, resigned. A massive police manhunt was launched but soon failed. It began to be said that the manhunt was not successful because Phoolan had the support of poor people in the region; stories on the Robin Hood model began circulating in the media. Phoolan began to be called the Bandit Queen, and she was glorified by sections of the Indian media as an intrepid and undaunted woman, the underdog struggling to survive in the world.
Surrender and jail term
Two years after the Behmai massacre, the police had still not captured Phoolan. The Indira Gandhi Government decided to negotiate a surrender. By this time, Phoolan was in poor health and most of her gang members were dead, some having died at the hands of the police, others at the hands of rival gangs. In February 1983, she agreed to surrender to the authorities. However, she said that she did not trust the Uttar Pradesh Police and insisted that she would only surrender to the Madhya Pradesh Police. She also insisted that she would lay down her arms only before the pictures of Mahatma Gandhi and the Hindu goddess Durga, not to the police. She laid down four further conditions:
A promise that the death penalty would not be imposed on any member of her gang who surrenders
The term for the other members of the gang should not exceed eight years.
A plot of land to be given to her
Her entire family should be escorted by the police to witness her surrender ceremony
An unarmed police chief met her at a rendezvous in the Chambal ravines. They travelled to Bhind in Madhya Pradesh, where she laid down her rifle before the portraits of Gandhi and Goddess Durga. The onlookers included a crowd of around 10,000 people and 300 policemen, apart from the then chief minister of Madhya Pradesh, Arjun Singh. Other members of her gang also surrendered with her.
Phoolan was charged with as many as forty-eight crimes, including thirty charges of dacoity (banditry) and kidnapping. Her trial was delayed for eleven years, during which time she remained in prison as an undertrial. During this period, she was operated on for ovarian cysts and underwent a hysterectomy. The doctor of the hospital reportedly joked that "We don't want Phoolan Devi breeding more Phoolan Devis".She was finally released on parole in 1994 after intercession by Vishambhar Prasad Nishad, the leader of the Nishadha community (another name for the Mallah community of boatmen and fisherfolk). The Government of Uttar Pradesh, led by Mulayam Singh Yadav, withdrew all cases against her. This move shocked the country and became a matter of public discussion and controversy.
Marriage with Ummed Singh
Phoolan later married Ummed Singh. Ummed Singh contested the 2004 and 2009 elections on Indian National Congress's ticket. In 2014 he contested election on Bahujan Samaj Party's ticket. Phoolan's sister Munni Devi later accused him of being involved in Phoolan's murder.
Conversion to Buddhism
On 15 February 1995, Phoolan Devi and her husband Ummed Singh embraced Buddhism at the famous Buddhist site Deekshabhoomi.
Member of Parliament
In 1995, one year after her release, Phoolan was invited by Dr. Ramadoss (founder of Pattali Makkal Katchi) to participate in the conference about alcohol prohibition and women Pornography. This was her first conference after her release which began her political career in India. However, Phoolan stood for election to the 11th Lok Sabha from the Mirzapur constituency in Uttar Pradesh. She contested the election as a member of the Samajwadi Party of Mulayam Singh Yadav, whose government had withdrawn all cases against her and summarily released her from prison. She won the election and served as an MP during the term of the 11th Lok Sabha (1996–98). She lost her seat in the 1998 election but was re-elected in the 1999 election and was the sitting member of parliament for Mirzapur when she was assassinated.
Assassination
Assassination of Phoolan Devi
Location New Delhi
Coordinates 28.6139° N, 77.2089° E
Date 26 July 2001
1:30 pm (UTC+5.5)
Attack type Murder
Weapons Webley & Scott pistol, IOF .32 Revolver
Deaths Phoolan Devi
Injured 1 (Balinder Singh)
Perpetrators 3 unidentified gunmen
Motive Revenge
At 1:30 p.m. IST (08:30 UTC) on 26 July 2001, Devi was shot dead by three masked gunmen outside of her Delhi bungalow. She was hit nine times, variously in the head, chest, shoulder and right arm. Her personal security guard, Balinder Singh, was shot in his right chest and right arm, who returned fire with a 9-mm service pistol when the gunmen fled the scene in a Maruti 800 car. They abandoned the car mid-way and boarded an auto rickshaw. The police recovered a Webley & Scott pistol and an improvised firearm, an IOF .32 Revolver from the spot, along with nine empty and 15 live rounds, from the car.
Devi was taken to Ram Manohar Lohia hospital but was declared dead. The prime suspect, Sher Singh Rana, later surrendered to the police. Rana allegedly claimed to have murdered Devi in revenge for the upper-caste men she gunned down in the Behmai massacre. In the latest ruling, on 14 August 2014, the court sentenced Rana to life in prison and a fine.
Aftermath
In the immediate aftermath of the murder, the police were accused of incompetence in their handling of the case. It was alleged that a party worker picked up revolvers that had been dumped by the killers and hid them. Three other people staying in her house were accused of knowing about the revolvers. The revolvers then disappeared before the police could conduct forensic tests on them.
Sher Singh Rana, the main accused, was convicted by a Delhi court on 8 August 2014. However, the other ten accused were acquitted. Rana was convicted of the offences under Sections 302 (murder), 307 (attempt to murder) and 34 (common intention) under the IPC. The judge had fixed 12 August 2014, as the date for arguments and pronouncement of sentence. On 14 August 2014 Rana was sentenced to a life term by a Delhi court.
Movie and autobiography
Shekhar Kapur made a movie Bandit Queen (1994) about Phoolan Devi's life up to her 1983 surrender, based on Mala Sen's 1993 book India's Bandit Queen: The True Story of Phoolan Devi. Although Phoolan Devi is a heroine in the film, she fiercely disputed its accuracy and fought to get it banned in India. She even threatened to immolate herself outside a theater if the film were not withdrawn. Eventually, she withdrew her objections after the producer Channel 4 paid her £40,000. The film brought her international recognition. Author-activist Arundhati Roy in her film review entitled, "The Great Indian Rape Trick", questioned the right to "restage the rape of a living woman without her permission", and alleged Shekhar Kapur of exploiting Phoolan Devi and misrepresenting both her life and its meaning.
In 1985, another low budget Bengali movie Phoolan Devi was released, loosely based on Phoolan's life. This film was directed by Ashok Roy and starred by Suresh Oberoi, Rita Bhaduri and Joy Banerjee. Phoolan Devi, a 2001 Indian film by V. Menon was also inspired by her life.
Although she was illiterate, Phoolan composed her autobiography entitled The Bandit Queen of India: An Indian Woman's Amazing Journey From Peasant to International Legend, with the help of international authors Marie-Therese Cuny and Paul Rambali.
पारी कुपार लिंगो
कौन हैं पारी कुपार लिंगो, जिनके लिए हो रहा यह भव्य आयोजन
पारी कुपार लिंगो गोंड आदिवासियों के जनक माने जाते हैं। इसका वर्णन नेताम वंश के राजाओं के किले में मिली मूर्तियां भी करती हैं। छत्तीसगढ़ के बस्तर में इनके सम्मान में देव जतरा निकाला जाता है। इसकी तैयारी व इसके आयोजन के महत्व के बारे में बता रहे हैं तामेश्वर सिन्हा :
पारी कुपार लिंगो देव के प्रतीक को अपने कंधे पर उठाते लोग (पारी कुपार लिंगो देव जतरा, 2013)
क्या है पारी कुपार लिंगो से संबंधित परंपरा?
गोंड आदिवासी परंपरा में पारी कुपार लिंगो को प्रथम प्राकृतिक वैज्ञानिक माना जाता है। उन्हें संगीत के जनक के रूप में भी याद किया जाता है।
पारी कुपार लिंगो के इस जतरा में 33 आदिवासी समुदायों के लोगों को आंगा (अलग-अलग गांवों के देवता) पेन नेवता (आमंत्रण) के अनुसार आमंत्रित किया जाता है। इस आयोजन में महाराष्ट्र, आंध्रप्रदेश, तेलंगाना, ओडिशा, उत्तरप्रदेश, बिहार, झारखंड, कर्नाटक और मध्यप्रदेश आदि राज्यों से बड़ी संख्या में आदिवासी जुटते हैं, जिसमें बड़ी संख्या में महिलाएं होती हैं। प्रकृति को समर्पित इस देव जतरा में 18 वाद्य यंत्रों के ताल में ऐन्दना डाका (पैर से पैर मिलाकर किया जाने वाला नृत्य) और गुरू लिंगो पेन का अद्भुत पेन कर्रसाड (मृत्यु के संस्कार के बाद किया जाने वाला सामुहिक नृत्य) आकर्षण का केन्द्र होता है।
पारी कुपार लिंगो देव जतरा के दौरान शामिल आदिवासी (पारी कुपार लिंगो देव जतरा, 2013)
जतरा के मौके पर जब लिंगो को उनके स्थान से उठाया जाता है तो कच्चे बांसों के झुंड को आपस में टकराया जाता है जिससे एक ख़ास प्रकार की ध्वनि निकलती है। इसे झाटी कहते हैं। मान्यता है कि देव को उठाने के लिए 5 लोगों का चयन देव खुद करते हैं। इसके लिए वे इनके शरीर में आते हैं। ऐसे लोगों में से एक व्यक्ति तीर-कमान, दूसरा तलवार, तीसरा गुड्डे (मोर पंख से बना हुआ एक प्रतीक) चौथा छत्तर लेकर सामने-सामने चलते हैं। यह दृश्य बड़ा मनमोहक होता है। वाद्य यंत्रों की सुरीली धुन से जंगल खिल उठता है।
इस जतरा में शामिल होने वाले लोग अपना राशन-पानी लेकर आते हैं। जतरा क्षेत्र में पुलिस या हथियार से लैस या किसी भी प्रकार की वर्दी पहने व्यक्ति का आना प्रतिबंधित होता है। अगर कोई आना चाहे तो उसे सामान्य कपड़ों में आने की अनुमति दी जाती है। साथ ही वनांचल क्षेत्र व पारंपरिक रूढ़िवादी प्रथा को मूलस्वरूप में अक्षुण्य बनाये रखने हेतु आयोजन समिति के द्वारा जतरा में प्लास्टिक से बनी पैकेज सामग्री, विदेशी मदिरा व अन्य प्राकृतिक प्रदूषक वस्तुओं के व्यापार व उपयोग पर जतरा स्थल में पूर्ण प्रतिबंधित किया गया है।
गोंडी नेताम राजवंश के दुर्ग की दीवार पर लगी प्रतिमा में सात देव और उनके माता जंगो (दायें नीचे) और पिता लिंगो (दायें उपर)
पहांदी पारी कुपार लिंगो कर्रसाड़ व देव जतरा प्रत्येक तीन वर्ष के बाद आयोजित किया जाता है। हालांकि आदिवासी बुजुर्ग बताते हैं 50 वर्ष पूर्व यह जतरा 12 साल में एक बार होता था। इसके पीछे मान्यता यह थी कि 12 साल बाद बांस के फूल खिलते थे, जो बारिश नहीं होने का प्रतीक था। लोग बरसात के लिए जतरा निकालते थे। बुजुर्ग यह भी मानते हैं कि जतरा की तिथि का निर्धारण आंगा पेन (स्थानीय देवताओं) की अनुमति से चन्द्रमा को देखकर किया जाता है। इसलिए तैयारी एक साल पहले ही शुरू हो जाती है।
आयोजकों के अनुसार पहले दिन यानी 29 मार्च को पेनक पड़घाव (देवता की स्थापना), पेन नेग (रस्म) कार्य और विनती की जाएगी। वहीं दूसरे दिन 30 मार्च को आंगापेनक रस्म, पृथ्वी में सम्पूर्ण जैविक मंडल की समृद्धि व शांति हेतु देवताओं से प्रार्थना और लिंगो के 18 वाद्य यंत्रों के साथ दुर्लभ पेन कर्रसाड़ नृत्य आदि होंगे। जबकि अंतिम दिन यानी 31 मार्च को हजोर बुमकाल व गोत्र भाइयों द्वारा नवजात पेन बानाओं व पेन सिरहाओं की जांच, पेन प्रकरणों का निपटारा, प्रकृति व पर्यावरण सुरक्षा की जानकारी, टोण्डा-मण्डा-कुण्डा (जन्म, विवाह, मृत्यु), गड़-मंडा-जागा (गोत्र आदि) की पहचान व पेन व्यवस्था की जानकारी व समीक्षा की जायेगी। जलकुंड में पेन स्नान,सेवा, लिंगो पेन का राउड़ प्रवेश, आगंतुक पेन की विदाई की रस्म आदि संपन्न होंगे।
ज्ञातव्य है कि विभिन्न आदिम कर्मकांडों वाला यह सैंकडो वर्ष प्राचीन आयोजन क्षेत्र में आदिवासियों के सामाजिक-राजनैतिक मेलजोल का भी एक महत्वपूर्ण माध्यम रहा है।
(इस लेख में उपयोग किये गये गोंडी भाषा के शब्दों का हिन्दी अनुवाद चंद्रलेखा कंगाली ने किया है।)
Pandita Ramabai
About Pandita Ramabai:
Pandita Ramabai Saraswati was born on 23 April 1858 in an Ashram, which was run by her father, Anant Shastri Dongre, who was a roving professional preacher of Hindu and Sanskrit epics. Her mother, Lakshmibai Dongre, was the second wife of her father. Ramabai’s father considered that women should get an education, and he went against society for her daughter. Anant Shastri Dongre taught Ramabai to read and write.
Her parents and sister died during the famine of 1874-1876.
After that, he traveled with her brother all around India and settled in Calcutta.
Ramabai and her brother Srinivas carry on their family tradition. Ramabai was invited by the pandits of Calcutta to give lectures, where she achieved the titles of “PANDITA” and “SARASWATI.”
Husband Of Pandita Ramabai
After her brother Srinivas died, she married a Bengali lawyer Bipin Behari Medhvi, who belongs to a much lower caste. They got married on 13 November 1880 in a private ceremony as it was an inter-caste marriage; it was not acceptable at that time. After a few months, her husband died due to cholera leaving behind Ramabai and their daughter Manorama alone.
Pandita Ramabai Social Reformer
Pandita Ramabai always dreamed of improving the status of women in society. For this, she struggled a lot and generated the importance of education among women. Ramabai was still against the practice of child marriages and the violence happening against the women in India. She was not in favor of the old beliefs, which was followed by society at that time.
In the year 1881, she moved to Pune, where she established the Arya Mahila Samaj, to encourage women towards education and to abolish child marriages.
In 1882, when Lord Ripon’s Education Commission was selected to look into the education system.
Ramabai requested the commission to promote women’s education.
She also shared her views with the commission to give training to the teacher and to choose women inspectors for school.
She then suggested that women should be medically treated by women only, and for the sake of this, women should get admission in the medical colleges.
Information About Pandita Ramabai
The actions taken by Pandita Ramabai created a big talk in Indian society, and the news arrived at Queen Victoria in London. Soon Lady Dufferin started a Women’s Medical Movement. Ramabai traveled to the whole of India to spread her message in every corner of India.
She traveled to England in the year 1883 to start medical training after getting a scholarship, where she got converted into Christianity. Being transformed into Christian, she didn’t forget to work for the social system of India.
Indian scholar who set up educational societies
In the year 1886, she traveled to the United States, where she witnessed the graduation ceremony of the first female Doctor Anandibai Joshi from India. Throughout her stay in the United States and Canada, she delivers lectures and rewrites the textbooks.
The first English book written by her was “The High Caste of Hindu Women,” which was published by her. The book depicted the bitter truth of women’s which includes child marriages and child bribes; she then dedicated the book to the first Indian female Doctor, DR. Anandibai Joshi, who died in 1887.
Pandita Ramabai Mission:
Pandita Ramabai came back to India in the year 1889, where she incorporated a home, especially for needy women, called the Sharada Sadan. Her daughter Manorama who went to the United States to complete her higher studied, became the Principal of the high school after returning from India.
Pandita Ramabai Mukti Mission Kedgaon:
In 1896 when a significant famine strikes Maharastra, Ramabai protected thousands of people, including children and women’s and refuged them in Sarada Sadan. By the year 1900, her Mukti Mission had more than 1500 residents, which provides them with regular education, medical services, vocal training.
Pandita Ramabai Sarawati died on 5 April 1992. In her honor Government of India issued a stamp on 26 October 1989
Pandit Karuppan Master
by V.N. Gopalakrishnan, Mumbai
Kandathiparambil Paapu Karuppan popularly known as Pandit Karuppan Master or K.P. Karuppan was a crusader against untouchability and other social evils prevalent during his time. For his relentless efforts in uplifting the socially, economically and educationally backward communities, Karuppan Master earned the epithet ‘Lincoln of Kerala’. He became the first human rights activist from the Cochin State. He was also a renowned Sanskrit scholar, poet and dramatist. He used his organizational ability and literary talent to fight against illiteracy, social injustice, casteism and superstitions. Karuppan Master belonged to the Dheevara community of Hindu fishermen.
The Dheevara community rightfully claims that they are the descendents of Satyavathy, the mother of Sage Veda Vyasa and the great grandmother of Pandavas and Kauravas of the mythological Mahabharata. According to the epic, Satyavathy, the attractive daughter of a fisherman, had her son Veda Vyasa from a Brahmin called Sage Parasara. Later when King Shantanu desired to marry Satyavathy, her father agreed on condition that their children should inherit the throne of Hastinapura. Accordingly, after his death of King Shantanu, Satyavathy ruled Hastinapura along with her sons Chitrangadan and Vichitraviryan!.Karuppan was born to Paappu and Kochupennu on May 24, 1885 in a lower middle class family at Cheranelloor, near Ernakulam. Paappu was proficient in Sanskrit and Ayurveda and was known as Atho Poojari engaged in pujas and other rituals. Karuppan’s childhood name was Sankaran. However, a Tamil Gosai who used to visit his family regularly once predicted that the boy would become a scholar and suggested that he be named Karpan which later became Karuppan. Karpan in Tamil means ‘learnt person’ whereas Karuppan in Malayalam means ‘person of black colour’, though ironically he had a fair complexion!
Karuppan’s formal education commenced at the age of five under Azheekkal Velu Vaidyan. Hadaka Valath Appu Asan taught him basics of Sanskrit such as Amarakosham, Sidhdharoopam and Sreeramodantham. He started reading Puranas and Ithihasas from a very young age. At the age of 12, he wrote a poem titled Lankamardanam which was well appreciated. He studied Sanskrit Kavyas under Mangalappillil Krishnan Asan and Annamanada Rama Pothuval. The upper caste Hindu students did not allow him to sit with them and hence he had to sit separately in a corner.
The significant period of his education was spent at Kodungalloor Kovilakam. The Kodungalloor Thampurans (Rajas) were scholars and poets. Kunhikkuttan Thampuran, known as Kerala Vyasa was prominent among them. Karuppan studied Sanskrit under these stalwarts. Though the Kovilakam was inaccessible to lower caste Hindus, Kunhikkuttan Thampuran encouraged Karuppan to take advantage of the facilities there. It was during this period that he wrote Jaathikkummi which sarcastically criticised the prevailing caste system and untouchability. It was written at the age of 19 in simple folklore form in Malayalam though most of his writings were in Sanskrit.
Kunhikkuttan Thampuran introduced Karuppan to H.H. Ramavarma Raja, the Maharaja of Cochin when he visited Thiruvanchikkulam Siva Temple in Kodungallur. The Maharaja was impressed and he invited Karuppan to his Tripunithura Palace. He made arrangements for Karuppan’s advanced study of Sanskrit under Sahridayathilkan Rama Pisharody. Soon he was appointed Sanskrit Teacher at St. Theresa’s Convent Girls’ High School, Ernakulam, a special institution for the upper caste girls. Though there was protest against the posting from upper caste Hindus, the Maharaja overruled against the objections. Later, he joined the Victoria Girls’ High School, Thrissur and subsequently posted at the Teacher Training School there. He was re-appointed at St. Theresa’s Convent Girls’ High School in 1921. He was nominated as a member of the Cochin Legislative Council to represent the backward classes in 1925. As an MLC, he presented their grievances before the authorities and pleaded for their education, health services and better living conditions. Accordingly, the Department for the Protection of the Depressed Classes was established with Rao Sahib C. Mathai as ex-officio Protector and Karuppan as full-time Assistant Protector.
Karuppan Master was instrumental in initiating many reforms including the commencement of schools and establishment of colonies. He convinced the Government for providing scholarships and concession in fees. In order to create awareness against superstitions, he wrote Aacharabhooshanam which was printed by the Government and distributed to the public. The Depressed Classes Department was subsequently renamed as the Harijan Welfare Department. Under the re-organised Fisheries Department, fisheries schools were started. While serving as a Director of the Cochin Central Co-operative Bank, he appealed to fishermen and agricultural labourers to form co-operatives in order to make them self-reliant.
When Karuppan Master was nominated for a second term as MLC, he requested the Dewan to give the post to another member of the backward classes. Accordingly, the Government appointed P.C. Chanchen, a Pulaya leader as MLC and Karuppan tendered his resignation. He was then appointed as Secretary to the Elementary Education Committee and the Bhashaparishkarana Committee. In 1931, he was appointed as Superintendent of Vernacular Education of the erstwhile Cochin State and four years later, appointed as Malayalam Lecturer in the Maharaja’s College. He also served as Chairman of the Board of Examiners of the Madras University and as Member of the Municipal Council, Ernakulam.
On the eve of the Shashtipoorthi celebrations of the Maharaja of Cochin in 1919, a drama script competition was organized. Karuppan’s script dedicated to the Maharaja was adjudged the best. The drama titled Baalakalesam discussed the progress achieved during the 16-year rule of the Maharaja but also criticized the atrocities suffered by the poor people in the name of caste. The drama was first staged in Maharaja’s College and his upper caste Hindu friend provided financial assistance for printing the book. The scholars of the time discussed and appreciated the book. The Maharaja honoured him with the title Kavithilakan. After reading the drama's script, H.H. Sree Moolam Thirunal, the Maharaja of Travancore presented him a nine-jewelled (Navaratna) ring. As per Karuppan Master’s request, the Maharaja sanctioned half-fee concession to all students of Dheevara community in Travancore. Keralavarma Valiakoithampuran, known among the literary circle as Kerala Kalidasan conferred on him the title of Vidwan.
In order to find more time for social service, he relinquished his teaching job. He started organizing the people of Dheevara community into regional groups called Sabhās. The main agenda was to persuade people to fight against illiteracy and superstitions in Cochin State. He also formulated the Pulaya Maha Sabhā for the uplift of the Pulaya community. In due course, he persuaded other backward communities like Velas, Sambhavas, Ulladas, Kudumbis etc., to form similar Sabhās to give fillip to their fight against social injustice. He also secured the right to walk on public roads for the Pulayas and other depressed classes.
Pandit Karuppan Master was an accomplished poet and dramatist and his works are: Achara Bhooshanam, Arayaprasasthi, Baalakalesam, Baalodyanam, Bhaasha Bhaimeeparinayam, Bhanjithavimanam, Chanjenkutty, Chithralekha, Dheevara Tharuniyude Vilapam, Dhruvacharitham, Edward Vijayam, Jaathikkummi, Kairaleekouthukam, Kattile Jyeshtan, Lalithopaharam, Lankamardanam, Mahasamadhi, Mangalamala, Panchavadi, Sakunthalam Vanchippattu, Sangeetha Naishadham, Soudamini, Sree Budhan, Sree Ramavarma, Sugathasooktham, Thirunalkkummi, Udyanavirunnu, Ulukopakhyanam, and Vallorkkavitha. His Sakunthalam, Baalodyanam and Kairaleekouthukam were prescribed text books in Cochin State. Bhaasha Bhaimeeparinayam was a Malayalam text book for the F.A.Examination of the Madras University.
Pandit Karuppan Master was married to Kunhamma and had a daughter Parvathy. He died at the age of 53 due to pleurisy on March 23, 1938. The Pandit Karuppan Smaraka Grameena Vayanasala is a library founded in 1953 in his native village of Cheranelloor and A. K. Velappan, his nephew was instrumental in setting it up. The 50th anniversary meeting of the Pandit Karuppan Memorial Club (PKMC) at Udayamperoor was held on August 31, 2011. The Club organised its golden jubilee with a year-long programme. Dr. Gopinath Panangad is the present Chairman of Pandit Karuppan Foundation. Karuppan Master will be long remembered for his fight against social evils in Kerala.
(Author is Director, Indo-Gulf Consulting, a PR consulting firm. He can be contacted on telegulf@gmail.com)
P. Sivagami
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
P.Sivagami (born 30 November 1957) is an Indian Dalit-Feminist writer, former IAS officer and activist predominantly writing in Tamil. Her notable works include Pazhayani Kazhidalum, Kurruku Vettu, Nalum Thodarum and Kadaisi Mandhar. Apart from being one of the most prominent Dalit novelists in India, she has also constantly voiced her opinions on contemporary social and political issues. An author of four novels, P. Sivagami has regularly kept in touch with editing and has actively contributed to the monthly magazine Puthiya Kodangi since 1995. She is a significant presence on social media through her Twitter account.
Early life and education
P. Sivakami was born in Tamil Nadu .Her father, M.Palanimuthu is an independent MLA. Her mother was half-Gujarati and half-Maharashtrian, but since she had grown up in Uttar Pradesh she was more familiar with Hindi. She has graduate and post-graduate degrees in history.
Early career
After completing her education, Sivakami appeared for and cleared the Indian Administrative Services exams, working in several capacities, including as district collector of Tuticorn and Vellore, additional secretary (labour), Director of Tourism (GoI) and secretary, Adi-Dravidar and Tribal Welfare. As a steadfast bureaucrat, she served as Special Commissioner, Directorate of Stationary and Printing for Tamil Nadu Govt and Collector in Thoothukudi district of Tamil Nadu. She became a part of the Dalit Land Rights Movement in Tamil Nadu since 2003. She has seen in her own experience as an upright officer situations where Caste Hindu bureaucracy has denied the fitting post to Scheduled Class, for the simple reason that Scheduled Class a wrongly conceived concept. It is no denial in politics, media, judiciary, and in executives Caste Hindu is dominating entire system of our country. In an interview with The Business Standard in February 2016, she said, "Bureaucracy has treated me like an untouchable".
Sivakami wanted to write on social and political issues, especially regarding the Scheduled Castes and Tribes, because of which she quit her position as a civil servant.
Literary career
Since 1995, she has been centrally involved in the publication of the literary journal Puthiya Kodangi and has a lively investment in issues that touch Dalit and other backward castes and women in Tamil Nadu. She is the first Tamil Dalit Woman to write a novel Pazhiyana Kazhidalum in 1989. A literary and commercial success, the novel created a stir by taking on patriarchy in the Dalit movement. The novel is translated by the author herself and published in English as The Grip of Change (2006). Her second novel Anandhayi is about the violent treatment of women and was translated into English by Pritham K Chakravarthy as The Taming of Women in 2011. Her first poetry collection, Kadhavadaippu, was published in October 2011. Sivakami has written four critically acclaimed novels, all of them centred on Dalit and Feminist themes. She has written numerous short stories and poems focusing on similar issues. Sivakami's novels portray the rustic story of women who suffer at the hands of men who strongly believe in and stand for patriarchy. The conflicts and struggles are between tenacious women and tyrannical men in the contemporary society.
Sivakami made a short film Ooodaha (Through) based on a story written by one of her friends. Set in 1995, it was selected by the National Panorama and won the President Award the same year.
Political career
She quit the Indian Administrative Service in 2008 after 29 years and joined politics a year later, contesting the Lok Sabha polls from Kanyakumari representing the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). However, she lost the elections.
In 2009, she founded her own political party, Samuga Samathuva Padai, which was based on the principles of the Dalit icon B. R. Ambedkar.
Bibliography
Pazhayani Kazhidalum ("In the Grip of Change", 1988)(cf. 2013)
Pazhayani Kazhidalum Asiriyar Kurippu ("Author's Notes for The Grip of Change", 1995)
Kurruku Vettu (1999)
Ippadiku Ungal Yadharthamulla (1986)
Nalum Thodarum (1989)
Kadaisi Mandhar (1995)
Kadaigal (2004)
Anandhayi
Kadhavadaippu (2011)
Pal̲aiyan̲a kal̲italum, பழையன கழிதலும், 2013 (First version 1988)
in German: Die Zeiten ändern sich. Transl. Thomas Vogel. Draupadi, Heidelberg 2020
Udal Arasiyal ("Body Politics", essays)
Pierre Bourdieu
French sociologist and public intellectual
Written By: The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica
Pierre Bourdieu, French sociologist (born Aug. 1, 1930, Denguin, France—died Jan. 23, 2002, Paris, France), was a public intellectual in the tradition of Émile Zola and Jean-Paul Sartre. Bourdieu’s concept of habitus (socially acquired dispositions) was influential in recent postmodernist humanities and social sciences. He taught at a lycée in Moulins (1955–58), the University of Algiers (1958–60), the University of Paris (1960–64), and the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales (from 1964)—where he established the Centre for the Sociology of Education and Culture—and the Collège de France (from 1982). Bourdieu’s experience in Algeria resulted in Sociologie de l’Algérie (1958; The Algerians, 1962), which established his reputation. His works—La Distinction (1979; Distinction, 1984), Le Sens pratique (1980; The Logic of Practice, 1990), La Noblesse d’état (1989; The State Nobility, 1996), and Sur la télévision (1996; On Television, 1998)—criticized neoliberal economics, globalization, the intellectual elite, and television. Bourdieu was editor of the journal Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, and in 1989 he founded the review Liber. A 2001 documentary film about Bourdieu, Sociology Is a Combat Sport, was a surprise hit in France.
This article was most recently revised and updated by Brian Duignan.
Pierre Bourdieu
From Wikipedia
Bourdieu in 1969
Born
Pierre Bourdieu
1 August 1930
Denguin, France
Died 23 January 2002 (aged 71)
Alma mater École normale supérieure, University of Paris
Region Western philosophy
School Structuralism · Genetic structuralism · Critical sociology
Institutions École pratique des hautes études (before 1975) · École des hautes études en sciences sociales (after 1975) · Collège de France
Notable ideas Cultural capital · Field · Habitus · Doxa · Social Illusion · Reflexivity · Social capital · Symbolic capital · Symbolic violence · Practice theory
Pierre Bourdieu ( 1 August 1930 – 23 January 2002) was a French sociologist, anthropologist, philosopher and public intellectual.
Bourdieu's work was primarily concerned with the dynamics of power in society, especially the diverse and subtle ways in which power is transferred and social order is maintained within and across generations. In conscious opposition to the idealist tradition of much of Western philosophy, his work often emphasized the corporeal nature of social life and stressed the role of practice and embodiment in social dynamics. Building upon the theories of Martin Heidegger, Ludwig Wittgenstein, Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Edmund Husserl, Georges Canguilhem, Karl Marx, Gaston Bachelard, Max Weber, Émile Durkheim, Claude Lévi-Strauss, Erwin Panofsky and Marcel Mauss among others, his research pioneered novel investigative frameworks and methods, and introduced such influential concepts as cultural, social, and symbolic forms of capital (as opposed to traditional economic forms of capital), the cultural reproduction, the habitus, the field or location, and symbolic violence. Another notable influence on Bourdieu was Blaise Pascal, after whom Bourdieu titled his Pascalian Meditations. Bourdieu's major contributions to the sociology of education, the theory of sociology, and sociology of aesthetics have achieved wide influence in several related academic fields (e.g. anthropology, media and cultural studies, education), popular culture, and the arts.
Bourdieu's best known book is Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste (1979). The book was judged the sixth most important sociological work of the twentieth century by the International Sociological Association. In it, Bourdieu argues that judgments of taste are related to social position, or more precisely, are themselves acts of social positioning. His argument is put forward by an original combination of social theory and data from quantitative surveys, photographs and interviews, in an attempt to reconcile difficulties such as how to understand the subject within objective structures. In the process, he tried to reconcile the influences of both external social structures and subjective experience on the individual (see structure and agency).
Life and career
Bourdieu was born in Denguin (Pyrénées-Atlantiques), in southern France, to a postal worker and his wife. The household spoke Béarnese, a Gascon dialect. Bourdieu married Marie-Claire Brizard in 1962; the couple had three sons, Jérôme, Emmanuel, and Laurent.
Bourdieu was educated at the lycée in Pau before moving to the Lycée Louis-le-Grand in Paris. From there he gained entrance to the École Normale Supérieure (ENS), also in Paris, where he studied philosophy alongside Louis Althusser. After getting his agrégation, Bourdieu worked as a lycée teacher at Moulins for a year before his conscription into the French Army in 1955.
His biographers write that he chose not to enter the Reserve Officer's College like many of his fellow ENS graduates as he wished to stay with people from his own modest social background. Deployed to Algeria in October 1955 during its war of independence from France, he served in a unit guarding military installations before being transferred to clerical work.
After his year-long military service, Bourdieu stayed on as a lecturer in Algiers. During the Algerian War in 1958–1962, Bourdieu undertook ethnographic research into the clash through a study of the Kabyle peoples of the Berbers, laying the groundwork for his anthropological reputation. The result was his first book, Sociologie de l'Algérie (The Sociology of Algeria, 1958), which became an immediate success in France and was published in America in 1962. He later drew heavily on this fieldwork in his 1972 book Outline of a Theory of Practice, a strong intervention into anthropological theory.
In 1960 Bourdieu returned to the University of Paris before gaining a teaching position at the University of Lille, where he remained until 1964. From 1964 onwards Bourdieu held the position of Professor (Directeur d'études) in the VIe section of the École Pratique des Hautes Études (the future École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales), and from 1981 the Chair of Sociology at the Collège de France (held before him by Raymond Aron and Maurice Halbwachs). In 1968, Bourdieu took over the Centre de Sociologie Européenne, founded by Aron, which he directed until his death.
In 1975, with the research group he had formed at the Centre de Sociologie Européenne, he launched the interdisciplinary journal Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, with which he sought to transform the accepted canons of sociological production while buttressing the scientific rigor of sociology. In 1993 he was honored with the "Médaille d'or du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique" (CNRS). In 1996 he received the Goffman Prize from the University of California, Berkeley and in 2001 the Huxley Medal of the Royal Anthropological Institute.[9] Bourdieu died of cancer at the age of 71
Influences
Bourdieu's work is influenced by much of traditional anthropology and sociology which he undertook to synthesize into his own theory. From Max Weber he retained the importance of domination and symbolic systems in social life, as well as the idea of social orders which would ultimately be transformed by Bourdieu from a sociology of religion into a theory of fields.
From Marx he gained his understanding of 'society' as the ensemble of social relationships: "what exist in the social world are relations – not interactions between agents or intersubjective ties between individuals, but objective relations which exist 'independently of individual consciousness and will'." (grounded in the mode and conditions of economic production), and of the need to dialectically develop social theory from social practice.
The class-based nature of artistic taste had already been firmly established by Arnold Hauser in The Social History of Art (1951).
From Émile Durkheim, through Marcel Mauss and Claude Lévi-Strauss, Bourdieu inherited a certain structuralist interpretation of the tendency of social structures to reproduce themselves, based on the analysis of symbolic structures and forms of classification. However, Bourdieu critically diverged from Durkheim in emphasizing the role of the social agent in enacting, through the embodiment of social structures, symbolic orders. He furthermore emphasized that the reproduction of social structures does not operate according to a functionalist logic.
Maurice Merleau-Ponty and, through him, the phenomenology of Edmund Husserl played an essential part in the formulation of Bourdieu's focus on the body, action, and practical dispositions (which found their primary manifestation in Bourdieu's theory of habitus).
Bourdieu was also influenced by Wittgenstein (especially with regard to his work on rule-following) stating that "Wittgenstein is probably the philosopher who has helped me most at moments of difficulty. He's a kind of saviour for times of great intellectual distress".
Bourdieu's work is built upon an attempt to transcend a series of oppositions which he thought characterized the social sciences (subjectivism/objectivism, micro/macro, freedom/determinism) of his time. His concepts of habitus, capital, and field were conceived with the intention of overcoming such oppositions.
As a public intellectual
During the 1990s Bourdieu became more and more involved in political debate, becoming one of the most important public faces of intellectual life in France. While a fierce critic of neoliberalism, Bourdieu was also critical of the "total intellectual" role played by Sartre, and he dismissed Sartre's attempts to intervene in French politics as "irresponsible" and "opportunistic." Bourdieu saw sociology not as a form of "intellectual entertainment" but as a serious discipline of a scientific nature[citation needed]. There is an apparent contradiction between Bourdieu's earlier writings against using sociology for political activism and his later launch into the role of a public intellectual, with some highly "visible political statements". Although much of his early work stressed the importance of treating sociology as a strict scientific discipline (« La sociologie est un sport de combat » — "Sociology is a martial art"), his later career saw him enter the less academic world of political debate in France, raising the issue of whether the sociologist has political responsibilities extending to the public domain.
Although Bourdieu earlier faulted public intellectuals such as Sartre, he had strong political views which influenced his sociology from the beginning. By the time of his later work his main concern had become the effect of globalisation and those who benefited least from it. His politics then became more overt and his role as public intellectual was born, from an "urgency to speak out against neoliberal discourse that had become so dominant within political debate." Bourdieu developed a project to investigate the effects — particularly the harm — of neoliberal reforms in France. The most significant fruit of this project was the 1993 study 'The Weight of the World,' although his views are perhaps more candidly expressed in his articles. 'The Weight of the World' represented a heavyweight scientific challenge to the dominant trends in French politics. Since it was the work of a team of sociologists, it also shows Bourdieu's collaborative character, indicating that he was still in 1993 reluctant to accept being singled out with the category (he deplored the term 'role') of public intellectual. Nevertheless, Bourdieu's activities as a critical sociologist prepared him for the public stage, fulfilling his "constructionist view of social life" as it relied upon the idea of social actors making change through collective struggles. His relationship with the media was improved through his very public action of organizing strikes and rallies that raised huge media interest in him and his many books became more popular through this new notoriety. One of the main differences between the critical sociologist and public intellectual is the ability to have a relationship with popular media resources outside the academic realm. It is notable that in his later writings Bourdieu sounded cautionary notes about such individuals, describing them as "like the Trojan Horse " for the unwanted elements they may bring to the academic world. Again Bourdieu seems wary of accepting the description 'public intellectual,' worrying that it might be difficult to reconcile with science and scholarship. Research is needed on what conditions transform particular intellectuals into public intellectuals.
Work
Bourdieu routinely sought to connect his theoretical ideas with empirical research and his work can be seen as sociology of culture or, as he described it, a "Theory of Practice". His contributions to sociology were both evidential and theoretical (that is, calculated through both systems). His key terms were habitus, capital and field.
He extended the idea of capital to categories such as social capital, cultural capital, financial capital, and symbolic capital. For Bourdieu each individual occupies a position in a multidimensional social space; he or she is not defined only by social class membership, but by every single kind of capital he or she can articulate through social relations. That capital includes the value of social networks, which Bourdieu showed could be used to produce or reproduce inequality.
Ultimately, each relatively autonomous field of modern life, such as economy, politics, arts, journalism, bureaucracy, science or education engenders a specific complex of social relations where the agents will engage their everyday practice. Through this practice, they develop a certain disposition for social action that is conditioned by their position on the field (dominant/dominated and orthodox/heterodox are only two possible ways of positioning the agents on the field; these basic binary distinctions are always further analysed considering the specificities of each field). This disposition, combined with every other disposition the individual develops through his engagement with other fields operating within the social world, will eventually come to constitute a system of dispositions, known in Bourdieu's lexicon as a habitus. Dispositions - a key concept in Bourdieu's work - can be conceived as a sense of the game, a partly rational but partly intuitive understanding of fields and of social order in general, a practical sense, a practical reason, giving rise to opinions, tastes, tone of voice, typical body movements and mannerisms and so on. The dispositions constitutive of habitus are therefore conditioned responses to the social world, becoming so ingrained that they come to occur spontaneously, rather like 'kneejerk' opinions. It follows that the habitus developed by an individual will typify his position in the social space. By doing so, social agents will often acknowledge, legitimate and reproducethe social forms of domination (including prejudices) and the common opinions of each field as self-evident, clouding from conscience and practice even the acknowledgment of other possible means of production (including symbolic production) and power relations.
Though not deterministic, the inculcation of the subjective structures of the habitus can be observed through statistical data, for example, while its selective affinity with the objective structures of the social world explains the continuity of the social order through time. As the individual habitus is always a mix of multiple engagements in the social world through the person's life, while the social fields are put into practice through the agency of the individuals, no social field or order can be completely stable. In other words, if the relation between individual predisposition and social structure is far stronger than common sense tends to believe, it is not a perfect match.
Some examples of his empirical results include showing that, despite the apparent freedom of choice in the arts, people's artistic preferences (such as classical music, rock, traditional music) strongly tie in with their social position; and showing that subtleties of language such as accent, grammar, spelling and style – all part of cultural capital – are a major factor in social mobility (for example, getting a higher-paid, higher-status job).
Pierre Bourdieu's work emphasized how social classes, especially the ruling and intellectual classes, preserve their social privileges across generations despite the myth that contemporary post-industrial society boasts equality of opportunity and high social mobility, achieved through formal education.
Bourdieu was an extraordinarily prolific author, producing hundreds of articles and three dozen books, nearly all of which are now available in English.
Theory of class distinction
Bourdieu developed theories of social stratification based on aesthetic taste in his 1979 work Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste (in French, La Distinction), published by Harvard University Press. Bourdieu claims that how one chooses to present one's social space to the world — one's aesthetic dispositions — depicts one's status and distances oneself from lower groups. Specifically, Bourdieu hypothesizes that children internalize these dispositions at an early age and that such dispositions guide the young towards their appropriate social positions, towards the behaviors that are suitable for them, and foster an aversion towards other behaviors.
Bourdieu theorizes that class fractions teach aesthetic preferences to their young. Class fractions are determined by a combination of the varying degrees of social, economic, and cultural capital. Society incorporates “symbolic goods, especially those regarded as the attributes of excellence, [...as] the ideal weapon in strategies of distinction.” Those attributes deemed excellent are shaped by the interests of the dominating class. He emphasizes the dominance of cultural capital early on by stating that “differences in cultural capital mark the differences between the classes.
The development of aesthetic dispositions are very largely determined by social origin rather than accumulated capital and experience over time. The acquisition of cultural capital depends heavily on “total, early, imperceptible learning, performed within the family from the earliest days of life.” Bourdieu argues that, in the main, people inherit their cultural attitudes, the accepted “definitions that their elders offer them.”
He asserts the primacy of social origin and cultural capital by claiming that social capital and economic capital, though acquired cumulatively over time, depend upon it. Bourdieu claims that “one has to take account of all the characteristics of social condition which are (statistically) associated from earliest childhood with possession of high or low income and which tend to shape tastes adjusted to these conditions.”
According to Bourdieu, tastes in food, culture and presentation are indicators of class because trends in their consumption seemingly correlate with an individual's fit in society. Each fraction of the dominant class develops its own aesthetic criteria. A multitude of consumer interests based on differing social positions necessitates that each fraction “has its own artists and philosophers, newspapers and critics, just as it has its hairdresser, interior decorator, or tailor.”
However, Bourdieu does not disregard the importance of social capital and economic capital in the formation of cultural capital. For example, the production of art and the ability to play an instrument “presuppose not only dispositions associated with long establishment in the world of art and culture but also economic means...and spare time.” However, regardless of one's ability to act upon one's preferences, Bourdieu specifies that “respondents are only required to express a status-induced familiarity with legitimate...culture.”
“[Taste] functions as a sort of social orientation, a ‘sense of one’s place,’ guiding the occupants of a given...social space towards the social positions adjusted to their properties, and towards the practices or goods which befit the occupants of that position.” Thus, different modes of acquisition yield differences in the nature of preferences.
These “cognitive structures...are internalized, ‘embodied’ social structures,” becoming a natural entity to the individual (Bourdieu 468). Different tastes are thus seen as unnatural and rejected, resulting in “disgust provoked by horror or visceral intolerance (‘feeling sick’) of the tastes of others.”
Bourdieu himself believes class distinction and preferences are “most marked in the ordinary choices of everyday existence, such as furniture, clothing, or cooking, which are particularly revealing of deep-rooted and long-standing dispositions because, lying outside the scope of the educational system, they have to be confronted, as it were, by naked taste.” Indeed, Bourdieu believes that “the strongest and most indelible mark of infant learning” would probably be in the tastes of food. Bourdieu thinks that meals served on special occasions are “an interesting indicator of the mode of self-presentation adopted in ‘showing off’ a life-style (in which furniture also plays a part).” The idea is that their likes and dislikes should mirror those of their associated class fractions.
Children from the lower end of the social hierarchy are predicted to choose “heavy, fatty fattening foods, which are also cheap” in their dinner layouts, opting for “plentiful and good” meals as opposed to foods that are “original and exotic.” These potential outcomes would reinforce Bourdieu's “ethic of sobriety for the sake of slimness, which is most recognized at the highest levels of the social hierarchy,” that contrasts the “convivial indulgence” characteristic of the lower classes. Demonstrations of the tastes of luxury (or freedom) and the tastes of necessity reveal a distinction among the social classes.
The degree to which social origin affects these preferences surpasses both educational and economic capital. Demonstrably, at equivalent levels of educational capital, social origin remains an influential factor in determining these dispositions. How one describes one's social environment relates closely to social origin because the instinctive narrative springs from early stages of development. Also, across the divisions of labor, “economic constraints tend to relax without any fundamental change in the pattern of spending.” This observation reinforces the idea that social origin, more than economic capital, produces aesthetic preferences because regardless of economic capability, consumption patterns remain stable.
Theory of power and practice
Bourdieu's sociological work emphasizes the importance of practices in the social world. Bourdieu was opposed to the intellectualist tradition and stressed that social domination and cultural reproduction were primarily focused on bodily know-how and competent practices in the society. Bourdieu fiercely opposed Rational Choice Theory because he believed it was a misunderstanding of how social agents operate. According to Bourdieu agents do not continuously calculate according to explicit rational and economic criteria. Rather, social agents operate according to an implicit practical logic—a practical sense—and bodily dispositions. Social agents act according to their "feel for the game" (the "feel" being, roughly, habitus, and the "game" being the field).
Bourdieu's anthropological work was dominated by social hierarchy reproduction analysis. Bourdieu criticized the importance given to economic factors in the analysis of social order and change. He stressed that the capacity of actors to impose their cultural reproductions and symbolic systems plays an essential role in the reproduction of dominate social structures. Symbolic violence is the self-interested capacity to ensure that the arbitrariness of the social order is either ignored, or argued as natural, thereby justifying the legitimacy of existing social structures. This concept plays an essential part in his sociological analysis.
For Bourdieu, the social world has gradually divided into what he calls fields. For him, social activity differences led to various, relatively autonomous, social spaces in which competition centers around particular capital. These fields are treated on a hierarchical basis—with economic power usually governing—wherein the dynamics of fields arise out of the struggle of social actors trying to occupy the dominant positions within the field. Bourdieu embraces prime elements of conflict theory like Marx. Social struggle also occurs within fields hierarchically nested under the economic antagonisms between social classes. The conflicts which take place in each social field have specific characteristics arising from those fields and that involve many social relationships which are not economic.
Pierre Bourdieu developed a theory of the action, around the concept of habitus, which exerted a considerable influence in the social sciences. This theory seeks to show that social agents develop strategies which are adapted to the needs of the social worlds that they inhabit. These strategies are unconscious and act on the level of a bodily logic.
Theory about media and cultural production
Bourdieu's most significant work on cultural production is available in two books: The Field of Cultural Production (1993) and The Rules of Art (1996).
Bourdieu builds his theory of cultural production using his own characteristic theoretical vocabulary of habitus, capital and field.
David Hesmondhalgh writes that “by ‘Cultural production’ Bourdieu intends a very broad understanding of culture, in line with the tradition of classical sociology, including science (which in turn includes social science), law and religion, as well as expressive-aesthetic activities such as art, literature and music. However, his work on cultural production focuses overwhelmingly on two types of field or sub-field of cultural production (...): literature and art.”
According to Pierre Bourdieu “the principal obstacle to a rigorous science of the production of the value of cultural goods” is the “charismatic ideology of ‘creation’ “ which can be easily found in studies of art, literature and other cultural fields. In Bourdieu’s opinion charismatic ideology ‘directs the gaze towards the apparent producer and prevents us from asking who has created this “creator” and the magic power of transubstantiation with which the “creator” is endowed’.
For Bourdieu, a sociologically informed view of an artist ought to describe their influences, antagonisms, etc., i.e. their relations to the field of production; and also should describe their attitudes to their readers, enthusiasts or detractors, i.e. their relations to the field of consumption. Further, a work of literature, for example, may not adequately be analysed either as the product of the author's life and beliefs (a naively biographical account), or without any reference to the author's intentions (as Barthes argued). In short, "the subject of a work is a habitus in relationship with a 'post', a position, that is, within a field."
According to Bourdieu, cultural revolutions are always dependent on the possibilities present in the positions inscribed in the field.
Field and habitus
A field is a setting in which agents and their social positions are located. The position of each particular agent in the field is a result of interaction between the specific rules of the field, agent's habitus and agent's capital (social, economic and cultural). Fields interact with each other, and are hierarchical: Most are subordinate to the larger field of power and class relations.
Instead of confining his analysis of social relations and change to voluntaristic agency or strictly in terms of class as a structural relation, Bourdieu uses the agency-structure bridging concept of field: any historical, non-homogeneous social-spatial arena in which people maneuver and struggle in pursuit of desirable resources. Much of Bourdieu's work observes the semi-independent role of educational and cultural resources in the expression of agency. This makes his work amenable to liberal-conservative scholarship positing the fundamental cleavages of society as amongst disorderly factions of the working class, in need of disciplinary intervention where they have assumed excessive privilege. Unsurprisingly given his historical and biographical location, however, Bourdieu was in practice both influenced by and sympathetic to the Marxist identification of economic command as a principal component of power and agency within capitalist society, in contrast to some of his followers or the influential sociologist Max Weber.
Habitus
Bourdieu's concept of habitus was inspired by Marcel Mauss's notion of body technique and hexis. The word itself can be found in the works of Norbert Elias, Max Weber, Edmund Husserl and Erwin Panofsky as re-workings of the concept as it emerged in Aristotle's notion of Hexis. For Bourdieu, habitus was essential in resolving a prominent antinomy of the human sciences: objectivism and subjectivism. Habitus can be defined as a system of dispositions (lasting, acquired schemes of perception, thought and action).
The individual agent develops these dispositions in response to the objective conditions it encounters. In this way Bourdieu theorizes the inculcation of objective social structures into the subjective, mental experience of agents. For the objective social field places requirements on its participants for membership, so to speak, within the field. Having thereby absorbed objective social structure into a personal set of cognitive and somatic dispositions, and the subjective structures of action of the agent then being commensurate with the objective structures and extant exigencies of the social field, a doxic relationship emerges.
Habitus is somewhat reminiscent of preexisting sociological concepts such as socialization, but habitus also differs from the more classic concepts in several important ways. Firstly, a central aspect of the habitus is its embodiment: Habitus does not only, or even primarily, function at the level of explicit, discursive consciousness. The internal structures become embodied and work in a deeper, practical and often pre-reflexive way. An illustrative example might be the 'muscle memory' cultivated in many areas of physical education. Consider the way we catch a ball - the complex geometric trajectories are not calculated; it is not an intellectual process. Although it is a skill that requires learning, it is more a physical than a mental process and has to be performed physically to be learned. In this sense, the concept has something in common with Anthony Giddens' concept of practical consciousness.
Habitus and doxa
Doxa refers to the learned, fundamental, deep-founded, unconscious beliefs, and values, taken as self-evident universals, that inform an agent's actions and thoughts within a particular field. Doxa tends to favor the particular social arrangement of the field, thus privileging the dominant and taking their position of dominance as self-evident and universally favorable. Therefore, the categories of understanding and perception that constitute a habitus, being congruous with the objective organization of the field, tend to reproduce the very structures of the field. A doxic situation may be thought of as a situation characterized by a harmony between the objective, external structures and the 'subjective', internal structures of the habitus. In the doxic state, the social world is perceived as natural, taken-for-granted and even commonsensical.
Bourdieu thus sees habitus as an important factor contributing to social reproduction because it is central to generating and regulating the practices that make up social life. Individuals learn to want what conditions make possible for them, and not to aspire to what is not available to them. The conditions in which the individual lives generate dispositions compatible with these conditions (including tastes in art, literature, food, and music), and in a sense pre-adapted to their demands. The most improbable practices are therefore excluded, as unthinkable, by a kind of immediate submission to order that inclines agents to make a virtue of necessity, that is, to refuse what is categorically denied and to will the inevitable.
Reconciling the objective (field) and the subjective (habitus)
As mentioned above, Bourdieu used the methodological and theoretical concepts of habitus and field in order to make an epistemological break with the prominent objective-subjective antinomy of the social sciences. He wanted to effectively unite social phenomenology and structuralism. Habitus and field are proposed to do so.
Bourdieu's ambition to unite these sociological traditions, which had been widely thought to be incompatible, was and remains controversial. The most important concept to grasp is habitus. Crudely put, the habitus is the system of dispositions which individuals have. Sociologists very often look at either social laws (structure) or the individual minds (agency) in which these laws are inscribed. Great sociological arguments have raged between those who argue that the former should be sociology's principal interest (structuralists) and those who argue the same for the latter (phenomenologists). When Bourdieu instead asks us to consider dispositions, he is making a very subtle intervention in sociology. He asserts a middle ground where social laws and individual minds meet and is arguing that the proper object of sociological analysis should be this middle ground: dispositions.
Dispositions are also importantly public and hence observable. If I prefer brie to Camembert but keep this fact secret — never showing my preference, scrupulously giving no evidence from which my preference may be observed or deduced — then the preference remains strictly private. It may be aptly called a preference, but it is not a disposition in Bourdieu's sense and arguably not in the everyday sense either. A disposition performs, enacts a preference; however trivial, even when disputing the relative merits of cheeses, a disposition is a public declaration of where one stands, what one's allegiances are.
Amongst any society of individuals, the constant performance of dispositions, trivial and grand, forms an observable range of preferences and allegiances, points and vectors. This spatial metaphor can be analysed by sociologists and realised in diagrammatic form. Ultimately, conceptualising social relations this way gives rise to an image of society as a web of interrelated spaces. These are the social fields.
For Bourdieu, habitus and field can only exist in relation to each other. Although a field is constituted by the various social agents participating in it (and thus their habitus), a habitus, in effect, represents the transposition of objective structures of the field into the subjective structures of action and thought of the agent.
The relationship between habitus and field is two-way. The field exists only insofar as social agents possess the dispositions and set of perceptual schemata that are necessary to constitute that field and imbue it with meaning. Concomitantly, by participating in the field, agents incorporate into their habitus the proper know-how that will allow them to constitute the field. Habitus manifests the structures of the field, and the field mediates between habitus and practice.
Bourdieu attempts to use the concepts of habitus and field to remove the division between the subjective and the objective. Whether or not he successfully does so is open to debate. Bourdieu asserts that any research must be composed of two "minutes." The first an objective stage of research—where one looks at the relations of the social space and the structures of the field. The second stage must be a subjective analysis of social agents' dispositions to act and their categories of perception and understanding that result from their inhabiting the field. Proper research, he says, cannot do without these two together.
Species of capital and symbolic violence
Bourdieu extended the notion of capital, defined as sums of money or assets put to productive use. For Bourdieu, these assets could take many forms which had not received much attention when he began writing. Bourdieu habitually refers to several principal forms of capital: economic, symbolic, cultural and social. Loïc Wacquant describes their status in Bourdieu's work in these terms: "Capital comes in 3 principal species: economic, cultural and social. A fourth species, symbolic capital, designates the effects of any form of capital when people do not perceive them as such."
Bourdieu sees symbolic capital (e.g., prestige, honor, attention) as a crucial source of power. Symbolic capital is any species of capital that is, in Loïc Wacquant's terms "not perceived as such," but which is instead perceived through socially inculcated classificatory schemes. When a holder of symbolic capital uses the power this confers against an agent who holds less, and seeks thereby to alter their actions, they exercise symbolic violence.
Symbolic violence is fundamentally the imposition of categories of thought and perception upon dominated social agents who then take the social order to be just. It is the incorporation of unconscious structures that tend to perpetuate the structures of action of the dominant. The dominated then take their position to be "right." Symbolic violence is in some senses much more powerful than physical violence in that it is embedded in the very modes of action and structures of cognition of individuals, and imposes the spectre of legitimacy of the social order.
In his theoretical writings, Bourdieu employs some terminology used in economics to analyze the processes of social and cultural reproduction, of how the various forms of capital tend to transfer from one generation to the next. For Bourdieu, formal education represents the key example of this process. Educational success, according to Bourdieu, entails a whole range of cultural behaviour, extending to ostensibly non-academic features like gait, dress, or accent. Privileged children have learned this behaviour, as have their teachers. Children of unprivileged backgrounds have not. The children of privilege therefore fit the pattern of their teachers' expectations with apparent 'ease'; they are 'docile'. The unprivileged are found to be 'difficult', to present 'challenges'. Yet both behave as their upbringing dictates. Bourdieu regards this 'ease', or 'natural' ability—distinction—as in fact the product of a great social labour, largely on the part of the parents. It equips their children with the dispositions of manner as well as thought which ensure they are able to succeed within the educational system and can then reproduce their parents' class position in the wider social system.
Cultural capital refers to assets, e.g., competencies, skills, qualifications, which enable holders to mobilise cultural authority and can also be a source of misrecognition and symbolic violence. For example, working class children can come to see the educational success of their middle-class peers as always legitimate, seeing what is often class-based inequality as instead the result of hard work or even 'natural' ability. A key part of this process is the transformation of people's symbolic or economic inheritance (e.g., accent or property) into cultural capital (e.g., university qualifications).
Bourdieu argues that cultural capital has developed in opposition to economic capital. Moreover, the conflict between those who mostly hold cultural capital and those who mostly hold economic capital finds expression in the opposed social fields of art and business. The field of art and related cultural fields are seen to have striven historically for autonomy, which in different times and places has been more or less achieved. The autonomous field of art is summed up as "an economic world turned upside down," highlighting the opposition between economic and cultural capital.
For Bourdieu, "social capital is the sum of the resources, actual or virtual, that accrue to an individual or a group by virtue of possessing a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition." In order for individuals to gain such capital, they must work for it constantly and it takes time according to Bourdieu. For some families, cultural capital is accumulated over a period of generations as they adopt cultural investment strategies and pass them on to their children. This gives children an opportunity to realize their potential through education and they pass on those same values to their children. Over time, individuals in such families gain cultural currency which gives them an inherent advantage over other groups of people, which is why there is such variation in academic achievement in children of different social classes. Having such cultural currency enables people to compensate for a lack of financial capital by giving them a certain level of respect and status in society. Bourdieu believes that cultural capital may play a role when individuals pursue power and status in society through politics or other means. Social and cultural capital along with economic capital contribute to the inequality we see in the world, according to Bourdieu's argument.
Reflexivity
Bourdieu insists on the importance of a reflexive sociology in which sociologists must at all times conduct their research with conscious attention to the effects of their own position, their own set of internalized structures, and how these are likely to distort or prejudice their objectivity. The sociologist, according to Bourdieu, must engage in a "sociology of sociology" so as not to unwittingly attribute to the object of observation the characteristics of the subject. She/he ought to conduct their research with one eye continually reflecting back upon their own habitus, their dispositions learned through long social and institutional training.
It is only by maintaining such a continual vigilance that the sociologists can spot themselves in the act of importing their own biases into their work. Reflexivity is, therefore, a kind of additional stage in the scientific epistemology. It is not enough for the scientist to go through the usual stages (research, hypothesis, falsification, experiment, repetition, peer review, etc.); Bourdieu recommends also that the scientist purge their work of the prejudices likely to derive from their social position. In a good illustration of the process, Bourdieu chastises academics (including himself) for judging their students' work against a rigidly scholastic linguistic register, favouring students whose writing appears 'polished', marking down those guilty of 'vulgarity'. Without a reflexive analysis of the snobbery being deployed under the cover of those subjective terms, the academic will unconsciously reproduce a degree of class prejudice, promoting the student with high linguistic capital and holding back the student who lacks it — not because of the objective quality of the work but simply because of the register in which it is written. Reflexivity should enable the academic to be conscious of their prejudices, e.g. for apparently sophisticated writing, and impel them to take steps to correct for this bias.
Bourdieu also describes how the "scholastic point of view" unconsciously alters how scientists approach their objects of study. Because of the systematicity of their training and their mode of analysis, they tend to exaggerate the systematicity of the things they study. This inclines them to see agents following clear rules where in fact they use less determinate strategies; it makes it hard to theorise the 'fuzzy' logic of the social world, its practical and therefore mutable nature, poorly described by words like 'system', 'structure' and 'logic' which imply mechanisms, rigidity and omnipresence. The scholar can too easily find themselves mistaking "the things of logic for the logic of things" — a phrase of Marx's which Bourdieu is fond of quoting. Again, reflexivity is recommended as the key to discovering and correcting for such errors which would otherwise remain unseen, mistakes produced by an over-application of the virtues that produced also the truths within which the errors are embedded.
Science and objectivity
Bourdieu contended there is transcendental objectivity, only when certain necessary historical conditions are met. The scientific field is precisely that field in which objectivity may be acquired. Bourdieu's ideal scientific field is one that grants its participants an interest or investment in objectivity. Further, this ideal scientific field is one in which the field's degree of autonomy advances and, in a corresponding process, its "entrance fee" becomes increasingly strict. The scientific field entails rigorous intersubjective scrutinizing of theory and data. This should make it difficult for those within the field to bring in, for example, political influence.
However, the autonomy of the scientific field cannot be taken for granted. An important part of Bourdieu's theory is that the historical development of a scientific field, sufficiently autonomous to be described as such and to produce objective work, is an achievement that requires continual reproduction. Having been achieved, it cannot be assumed to be secure. Bourdieu does not discount the possibility that the scientific field may lose its autonomy and therefore deteriorate, losing its defining characteristic as a producer of objective work. In this way, the conditions of possibility for the production of transcendental objectivity could arise and then disappear.
Language
Bourdieu takes language to be not merely a method of communication, but also a mechanism of power. The language one uses is designated by one's relational position in a field or social space. Different uses of language tend to reiterate the respective positions of each participant. Linguistic interactions are manifestations of the participants' respective positions in social space and categories of understanding, and thus tend to reproduce the objective structures of the social field. This determines who has a "right" to be listened to, to interrupt, to ask questions, and to lecture, and to what degree.
The representation of identity in forms of language can be subdivided into language, dialect, and accent. For example, the use of different dialects in an area can represent a varied social status for individuals. A good example of this would be in the case of French. Until the French Revolution, the difference of dialects usage directly reflected ones social status. Peasants and lower class members spoke local dialects, while only nobles and higher class members were fluent with the official French language. Accents can reflect an area's inner conflict with classifications and authority within a population.
The reason language acts as a mechanism of power is through forms of mental representations it is acknowledged and noticed as objective representations: as a sign and/or symbol. These signs and symbols therefore transform language into an agency of power.
Legacy
Bourdieu "was, for many, the leading intellectual of present-day France... a thinker in the same rank as Foucault, Barthes and Lacan". His works have been translated into two dozen languages and have affected the whole gamut of disciplines in the social sciences and the humanities. They have also been used in pedagogy. Several works of his are considered classics, not only in sociology, but also in anthropology, education, and cultural studies. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste (La Distinction) was named as one of the 20th century's ten most important works of sociology by the International Sociological Association. The Rules of Art has significantly affected sociology, history, literature and aesthetics.
In France, Bourdieu was seen not as an ivory tower academic or "cloistered don" but as a passionate activist for those he believed to be subordinated by society. In 2001, a documentary film about Bourdieu – Sociology is a Martial Art – "became an unexpected hit in Paris. Its very title stressed how much of a politically engaged intellectual Bourdieu was, taking on the mantle of Émile Zola and Jean-Paul Sartre in French public life and slugging it out with politicians because he thought that was what people like him should do."
For Bourdieu, sociology was a combative effort, exposing the un-thought structures beneath the physical (somatic) and thought practices of social agents. He saw sociology as a means of confronting symbolic violence and exposing those unseen areas where one could be free.
Bourdieu's work continues to be influential. His work is widely cited, and many sociologists and other social scientists work explicitly in a Bourdieusian framework. One example is Loïc Wacquant, who persistently applies the Bourdieusian theoretical and methodological principles to subjects such as boxing, employing what Bourdieu termed participant objectivation (objectivation participante), or what Wacquant calls "carnal sociology." In addition to publishing a book on Bourdieu's lasting influence, novelist Édouard Louis uses the legacy of Pierre Bourdieu as a literary device.
Bourdieu also played a crucial role in the popularisation of correspondence analysis and particularly multiple correspondence analysis. Bourdieu held that these geometric techniques of data analysis are, like his sociology, inherently relational. "I use Correspondence Analysis very much, because I think that it is essentially a relational procedure whose philosophy fully expresses what in my view constitutes social reality. It is a procedure that 'thinks' in relations, as I try to do it with the concept of field," Bourdieu said, in the preface to The Craft of Sociology.
Parvatibai Athavale
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Parvatibai Athavale was a close associate of Dr. Dhondo Keshav Karve, one of India's great social reformers. She made major contributions in social upliftment of women, particularly Hindu widows.
Parvatibai Athavale was born in 1870 in Devrukh, a small town in Kokan region on the west coast of India. Her maiden name was Miss Krishna Joshi. She was married at the young age of eleven with Mr. Mahadev Narayan Athavale. She gave birth to three children after her marriage but only one son (Mr. Narayan Mahadev Athavale) survived.
Later in her life, Parvatibai went to the U.S. to collect funds and donations for the widow education and upliftment, in associated with Karve. She herself became a widow early in life and had to shave off her head and stopped wearing any jewellery and took on the traditional dress of a Maharashtrian Brahmin widow, as was the tradition during those times. After working in the Widows Home, Parvatibai realised that if a change had to come, it had to be initiated by the widows themselves and to set an example, she decided to discard the signs of widowhood. In 1912, she stopped shaving her head and gave up her widow's garb. She says she was criticized a lot, but she did not give in to those insults.
Parvatibai Athavale has also penned down her autobiography, later translated in English by Justin E. Abbott and published in 1930, by the name of My Story: The Autobiography of a Hindu Widow, which makes a social impact even today.
Paul Diwakar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
N. Paul Divakar is a Dalit activist and former General Secretary of the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, based in Delhi. He was formerly the General Secretary of the Dalit Bahujan Shramik Union, a Dalit-Bahujan rights organisation in Andhra Pradesh.
The Dalit Bahujan Shramik Union (DBSU) is a Dalit-Bahujan civil rights organization and agricultural workers' union locally coordinated from Gandhinagar, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh, South India. It lobbies against violence towards Dalit women. Two of its founders were Paul Diwakar and Annie Namala.
Origins
The DBSU was previously known as the Andhra Pradesh Dalit Bahujan Vyavasaya Vruthidharula Union (APDBVVU).
Sri N.Paul Divakar is a Dalit activist. At present, he is the General Secretary[2] of National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) based in New Delhi. He was formerly the General Secretary of the Dalit Bahujan Shramik Union, a Dalit-Bahujan rights organisation in Andhra Pradesh.
His background
Sri Divakar is an MSW from the Madras School of Social Work in Chennai.
His concerns
Dappu
He was earlier convenor of dappu - a dalit-bahujan collective in Andhra Pradesh.
Dalit Bahujan Shramik Union
He served as the General Secretary of DBSU and continues providing leadership to those at the helm.
National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR)
He served as the National Convenor of NCDHR. Plight of the Dalit-Bahujans is brought forth at various fora around the globe.
Dalit Arthik Adhikar Aandolan (NCDHR)
He serves as the General Secretary of NCDHR-DAAA. DAAA mainly focuses on Economic Rights of Dalit and working on Budget Analysis and Advocacy for implementation of Special Component Plan and Tribal Sub Plan, Caste Based Discrimination in Education and Health, Inclusion in Private Sectors and Caste Based Discrimination in Disaster Response and Preparedness.
Personal History
Mr. Divakar is the son of Rt.Rev.Dr. N.D.Ananda Rao Samuel a Bishop and a Moderator of the Church of South India and is known for his integrity and commitment to the poor across India. His mother's name was Smt. Flora Manjula also stood for and supported the cause of the poor.
Santram B. A.
A committed anti-caste warrior
Santram and his Jaatpaat Todak Mandal drew the attention of the entire nation. The mandal received overwhelming support but the conservatives opposed it vehemently. Among its opponents was Suryakant Tripathi ‘Nirala’
Punaram Nishad
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Punaram Nishad
Born 16 November 1939 Kartik Mas Purnima
Ringni, Durg district, Chhattisgarh, India
Died 11 February 2017 Falgun Mas Navami
Dr B R Ambedkar Hospital, Raipur Chhattisgarh
Other names Punaram
Occupation Folk musician
Known for Pandavani
Spouse(s) Jamuna Nishad
Children Rohit Nishad
Parent(s) Laxman Nishad & Budvanti Nishad
Awards 1975 - Tamra Padak Award
1975- Chhasttisgarh Kala samman, 2002 - Vilasa Samman,2005 - Padma Shri
Website www.nishadbandhu.com
Punaram Nishad, born in Ringni, Dist Durg Chhattisgarh, is an Indian folk musician, known for his prowess in the Pandavani, a folk music tradition of Chhattisgarh and the neighbouring states in India. Born in the Indian state of Chhattisgarh, (then Madhya Pradesh) to a Bhajan singer, he started learning the art from the age of 10 under Jhadu Ram Dewangan, considered by many as the father of Pandvani, and aligned with the Vedamati tradition of Pandavani, which follows a rigid text, and does not permit improvisations.
Nishad has composed 18 stories for Pandavani, of which Udyog Parv is his favourite. He has acted in two plays, Agra Bazaar directed by Habib Tanvir, and a Naya Theatre production, Duryodhan. His performance has been staged during the Beyond the Border Festival Tour at Phoenix Arts Centre, Leicester on 28 June 1995. The Government of India awarded him the fourth highest civilian honour of the Padma Shri, in 2005, for his contributions to Indian fork arts. He lives in Ringni village of Durg district in Chhattisgarh and continues to teach Pandavani at his residence, Shanti Niketan Ashram. His son, Rohit Nishad, is a farmer.
Poikayil Yohannan
(1879-1939)
=========================
Yohannan was born 17th February 1879, to parents Kandan and Lechi of the Paraiyar (“Pariah”) community, at Eraviperoor, Pathanamthitta.
He was named Komaran at his birth, born as a slave to a Syrian Christian family of the name Sankaramangalam. Though at birth he was named Komaran, he was later renamed Kumaran. Being a slave to a Christian family, Kumaran had to follow Christianity and have a Christian name, and was called Yohannan. He became literate and versed with Bible.
In that period, Dalit communities practiced untouchability among themselves.Recognising the commonalities among the Paraiyar, Pulayar (Cheramar) and Kuravar communities, Yohannan sought to create a sense of unity among them.
Yohannan left the Sankaramangalam family, intent on organising the Christian Dalit communities.
With this thought he joined the Marthoma church, a reformist sect among the Syrian Christians, but realized the church treated Dalits as an inferior class, and left the church.
He then joined a new sect called the Brethren Mission where he faced similar instances of caste based discrimination.
Yohannan concluded that Indian Christian communities continued to discriminate based on caste, and felt this defied the basic tenets of Christianity.
In 1909, Yohannan left Christianity and started his own Dalit liberation movement named Prathyaksha Raksha Daiva Sabha (PRDS). He was known as Poikayil Appachan or Kumara Gurudevan afterwards.
Yohannan advocated spiritual liberation, and sought to empower and consolidate the Dalits, promoting a creed in which the “slave castes” would be free of discrimination.
The new order, PRDS was open to both Christian and Non Christian Dalits and Poikayil Yohannan was successful in convincing the majority of his brethren to abandon Christianity and embrace PRDS.
339. He reasoned that the Bible accounted for only Jewish history and hence Indian caste system could not be broken with it.
He bought 125 acres of land in different parts of Travancore for the use of PRDS. The new
organisation was headquartered at Eraviperoor.
Poikayil Yohannaan set up schools and industrial training centers in different places in addition to constructing buildings for religious ceremonies and public fucntions.
Poikayil Yohannan was also a member of the Dalit advocacy group Sadhujana Paripalana Sangham (SJPS) which had been founded in 1905 by another Dalit leader of Kerala, Ayyankali.
Yohannan was also twice nominated, in the years 1921 and 1931, to the Sree Moolam Praja Sabha, the legislative council of the princely state of Travancore.
In the Praja Sabha, Yohannan made a forceful case for the education and employment of the Depressed Classes.
He specifically highlighted the economic disparities between Dalit Christians and Syrian Christians arguing how converts from the Pulaya, Paraya, Marvar and Kuravar castes were discriminated against within Christianity.
Some of the measures he advocated for these Dalits included provision for concession in fee for studies beyond fifth class, job reservations and land for each Dalit family.
On 31 March 1931 he suggested in the Praja Sabha that special scholarships be granted to the students belonging to the Depressed Classes. Yohannan also established several government aided schools for Dalit education.
Yohannan died on 29th June, 1939 at the age of 61.
Poornima Arvind Pakvasa
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Poornima Arvind Pakvasa
Born October 5, 1913
Died 25 April 2016 (aged 102)
Surat, Gujarat, India
Occupation social worker
Poornima Arvind Pakvasa (5 October 1913 – 25 April 2016), known as the Didi of Dangs, was an Indian independence activist and social worker from Gujarat.
Early life
Pakvasa was born in Ranpur near Limbdi State, Saurashtra (now in Gujarat). She was also Manipuri dancer and classical vocal singer.
Political and social activism
Pakvasa first met Mahatma Gandhi at Ranpur when she was eight. She participated in the independence movement in Limbdi. At the age of 18, she participated in the Dandi March during which she was arrested. Her inmate in jail was Kasturba Gandhi. Pakvasa taught her how to read and write English. Mahatma Gandhi was appreciative of this act and gave her his blessings to continue on the path of education.
She participated in the 51st session of the Indian National Congress at Haripura in 1938.
In 1954, she started Shaktidal, an institution for the cultural, physical and spiritual education of women in Bombay (now Mumbai). She headed the Bhosla Military School, Nashik for 25 years. Later in 1974, she established Ritambhara Vishwa Vidyapeeth and extended its activities to become a residential school and college at Saputara. The school chiefly served tribal girls of Dang. She turned 100 in October 2013 and died on 25 April 2016 at the age of 102 in Surat. Her last rites were performed in Saputara by her children.
Awards
In 2004 she was awarded the Padma Bhushan award for her services to society. She was awarded Santokbaa Award in 2013.
Personal life
She married Arvind Pakvasa and was a daughter-in-law of Mangaldas Pakvasa. She had two daughters - Aarti and Sonal Mansingh - and a son Anuj. Sonal Mansingh is an Indian classical dancer
P. V. Rao
QUICK FACTS
Intro Indian activist
Is Activist
From India
Type Activism
Gender Male
Born 10 May 1949
Death 22 December 2005
Peoplepill ID pv-rao
Pothula Vigneswara Rao spearheaded the Dalit Mala Mahanadu movement in Andhra Pradesh to fight against the categorisation of Scheduled Castes into A, B, C, D groups.
Born in a Dalit family in Devaguptam village near Amalapuram in East Godavari district, Rao was influenced by the ideology of B. R. Ambedkar from his childhood. After his graduation he entered the state government service and served in the Information and Public Relations Department for about two decades. He also edited the Telugu language edition of Andhra Pradesh journal.
MALA MAHANADU MOVEMENT
The 20 per cent Dalit population of Andhra Pradesh was a traditional vote-bank for the Indian National Congress party since the Independence of India in 1947. In 1998, Chandrababu Naidu of the Telugu Desam Party felt that this support needed to be split if he was to establish his party strongly in the state. Sowing the seeds of separate reservations benefits, Naidu enticed the Madigas with separation of welfare, seats in educational institutions and reservation. He brought in a former naxalite, manda Krishna Madiga to superhead the MRPS movement for the categorisation of Scheduled Castes into A, B, C, D groups. The then Chandrababu Naidu government classified 59 sub-castes in four groups according to their population and allocated their share. Thus, 12 castes in group A got 1 per cent, Madigas and 17 other castes in group B got 7 per cent, Malas and 24 others in group C got 6 per cent and four castes in group D got 1 per cent.
Malas now have to limit their share to only 6% out of 15%, this has led to a wide resentment among Malas. Rao opposed former Andhra Pradesh chief minister Chandrababu Naidu's division of scheduled castes in the state into sub-groups. He was dismissed from service for opposing the Naidu government's divisive politics. Rao later formed the Mala Mahanadu and led the caste consolidation of the Malas, a numerically significant and educated community.
The Mala Mahanadu's fight against classification of SCs began in 1997 when it first contested a GO issued by the Chandrababu Naidu government. When the High Court struck down the GO, the government promulgated an ordinance which was later enacted by the Assembly. A five-member bench of the High Court upheld the legislation. In 2001, Mala Mahanadu went to the Supreme Court the movement knocked the doors of the courts and a five-judge Constitution bench of the Supreme Court on Friday 7 November 2004 unanimously decided in the E V Chinnaiah vs State of A P case that such a micro-classification of scheduled castes into sub-groups was unconstitutional. The court said untouchability being the sole criterion, further classification of scheduled castes violated Articles 14, 15 and 16 of the Constitution. It thereby affected the basic structure of the Constitution.
After the Supreme Court struck down the order in 2004, the present Congress government saw political sense in keeping the Dalits divided. It supported Naidu's scheme and passed an assembly reso-lution in 2005 asking the Centre to take up the matter.
UNITY AMONG MALAS AND MADIGAS
The agitation by Madigas had created deep divisions between the Mala and Madiga dominant castes over the issue. Rao has always advocated for the unity among Malas and Madigas. He appealed to Madigas, the largest SC group that had waged a long-drawn struggle for categorisation, to put behind their differences and join hands to fight for the larger cause of empowerment of SCs.
DEATH
Rao died of a massive heart attack in New Delhi on 22 December 2005. At the time of death He was in New Delhi to meet several party leaders to fight against the categorisation of Scheduled Castes into A, B, C, D groups. He died at the age of 56 and was cremated according to Hindu customs. He is survived by wife and two daughters. His wife Prameela Devi contested on a PRP ticket for Amalapuram Lok Sabha constituency but lost.
Pradeep Narwal
Pradeep Narwal is the working President of Haryana Pradesh Congress Committee Schedule Caste Department. 27 Year old Pradeep is the Ex Student of Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
Pradeep was earlier with ABVP (student wing of RSS) in JNU Unit. He resigned from ABVP after 9th February 2016 JNU Incident where ABVP alleged that Kanhiya Kumar, Umar Khalid, and Anirban Bhattacharya raised anti-India slogan and slogan in support of Parliament attack convict Afzal Guru. Pradeep made an allegation on ABVP for using JNU as a political battle and trying to malign the prestigious University of India.
Pradeep hails from Kathura Village in Haryana. He says that Dalit's marginalisation and oppression in his state forced him to join politics and activism.He is also associated with Dalit rights organisation Bhim Army lead by Chandrashekhar Azad Ravan. He was coordinator of Committee for the Defense of the Bhim Army before joining Congress Party.
Pradeep joined Congress party in presence of Congress President Rahul Gandhi. He was given charge of Haryana Pradesh Congress Committee Schedule Caste Department as Working President.
PANDIT AYOTHIDASAR
by anarchyindia
Pandit Ayothidasar in the last decade of the 19th Century was a Writer, Journalist, Social reformer, Siddha Physician, Tamil and Buddhist Scholar. He edited and published THAMIZHAN a journal devoted to social reform for eight years. He opposed Brahminism Vedic rituals, untouchability. He championed communal representation, Women’s Rights, self-respect, Rationalism etc., unfortunately the world of Tamil scholar purposely ignored contribution to Tamil Life and Thought.
Only AD suffered this ignoring. Subramania Bharathiyar, V.O.Chimdambaram Pillai, Singaravelach Chettiar, Pandit U.V. Saminatha Iyer, Thiru.V.Kalyanasundara Madaliar, Pandithurai Thevar, Mahavidwan Raghava Iyengar who lived during the same period in the Madras Presidency were hounoured for theirs scholarship and patriotism. Ayothidasar’s many field contributions did not receive due recognition because he belonged to the Paraiyan caste.
The neglect Ayothidasar suffered was worse than physical violence. The higher-caste intellectuals in Tamil Nadu were adopt in practicing this variety of concealed violence.
We are presenting before you the history of Tamil Nadu 100 years ago which was ignored by this casteist intellectuals of Tamil Nadu.
European merchants came to India in the later half of the 17th century. They began as Traders but in course of time conquered and ruled large parts of the country including Madras State
During 1870’s Englishmen came to India in large numbers to construct roads and bridges. Railway lines were laid and new departments like post and telegraph, police, military etc were created.
They lived in colonies and with their families they required the services of interpreters, gardeners, servants, cooks and watchmen. They also required grooms for their horses. Because the post required physical labour people belonging to the dominant castes did not offer their services. Englishmen ate beef and that was an important reason why people from the dominant castes. Kept away from such services.
The depressed classes of TN the sons of the soil who were ignored by the caste ridden society were selected to do these jobs. The men who lived in the slums in and around Madras were selected to lay railway lines, run postal services and construct buildings. This resulted in the growth of big slums in Egmore, Chetput, Teynampet, Althottam etc.
The depressed classes who lived in these slums organized associations like Panchamar Maha Jana Sabhas to forge unity among themselves and improve their living conditions. They demanded facilities for education for their children and employment for themselves. They also requested the Govt. to allot lands to the Depressed classes for cultivation.
The British Govt. accepted their demands and either directly or through Christian Missionaries implemented them. On behalf of the DC’s many journals were published in the Madras Presidency.
When Sir Thomsa Munro was Governor of Madras Mr. george Harrington was led under him as the Heal of the state Construction Dept. Thiru. Kandappan served under him. He was a Tamil Scholar and also Siddha Physician. He possessed a plam-leaf copy of the great Tamil work, TIRUKKURAL. He understood its importance as a classic of world literature and so he carefully preserved the copy.
Kandappan’s son Kandasamy who lived in the Thousand Lights area in Madras was also a Siddha Physician. His wife gave birth to a male child on 20.05.1845 and the child was named Kathavarayan. He was also initiated into the hereditary profession Siddha Medicine. Later he joined Ayothidasar Pandit’s Village School. He developed great respect for his teacher and adopted his name.
English officials used to go to Nilgiris Hills during summer George Harrington took his Butler Kaudappan and his family members with him to Ooty Ayothidasar married Dhanalakshmi sister of Rettamalai, Srinivasan who was his relation.
Ayothidasar started Advaita Philosophy during his stay at Ooty and formed the Advaithanandha Sabha to propogate Advaita Philosophy Col. H.S. Olcott, President of the International Theosophical society had started 5 free schools for Panchama children in the centre of Madras. He also became acquainted with Rev. John Rathinam who started a school for the oppressed in Madras. He formed Dravidar Kazhagam in 1882 and started the journal ‘Dravida Pandian’ in 1885. Ayothidasar’s friendship with the two persons mentioned above introduced for reaching changes in his thinking.
DR. T. DHARMARAJAN
ST. XAVIER’S COLLEGE, PALAYAMKOTTAI
When the Mahajana Sabha (Madras) conducted its General Body Meeting. Ayothidasar moved a resolution containing some demands. The opposition to his demands opened his eyes.
Did he make revolutionary demands? No, he requested that Pariahs may be allowed entry into Siva and Vishnu Temples. He also sought facilities for educating pariah children. These were ordinary demands but a 100 years ago they met with stiff opposition. Entrenched casteism opposed his very ordinary demands.
“You may call yourself a HINDU. But Siva and Vishnu are not your deities. Karuppasamy and Sudalamadan are your deities. Be satisfied with worshipping them” said caste Hindus. It was a defining moment in his life.
The palm leaf manuscript Naradiya Sangs Thelivu” narrates the history of Buddhism and how it was destroyed in the land of its birth. When he studied of his outlook changed.
In 1890’s he accepted Buddhist teachings. In 1898 July he went to Colombo with company of Col.Olcott and became a Buddhist.
“Buddhism was the religion of my concestors and I here returned to it”, wrote Ayothidasar.
He returned to Madras and founded the “south Indian Sakkiya Buddhist Sangh” at Royappettah (Madras). Its branches were started at Tiruppathur, Thangavayal, Marikuppam, Bangalore, Rangoon (Burma) etc.
Meetings were held every Sunday. Singaravelar, Prof. Lakshmi Narasu, A.P. Periyasamy Pulavar, Appaduraiar and Swapna Sundari spoke in these meetings. They exposed Vedic religion and Brahminism and supported rationalist ideas. He rewrote the history of the oppressed classes when Brahminism had subjugated in a stealthy manner.
Dr. RAJ GOWTHAMAN
PUDUCHERRY
Ayothidasar lived a life of struggle with Buddhism as parallel religion he countered Brahminism orthodoky.
When he said that Brahmin are steeped in casteism and non-Brahmins are victims of casteism, he was not indulging in speculation – he was speaking the TRUTH. He said on the basis of strong evidence that the untouchables were once followers of Buddhism. Brahminism punished recalcitrant individuals and denounced them as casteless persons and people of low birth. Thevaram, the Tamil Saivite hymn described fighters against Brahminism as “people of low birth”.
When one fights Brahminism he is immediately branded as a person of low birth. When an army cannot do Brahminism can achieve easily and quickly. Just as a virus kills a person Brahminism. Annihislates whole society, the sons of the soil. Ayothidasar understood this and opposed it.
Prof. T. DHARMARAJAN:
Ayothidasar did not search for Buddhism in Buddhist Viharas and mutts. He searched for it among the people. He found out two sources of Buddhism in Tamil Nadu.
1) The oral traditions, customs and usage prevalent among the Tamils.
2) The songs and Tales of Buddhism were recorded in palm-leaf manuscripts and preserved palm-leaf by the lower mungs of the people. He studied the collections of Tamil ethical poems (THIRUKKURAL) and came to the conclusion that these represented ‘Tamil Buddhism’. Ancient Siddha texts proved to be sources of Buddhism.
RAVIKUMAR, M.L.A. VCK
Whenever Ayothidasar wrote about Buddhism he always referred to it as Tamil Buddhism because Buddhism is our State has a deep history behind it. Dr. Romila Thapar who has studied Buddhism in India has said that Tamil Buddhism is still an open field and it has to be thoroughly studied and researched.
Buddha’s spoke about Love, Tolerance, Equality, Rationalism etc which were concepts meant for the liberation of the oppressed people. He sowed the seeds of liberation theology; but it was not harvested by the suppressed people.
He founded a journal, oru paisa Tamilan and the first issued was published on 19.6.1907 from Royapettah. The journal was expected to provide a link with all the branches of Sakkya Buddhist Sangh and explain the principles and practices of Buddhism to its followers.
There are persons who cannot differentiate among the higher casts, the middle castes and the lower castes. Some philosophers, mathematicians, scientists and writers joined together to educate the people about the Right path, Honesty etc and they co-operated in the publication of oru paisa Tamilan Articles on Buddhist principles and practices along with news reports on events effecting the lives of the people were published in the journal. Current events were analysed and discussed. Articles on Women’s Education Prices of Essential Commodities and Book Reviews were published.
The journal worked tirelessly for the empowerment of the DC’s. It was popular with Tamilians living in the Madras Presidency and also outside the state.
It was during this period that ideas like Anti-Brahminism, Dravidian Ideology, Rationalism etc were discussed by all sections of the people in the Presidency. The Dravidian Movement gathered the stands and united them into a full fledged political ideology.
THOL. THIRUMAVALAVAN M.P.
Leader, VC, Chennai.
“The DC’s are the sons of the soil they are the original inhabitants of this hoary land” declared Pandit Ayothidasar when the British Govt included DC’s in the religious category of the HINDUS he objected strongly and declared that they are not Hindus. They are the original inhabitants and they should be designated as Adhi Tamilan.
Tamils today are known for their passionate adherence to Tamil (language), Tamil Nationality and Tamil Nationalism. It will not be an exaggeration to say that the foundation for the fierce nationalism of the Tamil people was laid by Pandit Ayothidasar.
V. GEETHA:
Research Worker,
Chennai
I felt deeply thrilled when I read Ayothidasar’s book Aathivedham. Though Ayothidasar studied and wrote continuously his book (Aathivedham) reveals his total personality. He wrote the life of Buddha in a special manner.
He included Buddha’s teachings and thoughts in his narrative of Buddha life he maisted the question Why Pariah’s were suppressed at many places in the book. Who are the true Brahmins and who are the false Brahmins? Who are the real Brahmins and who act as Brahmins? Ayothidasar asked these questions frequently and gave the answers he instructs us as to how to read the Indian History. He writes about the history and identity of the Parisahs. He explains how the word Pariah has become a term of abuse in the present day. He writes about Human Rights. His book AATHIVEDHAM is a stupendous achievements.
Buddhism belongs to Tamil soil, Tamil Nadu. You cannot write Tamil history without discussing the part played by Buddhism in the history of the Tamils. He says Buddha’s Life is Buddhism. Buddha wanted people to live a life of dignity and honour. For that they should enjoy human mights which is the same thing as DALIT rights. He also thought about how to create the environment for the empowerment of the Dalits.
How to live without caste pride or humiliating the so-called lower castes? How to create an inclusive society based on Equality, Tolerance and Humanism? He mentions some incidents from the life of Buddha and exhorts us to create a Humanistic Society.
Pandit Ayothidasar and Dr. Ambedkar studied the Life of Buddha written by Aswagosh. Both studied books written in the Pali language. Ayothidasar’s writings stand testimony to the fact that he did not base himself on Tamil writings alone.
Ayothidasar always emphasized labour. It was an integral part of his campaign to eradicate caste. The so-called higher castes do not work and do not respect those who do physical work. He has written in many places that labour created knowledge. In his book Aathivedham he emphasizes the importance of labour. He associate labour with values. He asks: Do you work honestly and efficiently? Dr. Ambedkar also emphasized the importance of labour.
PO VELSAMY:
Scholar and Writes, Erode
Before Ayothidasar started writing there were not history books. But he wrote extensively about Aryans and Dravaidians Researches in the Indus Valley Civilization started only afterwards. He pointed out that Aryans came from outside and so they are ‘foreigners’. Other scholars who wrote about Buddhism based themselves on books written in the English Language. But Ayothidasar who knew Pali and Prakrit languages studied original Buddhist sources and wrote his books.
DALIT EZHIL MALAI:
CHENNAI
(Ex-Minister, GOI)
“Ayothidasar’s writings contributed to revival of Buddhism in the Madras Presidency. Dr. Ambedkar understood this and began from where he left. There are many instances to prove the above statement. He visited Madras on three occasions and also visited the Madras Christian College where Ayothidasar student, Lakshmi Narash taught. Ayothidasar had proved that the DC’s were originally Buddhists. Dr. Ambedkar accepted it and decided to embrace Buddhism.
Dr K. THANGAVELU:
Chennai
Ayothidasar was an outstanding Rationalist Scholar and Writer. He wrote 37 books. He belonged to the SC and caste it forces in the state suppressed his books. His name was not mentioned. He quoted from books which were no longer available to modern scholars. In any case they could not fault his arguments.
Pushpalata Das
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Pushpalata Das
Born 27 March 1915
North Lakhimpur, Assam, India
Died 9 November 2003 (aged 88)
Kolkata, West Bengal, India
Occupation Indian independence activist
Social worker
Years active 1940–2003
Organization Banar Sena
Spouse(s) Omeo Kumar Das
Children 1 daughter
Parent(s) Rameswar Saikia
Swarnalata
Awards Padma Bhushan
Tamrapatra Freedom Fighter Award
Pushpalata Das (1915–2003) was an Indian independence activist, social worker, Gandhian and legislator from the north-east Indian state of Assam. She was a member of Rajya Sabha from 1951 to 1961, a member of the Assam Legislative Assembly and a member of the working committee of the Indian National Congress. She served as the chairperson of the Assam chapters of the Kasturba Gandhi National Memorial Trust and Khadi and Village Industries Commission. The Government of India awarded her the third highest civilian honour of the Padma Bhushan, in 1999, for her contributions to society.
Early life
A sculpture at Kanaklata Udyan showing the police shooting of 1942
Born on 27 March 1915[5] to Rameswar Saikia and Swarnalata in North Lakhimpur in Assam, Das did her schooling at Panbazar Girls High School.[1] She started her political activities from school days and was the secretary of an organization by name, Mukti Sangha. In 1931, she and her comrades organized a protest against the hanging of the revolutionary, Bhagat Singh by the British Raj and was expelled from school. She continued her studies as a private student and passed the matriculation examination in 1934, after which she joined Benaras Hindu University to complete her intermediate course. Later, she graduated from Andhra University and secured post-graduate degree from the same university in 1938. Subsequently, she enrolled herself for studies in Law at Earle Law College, Guwahati where continued her student politics; she was the secretary of the college union in 1940. It was during this time, Gandhiji called for Individual Satyagraha, as a part of civil disobedience movement and as a precursor to the Quit India Movement which would be launched two years later, and Das participated in the movement. She was incarcerated which effectively cut short her law studies.
Political life
Due to her association with the National Planning Committee as a member of its Women Sub Committee, Das moved to Mumbai that year and stayed there for two years. Her activities gave her opportunities to work alongside Mridula Sarabhai and Vijaya Laxmi Pandit as well as Omeo Kumar Das, then sitting member of the Assam Legislative Assembly, whom she married in 1942. She returned to Assam after her marriage and formed two organizations, Shanti Bahini and Mrityu Bahini. In September 1942, Das and her comrades of Mrityu Bahini led a protest to the local police station holding the National Flag of India and it was at this procession, the police opened fire which led to the death of her colleague, Kanaklata Barua By that time, she had already become a member of the All India Congress Committee and the convener of the women’s wing of the Assam Congress Committee and reportedly worked to get Assam out of the grouping with East Pakistan.
After the Indian independence in 1947, Das couple focused their activities in Dhekiajuli in Assam which Omeo Kumar Das represented in Assam Legistalive Assembly for successive terms from 1951 to 1967. Pushpalata Das herself was nominated to the Rajya Sabha in 1951 and held the position 1961. It was during this period she led the 1957 election campaign of Chandraprava Saikiani from Bajali constituency. Later, she was elected to the Congress Working Committee in 1958 and the next year, she visited a number of East European countries as a member of the parliamentary delegation. In 1967, she contested from Dhekiajuli when her husband vacated the constituency, winning the election representing Indian National Congress and repeated the success in 1971. After the death of her husband on 23 January 1975 Das withdrew from parliamentary politics, concentrating for more social service. She served as the chairperson of the Assam chapter of the All India Khadi Board and chaired the state boards of Bhudan and Gramdan initiatives. She was also associated with the Central Social Welfare Board and served as a member of the women's section of the Congress Planning Committee and the East India wing of the Censor Board of India. She edited the Assamese magazine, Jayanti and headed the Assam branch of the Kasturba Gandhi National Memorial Trust for a certain period of time. She also published one book, Rajarama Sukla rashtriyaatma varcasva evam krtitva, san 1898-1962, released in 1976.
Award and honours
The Government of India honored her with Tamrapatra Freedom Fighter Award but she declined it saying she participated in the Indian freedom struggle without expecting returns. In 1999, the government awarded her the third highest civilian honor of the Padma Bhushan. Towards the later days of her life, she suffered from age-related illnesses and had to be moved to a Woodlands Nursing Home in Kolkata, where she died on 9 November 2003, at the age of 88, survived by her daughter, Nandini and her husband, Sasanka Dutta.
Prakash Yashwant Ambedkar
From Wikipedia
Prakash Ambedkar
Member of the Indian parliament, Lok Sabha
In office
10 October 1999 – 6 February 2004
Succeeded by Sanjay Shamrao Dhotre
Constituency Akola
In office
10 March 1998 – 26 April 1999
Preceded by Pandurang Pundalik Fundkar
Constituency Akola
Member of the Indian parliament of Rajya Sabha
In office
18 September 1990 – 17 September 1996
Constituency Maharashtra
Personal details
Born 10 May 1954 (age 66)
Bombay, Bombay State (now Mumbai, Maharashtra), India
Nationality Indian
Political party
(before 1994, 1998 – 1999)
(1994 – 2019)
(since 2019)
Spouse(s)
Anjali Ambedkar
(m. 1993)
Relations
(grandfather)
(brother)
(brother-in-law)
See also Ambedkar family
Children Sujat Ambedkar (son)
Parents
Meera Ambedkar
Residence • 129, Rajgruha, Hindu colony, Dadar, Mumbai, Maharashtra
• B-17, Patil Heritage Bhosale Nagar, Pune, Maharashtra
• Akola, Maharashtra
Education Bachelor of Arts
Profession Advocate, Politician, Social worker
Website PrakashAmbedkar on Facebook
Nickname(s) Balasaheb Ambedkar
Prakash Yashwant Ambedkar (IAST: Prakāśa Yaśavanta Āmbēḍakar) (born 10 May 1954), popularly known as Balasaheb Ambedkar, is an Indian politician, social activist, writer and lawyer. He is the president of political party called the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi. He is a three-time Member of Parliament (MP). He is the grandson of B. R. Ambedkar. He was a member of the 12th and 13th Lok Sabha Akola constituency of India. He has served in both houses of the Indian Parliament.
Personal life
Prakash Ambedkar is the eldest grandson of B. R. Ambedkar and Ramabai Ambedkar. His father's name is Yashwant Ambedkar (Bhaiyasaheb) and mother's name is Meera. The Ambedkar family are followers of Navayana Buddhism. He has two younger brothers Bhimrao and Anandraj, and a sister Ramabai who is married to Anand Teltumbde. Prakash Ambedkar is married to Anjali Maydeo, with whom he has a son.
Early life and education
Prakash Ambedkar was born on 10 May 1954 in Bombay (now Mumbai). In 1972 he completed his higher secondary education from St. Stanislaus High School, Mumbai. In 1978, he received Bachelor of Arts (BA) from Siddhartha College of Arts, and in 1981 he got Bachelor of Laws (LLB) in Siddharth College of Law, Mumbai.
Political career
On 4 July 1994, Prakash Ambedkar established the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh. This party was a splintered group amongst other factions of the Republican Party of India which was constituted on directions of his grandfather after his death. The Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha contested established political parties like Indian National Congress, Shiv Sena and Bharatiya Janata Party in the Akola municipal elections, emerging victorious. The success was gained through the new social engineering brought by Prakash Ambedkar which later known as "Akola Pattern". The expansion of the party continued after 1995, that some of the non-Dalit parties and organisations have joined the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh.
Ambedkar was a member of the Rajya Sabha during 1990 - 1996. He was elected in the 12th Lok Sabha elections from Akola Lok Sabha constituency in 1998 as a candidate of the Republican Party of India. Second time from the same constituency in 1999, he was elected as the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh's candidate for the 13th Lok Sabha elections and he was a member of the Lok Sabha till 2004.
Ambedkar followed a policy, on the one hand, of regrouping the Dalits, and on the other of following a moderate line seeking alliance with those opposition parties which sympathised with the Dalit cause. It was with their support that he twice contested elections to the parliament from non-reserved constituencies. Though not successful in getting elected, he polled a sizeable number of votes on both the occasions.
The RPI organised a march from Nashik to Mumbai to press its demands, prominent among which was the transfer of vatan lands to their Dalit cultivators. (Both before and after the British Raj, certain lands were given to people for services rendered by them to the government or to the community or to both. These lands are also called "watan lands" in local legislation and in Maharashtra many of the watans were abolished between 1950 and 1960.)[citation needed] In response, the government appointed a committee with Prakash Ambedkar as a member.
The RPI's greatest success was in 1988 when Ambedkar, in alliance with other Dalit organisations, took out a massive demonstration in Mumbai. The occasion was the controversy regarding a move to delete from the official publication of B. R. Ambedkar's writings a portion called Riddles of Hinduism. The deletion move was supported by Shiv Sena which by this time was emerging as a Hindu political organisation. To bring all Dalit organisations together for this purpose, Prakash Ambedkar formed Ambedkar Vichar Samvardhak Samiti (AVSS). Under the leadership of Prakash Ambedkar, R. S. Gavai and others on 5 February 1988, Dalits put on a massive show of strength which brought more than four to five lakh followers of B. R. Ambedkar into the heart of Mumbai city from different parts of Maharashtra and also from Gujarat and other states. Within days of the Dalit demonstration in Mumbai, the 'Riddles' issue was resolved at a meeting on February 10 of representatives of the Shiv Sena, the Maratha Mahasangh and the various groups of the Republican Party of India and the Dalit Panthers called by the state chief minister. It was agreed at the meeting that the relevant appendix would be retained intact in the fourth volume of Ambedkar's works; only a line would be added to clarify that the Maharashtra government did not agree or disagree with B. R. Ambedkar's comments on the Hindu gods.
Bahujan Mahasangh, a political formation working in close association with the Bharatiya Republican Party led by Prakash Ambedkar, was formed in February 1993. In the summer of that year, its candidate won Kinwat legislative assembly seat in Nanded district, defeating Congress and BJP contestants. The alliance between Bharatiya Republican Party and Bahujan Mahasangh visualised a joint front of Dalits and OBCs whose cultural identity was essentially non-Brahmin. Bahujan Mahasangh argued that in the Brahminical social order, both Dalits and OBCs find themselves equally oppressed culturally. Bahujan Mahasangh had defined the Bahujan category to include Buddhists, Sikhs, Jains and Muslims, as well as caste groups such as Shudra (OBCs) and ati-Shudra (Dalits), tribes, women, poor Marathas, and poor Brahmins, thus including all those who are subjugated through caste, class and gender exploitation
In memory of Mahar soldiers who fought in the Battle of Koregaon, their descendants (Buddhists) visit Koregaon Bhima on 1 January every year to honor them. On 1 January 2018, Buddhists, as well as some Hindu dalit, OBC and Sikh people visited the 'Jay sthambh' (victory pillar) at Koregaon Bhima in Pune district, Maharashtra.Prakash Ambedkar accused Sambhaji Bhide and Milind Ekbote of seducing the invading Hindutva people and demanded the police investigation and strict action against the two. But the Maharashtra government and the state police did not take any action against the culprits. So on 3 January 2018, he called on the people of Maharashtra to call "Maharashtra Bandh". This call to shut down Maharashtra received a huge response from the people and the bandh was a success. The bandh was seen across Maharashtra including Mumbai. According to Ambedkar, more than 50% Maharashtrian people participated in the bandh. Earlier only Bal Thackeray of Shiv Sena had the power to shut down Mumbai. Subsequently, Prakash Ambedkar's political power increased. He came to the center of Ambedkarite and Bahujan community. The youth group in particular became his supporters.
Prakash Ambedkar founded new political party the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi on 20 March 2018 with its ideology primarily emphasizing Constitutionalism, Ambedkarism, Secularism, Socialism and Progressivism. The Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi registered as a political party a year later on 15 March 2019, prior to the 2019 elections for Lok Sabha. It is supported by nearly 100 small political parties and social organizations. Prakash Ambedkar is the supremo of the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi.
On 14 March 2019, Ambedkar has announced the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh will merge with the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi. He said that, despite the 'Akola pattern' of social engineering through the success of the Bharipa-Bahujan Mahasangh, the word 'Bharipa' (RPI) had limited the expansion of the party. He said that after the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, the Bharip-Bahujan Mahasangh will merge with the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi, because the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi is acceptable in a broad sense.
Controversy
Prakash Ambedkar courted controversy by asking his supporters to resort to violence against trolls and those who criticised his statement asking for proof on surgical strikes conducted by Indian Air Force. Many critics called it militant Dalit politics.
Writings
Ambedkari Chalval Sampli Ahe (The Ambedkarite Movement Has Ended)
Andheri Nagari Chaupat Raja
Maharashtracha Uddyacha Mukhyamantri Varkari ani Varkarich
Can It Be Stopped!
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Cha Vaicharik Bhrashtachar (Ideological Corruption of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh)
Aetehasik Ambedkar Bhawanacha Varasa Aapan Japanar Ki Nahi ? (The Historic Heritage Of Ambedkar Bhavan Will We Preserve It?)
Positions held
Ambedkar has held following positions,
1990-96: Nominated Member, Rajya Sabha from 18 September 1990 to 17 September 1996.
1992-96: Member, Committee on Rules
1993-96: Member, Committee on Communications
1998-99: Elected to 12th Lok Sabha, (1st term) Leader, Republican Party of India Parliamentary Party
1998-99: Member, Committee on Food, Civil Supplies and Public Distribution; Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Human Resource Development
1999–2004: Re-elected to 13th Lok Sabha (2nd term); Leader, Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh Parliamentary Party, Lok Sabha
1999-2000: Member, Committee on Energy
2000–2004: Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Railways
Ramabai Bhimrao Ambedkar
Ramabai Bhimrao Ambedkar has been one of the greatest inspirations for the doyen of social justice, Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar. Little has been written about her apart from movies made on her mainly in Kannada and Marathi. In times like today, it is crucial to shed the deserved light on women who have been essential in inspiring men that we hail today. She is fondly remembered today as Ramai or Mother Rama. Ramabai Ambedkar is one of those women who silently stood resolute in rendering support to the architect of our Constitution, while she was a symbol of humility, resilience and compassion.
Image Source: Bharat DiscoveryEarly Life
Ramabai Ambedkar was born on 7th February, 1898. She came from a humble background and was the second daughter of Bhiku Datre Valangkar and Rukmini. Her father is said to have been a labourer who earned his livelihood by carrying baskets of fish from Dabhol harbour to the market. Ramabai along with her three siblings Gorabai, Meerabai and Shankar lived in Mahapura locality, in Walang village near Dabhol. They lost their mother in childhood followed by their father Bhiku, a few years later. The siblings were finally brought up by their uncles Valangkar and Govindpurkar in erstwhile Bombay.
HER STEADFAST NATURE HELPED HER OVERCOME THOSE DIFFICULTIES. SHE HELD HER HEAD HIGH AMIDST THE SOCIAL INJUSTICES AND ATROCITIES THAT OCCURRED AND WAS A SOURCE OF SUPPORT AND MOTIVATION TO DR. AMBEDKAR WHILE FIGHTING ALONG WITH HIM TO UPLIFT THE OPPRESSED.
Personal Life
It was in Bombay where she finally met and married Dr. Bhimrao Amedkar in 1906 at a simple ceremony held in the Byculla Market. Both of them at the time of marriage were very young. Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar was a teenager while Ramabai was just nine years old. It has been written that, the night of marriage the bridegroom and his family were lodged in an open spacious corner while the bride’s family was lodged at the other corner.
Dr. Ambedkar used to affectionately call her Ramu while she in return called him, Saheb. Despite differences in their educational qualification this was a marital bond of respect and equality which we see being embraced in Dr. Ambedkar’s public life as well. They were blessed with four sons Yashwant, Gangadhar, Ramesh and Rajratna and one daughter, Indu. However, only one son Yashwant Ambedkar survived to adulthood while the other four children died in infancy.
Image Source: The Hindu
Pillar of Inspiration
While narrating the histories and great deeds of great men we must give due credit and pay our homage to those who have humbly been a pillar of strength and inspiration to them. The life of Dr. Ambedkar would not have turned the way we remember today had it not been for Ramabai Amedkar. We must remember her grit and determination while Dr. Ambedkar was pursuing his doctoral degrees abroad, Ramabai was living alone in erstwhile British India under abject poverty. The degrees that Dr. Ambedkar earned reflect the immense sacrifices that Ramabai made at home. Despite others suggesting Ramabai to stop her husband from leaving for America, it was her utmost trust in Dr. Ambedkar that desisted their comments and suggestions while supporting him to pursue his education abroad.
DESPITE OTHERS SUGGESTING RAMABAI TO STOP HER HUSBAND FROM LEAVING FOR AMERICA, IT WAS HER UTMOST TRUST IN DR. AMBEDKAR THAT DESISTED THEIR COMMENTS AND SUGGESTIONS WHILE SUPPORTING HIM TO PURSUE HIS EDUCATION ABROAD.
Ramabai Ambedkar could foresee how essential it was for him to earn his education outside India from erudite universities to help serve people back home and uplift the systemic discrimination they faced for centuries. Although Ramabai did not receive any formal education, it did not hinder her from understanding the plight of the downtrodden and also the injustices that took place. Ramabai Ambedkar teaches us not only humility but reiterates the virtue of perseverance and resilience even at the face of hardships.
Dedication to Ramabai, Ambedkar’s “Thoughts on Pakistan”
Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar’s book, ‘Thoughts on Pakistan‘ was published in 1941, after the death of his beloved Ramu. He states that it is a token of appreciation to Ramabai’s “goodness of heart, her nobility of mind and her purity of character and also for the cool fortitude and readiness to suffer” along with Ambedkar in the unfortunate times they faced and the worries that befell upon them. 
Image Source: National India News
Image Source: National India NewsIt was Ramabai’s long standing wish to visit Pandharpur for pilgrimage but because they belonged to the Dalit caste, they were not allowed to go inside the temple. This led Dr. Ambedkar to promise his wife to create a new Pandharpur for her which finally led him to abandon Hinduism and embrace Buddhism. Ramabai Ambedkar died on 27th May, 1935 after prolonged illness at her residence.
Ramabai suffered hardships from a very young age following the death of her mother. However, her steadfast nature helped her overcome those difficulties. She held her head high amidst the social injustices and atrocities that occurred and was a source of support and motivation to Dr. Ambedkar while fighting along with him to uplift the oppressed.
Renukamma
Hinduism has drafted its own laws in terms of the devadasi system to control dalit women.
09 Sep 2021
ಭಾರತೀಯ ಪರಂಪರೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಹಿಂದು ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕತೆಯು ಭಾರತೀಯರ ಮೆದುಳನ್ನು ಬಹಳ ದಿನಗಳಿಂದ ತನ್ನ ಕೈಯಲ್ಲಿ ಅದುಮಿಟ್ಟುಕೊಂಡಿದೆ.ಅದರಲ್ಲೂ ಧರ್ಮದ ಆಧಾರದ ಮೇಲೆ ದಲಿತರನ್ನು.ಮಹಿಳೆಯರನ್ನು ಬಡವರನ್ನು ದೀನದುರ್ಬಲರನ್ನು ಮೊದಲಿನಿಂದಲು ಶೋಷಿತಲೆ ಬಂದಿದೆ.ಶೋಷಕ ಧರ್ಮವಾಗಿ ಬೆಳೆದ ಹಿಂದು ಧರ್ಮ.ತನ್ನಲ್ಲಿ ದೇವದಾಸಿಯೆಂಬ ಅಘೋಷಿತ ಕಾನೂನನ್ನು ಇಲ್ಲಿನ ದಲಿತ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರ ಬದುಕಿಗೆ ಮುಳ್ಳುಬೇಲಿಯಾಗಿ ಮಾಡಿದೆ.ಬಡತನದಿಂದ ಮದುವೆ ಮಾಡಿಕೊಡಲು ಹಣವಿಲ್ಲದಾಗ.ಅಂಗವಿಕಲಳಾಗಿ ಹುಟ್ಟಿ ಮದುವೆಯಾಗದೆ ಮನೆಯಲ್ಲೆ ಬಹಳ ದಿನಗಳ ಕಾಲ ಇದ್ದಾಗ.ಗಂಡುಮಕ್ಕಳಿಲ್ಲದೆ ಬರಿ ಹೆಣ್ಣು ಮಕ್ಕಳಿದ್ದಾಗ. ಮನೆಗೊಬ್ಬರು ಗಂಡಂತೆ ಇರಬೇಕೆಂದು.ದೇವರ ಹೆಸರಿನಲ್ಲಿ ದಲಿತ ಬಾಲೆಯರನ್ನು ಲೈಂಗಿಕವಾಗಿ ಬಳಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಮುಗ್ದರಿಗೆ ತಲೆಕೆಡಿಸಿ ದೇವದಾಸಿಯರನ್ನಾಗಿ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾರೆ.ಹೀಗೆ ಹತ್ತುಹಲವಾರು ಕಾರಣಗಳಿಂದ ದೇವದಾಸಿಯರನ್ನಾಗಿ ಸೃಷ್ಟಿಸುತ್ತಾರೆ.
ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದ ಸವದತ್ತಿ ಯಲ್ಲಮ್ಮ.ಕೊಪ್ಪಳದ ಹುಲಿಗಿಯ ಹುಲಿಗೆಮ್ಮ.ಬಾಗಲಕೋಟದ ಬಾದಮಿ ಬನಶಂಕರಿ.ಉಚ್ಚಂಗಿದುರ್ಗದ ಉಚ್ಚಂಗೆಮ್ಮ.ಶಿವಮೊಗ್ಗದ ಚಂದ್ರಗುತ್ತಿ.ಹೀಗೆ ಹಲವಾರು ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕ ಕೇಂದ್ರಗಳು ದೇವದಾಸಿಯರ ಹುಟ್ಟಿಗೆ ಕಾರಣೀಭತವಾಗಿವೆ.ಗಂಡನಿಲ್ಲದೆ ಮಕ್ಕಳನ್ನು ಹೇರುವ ದೇವದಾಸಿಯರು ಸಮಾಜದಲ್ಲಿ ಸೂಳೆ.ಬಸವಿ.ಜೋಗಮ್ಮ.ಮಾತಂಗಿ.ಮುಂತಾದ ಹೆಸರುಗಳಿಂದ ಕರೆಯಲ್ಪಡುತ್ತಾರೆ.ಇಂದಿಗೂ ಜೀವಂತವಿರುವ ಈ ಅನಿಷ್ಟ ಪದ್ದತಿಗೆ ಕೆಳ ಜಾತಿಯ ಮಾದಿಗ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರೆ ಹೆಚ್ಚಾಗಿ ಬಲಿಯಾಗಿದ್ದಾರೆ.ಸಮಾಜದಿಂದ ಅಪಮಾನ ಅವಮಾನ ಅನುಭವಿಸುತ್ತಿರುವ ಈ ದೇವದಾಸಿ ತಾಯಂದಿರ ಬದುಕಿನ ನೋವುಗಳು ತುಂಬಾ ಮನಕಲುಕುಂತೆ ತುಂಬಿವೆ.ದೇವದಾಸಿಯರ ಕಣ್ಣೀರಿಗೆ ಇಂದಿಗೂ ಕೊನೆಯಿಲ್ಲದಾಗಿವೆ.ಸರ್ಕಾರಗಳ ನಿರ್ಲಕ್ಷವೆ ಈ ಪದ್ದತಿ ಇಂದಿಗೂ ಜೀವಂತವಾಗಿದೆ.
ದೇವದಾಸಿಯಾಗಿ ಜೀವಿಸುತ್ತಾ ದೇವದಾಸಿ ಪದ್ದತಿಯ ವಿರುದ್ದ ತೊಡೆತಟ್ಟಿ ನಿಂತಿರುವ ಸಮಾಜಿಕ ಹೋರಾಟಗಾರ್ತಿ
ರೇಣುಕಮ್ಮ . ದಾವಣಗೆರೆ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ ಕುಂದೂರು ಎಂಬ ಹಳ್ಳಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ತಂದೆ ಹನುಮಪ್ಪ ತಾಯಿ ಮಾಳವ್ವಳ ಮಗಳಾಗಿ ಜನಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.ಹನುಮಪ್ಪ ಮಾಳವ್ವಗೆ ಏಳ ಜನ ಬರೀ ಹೆಣ್ಣುಮಕ್ಕಳು.ಎಲ್ಲರು ಮದುವೆ ಮಾಡಿಕೊಟ್ಟು ಕೊನೆಯ ಮಗಳಾದ ರೇಣುಕಮ್ಮಳನ್ನು ಮನೆಗೆ ಇರಿಸಿ ಯಲ್ಲಮ್ಮ ತಾಯಿಗೆ ಮುತ್ತು ಕಟ್ಟಿಸಿ ಬಸವಿಯನ್ನಾಗಿ ಬಿಟ್ಟರು.ಇಡೀ ಸಂಸರಾದ ಜವಾಬ್ದಾರಿನ್ನು ಗಂಡು ಮಗನಂತೆ ನಿಭಾಯಿಸಿದ ರೇಣುಕಮ್ಮಗೆ ಮೂರು ಜನ ಮಕ್ಕಳಾದರು ಎರಡು ಹೆಣ್ಣು ಒಂದು ಗಂಡು.
ಮಕ್ಕಳನ್ನು ಒದಿಸಲು ಭಿಕ್ಷೆ ಬೇಡಿ ಕೂಲಿ ಮಾಡಿ ಒದಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾಳೆ.ಸೆಕ್ಸ್ ವರ್ಕಿನ ದಾರಿ ತುಳಿಯದೆ ತಾನು ಕೂಲಿಕೆಲಸ ಮಾಡಿ ಬದುಕು ಕಟ್ಟಿಕೊಂಡು ದೇವದಾಸಿಯರನ್ನು ಒಗ್ಗೂಡಿಸಿ ಸ್ವಸಹಾಯ ಮಹಿಳಾ ಸಂಘಗಳನ್ನು ನಿರ್ಮಿಸಿ.ದೇವದಾಸಿ ತಾಯಂದಿರ ಹಾಗೂ ಮಕ್ಕಳ ನೋವನ್ನು ಸರ್ಕಾರಕ್ಕೆ ಮುಟ್ಟಿಸಲು ಅನೇಕ ಹೋರಾಟಗಳನ್ನು ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾ ತಮ್ಮ ಹಕ್ಕುಗಳನ್ನು ಕೇಳುವ ದಿಟ್ಟ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಹೋರಾಟಗಾರ್ತಿಯಾಗಿ ಗುರುತಿಸಿಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ದೇವದಾಸಿಯರಿಗೆ ಭೂಮಿ ಕೊಡಿಸುವುದು.ಸಾಲಸೌಲಭ್ಯ ಕೊಡಿಸುವುದು.ಮಾಸಾಶನ ಸ್ವಯಂ ಉದ್ಯೋಗಕ್ಕೆ ಸರ್ಕಾರದ ಸಹಾಯಧನ.
ದೇವದಾಸಿ ಪ್ರತ್ಯೇಕ ಮೀಸಲಾತಿ ಹೋರಾಟ.ನಿವೇಶನ.ಮನೆ ಹೀಗೆ ನಾನ ಹಕ್ಕುಗಳಿಗೆ ಸರ್ಕಾರದ ವಿರುದ್ದ ಹೋರಾಟ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾ ಕೆಲವು ಸ್ವಯಂಸಂಸ್ಥೆಗಳು.ಹಾಗೂ ಜನಪರ ಸಂಘಟನೆಗಳೊಂದಿಗೆ ಸೇರಿಕೊಂಡು ದೇವದಾಸಿ ನಿರ್ಮೂಲನೆಗೆ ಹಗಲಿರುಳು ಶ್ರಮಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ರೇಣುಕಮ್ಮ ಅನಕ್ಷರತೆಯಾದರು ದಲಿತ ಕಮ್ಮ್ಯೂನಿಸ್ಟ್ ಎಡಚಿಂತನೆಗಳನ್ನು ಹಾಗೂ ಸ್ತ್ರೀ ಚಿಂತನೆಗಳನ್ನು ಮೈಗೂಡಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು ಕೊರಳಿಗೆ ಕಟ್ಟಿದ್ದ ಮುತ್ತುಗಳ ಕಿತ್ತು ದೇವರ ಹಡಲಿಗೆಯನ್ನು ಮುರಿದು ಇದೆಲ್ಲಾ ಮೌಡ್ಯ ಗಂಡಸರು ತಮ್ಮ ತೀಟೆತೀರಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಮಾಡಿದ ಕುತಂತ್ರ ಎಂದು ತಿಳಿದು ನೊಂದವರ ನೆರವಿಗೆ ನಿಂತಿದ್ದಾರೆ.ದಾವಣಗೆರೆ ದಲಿತ ಪ್ರಗತಿಪರ ಹೋರಾಟಗಾರರಲ್ಲಿ ಮುಂಚೂಣಿಯಲ್ಲಿರುವ ರೇಣುಕಮ್ಮ ಹಳೆಸಂಪ್ರದಾಯವನ್ನು ಸುಟ್ಟು ವೈಜ್ಞಾನಿಕ ಯುಗದ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ವಿಜ್ಞಾನಿಯಂತೆ ಕಂಡುಬರುತ್ತಾರೆ.ಬಡವರ ದೀನದುರ್ಬಲರ ನೋವಿಗೆ ಸದಾ ಮಿಡಿಯುವ ರೇಣುಕಮ್ಮ ಸಂದರ್ಶನದಲ್ಲಿ ತಮ್ಮ ಅನೇಕ ಅನುಭವಗಳನ್ನು ಹಂಚಿಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ.
1) ನಿಮ್ಮನ್ನು ದೇವದಾಸಿಯಾಗಿ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದು ಏಕೆ…?
ರೇ::-ಅದೊಂದು ದೊಡ್ಡ ಕೃತ್ಯ. ನನಗೆ ಬುದ್ದಿನೆ ಬಂದಿರಲಿಲ್ಲ ಅಸ್ಪಷ್ಟ ನೆನಪು ಏಳರಿಂದ ರಿಂದ ಏಂಟು ವರ್ಷ ಅನಿಸುತ್ತೆ ಚಿಕ್ಕ ಹುಡುಗಿಯನ್ನೆ ಬಸವಿಯಾಗಿ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದರು.ಕಾರಣ ನಮ್ಮವ್ವಗೆ ಏಳು ಜನರು ಹೆಣ್ಣುಮಕ್ಕಳೆ ಆರು ಜನರನ್ನು ಮದುವೆ ಮಾಡಿಕೊಟ್ಟರು ಏಳನೆಯವಳು ನಾನೆ ಗಂಡುಮಕ್ಕಳಿಲ್ಲದ ಮನೆ.ಕೊನೆಗಾಲದಲ್ಲಿ ತಂದೆತಾಯಿ ನೋಡಲು ಬೇಕಾಗುತ್ತದೆ ಎಂದು ಊರು ಗೌಡನ ಮಗ “ಮುರುಗೇಂದ್ರಣ್ಣ” ಹೇಳಿದ್ದನಂತೆ ಆಗ ಇದು ಸರಿನೆ ಎಂದು ತಿಳಿದು ನನ್ನನ್ನು ಯಲ್ಲಮ್ಮನ ಗುಡ್ಡಕ್ಕೆ ಕರೆದೋಗಿ ಪೂಜಾರಿಯಿಂದ ಮುತ್ತುಕಟ್ಟಿಸಿರು.ಅನಂತರ ಮುತ್ತುಕಟ್ಟಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು ನಾಲ್ಕು ವರ್ಷವಾದಮೇಲೆ ಮೈನೆರೆದೆ.ಮೈನೆರೆದ ಸಂಪ್ರದಾವೆಲ್ಲ ಮುಗಿದ ಮೇಲೆ ಗೌಡರ ಮುರುಗೇಂದ್ರಪ್ಪ ಸೀರೆ ತಾಳಿ ಹಾಗೂ ಒಂದುಸಾವಿರ ದುಡ್ಡು ತಂದು ನನಗೆ ತಾಳಿ ಕಟ್ಟಿದ .ಹಣವನ್ನ ತಂದೆ ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಂಡರೆ ಸೀರೆಯನ್ನು ತಾಯಿ ತಗೊಂಡಳು ತಾಳಿಮಾತ್ರ ನನ್ನ ಕೊರಳಿಗೆ ಬಿತ್ತು.
2) ದೇವದಾಸಿ ಪದ್ದತಿ ತಪ್ಪು ಅಂತ ಅನಿಸಿದ್ದು ಯಾವಾಗ.
ರೇ::-ನನಗೆ ತಾಳಿ ಕಟ್ಟಿದ ಗೌಡನ ಮಗ ಕೆಲವೆ ತಿಂಗಳು ನನ್ನ ಅನುಭವಿಸಿ ತನ್ನ ಚಟ ತೀರಿದ ಮೇಲೆ ಇನ್ನೊಬ್ಬ ದೇವದಾಸಿಯೊಂದಿಗೆ ಕೂಡಲು ಹೋದವನು ಮತ್ತೆ ಬರಲೆ ಇಲ್ಲ.ಇತ್ತ ತಂದೆ ತಾಯಿ ತೀರಿ ಹೋಗಿದ್ದರು ಮನೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಒಬ್ಬಳೆ ಇರುತ್ತಿದ್ದೆ.ಊರಿನ ಪ್ರಮುಖರೆಲ್ಲಾ ನನ್ನ ಕಾಮದ ಕಣ್ಣಿನಿಂದಲೆ ನೋಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದರು.ಊರಿನ ಹೆಂಗಸರೆಲ್ಲಾ ಮಾತುಮಾತಿಗು ಸೂಳೆ .ಮಿಂಡ್ರಿ.ಹಾದ್ರಗಿತ್ತಿ.ಎಂದು ಹೀಯಾಳಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದರು.ಚಿಕ್ಕಚಿಕ್ಕ ವಿಷಯಕ್ಕು ಜನರು ಬಟ್ಟೆಬಿಚ್ಚಿ ಕೂದಲಿಡಿದು ಎಳೆದು ಹೊಡೆಯುತ್ತಿದ್ದರು. ಆದರೆ ಯಾರು ಸಹಾಯಕ್ಕೆ ಬರುತ್ತಿರಲಿಲ್ಲ.ಒಂಟಿಯಾದ ನಾನು ಕಣ್ಣೀರಲ್ಲೆ ಕೈ ತೊಳೆಯುತ್ತಿದ್ದೆ.ನೋವನ್ನು ಹಂಚಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಯಾರು ಇರಲಿಲ್ಲ ಆಗ ಈ ದೇವದಾಸಿಯೆಂಬುದು ನೀಚತೆ ಮತ್ತು ಅನಿಷ್ಟತೆ ಎಂದು ನನಗನಿಸಿತು.ದೇವದಾಸಿಯೆಂದರೆ”ಏನು ತಿಳಿಯದ ಮುಗ್ದಬಾಲೆಯರನ್ನು ಅನಭೋಗಿಸಲು.ನಮ್ಮ ದೇಹದ ಮಾಂಸ ತಿನ್ನುವ ನರರೂಪ ರಾಕ್ಷಸರ ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕ ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರ “”
3) ನೀವು ಜೀವನ ನಿಭಾಯಿಸಲು ಏನು ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದೀರಿ..?
ರೇ::-ಹೊಲ ತೋಟದಲ್ಲಿ ಕೂಲಿ ಕೆಲಸಕ್ಕೆ ಹೋಗುತ್ತಿದ್ದೆ.ಬಿಡುವಿದ್ದಾಗ ಬುಟ್ಟಿ ಎಣೆಯುತ್ತಿದ್ದೆ.ಸೌವ್ಕರರ ಮನೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಪಾತ್ರೆ ಬಟ್ಟೆ ತೊಳೆಯುತ್ತಿದ್ದೆ. ಅಂದು ಮಂಗಳವಾರ ಶುಕ್ರವಾರ ದೇವಿಯ ಹಡಲಿಗೆ ಹೊತ್ತು ಬಿಕ್ಷೆ ಬೇಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದೆ .ಈಗ ನಿಲ್ಲಿಸಿದ್ದೇನೆ.ಸ್ವಾಲಂಬನೆಯಿಂದ ಕೂಲಿ ಮಾಡಿ ಜೀವಿಸುತ್ತೇನೆ.ದೇಹ ಮಾತ್ರ ಮಾರಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲ್ಲ.ಬಹಳ ಜನರು ನನ್ನ ದುಡಿಯಲು ಎಲ್ಲೆಲ್ಲಿಗೊ ಕರೆದರು ನಾನು ಹೋಗಲಿಲ್ಲ .ನನಗೆ ಅದರಲ್ಲಿ ಆಸಕ್ತಿ ಇಲ್ಲ.
4) ದೇವದಾಸಿಯ ಸುಧೀರ್ಘ ಅನುಭ ಹೇಗಿತ್ತು?
ರೇ::-ಮುಳ್ಳಿನ ಹಾಸಿಗೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಮಲಗಿ ವಿಷಪೂರಿತ ಹಾವುಗಳಿಂದ ಕಚ್ಚಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು ಹೊಟ್ಟೆಗೆ ಚೂಪಾದ ಚಾಕುವಿನಿಂದ ಚುಚ್ಚಿಸಿಕೊಂಡು ನೋವಿನಿಂದ ನರಳಾಡುವಂತೆ ನನ್ನ ಬದುಕು.
ನನ್ನ ಗೌಡನ ಮಗ ಮುರುಗೆಪ್ಪ ತಾಳಿಕಟ್ಟಿ ಬಿಟ್ಟೋದ ಮೇಲೆ ಪಕ್ಕದೂರಿನ ಮುಸ್ಲೀಂನೊಂದಿಗೆ ಮಾತ್ರ ಸಂಬಂಧ ಇಟ್ಟುಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದೆ.ಮೂರು ಮಕ್ಕಳಿದ್ದಾರೆ.ನನ್ ಲೈಪಲ್ಲಿ ಸೆಕ್ಸ್ ವರ್ಕ್ ಮಾಡಲೆ ಇಲ್ಲ.ಬೆಳಿಗ್ಗೆ ಹೊಲಕ್ಕೆ ಹೋದರೆ ಸಂಜೆ ಬರ್ತಿನಿ ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಬೆವರು ಸುರಿಸಿ ದುಡಿತಿನಿ.ಆದರು ಈ ಸಮಾಜ ನನ್ನ ಸೂಳೆಯಂತೆ ಸ್ವೀಕರಿಸುತ್ತೆ.ಸಣ್ಣಪುಟ್ಟ ವಿಷಯಗಳಿಗೆ ಮನೆಯೊಳಗೆ ನುಗ್ಗಿ ನನ್ನ ಹೊಡೆದರು ಕೇಳುವವರಿರಲಿಲ್ಲ.ಹೇಳುವವರಿಲ್ಲ.ಮಕ್ಕಳಿಗೆ ಕೆಟ್ಟಪದಗಳಿಂದ ಬೈದು ಹೊಡಿತರೆ.ನಾನು ನನ್ನ ಮಕ್ಕಳು ಅಸಹಾಯಕರಾಗಿ ಬದುಕಿದ್ದೇವೆ.ಇತ್ತ ನನ್ನ ಗಂಡನಂತಿರುವ ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿ ತಿಂಗಳಿಗೆ ಒಂದೆರೆಡು ಬಾರಿ ಮಾತ್ರ ಬಂದು ಹೋಗುತ್ತಾನೆ.ದುಡ್ ಕೊಡಲ್ಲ ಏನು ಇಲ್ಲ ನನ್ನ ಹತ್ತಿರ ಇದ್ದ ದುಡ್ಡನ್ನೆ ಕಸಿದುಕೊಂಡೋಗ್ತಾನೆ.ಇವಾಗ ಅವನನ್ನು ತುಂಬಾ ದೂರ ಇಟ್ಟಿನಿ ಬರ್ತಿಲ್ಲ.ಸಮಾಜಕ್ಕು ಹೆದರ್ತಿಲ್ಲ ತಿರುಗಿ ಬಿಳ್ತಿನಿ.ಹೆಚ್ಚು ಕಡಿಮೆಯಾದ್ರೆ ಪೋಲಿಸ್ಗೆ ಮಾಹಿತಿ ಮುಟ್ಟಿಸ್ತಿನಿ.ನಮ್ಮೂರಿನ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ದೇವದಾಸಿಯರನ್ನು ಒಗ್ಗೂಡಿಸಿ ನಮ್ಮ ಮೇಲೆ ನಡೆವ ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯ ವಿರುದ್ದ ಹೋರಾಡ್ತಿನಿ.ಒಬ್ಬ ಮಗಳನ್ನು ಇಂಜಿನಿಯರಿಂಗ್ ಒದಿಸಿನಿ.ಇನ್ನೊಬ್ಬ ಮಗಳನ್ನು ಬಿಎಸ್ಸಿ ಒದುಸ್ತಾ ಇದಿನಿ.ಮಗ ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಲ್ಲಿ ಬಿಕಾಂ ಮಾಡ್ತಾ ಇದ್ದಾನೆ.ನನಗೆ ಎಷ್ಟು ನೋವಾದ್ರು ನನ್ನ ಮಕ್ಕಳನ್ನು ಕೂಲಿನಾಲಿ ಮಾಡಿ ಒದಿಸಿದ ತೃಪ್ತಿ ನನಗಿದೆ.
5) ಕಮ್ಯೂನಿಸ್ಟ್ ಚಿಂತನೆ ಹಾಗೂ ಸ್ತ್ರೀ ವಾದಿ ಚಿಂತನೆಗಳು ನಿಮ್ಮ ಮೇಲೆ ಹೇಗೆ ಪ್ರಭಾವ ಬೀರಿದವು..?
ರೇ::-ಅಂದು ದಾವಣಗೆರೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಪಂಪಾಪತಿ ಕಮ್ಯೂನಿಸ್ಟ್ ಪಕ್ಷದಿಂದ ಗೆದ್ದು ಎಮ್.ಎಲ್.ಎ ಆಗಿದ್ದರು.ನಗರಸಭೆಯ ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷರಾಗಿ ಇಂದಿನ ಕಾರ್ಮಿಕ ಹೋರಾಟಗಾರ ಎಚ್.ಕೆ.ರಾಮಚಂದ್ರಪ್ಪರಾಗಿದ್ದರು.ಇವರು ದಾವಣಗೆರೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಮೂರುದಿನದ ತರಬೇತಿ ಶಿಬಿರ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದರು.ನಾನು ಮಹಿಳಾ ಸ್ವಾ ಸಹಾಯ ಸಂಘ ಕಟ್ಟಿ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರನ್ನು ಒಂದುಗೂಡಿಸುವ ಹಾಗೂ ಹೋರಾಡುವ ಕೆಲಸಗಳು ಇವರಿಗೆ ಗೊತ್ತಾಗಿ ನನ್ನನ್ನು ಈ ಶಿಬಿರಕ್ಕೆ ಕರೆದೋಯ್ದರು.ಅಲ್ಲಿನ ಸೈದ್ದಾಂತಿಕ ಚರಿತ್ರೆಗಳು.ದೇಶದ ಬಡವರು ಬದುಕುವ ರೀತಿನೀತಿಗಳು.ಉಳ್ಳವರು ಮತ್ತು ಇಲ್ಲದವರ ವ್ಯತ್ಯಾಸ. ಸಮಸ್ಯಗಳಿಗೆ ಉತ್ತರಗಳು ಹೀಗೆ ನಾನ ವಿಚಾರಗಳಿಂದ ನಾನು ಪ್ರಭಾವಿತಳಾದೆ.ಹೊಸ ಮನುಷ್ಯಳಾಗಿ ನಿರ್ಮಾಣಗೊಂಡೆ.ದೇವರಿಲ್ಲವೆ ಇಲ್ಲ ಎಂದು ತೀರ್ಮಾನಿಸಿ ಚಿಕ್ಕವಳಿಂದ ನನ್ನ ನೇಣು ಹಗ್ಗದಂತೆ ಬಿಗಿದು ಬದುಕನ್ನು ಬಂಧಿ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದ ಕೊರಳಿಗೆ ಕಟ್ಟಿದ್ದ ಮುತ್ತುಗಳನ್ನು ಕಿತ್ತು ಬಿಸಾಡಿ.ಪಡಲಿಗೆಯನ್ನು ಮುರಿದು ಬಿಸಾಕಿ.ಜನಪರ ಹೋರಾಟಕ್ಕೆ ನನ್ನನ್ನೆ ನಾನು ತೊಡಗಿಸಿಕೊಂಡೆ.ಯಾರು ನನ್ನ ಸೂಳೆಯೆಂದು ಕರೆದು ಅವಮಾನಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದರೊ ಅವರೆ ನನಗೆ ಶಾಲುಹಾರ ಹಾಕಿ ಸನ್ಮಾನಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ.ಯಾರು ನನ್ನ ಬಟ್ಟೆ ಬಿಚ್ಚಿ ಹೊಡೆದರೊ ಅವರೆ ನನ್ನ ಬಳಿಬಂದು ತಮ್ಮ ಸಮಸ್ಯೆಗಳನ್ನು ಬಗೆಹರಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳುತಿದ್ದಾರೆ.ಕಾಲಚಕ್ರ ಎಲ್ಲರಿಗು ಎಲ್ಲರ ಪರವಾಗಿಯೂ ನಿಲ್ಲುತ್ತದೆ.ನಾವು ಕಾಯಬೇಕು ಅಷ್ಟೆ.ಜನಪರ ಹೊರಾಟದೊಂದಿಗೆ ಬದುಕು ಸಾಗಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದೇನೆ.
6) ಸರ್ಕಾರದ ಸೌಲಭ್ಯಗಳು ದೇವದಾಸಿಯರಿಗೆ ಸಿಕ್ಕಿವೆಯೆ..?
ರೇ::-ಅಯ್ಯೊ ಅದೊಂದು ಕುರುಡು ಸರ್ಕಾರ. ಮಸಾಶನ ತಿಂಗಳಿಗೆ ಒಂದುವರೆ ಸಾವಿರ ಕೊಡ್ತಾರೆ .ದೇವದಾಸಿ ಮಕ್ಕಳ ಮದುವೆಗೆ ಪ್ರೋತ್ಸಾಹ ಧನ ಕೊಡ್ತಿದೆ.ಇನ್ನು ಕೆಲವರಿಗೆ ಕೊಡ್ತಿಲ್ಲ.ಸ್ವಯಂ ಉದ್ಯೋಗ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಲು ಕೇವಲ 50 ಸಾವಿರ ಕೊಡ್ತಿದೆ ಅದರಲ್ಲಿ ಹತ್ತು ಸಾವಿರ ಮಾತ್ರ ಸಬ್ಸಿಡಿ ಇನ್ನುಳಿದಿದ್ದು ಸಾಲ.ಈ ಬ್ಯಾಂಕನೋರು ನೂರೊಂದು ನಿಯಮ ಹೇಳಿ ಲೋನೆ ಕ್ಯಾನ್ಸಲ್ ಮಾಡ್ತಾರೆ.ಸುಮ್ಮನೆ ದೇವದಾಸಿಯರಿಗೆ ಸಹಾಯ ಮಾಡ್ತಿವಿ ಅಂತ ಸುಳ್ಳೇಳಿ ಈ ಎನ್ ಜಿಒ ದವರು ಸರ್ಕಾರಗಳ ಹಣವನ್ನು ನುಂಗಿ ನೀರು ಕುಡಿಯುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ.ಸರ್ಕಾರದ ಅಧಿಕಾರಿಗಳು ಸೌಲಭ್ಯಗಳನ್ನು ಕೊಡದೆ ನಮ್ಮ ಹಣವನ್ನು ಮಹಿಳಾ ನಿಗಮಕ್ಕೆ ವಾಪಸ್ಸು ಕಳಿಸ್ತಾ ಇದ್ದಾರೆ.ಹೊಲ ಇಲ್ಲ ಮನೆಯಿಲ್ಲ ಇವತ್ತಿಗು ಗುಡಿಸಲಿನಲ್ಲೆ ಅದೆಷ್ಟು ದೇವದಾಸಿಯರು ಬದುಕುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ.ಜನಪ್ರತಿನಿಧಿಗಳು ಭರವಸೆ ಕೊಟ್ಟು ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಗೆಲ್ಲುತ್ತಾರೆ ಆದರೆ ಏನು ಸಹಾಯ ಮಾಡಲ್ಲ.ನಮಗೆ ತಿಂಗಳ ಮಸಾಶನ ಸಿಕ್ಕಿದ್ದು ಸಣ್ಣಪುಟ್ಟ ಸೌಲಭ್ಯಗಳು ಸಿಕ್ಕಿದ್ದು ನಮ್ಮ ಬಹಳ ವರ್ಷದ ಹೋರಾಟದ ಪ್ರತಿಫಲವಾಗಿದೆ.
7)ದೇವದಾಸಿ ಪದ್ದತಿ ಸಂಪೂರ್ಣ ನಿಷೇಧವಾಗಿದೆಯೆ..?
ರೇ::-ಇಲ್ಲ ಸಂಪೂರ್ಣವಾಗಿ ಅದು ನಿಂತಿಲ್ಲ.ಕದ್ದುಮುಚ್ಚಿ ಇಂದಿಗೂ ಮುತ್ತು ಕಟ್ಟುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ.ಉಚ್ಚಂಗಿ ದುರ್ಗದ ಗುಡ್ಡದ ಮೇಲೆ ನಡೆವ ಹಬ್ಬ ಹುಣಿಮೆ ಹಾಗೂ ಶುಕ್ರವಾರ ಮಂಗಳವಾರದಲ್ಲಿ ಯಾರಿಗೂ ಮುಚ್ಚುಮರೆಯಿಲ್ಲದೆ ದೇವದಾಸಿಯರನ್ನಾಗಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ.ಸರ್ಕಾರದವರು ಬಿಗಿ ರೂಲ್ಸ್ ಗಳನ್ನು ಮಾಡಿಲ್ಲ.ಅದರ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಹೆಚ್ಚು ತಲೆಕೆಡಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲ್ಲ.ಈ ಪದ್ದತಿ ಒಂದು ಅಘೋಷಿತ ಕಾನೂನಂತೆ ತಲತಲಾಂತರಗಳಿಂದ ಇಂದಿಗೂ ಮುಂದುವರೆದುಕೊಂಡು ಬರುತ್ತಿದೆ.ಈ ಮಧ್ಯ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ ಮತ್ತು ಉತ್ತರ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದ ಪ್ರತಿ ಹಳ್ಳಿಹಳ್ಳಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ದೇವದಾಸಿಯರು ಸಿಗುತ್ತಾರೆ ಮತ್ತು ವರ್ಷವರ್ಷಕ್ಕೆ ಹೆಚ್ಚಾಗುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ.
8) ಪ್ರಸ್ತುತ ನಿಮ್ಮ ಹೋರಾಟ ಹೇಗಿದೆ…?
ರೇ::-ನನ್ನ ಹೋರಾಟ ಕೇವಲ ದೇವದಾಸಿ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರಿಗೆ ಮಾತ್ರ ಸೀಮಿತಗೊಂಡಿಲ್ಲ.ನಿರ್ಗತಿಕರಿಗೆ .ಬಿಕ್ಷುಕ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರಿಗೆ.ಚಿಂದಿ ಆಯುವವರಿಗೆ.ದಲಿತರ ಮೇಲಿನ ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯಗಳಿಗೆ.ದಲಿತ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರ ಅತ್ಯಾಚಾರ ಕೊಲೆಗಳಿಗೆ.ಅಲ್ಪಸಂಖ್ಯಾತ ಸಮುದಾಯದ ಮೇಲೆ ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯಗಳು ನಡೆದಾಗ.ಆದಿವಾಸಿ ಮತ್ತು ಅಲೆಮಾರಿ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳ ಬಗ್ಗೆ.ಕಾರ್ಮಿಕರ ಪರವಾಗಿ.ನೊಂದ ಮಹಿಳೆಯರ ಪರವಾಗಿ.ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯ ದುರ್ನೀತಿಗಳು.ದುರಾಡಳಿತ.ಕೋಮವಾದ.ಜಾತಿವಾದ ಹೀಗೆ ಹತ್ತುಹಲವಾರು ಹೋರಾಟಗಳನ್ನು ಮಾಡುತ್ತೇನೆ.ನನ್ನ ಬದುಕನ್ನ ಸಂಪೂರ್ಣವಾಗಿ ಹೋರಾಟಕ್ಕೆ ಮೀಸಲಿಟ್ಟಿದ್ದೇನೆ.
9) ಸರ್ಕಾರಕ್ಕೆ ನಿಮ್ಮ ಬೇಡಿಕೆಗಳೇನು..?
ರೇ::-ಎಲ್ಲಾ ದೇವದಾಸಿ ತಾಯಂದಿರಿಗೆ ಮೂರು ಎಕ್ಕರೆ ಭೂಮಿ ನೀಡಿ ಬೋರವೆಲ್ ಕೊರಸಿಕೊಡಬೇಕು.ಪ್ರತ್ಯೇಕವಾಗಿ ದೇವದಾಸಿ ಮಹಿಳಾ ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿ ನಿಗಮ ಸ್ಥಾಪಿಸಿ ಅದಕ್ಕೆ ದೇವದಾಸಿಯರನ್ನೆ ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷಳಾಗಿ ನೇಮಿಸಬೇಕು.ಸ್ವಯಂ ಉದ್ಯೋಗ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಲು 75% ಸಬ್ಸಿಡಿ25% ಸಾಲದಂತೆ ಹತ್ತುಲಕ್ಷದವರೆಗೆ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಸಾಲನೀಡಬೇಕು.ನಮಗೆ ಪ್ರತ್ಯೇಕವಾಗಿ ಮೀಸಲಾತಿ ನೀಡಬೇಕು.ನಮ್ಮ ಮಕ್ಕಳ ಉನ್ನತ ವಿದ್ಯಾಭ್ಯಾಸವನ್ನು ಉಚಿತವಾಗಿ ಕೊಡಬೇಕು.ನಮ್ಮ ಮಕ್ಕಳಿಗೆ ಸರ್ಕಾರದ ಕೆಲಸಗಳನ್ನು ಮೀಸಲಿಡಬೇಕು.ದೇವದಾಸಿ ಪದ್ದತಿ ತೊಡೆದು ಹಾಕಲು ಕಠಿಣವಾದ ಕಾನೂನು ತರಬೇಕು.ನಮಗೆ ಉಚಿತ ಆರೋಗ್ಯ ಸೌಲಭ್ಯಗಳನ್ನು ಒದಗಿಸಿಕೊಡಬೇಕು ಇವು ನಮ್ಮ ಬೇಡಿಕೆಗಳು. ಇವುಗಳ ಪರವಾಗಿ ರಾಜ್ಯಮಟ್ಟದಲ್ಲಿ ಹಲವಾರು ಬಾರಿ ಹೋರಾಟ ಮಾಡಿ ಮನವಿ ಕೊಟ್ಟರು ಸರ್ಕಾರಗಳು ಇದಕ್ಕೆ ಸ್ಪಂದಿಸುತ್ತಿಲ್ಲ ಬರೀ ಆಶ್ವಾಸನೆಗಳನ್ನು ಮಾತ್ರ ಕೊಡುತ್ತಿದೆ.
10) ಕೊನೆಯದಾಗಿ ಯುವ ಹೋರಾಟಗಾರರಿಗೆ ಏನು ಹೇಳಲು ಬಯಸುತ್ತೀರಿ…?
ರೇ::-ಹೋರಾಟದಿಂದ ಮಾತ್ರ ನಮ್ಮ ಹಕ್ಕುಗಳನ್ನು ಪಡೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಸಾಧ್ಯ.ಪ್ರಸ್ತುತ ಹೋರಾಟಗಳು ಬೇರೆಬೇರೆ ವಿಂಗಡಣೆಯಾಗಿವೆ ಈಗಾದರೆ ಹೋರಾಟಕ್ಕೆ ಶಕ್ತಿ ಬರುವುದಿಲ್ಲ.ಎಲ್ಲರೂ ಒಗ್ಗಟ್ಟಾಗಬೇಕಿದೆ.ಮಾರ್ಕ್ ವಾದ.ಗಾಂಧಿವಾದ.ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ವಾದ.ಲೋಹಿಯಾವಾದ.ಸಮಾಜವಾದ.ಲೆನಿನ್ ವಾದ.ಎಡಪಂಥೀಯ.ಸ್ತ್ರೀ ವಾದ ಹೀಗೆ ಜನಪರ ವಾದಗಳ ಸಿದ್ದಾಂತಗಳು ಒಂದಾಗಿ ಒಂದೆ ವೇದಿಕೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಬಂದಾಗ ಹೆಚ್ಚು ಶಕ್ತಿಯುತವಾಗಿ ಹೋರಾಟ ಬಲಿಷ್ಟಗೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತದೆ.ಪ್ರಸ್ತುತ ಫ್ಯಾಸಿಸ್ಟ್ ಆಳ್ವೆಕೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಕೋಮುವಾದಿಗಳ ಕೋಟೆಯಲ್ಲಿ “ಕೆಂಪು ಮತ್ತು ನೀಲಿ” ಒಂದಾಗಲೇಬೇಕಿದೆ.ನಮ್ಮ ಹೋರಾಟ ನಿಸ್ವಾರ್ಥ ವಾಗಿರಲಿ.ಎಂತಹದ್ದೆ ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿಯೂ ನಾವು ಎಂಜಲು ಆಸೆಗೆ ಒಳಗಾಗದೆ ಹೋರಾಟಕ್ಕೆ ಅಣಿಯಾಗಿ ಚಳುವಳಿಯನ್ನು ಮುನ್ನೆಡೆಸಬೇಕಿದೆ.ಯುವಶಕ್ತಿಯಿಂದ ಮಾತ್ರ ಇಂತಹ ಅನಿಷ್ಟ ಪದ್ದತಿಗಳು ಕೊನೆಯಾಗಲು ಸಾಧ್ಯ.ಯುವಕರು ಒಂದಾಗಿ ಹೋರಾಟಗಳನ್ನು ಮಾಡಬೇಕಿದೆ.
Translation:
Influenced and guided by Hindu religious beliefs, in India, dalits, women and the poor have been oppressed. Hinduism has drafted its own laws in terms of the devadasi system to control dalit women. That poverty and disability costs marriage prospects or having only daughters is a problem are but a few reasons given to justify dedicating innocent girls to a deity. The rationale provided for dedication is that these girls would fill the void of not having a male hair and take up the family responsibilities.
Saundatti Yellamma, Huligemma temples in Hulige of Koppala, Badami Banashankari in Bagalkot, Ucchangemma in Uchangidurga, Chandragutti in Shivamogga are a few religious centers in Karnataka that gives birth to devadasis. These women who bear children outside marriage are locally called soole, basavi, jogamma, matangi etc…Women from the madiga caste are the victims of this system. The system is very much in practice. They live with everyday humiliation. Their stories are moving. There seems to be no end to the tears of devadasis. The negligence on the governments’ part has kept this system alive.
Renukamma continues to live as a devadasi and has been a strong voice against the devadasi system; she was born in a village called Kunduru in the Davanagere district. Hanumappa and Malavva, her biological parents had seven daughters. They got six daughters married and decided to dedicate the youngest, Renukamma as a Basavi to the goddess Yellamma. Renukamma took over the responsibilities of the family. Later on, she herself gave birth to two daughters and one son.
To provide education to her children, Renukamma begs and works as a daily wage labourer. Stepping away from sex work she continues to work as a wage labourer and is very active in unionising devadasis. Through helping devadasi women in forming self-help groups, she is struggling to make the voices of devadasi women and their children reach the ears of governments; she also is part of several social movements.
Movement for special reservations for devadasis, identification and housing, are a few movements she is an active member of. In collaboration with several Non Governmental Organisations and people’s movements, she has been fighting for the abolition of devadasi system. Though an illiterate, she has inculcated dalit-communist and feminist ideologies and has thrown away the beads that were tied around her neck during her dedication as a devadasi; she has broken off the alter of the goddess that every devadasi has, declaring the devadasi system as a plan by men to sexually exploit women’s bodies. Renukamma is at the forefront of the dalit and progressive movements in Davanagere. Discarding the age old traditions and turning towards a scientific outlook, she comes across as an astute social scientist.
In this interview, Renukamma shared several of her experiences.
Huchangi Prasad (HP): Why were you dedicated as a Devadasi ?
Renukamma (R): That’s a long story. I was just seven or eight years old when I was dedicated as a basavi. I didn’t even know what was happening. I have a very foggy memory of it. My mother had seven daughters. Once all six of my sisters were married off, Murugendranna, son of the gowda (headman/landlord) of the village told my parents to dedicate me to the goddess. Since my parents didn’t have any sons and were in need of someone to take care of them in their old age, they were suggested not to marry me off but dedicate me. My parents were convinced and they took me to the hill of Yellamma and they tied the beads around my neck. Four years after this, I started to menstruate and Murugendrappa came to me with a saree, one thousand rupees cash and a tali. Father took the money, mother took the saree and the tali fell around my neck.
HP: When did you realise that the devadasi system was wrong?
R: The gowda’s son who tied a tali around my neck used me sexually till he lost his appetite for me and went after another devadasi; he never came back to me. My parents had died by then. I lived alone in my house. The headmen in the village had their eyes on me. Women in the village would humiliate me by calling me names like soole, mindri, Hadragitti (derogatory terms used for sex workers). I was stripped and physically abused in public for every other thing. No one came for my help. I was lonely. I would just wipe my tears off. I had no one to talk to. That is when I felt that being a devadasi is disgusting. Devadasi means, sexual abuse of innocent girls. It is a religious abuse by devils in human forms feeding on our bodies.
HP: What are you doing now to earn your livelihood?
R: I used to be an agricultural labourer. Whenever I would get time I used to make baskets. I’ve also worked as a domestic help in rich households. I used to beg on Tuesdays and Fridays carrying the altar of the devi. I have stopped it now. I lead an independent and self-sufficient life and work as a labourer. I will not sell my body. Many people invited me to work as a sex worker in several places. I am not interested in it.
HP: What was your experience as a devadasi?
R: My life is like sleeping on the bed of thorns, getting bitten by poisonous snakes, getting stabbed by sharp knives. It is filled with pain and trouble. After Murugeppa left me, I maintained a relationship with a muslim man in the neighboring village. I had three children with him. I never did sex work. I go to the fields in the morning and get back only in the evening. I work hard. The society still looks at me like a sex worker. For a long time I had no one around me and thus villagers would break into my house and beat me up for every little issue. They used to verbally abuse my children. My children have lived a helpless life. The man who is like my husband visits me just once a month. He doesn’t give me money. He in fact takes every penny I have got. I have now kept him at a distance. He doesn’t come here. I no longer fear society. I now retaliate. If things go too far I directly go to the police. I now unionise all the devadasis in the village and fight against our oppression. One of my daughters has studied engineering, another daughter is studying BSc and my son is studying Bcom in Bengaluru. Irrespective of the painful life I live, I am happy that I could provide education to my children.
HP: How were you influenced by communist and feminist ideologies?
R: Back then, Papmapati had contested elections from the communist party and won from Davanagere as MLA. The workers union leader HK Ramachandrappa was a leader of the municipality. They conducted a three days long training camp in Davanagere. By then I was already collecting devadasi women into SHGs and was organising movements; they took me to this camp. The ideological histories, lives of the poor, the differences between the haves and havenots, solutions for the problems and several other things influenced me. I redeemed myself. I decided that there is no god. I finally removed and threw away the beads that were tied around my neck; I threw away the altar. I have been involved myself in the people’s movements ever since. The same people who were humiliating me calling me a prostitute, are now appreciating my work. People who stripped me naked are now turning to me to get their problems resolved. Times change for everyone. We just have to wait. I am living with the people’s movement.
HP: Have devadasis received any facilities from the government?
R: The government does not see. We get fifteen hundred rupees. Money is given to help with the weddings of the devadasi children. Some don’t even receive it. Government gives fifty thousand rupees to help the self-employed, out of which only ten thousand rupees is given as a subsidy and the rest is in the form of a loan. The banks spring out hundreds of rules and end up cancelling the loans. NGOs claim to be helping us and end up mismanaging government’s funds. Government officers are returning the funds meant for us to the women’s commission. There is no land, there is no house. Many devadasis continue to live in huts. People’s representatives make false promises and win elections. Whatever we get now is the result of years of struggles.
HP: Has the devadasi system fully been abolished?
R: No! It has not. Even to this day it very much exists. In Uchangidurga, on the hill during the hunnime festival and on Tuesdays and Fridays, dedication of girls to the goddess happens openly. The government has not made any stringent laws. They haven’t thought about it either. This system is continuing as if it is an unwritten law. Every village in Karnataka and north Karnataka has many devadasis in every village and the number of devadasis has also been increasing every year.
HP: How is your movement now?
R: My movement is not limited only to devadasi women. It’s movement is for the homeless, women beggars and rag pickers, it’s against atrocities on dalits, on dalit women, on minorities, it’s for adivasis, nomadic tribes, workers and women in distress, it’s against bad governance, communalism and casteism. I have dedicated my entire life to the movement.
HP: What are your demands from the government?
R: Every devadasi mother must be given three acres of land with borewells in them. A devadasi women development corporation with devadasi women as its stakeholders must be established. The government must provide ten lakh rupees in form of seventy five percent subsidy and twenty five percent of loan to facilitate self employment. We need reservations. Our children must be given government jobs. A stringent law to abolish the devadasi system must be made. We must be provided with free medical facilities. These are our demands. We have protested several times at the state level and have submitted our demands. Governments have not done anything about them other than making false promises.
HP: Lastly, what do you have to say to the young activists?
R: It is only through movements that one can claim their rights. Right now movements are all divided and this division pulls the spirit of movements down. We have to come together. Gandhian, marxist, ambedkarite, lohiaite, socialism, leninism, left and feminism have to come together. The red and blue have to come together in today’s fascist times. Let our movement be free from egos. We cannot be pulled by money and stay dedicated to the movement. It is only the youth who can fight what we are up against.
This article has been translated into English by Yogesh S.
Huchangi Prasad is a writer, activist, and poet.
Renuka Ray
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Renuka Ray
In office
1957–1967
Preceded by Surendra Mohan Ghose
Succeeded by Uma Roy
Constituency Malda, West Bengal
Personal details
Born 1904 Bengal presidency
Died 1997
Nationality India
Political party Indian National Congress
Parent(s) Satish Chandra Mukherjee
Awards Padma Bhushan
Renuka Ray (1904–1997) was a noted freedom-fighter, social activist and politician of India.
She was a descendant of Brahmo reformer, Nibaran Chandra Mukherjee, and daughter of Satish Chandra Mukherjee, an ICS officer, and Charulata Mukherjee, a social worker and member of the All India Women’s Conference. She was awarded the Padma Bhushan by the Government of India in 1988.
Early life and education
She came in contact with Mahatma Gandhi at an early age of sixteen and was greatly influenced by him. She left college to answer Gandhiji's call for boycotting the British Indian educational system. However, later when her parents persuaded Gandhiji to ask her to go to London for further studies, she joined London School of Economics in 1921. She was married to Satyendra Nath Ray at an early age.
Her maternal grandparents were the most distinguished couple of their times. Maternal grandfather Prof. P K Roy was the first Indian to receive a D Phil from Oxford University and a member of the Indian Education Service and the first Indian Principal of the prestigious Presidency College, Calcutta. Maternal grandmother Sarala Roy was a well known social worker who worked for the emancipation of women. She was the founder of Gokhale Memorial School and College and the first Indian woman to be a member of the senate, Calcutta University. Sarala Roy was the daughter of renowned Brahmo reformer Durgamohan Das and sister of Lady Abala Bose and S R Das, the founder of prestigious Doon School and a cousin of Deshbandhu C R Das.
Career
On returning to India, she joined All India Women’s Conference and worked hard to champion women's rights and inheritance rights in parental property. In 1932 she became President of All India Women’s Conference. She was also its President for the years 1953-54.
In 1943 she was nominated to Central Legislative Assembly as a representative of women of India. She was also a member of Constituent Assembly of India in 1946-47.
She was appointed as Minister of Relief & Rehabilitation, West Bengal in the years 1952-57. She was also Lok Sabha member for the years 1957-1967 from Malda Lok Sabha constituency. In year 1959 she headed a committee on Social Welfare and Welfare of Backward Classes, which is popularly known as Renuka Ray Committee.
Among her siblings Subroto Mukherjee was the first air chief marshal of Indian Air Force who died in Tokyo and was married to Sharda Mukherjee (née' Pandit) a niece-in-law of Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit and Prashanta Mukherjee who was the chairperson of the Indian Railway Board and was married to Keshab Chandra Sen's granddaughter Violet. Her younger sister Nita Sen's daughter Geeti sen is a noted art historian and editor-inchief of IIC, Quarterly and married to renowned Bollywood film director Muzaffar Ali.
Works
She is author of the book My Reminiscences: Social Development During the Gandhian Era and After.
Rukhmabai
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Rukhmabai
Born 22 November 1864
Died 25 September 1955 (aged 90)
Occupation Doctor, women's emancipation
Rukhmabai (22 November 1864 – 25 September 1955) was an Indian physician and feminist. She is best known for being one of the first practicing women doctors in colonial India as well as being involved in a landmark legal case involving her marriage as a child bride between 1884 and 1888. The case raised significant public debate across several topics, which most prominently included law vs tradition, social reform vs conservatism and feminism in both British-ruled India and England. This ultimately contributed to the Age of Consent Act in 1891.
Early life
Rukhmabai was born to Janardhan Pandurang and Jayantibai in a Marathi family. Her father passed away when she was aged two and her mother seventeen. Six years after her husband's demise, Jayantibai married the widower Dr Sakharam Arjun who was an eminent physician and social activist in Bombay. Remarriage of widows was permitted among the Suthar (carpenter) community - the caste to which the couple belonged.
Two and a half years later, 11-year-old Rukhmabai was married to the 19 year old Dadaji Bhikaji, a cousin of her step-father. It was agreed that deviating from the contemporary social norms, Dadaji would stay with Rukhmabai's family as a gharjawai and be fully provided for by them. The expectation was for him to acquire education in due course and "become a good man". Six months into the marriage, Rukhmabai having reached puberty, the traditional event of Garbhadhan was held signalling the time for ritual consummation of marriage. But Dr Sakharam Arjun, being an eminent physician of reformist tendencies, did not permit early consummation.
This displeased Bhikaji, now aged 20, who also resented the attempts of Rukhmabai's family to make him "a good man". In addition to his aversion for education, the compulsion to go to sixth standard of school at an age when he should have been at the university was particularly distressing. In the meanwhile, Bhikaji lost his mother and against the advise of Sakharam Arjun, took to living with his maternal uncle Narayan Dhurmaji. The environment of Dhurmaji's home pushed Bhikaji further into a life of indolence and waywardness. He eventually accumulated debts which he hoped to clear using the property that accompanied Rukhmabai into the house. Rukhmabai refused to move in to the household of Dhurmaji to live with Bhikaji, a decision supported by her step-father.
In contrast, in the same years Rukhmabai studied at home using books from a Free Church Mission library. Because of her father's association with religious and social reformers she also came into contact with prominent names like Vishnu Shastri Pandit, a strong proponent of women's causes in Western India at the time, along with European men and women exposing her to liberal reformism. With her mother, she also regularly attended the weekly meetings of the Prarthanä Samäj and Arya Mahilä Samäj.
"Restitution of conjugal rights" case by Bhikaji
In March 1884, Bhikaji sent a legal notice to Sakharam Arjun via his lawyers Chalk and Walker, asking him to desist preventing Rukhmabai from joining him. Eventually Sakharam Arjun sought legal help and via lawyers Payne-Gilbert, and Sayani provided grounds for Rukhmabai's refusal to join Bhikaji.
In 1885, the case of Bhikaji seeking "restitution of conjugal rights" titled "Bhikaji vs. Rukhmabai, 1885" came up for hearing and the judgement was passed by Justice Robert Hill Pinhey. Pinhey stated that English precedents on restitution did not apply to the case as the English law applied to consenting adults. He also found fault with the English law cases and found no precedent in Hindu law. He declared that Rukhmabai had been wed in her "helpless infancy" and that he could not compel a young lady. Justice Pinhey retired soon after. In 1886, the case was brought up for retrial. Rukhmabai's counsels included J.D. Inverarity Jr. and Kashinath Trimbak Telang. The case drew criticisms from various sections of the society, in some cases claims that the law did not respect the sanctity of Hindu customs. Specifically, criticism of Justice Pinhey's decision came from the Native Opinion, an Anglo-Marathi weekly run by Vishwanath Narayan Mandlik (1833–89) who supported Bhikaji. A Pune weekly run by Balgangadhar Tilak, the Mahratta, wrote that Justice Pinhey did not understand the spirit of Hindu laws and that he sought reforms by "violent means". In the meantime, a series of articles appearing before and during the trial, in the Times of India penned under the pseudonym a Hindu Lady also caused public reactions. Later on it was revealed that the author was none other than Rukhmabai. The public debate revolved around multiple points of contention - Hindu versus English Law, reform from the inside versus outside and whether ancient customs deserved respect or not. The first appeal against the case was made on 18 March 1886 and was upheld by Chief Justice Sir Charles Sargent and Justice L.H. Bayley. On 4 March 1887, Justice Farran, using interpretations of Hindu laws, ordered Rukhmabai to "go live with her husband or face six months of imprisonment". Rukhmabai responded that she would rather face imprisonment than obey the verdict. This resulted in further upheaval and social debate. Balgangadhar Tilak wrote in the Kesari that Rukhmabai's defiance was the result of an English education and declared that Hinduism was in danger. On the other hand, Max Müller responded writing that the legal route was not the solution to the problem of Rukhmabai's case and that it was Rukhmabai's education that had made her the best judge of her own choices.
Dissolution of Marriage
After the series of court cases which resulted in the affirmation of the marriage, she appealed to Queen Victoria.
Everywhere it is considered one of the greatest blessings of God that we are under the protection of our beloved Queen Victoria's Government, which has its world wide fame for best administration. If such a Government cannot help unyoke us Hindu woman, what Government on earth has the power to relieve the daughters of Ind from their present miseries? This 50th year of our Queen's accession to the most renowned throne is the jubilee year in which every town and every village in her dominions is to show their loyalty in the best way it can, and wish the mother Queen a long happy life, to rule over us for many years with peace and prosperity. At such an unusual occasion will the mother listen to an earnest appeal from her millions of Indian daughters and grant them a few simple words of change into the book on Hindu law- that 'marriages performed before the respective ages of 20 in boys and 15 in girls shall not be considered legal in the eyes of the law if brought before the Court.' This mere sentence will be sufficient for the present to have enough check on child marriages, without creating a great vexation among the ignorant masses. This jubilee year must leave some expression on us Hindu women, and nothing will be more gratefully received than the introduction of this mere sentence into our law books. It is the work of a day if God wished it, but without His aid every effort seems to be in vain. So far, dear lady, I have dwelt on your patience, for which an apology is necessary. With best compliments -I remain yours very sincerely, Rukhmabai.
It has been claimed that Queen Victoria overruled the court and dissolved the marriage. However no primary documentary evidence has been provided to support Queen Victoria's direct intervention in the case.
In July 1888, a settlement was reached with Bhikaji and he relinquished his claim on Rukhmabai for a payment of two thousand rupees. Bhikaji remarried in 1889 and Rukhmabai went on to become a widely revered feminist and medical practitioner.
Influence on Age of Consent Act, 1891
The case generated a great deal of debate both within India and England. It drew written commentaries from reformers like Behramji Malabari (1853-1912), Balgangadhar Tilak, journalistic opinion pieces from prominent names like Rudyard Kipling and broader feminist discussions in British women's magazines.
Ultimately, the publicity and debate generated by this case helped influence the enactment of the "Age of Consent Act" in 1891, which changed the age of consent from 10 to 12 years across British India.
Career
Rukhmabai received support from the likes of Dr. Edith Pechey (then working at the Cama Hospital) who not only encouraged her but helped raise funds for her further education. Other supporters included Shivajirao Holkar who donated 500 Rupees for "demonstrating courage to intervene against traditions", suffrage activists like Eva McLaren and Walter McLaren, the Countess of Dufferin's Fund for Supplying Medical Aid to the Women of India, Adelaide Manning and others who helped establish "The Rukhmabai Defence Committee" to help gather fund towards supporting her cause of continuing education. In 1889, Rukhmabai set sail to study medicine in England.
In 1894, she received her Doctor of Medicine from the London School of Medicine for Women having also studied at the Royal Free Hospital. Doctors Kadambini Ganguly and Anandi Gopal Joshi were the first Indian women to have received medical degrees in 1886. But only Dr. Ganguly went on to practice medicine, making Rukhmabai the second woman to both receive a medical degree and practice medicine.
In 1895, she returned to India and worked as the Chief Medical Officer at the Women's Hospital in Surat. In 1918, she turned down the offer of a role in the Woman's Medical Service, opting instead to work at the Zenana (Woman's) State Hospital in Rajkot until her retirement in 1929. She established the Red Cross Society at Rajkot. Rukhmabai chose to settle in Bombay after her retirement.
Later life
In 1904 after the death of Bhikaji, Rukhmabai chose to start dressing in a white sari as per Hindu traditions of widowhood.[22][circular reference]
In 1929 after her retirement, she publishing a pamphlet titled "Purdah - the need for its abolition" arguing that young widows were being denied the chance to actively contribute to Indian society.
Death
Rukhmabai died, aged 90, from lung cancer on 25 September 1955.
रघु नायक
क्या आप जानते है कि राष्ट्रपिता महात्मा गांधी के हत्यारे नाथूराम गोडसे किसने पकड़ा था? अदभुत साहस दिखाकर पकड़ने वाले इस शख्स का नाम रघु नायक था जो ओडिशा के रहनेवाले थे। रघु नायक की मौत के करीब 33 साल बाद ओडिशा सरकार ने उनकी पत्नी को पांच लाख रूपये की वित्तीय सहायता दी।
ज़ी मीडिया ब्यूरो
भुवनेश्वर: क्या आप जानते है कि राष्ट्रपिता महात्मा गांधी के हत्यारे नाथूराम गोडसे किसने पकड़ा था? अदभुत साहस दिखाकर पकड़ने वाले इस शख्स का नाम रघु नायक था जो ओडिशा के रहनेवाले थे। रघु नायक की मौत के करीब 33 साल बाद ओडिशा सरकार ने उनकी पत्नी को पांच लाख रूपये की वित्तीय सहायता दी।
केंद्रपाड़ा जिले के जगुलाईपाड़ा गांव के रहने वाले रघु नायक दिल्ली के बिड़ला हाउस में माली का काम करते थे, जहां 1948 में गोडसे ने गांधीजी पर गोलियां चलायी थी। हालांकि गांधीजी को नहीं बचाया जा सका लेकिन नायक ने ही सबसे पहले पीछा कर गोडसे को पकड़ा। बाद में गोडसे को मृत्युदंड दिया गया।
मुख्यमंत्री नवीन पटनायक ने सचिवालय में मंदोदरी नायक को चेक सौंपा और शॉल ओढ़ाकर उनका सम्मान किया। उनके साथ केंद्रपाड़ा के जिलाधिकारी और परिवार के सदस्य भी थे। अधिकारियों ने बताया कि मुख्यमंत्री राहत कोष से नायक की विधवा को वित्तीय मदद दी गयी।
रघु नायक को अदभुत बहादुरी के लिए पूर्व राष्ट्रपति राजेंद्र प्रसाद ने उनके जीवित रहते 500 रूपये का पुरस्कार दिया था। मुख्यमंत्री कार्यालय के मुताबिक राज्य सरकार ने नायक की पत्नी के वित्तीय तंगी का सामना करने के बारे में जानकर आर्थिक मदद देने का फैसला किया। नायक का 1983 में निधन हो गया और कुछ साल बाद उनके बेटे का देहांत हो गया। मंदोदरी अब अपनी बेटी के साथ रहती हैं।
(एजेंसी इनपुट के साथ)
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Ram Babu Harit
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dr Ram Babu Harit
Born 02/02/1957
Alma mater Motilal Nehru Medical College, University of Allahabad
Occupation
Doctor
Politician
Businessman
Philanthropist
Social Worker
Title Ex- Minister of Health, Ex- MLA Bhartiya Janta Party
Spouse(s) Mrs. Kamlesh Kumari (Ex magistrate)
Parent(s) Late Mr Sita Ram Harit and Late Mrs Badami Devi
Dr. Ram Babu Harit is an Indian politician and member of the Bhartiya Janta Party. Harit was a member of the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly from the Agra West constituency in Agra district as Bharatiya Janata Party candidate.
Early life and education
Dr. Harit was born on 2 July 1957 in Agra district of Uttar Pradesh. His father Late Shri Sitaram was into agriculture earlier who later started doing trading business of raw material of shoes to support his family. He was the youngest of four brothers and one sister. Harit was always interested in studies and had completed his studies from Government InterCollege. He topped his class in high school and was inclined in choosing medical field as his profession. He cleared UPCPMT and did his MBBS from Motilal Nehru Medical college, Allahabad.
Career
Dr Harit greeting Prime Minister Narendra Modi
He started his career as a class one medical officer in Indian government. He worked in Ram Manohar Lohia Hospital, Delhi. Then shifted to CGHS as a resident doctor and later served in ESI hospital, Raja Garden. He was a part of team of doctors who looked after a team of sportsmen in Asian games, Delhi. While serving in Delhi he was married. Since his parents were getting old, he left his government job and shifted back to Agra to open his own clinic and take care of his parents.
He was a part of RSS and was a regular attendees of Shakhas. His simplicity and urge for social work was seen by some senior politician who invited him to join the Bharitya Janta Party. He was inspired with the policies of seniors like Deen Dayal Upadhyay and Shyama Prasad Mukherjee and chose to be actively involved in social work.
Dr Harit and Sambit Patra and BJP headquarters
He started his political career as Coordinator by winning elections in his ward He was then the deputy mayor for Agra Harit succeeded Kishan Gopal as an MLA in the year 1992. His retained his position in next election in the year 1996. Looking at the educational background and Harit's leadership, he was made the minister of health and medicine during the government of Late Shri Ram Prakash Gupt. He retained the ministry when Rajnath Singh took over as the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh. He was often seen commuting on his scooter without any security during his time as a minister. His simplicity and attachment with public especially the weaker norms of the society helped him to win the elections for third time in the year 2002. Currently Harit is a part of working committee of BJP in UP.
Family
Harit married Kamlesh Kumari in 1984 and was blessed with a daughter Arunika and a son Amit. Kamlesh, MA in history, took care of the family as a home maker for almost two decades. She later joined as a first class magistrate Agra collectrate and was a part of consumer forum as a judge. Kamlesh retired from the bench in 2014 and is now running an NGO for under privileged section of the society.
Raghunath Dhondo Karve
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Raghunath Dhondo Karve
Born 14 January 1882
Died 14 October 1953 (aged 71)
Occupation Professor of mathematics
Education M.A. Mathematics, Diplome d'Etudes Superieures(Paris)
Spouse Malati Raghunath Karve
Raghunath Dhondo Karve (14 January 1882 – 14 October 1953) was a professor of mathematics and a social reformer from Maharashtra, India. He was a pioneer in initiating family planning and birth control for masses in Mumbai in 1921.
Born in a Chitpavan Brahmin family, Raghunath was the eldest son of Bharat Ratna Maharshi Dhondo Keshav Karve. His mother Radhabai died during childbirth in 1891, when he was nine. He was born in Murud. He studied at New English School, Pune. He stood first in a matriculation examination conducted in 1899. He went to Fergusson College, Pune where he obtained a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1904. Karve started his professional career as a professor of mathematics at Wilson College in Mumbai. However, when he started publicly expressing his views about family planning, population control, and women's right to experience sexual/sensual pleasure as much as men, the conservative Christian administrators of the college asked him to resign from the professorship. He then devoted himself to the above causes.
On his own initiative, Karve started the very first birth control clinic in India in 1921, the same year when the first birth control clinic opened in London.
Books Written
‘Santatiniyaman Aachar ani Vichar’ (Family planning: Thoughts and Action) in 1923
‘Guptrogapasun Bachav’ & ‘Aadhunik Kaamashastra’
In 1927 he published ‘Samajswasthya’; a monthly on social health, and continued it till death (14 October 1953). Through this monthly, he tried to educated people about sex education. He hardly could meet his own needs, yet he never seized from continuing the monthly
‘Adhunik Kamashastra’ (1934)
‘Adhunik Aharshastra’ (1938)
‘Vaishya Vyavasay’ (1940), which had a scientific approach.
Some of his other light themed books were ‘Parischya Ghari’ (1946) and ’13 Goshti’ (1940)
Samaj Swasthya
Karve published a Marathi magazine Samaj Swasthya (समाजस्वास्थ्य) starting from July 1927 until 1953. In it, he continually discussed issues of society's well-being through population control through use of contraceptives so as prevent unwanted pregnancies and induced abortions. He promoted responsible parenting by men, gender equality, and women's empowerment and right to experience sexual/sensual pleasure. As an illustration of some of Karve's radical thoughts, he expressed the thought that so long as childbirth and venereal diseases are prevented, women could engage in promiscuity—even perhaps with male prostitutes—for the sake of variety in sexual pleasure, if they so desire, without, in fact, harming their husbands.
Wife's support
Karve's wife, Malati, supported his cause though it brought them social ostracism besides his loss of his professorial career. She shared the couple's financial responsibility, and the two chose to remain childless.
Apart from his wife, he had support of Dr. Ambedkar, "Wrangler Paranjape", Riyastkar Sardesai, and Mama Varekar. He had to swim against the current all his life. He got hurt, but he never gave up.
Literary critic M V Dhond has written three essays on Karve. In the third essay, he analyses why Karve was not as successful in his mission as much as Margaret Sanger and Marie Stopes, his counterparts in United States and UK, respectively.
Karve's mission was not restricted to that of Sanger and Stopes namely happy family life, emancipation of women, control of population. Karve wanted women to have as much sexual freedom and sensual pleasure as men.
Dhond claims contemporary society's objectives were restricted to those of Sanger and Stopes and hence not only Karve's mission as a whole suffered, he himself was persecuted by society at large. There were other reasons too: Karve's unattractive personality, poor finances, and lack of networking skills.
It's unfortunate Karve was not alive when three major events, that make us understand woman sexuality better, took place-
1. Publication of the Kinsey report in 1953
2. Publication of Masters and Johnson's book in 1966 and
3. Publication of The Hite Report in 1976.
These documents have proven how right Karve was with his thoughts on woman's sexuality.
Further Reading and Viewing
"Ra. Dho. Karve" (र. धो. कर्वे) by Yashawant Dinkar Phadke, 1981 (in Marathi)
"'Samajswastya'kar"- a biography of R.D.Karve by Dr. Anant Deshmukh, Padmagandha Prakashan, 2010
"Maharashtrache Shilpakaar – Ra Dho Karve" -a biography by Dr Anant Deshmukh, (2013)
"Ra. Dho. Karve" (र. धो. कर्वे) : Vyaktitva aani kartrutva by Dr. Anant Deshmukh (2010)
"'Samajswastya'til nivadak lekh" edited by Dr. Anant Deshmukh, Padmagandha Prakashan, 2010
"Mopansa'chya katha" edited by Dr. Anant Deshmukh, Padmagandha Prakashan, 2010
"Buddhipramanyawad (translated by Prof. Madhukar Toradmal)" edited by Dr. Anant Deshmukh, Padmagandha Prakshan, 2010
"Asangrahita R.D.Karve" edited by Dr. Anant Deshmukh, Padmagandha Prakashan, 2010
"R.D.Karve-Mate aani Matantare" edited by Dr. Anant Deshmukh, Padmagandha Prakashan, 2010
"Shesha Samajswastya" edited by Dr. Anant Deshmukh, Padmagandha Prakashan, 2010
"Nivadak 'Sharadechi Patre'" edited by Dr. Anant Deshmukh, Padmagandha Prakashan, 2010
Research articles on R. D. Karve by Dr. Anant Deshmukh
Raghunathrao Dhondo Karve – Ek drashta purush – Article in Loksatta by Dr Anant Deshmukh 12-Jan-2003
"Majhe Puran" by Anandibai Karve, 1951 (Marathi)
"Kahi Ambat Kahi God" by Shakuntala Paranjape, 1979 (Marathi)
"Upekshit Drashta" by Diwakar Bapat, 1971 (Marathi)
Marathi novel based on R D Karve's life: "Raghunathachi Bakhar" (रघुनाथाची बखर) by S J Joshi (श्री ज जोशी), 1976
Raja Dhale
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Raja Dhale
Political activist, social reformer and Dalit Panther member Raja Dhale
Personal details
Born 30 September 1940
Died 16 July 2019 (aged 78)
Political party Republican Party of India
Spouse(s) Deexa Dhale
Children Gatha Dhale
Residence Kannamwar Nagar 1, Vikhroli (E), Mumbai, Maharashtra
Rajaram Piraji Dhale (30 September 1940 – 16 July 2019), commonly referred to as Raja Dhale, was an Indian writer, artist and activist for Dalit rights. In April 1972, he, along with Namdeo Dhasal and Arun Krushnaji Kamble, founded the Dalit Panthers, an organization dedicated to fighting for the rights of the Dalit community. Dhale was a veteran Ambedkarite and Buddhist.
Career
Dhale was a member of the Republican Party of India and led the Raja Dhale faction, after a split in the party.Dhale was a candidate in the 1999 parliament election from the Mumbai North Central constituency on Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha party ticket, and 2004 parliament elections from Mumbai North East constituency, again on Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha ticket.
Notable works
Dalit Pantherchi Sansthapana: Vastusthiti Ani Viparyas
Arun Kolhatkarchi Gacchi: Ek Nirupan
Ruth Manorama
( 2006 , India )
Ruth Manorama
...for her commitment over decades to achieving equality for Dalit women, building effective and committed women's organisations and working for their rights at national and international levels.
We as Dalit women pledge ourselves to liberate all our people from continuing bondage of poverty, deprivation, suffering, gender and other discrimination.
Ruth Manorama is India’s most effective organiser of and advocate for Dalit women, belonging to the ‘scheduled castes’ sometimes also called ‘untouchables’.
Contact
Dr. Ruth Manorama
84/2, 2nd Cross, 8th Main Road
3rd Block, Jaya Nagar East
Bangalore, 560011
INDIA
Fax: +91 80 2663 0262
http://www.nawoindia.org/
Biography
Dalit women in India
Dalit women in India suffer from three oppressions: gender, as a result of patriarchy; class, from being from the poorest and most marginalised communities; and caste, from coming from the lowest caste, the ‘untouchables’. Although discrimination on the basis of caste is against the Indian constitution and prohibited by many laws, its practice is still widespread, especially in rural India.
Manorama’s career
Ruth Manorama is a Dalit woman. Born in 1952 in Madras, her parents escaped the worst consequences of being Dalits by becoming Christians. In 1975 Manorama took a Master’s degree in social work from the University of Madras and has trained in both the community organisation methods of Saul Alinsky and the conscientisation methods of Paulo Freire. In 2001 Manorama was granted an honorary doctorate “for the distinguished contribution made to church and society” by the Academy of Ecumenical Indian Theology and Church Administration.
Manorama has been consistently associated with a range of issues – the rights of slumdwellers, domestic workers, unorganised labour and Dalits, and the empowerment of marginalised women. She stresses the interconnectedness between these issues, and the common cause that marginalised people share the world over. Her work crosses the borders between grassroots movements, mass mobilisation, and international movements.
Manorama’s working life has been spent on organisation building, mobilisation of people and advocacy on behalf of Dalit women through a large number of organisations. She is:
General Secretary of Women’s Voice, founded in 1985, to work with women in slums, struggling for land, shelter and survival rights of the urban poor.
President of the National Alliance of Women, set up following the Fourth World Conference of Women in Beijing in 1995 to monitor government performance on its various commitments to women and lobby for change.
Joint Secretary of the Christian Dalit Liberation Movement, formed in the 1980s to mobilise Christian Dalits for affirmative action.
Secretary of the Karnataka State Slum Dwellers Federation.
Secretary for organisation building of the National Centre for Labour, an apex organisation of unorganised labour in India.
President of the National Federation of Dalit Women (NFDW), set up in 1995.
In addition, she has a number of regional and international roles (Asian Women’s Human Rights Council, International Women’s Rights Action Watch – Asia – Pacific, Sisters’ Network).
She has also been a member of the Karnataka State Planning Board, the State Commission for Women, the Task Force on Women’s Empowerment of the Government of India and a number of other state and national bodies.
Manorama’s work in these different roles consists of organising and educating people, and speaking on behalf of the marginalised. She travels all over India, co-ordinating their efforts, lobbying and advocating, and building alliances between movements.
Working for the rights of the deprived
In the 1980s and 1990s, Manorama was at the forefront of mass struggles against eviction and the ‘Operation Demolition’ by the State Government of Karnataka. She led mass processions of 150,000 people along with other activists, demanding the protection of the roofs over their heads, a fair deal of security and safety and allowing them to live legally and with dignity. On behalf of the Slum dwellers, Manorama was involved in legal cases at the High Court as well as the Supreme Court of India. Since then, she has been working with the urban poor protecting and voicing their rights.
Empowering women’s groups
Manorama has been involved in Women’s Voice and mobilised the women at the grass-root levels since the 1980s. She has been consistently urging the Indian Government for pro-poor policies like providing infrastructure and basic amenities to the poorer women who are living in slums. In more than 120 slums, women are now mobilised, trained and capacitated to face the issues on their own and take leadership in their communities as well as in society. Women are also trained to protect their rights against violence, discrimination and deprivation.
Championing the cause of the Dalits
Looking at the deplorable conditions of the Dalits, Manorama felt it is necessary to work with the Human Rights organisations to advance the emancipation of Dalits. She has participated in several struggles against human rights violations, for land rights and for the cause of Dalit women. The Dalit women in the rural areas as well as in the slums suffer unique violence and discrimination. This led Manorama to form a special platform to address their concerns. In 1995, the National Federation of Dalit Women (NFDW) was established as a platform for Dalit women. It allows them to articulate the social ostracism and exclusion, powerlessness and poverty, violence and discrimination, which they daily experience. The work of the NFDW has had effect: Today, the Dalit women are recognised in the movements as leaders, Dalit women are able to organise themselves autonomously and independently, and they now demand a National Perspective Plan to be created for Dalit Women in India.
Working for the rights of unorganised labour
With consistent effort, Manorama has built an organisation for the women workers, unionised them, and struggled to provide minimum wages. She serves as one of the Secretaries of the National Centre for Labour (NCL), which has brought the issues of the informal sector of labour to people’s attention and lobbied for a Comprehensive Welfare Bill and social security measures.
Protecting and promoting human rights internationally
Through her expertise on the International Human Rights Treaties (such as the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women and the Convention to Eliminate Racial Discrimination) Manorama has exposed violence and gender discrimination faced by Dalit women at various platforms including the UN committees. The concerned committees recommended that the Government of India take appropriate and suitable action to eliminate this discrimination.
Manorama has several times held public hearings to monitor human rights violations and demand accountability from the Government. Manorama articulated issues of discrimination against Dalits and Dalit women particularly at the International UN Conferences, e.g. in Beijing and Durban.
Interview with Dr. Ruth Manorama (September 22, 2006)
Q: What is the situation of Dalit Women in today’s India?
A: The situation of Dalit Women in India is unique in nature. Age-old caste discrimination and prejudices operate to keep the Dalit women poor, illiterate, dependent, subjugated, oppressed and victimised. They display the poorest social indicators and dismal social and economic achievements. They lack access to resources such as water, common grazing grounds, roads and playing fields especially in the rural areas. Though they form the backbone of India’s agricultural workforce, growing food for everyone, they lack the means to eat one square meal a day. Their dwellings are always outside the boundaries of the main village. Hence they are always at the mercy of upper caste landlords for getting water, firewood, fodder, employment, mobility and even to purchase basic necessities.
Q: What do you do to help them?
A: The women in the community who are part of the organisation are enabled and capacitated through the training programmes to deal with these issues. The National Federation of Dalit Women continues to organise leadership-training programmes and provides skills in organising and information on legal protection to fight against caste discrimination. They were also given information on how to access socio-economic programmes for their upliftment, many women leaders of The National Federation of Dalit Women organise village, taluk, district level meetings to articulate their problems and seek solutions from governments and building strong networks among themselves.
Q: What were your own experiences with being a Dalit Woman?
A: One is always reminded which social hierarchy you come from – be it at school, university or church. If you are a Dalit, people look down upon you as if you come from a very dirty and polluted background. One cannot escape caste even though you study in the urban cities in English-speaking institutions. Especially when you are at the age of marriage caste determines whom you have to marry; this is part of all Indian women’s lives. When I was grown up I realised how difficult it is to establish myself as a Dalit woman in the women’s movement because the higher caste women (who dominate the women’s movement) tend to think that they are the seat of knowledge and intelligence and they only could provide essence to the feminist discourse. Because of my effort I overthrew this dominance and contributed to the formation of the Dalit feminism.
Q: The discrimination of Dalits is very deeply rooted in Indian society. How can you change these old prejudices? What do you do to make people listen?
A: According to me the caste hierarchy itself is founded by men for appropriation of wealth, status, and opportunities, to subjugate and oppress other human beings. There is no scientific validation in keeping the caste statuesque. This needs to be challenged by educating the people who face discrimination and prejudices in their day-to-day lives. An intensive human rights education for all communities needs to be provided to overcome the old prejudices.
Q: Can the Right Livelihood Award help to further your cause?
A: By awarding me the Right Livelihood Award you will be providing the recognition not only to the set of issues that I am working on, but recognising the rights, dignity and the due socio-economic-political share of the Dalit women who are at the bottom of the social hierarchy in India.
Q: What are your plans for the future?
To build the Dalit Women’s organisation strongly and to establish alliances across other discriminated communities.
Political representation and participation of women, particularly from Dalit communities, in all decision-making bodies to be enhanced.
Developing new and young women leadership.
Ramnarayan Rawat
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ramnarayan Rawat (also spelled Ram Narayan Rawat and Ram Rawat) is a professor at the University of Delaware and a historian of the Indian subcontinent and has also had appointments at the University of Pennsylvania (as a postdoctoral scholar) and University of Washington. He received his B.A. and Ph.D. from the University of Delhi. He has conducted research on the Chamar caste in India, and displayed that their work centered on agriculture and not tanning as previously thought. His work was banned in parts of India for some time due to usage of the word "Chamar."
Ramnarayan S. Rawat
Associate Professor, Department of History, University of Delaware
Ram Rawat is a historian of South Asia with research and teaching interests in colonialism and postcolonialism, racism and social exclusion, and liberalism and democracy. His research centers on Dalits of India and their engagement with nationalism, ethical and social questions of dignity and humiliation, and questions of right and representation. He recently co-edited Dalit Studies published by Duke University Press (2016). His first book, Reconsidering Untouchability (2011) was awarded Joseph Elder book prize awarded (2009) and an ‘Honorable Mention’ Bernard Cohn book prize (2013). He is currently completing a second book, ‘The Dalit Public Sphere: A New History of Indian Democracy,’ which highlights the role of Dalit groups in introducing innovative ideas and practices in the history of Indian democratic thought and practice. A major objective of his research is to bring rich vernacular Dalit histories into conversation with mainstream academic knowledge production to interrogate dominant assumptions about history and politics.
Masala’ as Method: Dalit Household Archives and the Ordinary Lives of Historical Sources
In my fieldwork over the last twenty years, Dalit (former “untouchable”) activists have repeatedly referred to their household collections of Hindi language sources, chap-books, pamphlets, newspapers, and old photographs, as “masala” (मसाला; ingredients) or “material” (English) that would be useful for my research. This “masala”—present in the everyday spaces of Dalit living rooms, glass doored bookcases, and dusty trunks—occupies a vital position within the segregated and stigmatized Dalit neighborhoods in sustaining an ongoing political project to challenge caste hierarchies. My project explores the methodological innovations represented by this recent turn to “masala” in Indian historiography and the quotidian revolution it has enabled by shaping the new field of Dalit Studies and bringing to the forefront the persistence of caste inequality in modern India.
Wolf Humanities Center · School of Arts & Sciences · University of Pennsylvania
619 Williams Hall, 255 South 36th Street · Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 · 215.573.8280
Dalit Studies Paperback – April 29, 2016
by Ramnarayan S. Rawat (Editor), K. Satyanarayana (Editor)
The contributors to this major intervention into Indian historiography trace the strategies through which Dalits have been marginalized as well as the ways Dalit intellectuals and leaders have shaped emancipatory politics in modern India. Moving beyond the anticolonialism/nationalism binary that dominates the study of India, the contributors assess the benefits of colonial modernity and place humiliation, dignity, and spatial exclusion at the center of Indian historiography. Several essays discuss the ways Dalits used the colonial courts and legislature to gain minority rights in the early twentieth century, while others highlight Dalit activism in social and religious spheres. The contributors also examine the struggle of contemporary middle-class Dalits to reconcile their caste and class, intercaste tensions among Sikhs, and the efforts by Dalit writers to challenge dominant constructions of secular and class-based citizenship while emphasizing the ongoing destructiveness of caste identity. In recovering the long history of Dalit struggles against caste violence, exclusion, and discrimination, Dalit Studies outlines a new agenda for the study of India, enabling a significant reconsideration of many of the Indian academy's core assumptions.
Contributors: D. Shyam Babu, Laura Brueck, Sambaiah Gundimeda, Gopal Guru, Rajkumar Hans, Chinnaiah Jangam, Surinder Jodhka, P. Sanal Mohan, Ramnarayan Rawat, K. Satyanarayana
राम पुनियानी
राम पुनियानी
राम पुनियानी जन्म 25 अगस्त 1945) इंडियन इंस्टीट्यूट आफ़ टकनालोजी, बंबई के साथ सम्बन्धित बायोमेडिकल इंजीनियरिंग के एक पूर्व प्रोफ़ैसर और पूर्व सीनियर मेडिकल अफ़सर है। उन्होंने 1973 में अपना मेडिकल कैरियर शुरू किया और 1977 से शुरू करके 27 साल के लिए विभिन्न सामर्थ्य में आईआईटी की सेवा की। विकिपीडिया
जन्म: 25 अगस्त 1945 (आयु 75 वर्ष), भारत
पुरस्कार: इंदिरा गांधी राष्ट्रीय एकता पुरस्कार
Human Rights Activist Ram Puniyani speaks on situation of Muslim
By Minhaj Adnan
Mr.Ram Puniyani, opens up with Siasat.com on the situation Muslims are facing in india and what they should do to overcome them.
राम पुनियानी
राम पुनियानी जन्म 25 अगस्त 1945) इंडियन इंस्टीट्यूट आफ़ टकनालोजी, बंबई के साथ सम्बन्धित बायोमेडिकल इंजीनियरिंग के एक पूर्व प्रोफ़ैसर और पूर्व सीनियर मेडिकल अफ़सर है। उन्होंने 1973 में अपना मेडिकल कैरियर शुरू किया और 1977 से शुरू करके 27 साल के लिए विभिन्न सामर्थ्य में आईआईटी की सेवा की। विकिपीडिया
जन्म: 25 अगस्त 1945 (आयु 75 वर्ष), भारत
पुरस्कार: इंदिरा गांधी राष्ट्रीय एकता पुरस्कार
Human Rights Activist Ram Puniyani speaks on situation of Muslim
By Minhaj Adnan
Mr.Ram Puniyani, opens up with Siasat.com on the situation Muslims are facing in india and what they should do to overcome them.
Riya Singh (@Dalit_Swag)
Riya Singh is a doctoral researcher at Delhi’s Ambedkar University. She works as the Research and Advocacy Officer at Dalit Women Fight, which is India’s largest Dalit women-led collective that wants to “effectively challenge,tackle, and solve caste-based violence and discrimination.” Her work with victims of caste atrocities has been expansive. In a recent article, she pointed out the problem of calling the Hathras victim “another Nirbhaya”, as the media and several protestors have been doing.
Contact Info
Riya’s Profile
During a panel by SheThePeople, Singh emphasised, “I’ve never understood the need of explaining why caste is important in a caste-based crime. Caste is right in front of our eyes… The first thing people ask is what is your name? If you give your first name, they’ll ask you – aage kya hai? (for surname). But Indian society is hesitant about claiming caste pride when it is about bad things.”
Riya Singh
Yes, I am assertive. Assertive of my caste identity. It is not a 'fashion statement' trust me, it takes a lot of courage and training of your own self to be this assertive. You asked me what harm did you do to me. You know what you did, you asked me to let go, not resist , take those casteist comments 'easy' and not make a big issue about it. You know I was reminded of what Ambedkar had said, 'my own people betrayed me'. Yes, you betrayed me, you betrayed yourself and our community by not voicing and by not letting me raise a voice against the casteist behavior of his father. And I refuse to forgive you for this. I am sorry.
I was too happy to go to the hills for a vacation but not much time did it take for me to encounter the reality of life. Reality which I thought would not affect me, that I thought was a myth. I entered a friend's house after a lot of resistance, resistance because going to someone's house means you will be under scrutiny and endless questions about your family and background would be thrown direct at your face, sometimes in a mild, friendly manner and sometimes in an absurd, insulting way. This 'savarn' friend whose house I went to was the son of a retired Army officer. Before even the glass of water could reach me, his father had already got to know my native place, my father's profession and what my siblings were upto in life. And yes, he completely ignored that I had a mother too, about whom he did not bother to inquire. Probably like many others, he too thought that it's not relevant enough to bring my mother's life into the interaction we were having.
As usual, irrespective of his interest I made sure that my mother's contributions are included and acknowledged in the conversation we were having. It wasn't the first time though, but I get amazed by people and their interest of query. I was definitely confused initially on whether I should be taking his words seriously or was he just trying to be more humorous but was soon sure that I was at a wrong place. I just had one sip of water when this man says, okay so you are Riya "Singh", singh...singh...singh, well singh from UP would mean that you must either be a 'Rajput' or may be a 'thakur'. I kept sitting and listened to whatever he had to say. I was amazed by his ability of delivering judgments. I visited this house for the first time. His declaration of me being a rajput or a thakur was bothering me but I had no space to just shout my throat out that Nooo I am a Dalit. Not a Rajput, Not a thakur either. Before I could even reply to this, he jumped on to his next question.
He: So, did your father open some NGO after retirement? Almost all bureaucrats do this these days.
Me: NO. That is so mainstream and a capitalist idea. He now writes.
He: Hahaha, little girl everyone writes. What's new in it.
Me: He is a Dalit and he writes on Dalit issues.
Here the conversation ended. There was a weird silence in the room. Not even a single word did we exchange after my last reply. Probably he understood that all his claims and whatever he had guessed about me and my identity was wrong. I was someone different than what he expected me to be. I wish I should have resisted more strongly to my denial of not going to his house, but after-all it was a 'friend's place'. I believe that no one would feel unsafe at a friend's house, right? NO, these 'friends' are no different. They are a part of our casteist society who intentionally or unintentionally inherit casteist attitudes which they might not even recognize, and for sure, their behavior might not cause you any 'big harm' but will definitely cause you hurt, hurt that can remain within an individual for years. I am sure many people like me would experience sudden panic and anxiety when we are invited to someone's house. Going to someone's house means preparing yourself for hours to deal with painful things you will come back with. This process is difficult, painful and full of anxiety. It isn't easy, It's hard. Very hard. Does this mean I should stop going to other people's houses and confine myself to the 'safe spaces'. I don't know.
And where are these safe places? When I stood up to leave after a ten minute silence I had realized that this man could stand my presence inside his house only because I was the daughter of a 'Dalit' man who has served the Indian 'bureaucracy'. Otherwise such people will not even bother to offer you a glass of water. In all of this, my friend (T) who had accompanied me to this guy's house did not utter a single word. Rather my friend insisted I visit his house before we leave for Delhi. This time I had an option to offer. I told T to go and say goodbye to this friend but I chose to stay downstairs and wait. This made T very upset. T could not even realize why I had so much anger against going to that house again. T who is also a lower caste failed to extend support to my views. Leave aside the views, T could not even see anything wrong in what happened that day. Instead T told me not to overreact and said all parents are like that. Take it easy. I literally had to yell to get my point across that I will not enter that house. I did agree last time but not again. I told T that I will tell this to this friend that his father is very judgmental and I did not really like how he questioned me. T asked me not to do so. And I should just let go. I kept quiet and wept. Wept because I felt so so anxious and I had no other way to vent it out. I felt caged. It was even more suffocating. I held all my emotions within and kept quiet.
I wonder when people say that they are anti-caste, what do they mean by that. How would they be against caste when they can't even raise a voice against a casteist comment made by a friend. When they are not even ready to confront their good friends, not willing or I may say not courageous enough to take a stand against such behavior of their own friends and family. I am sorry, but you know if you don't even have the courage to open your mouth in front of your friends and family then one should not pretend to be 'so anti-caste' and demand social justice. You are one of those who somehow want to do nothing to annihilate caste , rather keep yourself on the safe side, not raise your voice, let things happen so that you may have peace with all other people irrespective of how casteist they are. You would point your finger at the outside world and call them casteist but not confront your own people. How convenient is that. Throughout the journey back to Delhi I had all this rush in my head with some headache and a feeling of something stuck in my throat.
In all of this, whatever happened to me I was wondering how did my 'class' help me in any way to escape from discrimination. Being surrounded by intellectuals and academicians I am often tagged as 'an upper class dalit', or 'not a real dalit', 'not-dalit-enough'. I do not fit into their image of who a dalit is. My identity, my knowledge and my access to all those places which were exclusively meant for them challenges their idea of who a real dalit is. And in that image they can not fit me and thus they add 'upper class' before dalit and they only recognize me with this tag. How did my 'class' help me to escape the new forms of casteism that the savarnas are using? How did my identity of being a so called 'upper class dalit woman' help me in any way? You know all it did was that it gave me little more strength and power to RESIST.
R. S. Subbalakshmi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
R.S.Subbalakshmi
Born 18 August 1886
Mylapore, Madras, India
Died 20 December 1969 (aged 83)
Education Botany
Alma mater Presidency College, Madras
Occupation Social reformer, educationist, Member of Madras Legislative Council, Madras Presidency
Movement Rehabilitation of child widows through education
Awards Kaiser-i-Hind award, Padma Shree award
Sister R. S. Subbalakshmi (sometimes spelled Subbulakshmi or Subhalakshmi) (18 August 1886 – 20 December 1969), was a social reformer and educationist in India.
Early life and education
Subbalakshmi was born at the remote Thanjavur village of Rishiyur, the other view was Mylapore in Madras as the first daughter of Visalakshi and R. V. Subramania Iyer (a civil engineer. Her father, R.V. Subramania Iyer was employed in the Public Works Department of the Madras Presidency),. They belonged to an orthodox Tamil Brahmin family from the Thanjavur district. Subbalakshmi was ranked first in the public examination in the Chingleput District, for the fourth standard of the Madras Presidency at the age of nine. She was married while very young, as was customary, but her husband died soon after. In April 1911, she became the first Hindu woman to graduate from the Madras Presidency and she did this with First Class Honors from Presidency College, Madras.
Work
Young Subbalakshmi
In 1912, she founded the Sarada Ladies Union to provide a meeting ground and platform for housewives and other ladies to promote consciousness among them regarding social problems and to encourage them to educate themselves and the Sarada Illam or Widow's Home, which rehabilitated and educated child widows in Madras. Later, in 1921 or 1927, she established the Sarada Vidyalaya under the aegis of the Sarada Ladies Union. In 1922 she inaugurated the Lady Willingdon Training College and Practice School and was its first principal. She also established the Srividya Kalanilayam, a school for adult women at Mylapore in 1942, and while she was the president of the Mylapore Ladies Club, she formed the Mylapore Ladies Club School Society, in 1956, which was then renamed as the Vidya Mandir School, in Mylapore. In addition, she was involved in setting up a social welfare center for women and children in Madambakkam village. near Tambaram, in 1954.
Awards and recognition
The government of the British Raj honoured her with the Kaisar-i-Hind Gold Medal for Public Service in 1920, and in 1958, after independence of India, the Indian Government awarded her the Padma Shri.
Political career
While she was in government service as Headmistress of the Lady Willingdon Training College and Superintendent of the Ice House Hostel, Subbalakshmi was prohibited from joining the Women's Indian Association. To keep her school running Subbalakshmi compromised on her beliefs and efforts against child marriage. Nevertheless, using her fluency in Tamil, she made efforts to abolish child marriage and to encourage education of girls. The historic, first conference, of the then newly established All India Women's Conference, called the "All India Women's Conference on Educational Reform", was held at the Fergusson College, Poona in January 1927. Subbalakshmi was one of the fifty eight prominent delegates attending this meeting. She actively supported the Child Marriage Restraint Act, passed in 1930, and appeared before the Joshi committee which formulated the Act instrumental in raising the marriageable age of girls to fourteen and boys to sixteen. After retirement, she was involved in the activities of the Women's Indian Association, through which she befriended Annie Besant and others. She served as a nominated member of the Madras Legislative Council from 1952 to 1956.
Death
Subbulakshmi died on 20 December 1969 on an Ekadashi Day.
Rajni Tilak
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Rajni Tilak with her translated work of Savitribai Phule's poems at Savitribai Phule Pune University in 2017, where she also received the Lifetime Achievement Award at the Dalit Women Speak Out Conference.
Rajni Tilak (27 May 1958 – 30 March 2018) was one of the most prominent Indian Dalit rights activists and a leading voice of Dalit feminism and writing. She served as the Executive Director of the Centre for Alternative Dalit Media, co-founded the National Association of Dalit Organisations, and served as President of the Dalit Lekhak Sangh (Dalit Writers' Group).
Early life
Tilak was born in Old Delhi, India on 27 May 1958 in a family with limited means. Her father was a tailor whose ancestors had migrated to Delhi from the state of Uttar Pradesh. Being the first of seven children, she had to give up on her aspiration of becoming a nurse due to lack of financial support and took up a job to aid her family. She had an early interest in writing, expressed by writing a poem called “Ka Se Kahu Dukh Apna” as her first poem. After completing her higher education in 1975, she joined ITI (Industrial Training Institute) for vocational courses like stenography, cutting and tailoring.
Activism and career
While in college at ITI in Delhi, she organised a union for girls protesting the gender based discrimination faced by them. She found her strength as a leader, merging this group with the Progressive Students' Union (PSU). She later split from them citing ideological and political differences. She also went on to organise a 4000-strong organisation of anganwadi workers, to address demands of regularization of pay scale.[ Over the years Tilak became involved in Dalit activism and also made her mark by also challenging patriarchy within the caste dimension. She organised agitations over the Mathura rape case in 1972 all over Delhi and became associated with Saheli, an autonomous women's group. There onward she began working on issues of health, sanitation, counselling for family planning, rape, molestation, etc.
In the 1980s, Tilak started a union with Bharthiya Dalit Panthers in Delhi. They opened a Dalit theatre group called Ahahwan and started a students' awareness programme by establishing a youth study circle.
She was associated with multiple organisations, such as NACDAOR (National Confederation of Dalit and Adivasi Organizations), CADAM (Center for Alternative Dalit Media), NFDW (National Federation of Dalit Women), Rashtriya Dalit Mahila Andolan (RDMA), and many more.
In 2011, the Bollywood film Aarakshan (directed by Prakash Jha) caused controversy, as the director was alleged to have insulted Dalits. Tilak was asked to view the film before its release. In 2012, she was part of a coalition of Dalit and non-Dalit writers, scholars, and activists who petitioned the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) to correctly represent the role of Dalit leader Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in school textbooks.
Literary work
Bharat Ki Pehli Shikshika - Savitribai Phule (1998)
Padchaap (2000) - volume of poetry
Buddha Ne Ghar Kyon Chhoda (2005)
Samkalin Bharthiya Dalit Mahila Lekhan Vol. 1 (2011) - compiled and edited anthology of Dalit women writing
Samkalin Bharthiya Dalit Mahila Lekhan Vol. 2 (2015)
Hawa se Bechain Yuvtiyan (2015) - volume of poetry
Dalit Stree Vimarsh Avum Patrakarita (2016)
Samkalin Bharthiya Dalit Mahila Lekhan Vol. 3 (2017)
Savitribai Phule Rachna Samagra (2017) - compiled and translated works of Dalit activist Savitribai Phule
Apni Zameen Apna Aasman (2017) - autobiography
Dr. Ambedkar Aur Stree Chintan Ke Dastavez (2018) - compiled and edited
Awards
Outstanding Woman Achievers Award by National Commission for Women (2013)
Lifetime Achievement Award at the Dalit Women Speak Out Conference (2017)
Death
Tilak died on 30 March 2018 at the age of 60 at St Stephen's Hospital, Delhi. She had been taken to the hospital for treatment for an illness of the spine. She is survived by her daughter, writer, actor and activist Jyotsna Siddharth.
Her death was mourned by several scholars and activists. Condolence meetings were held around the country and tributes were paid on social media websites including by her friend Kavita Srivastava, leader of People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL).
Ramesh Gaichor
Gaichor and Gorkhe said that this is an intentional tactic of the NIA to prove that the Elgar Parishad event was a Maoist event. “They are forcing us to confess to things we have never been involved in and would late use it against everyone arrested in the case and declare the entire Elgar Parishad event as a Maoist event,” they said in the video.
Both of them were among the 23 persons booked in the Elgaar Parishad case by the Pune City Police under the anti-terrorism law, the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act. They are facing charges of participating in a Maoist conspiracy to overthrow the government and assassinate the prime minister. The NIA took over the investigation in the case earlier this year.
On Monday, the National Investigations Agency issued summons to academics and a journalist from Hyderabad and Kolkata for questioning in connection with the investigation. Among those summoned were Dalit scholar and activist Satyanarayana, journalist KV Kurmanath and Partho Sarothi Ray, associate professor at the Indian Institute of Science Education and Research in Kolkata.
Apart from Babu, Gaichor and Gorkhe, activists Sudhir Dhawale, Shoma Sen, Mahesh Raut, Rona Wilson, Surendra Gadling, Varavara Rao, Sudha Bharadwaj, Arun Ferreira, Vernon Gonsalves, Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha have been arrested in the Bhima Koregaon case. Except Teltumbde and Navlakha, the others were arrested by Pune Police in June and August 2018 in connection with the violence.
Several rights organisations have criticised the government’s actions in the Elgar Parishad-Bhima Koregaon investigations as stifling dissent and called it an attempt to criminalise and silence intellectuals in India.
Violence broke out between Dalits and Marathas in the village of Bhima Koregaon near Pune on January 1, 2018. This came a day after an event in Pune called the Elgar Parishad was organised to commemorate the Battle of Bhima Koregaon in 1818 in which the Dalit Mahar soldiers fighting for the British Army defeated the Brahmin Peshwa rulers of the Maratha empire. One person died in violence during a bandh called by Dalit outfits on January 2.
https://scroll.in/latest/972501/elgar-parishad-case-nia-arrests-activists-sagar-gorkhe-ramesh-gaichor
Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Shahu
Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur
Portrait of Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur(1912)
Raja of Kolhapur
Reign 1894–1922
Coronation 1894
Predecessor Shivaji VI
Successor Rajaram III
Born July 26, 1874
Gangavali mangaon Raigad
Died May 6, 1922 (aged 47)
Bombay
House Bhonsle
Father Jaisingrao (Aabasaheb) Ghatge
Mother Radhabai
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Shahu
Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur
Portrait of Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur(1912)
Raja of Kolhapur
Reign 1894–1922
Coronation 1894
Predecessor Shivaji VI
Successor Rajaram III
Born July 26, 1874
Gangavali mangaon Raigad
Died May 6, 1922 (aged 47)
Bombay
House Bhonsle
Father Jaisingrao (Aabasaheb) Ghatge
Mother Radhabai
Shahu (also known as Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj or Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj) GCSI GCIE GCVO(June 26, 1874 – May 6, 1922) of the Bhosle dynasty of Marathas was Raja (reign. 1894 – 1900) and Maharaja (1900-1922) of Indian princely state of Kolhapur.Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj also known as Rajarshi Shahu was considered a true democrat and social reformer. First Maharaja of the princely state of Kolhapur, he was an invaluable gem in the history of Maharashtra. Greatly influenced by the contributions of social reformer Jyotiba Phule, Shahu Maharaj was an ideal leader and able ruler who was associated with many progressive and path breaking activities during his rule. From his coronation in 1894 till his demise in 1922, he worked tirelessly for the cause of the lower caste subjects in his state. Primary education to all regardless of caste and creed was one of his most significant priorities.
Maharaja of Kolhapur in 1894
Early life
H.H. Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj seated with palace servants
He was born as Yeshwantrao in the Ghatge Maratha family, of Kagal village of the Kolhapur district as Yeshwantrao Ghatge to Jaisingrao and Radhabai in June 26, 1874. Jaisingrao Ghatge was the village chief, while his mother Radhabhai hailed from the royal family of Mudhol. Young Yeshwantrao lost his mother when he was only three. His education was supervised by his father till he was 10-year-old. In that year, he was adopted by Queen Anandibai, widow of Kingh Shivaji IV, of the princely state of Kolhapur. Although the adoption rules of the time dictated that the child must have Bhosale dynasty blood in his vein, Yeshwantrao’s family background presented a unique case. He completed his formal education at the Rajkumar College, Rajkot and took lessons of administrative affairs from Sir Stuart Fraser, a representative of the Indian Civil Services. He ascended the throne in 1894 after coming of age, prior to which a regency council appointed by the British Government took care of the state affairs. During his accession Yeshwantrao was renamed as Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj.Chhatrapati Shahu was over five feet nine inches in height and displayed a regal and majestic appearance. Wrestling was one of his favourite sports and he patronised the sport throughout his rule. Wrestlers from all over the country would come to his state to participate in wrestling competitions.
He was married to Lakshmibai Khanvilkar, daughter of a nobleman from Baroda in 1891. The couple had four children – two sons and two daughters.
Vedokta controversy
When Brahmin priests of the royal family refused to perform the rites of non-Brahmins in accordance with the Vedic hymns, he took the daring step of removing the priests and appointment a young Maratha as the religious teacher of the non-Brahmins, with the title of Kshatra Jagadguru (the world teacher of the Kshatriyas). This was known as the Vedokta controversy. It brought a hornet's nest about his ears, but he was not the man to retrace his steps in the face of opposition. He soon became the leader of the non-Brahmin movement and united the Marathas under his banner.
Social reform
Group at Residency including the Maharaja of Kolhapur
Chhatrapati Shahu occupied the throne of Kolhapur for 28 years, from 1894 to 1922, and during this period he initiated numerous social reforms in his empireShahu Maharaj is credited with doing much to further the lot of the lower castes and indeed this assessment is warranted. He also ensured suitable employment for students thus educated, thereby creating one of the earliest Affirmative action(50% reservation to weaker sections) programs in history. Many of these measures were effected in the year 1902 on July 26.
He started Shahu Chhatrapati Weaving and Spinning Mill in 1906 to provide employment. Rajaram college was built by Shahu Maharaj and afterwards it was named after him.. His emphasis was on education and his aim was to make education available to masses. He introduced a number of educational programs to promote education among his subjects. He established hostels separately for different ethnicities and religions like Panchals, Devadnya, Nabhik, Shimpi, Dhor-Chambhar communities as well as for Muslims, Jains and Christians. He established the Miss Clarke Boarding School for the socially quarantined segments of the community. He introduced several scholarships for the poor but meritorious students from backward castes. He also initiated a compulsory free primary education for all in his state. He established Vedic Schools that enabled students from all castes and classes to learn the scriptures and propagate Sanskrit education among all. He also started special schools for the village heads or ‘Patils’ to make them into better administrators.
Chhatrapati Sahu was a strong advocate of equality among all strata of the society and refused to give the Brahmins any special status. He removed Brahmins from the post of Royal Religious advisers when they refused to perform religious rites for non-Brahmins. He appointed a young Maratha scholar in the post and bestowed him the title of `Kshatra Jagadguru' (the world teacher of the Kshatriyas). This incident together with the Shahu’s encouragement of the non-Brahmins to read and recite the Vedas led to the Vedokta controversy in Maharashtra. The Vedokta controversy brought a storm of protest from the elite strata of the society; a vicious opposition of the Chhatrapati’s rule. He established the Deccan Rayat Association in Nipani during 1916. The association sought to secure political rights for non-Brahmins and invite their equal participation in politics. Shahuji was influenced by the works of Jyotiba Phule, and he long patronized the Satya Shodhak Samaj, formed by Phule. In his later life, he, however, moved towards the Arya Samaj.
In 1903, he attended the Coronation of King Edward VII and Queen Alexandra, and in May that year he received the honorary degree LL.D. from the University of Cambridge.
Chhatrapati Shahu made great efforts to abolish the concept of caste segregation and untouchability. He introduced (perhaps the first known) reservation system in government jobs for untouchable castes. His Royal Decree ordering his subjects to treat every member of the society as equal and granting the untouchables equal access to public utilities like wells and ponds, as well as establishments like schools and hospitals. He legalised inter-caste marriages and made a lot of efforts for the upliftment of the dalits. He discontinued the hereditary transfer of titles and tenures of revenue collectors (Kulkarni), a caste infamous for exploiting the masses, especially enslavement of the Mahars, a lower caste.
The Chhatrapati also worked towards betterment of the conditions of women in his empire. He established schools to educate the women, and also spoke vociferously on the topic of women education. He introduced a law banning the Devadsi Pratha, the practice of offering girls to God, which essentially led to exploitation of the girls in the hands of the Clergy. He legalised widow remarriages in 1917 and made efforts towards stopping child marriages.
He introduced a number of projects that enabled his subjects to self-sustain in their chosen professions. The Shahu Chhatrapati Spinning and Weaving Mill, dedicated market places, establishment of co-operative societies for farmers were introduced by the Chhatrapati to alleviate his subjects from middle men in trading. He made credits available to farmers looking to buy equipment to modernise agricultural practices and even established the King Edward Agricultural Institute to teach the farmers to increase crop yield and related technologies. He initiated the Radhanagari Dam on February 18, 1907 and the project was completed in 1935. The dam stands testament to Chhatrapati Shahu’s vision towards the welfare of his subjects and made Kolhapur self-sufficient in water.
He was a great patron of art and culture and encouraged artists from music and fine arts. He supported writers and researchers in their endeavours. He installed gymnasiums and wrestling pitches and highlighted the importance of health consciousness among the youth.
His seminal contribution in social, political, educational, agricultural and cultural spheres earned him the title of Rajarshi, which was bestowed upon him by the Kurmi warrior community of Kanpur.
Association with Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar
Chhatrapati was introduced to Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar by artists Dattoba Pawar and Dittoba Dalvi. The King was greatly impressed by the great intellect of young Bhimrao and his revolutionary ideas regarding untouchability. The two met a number of times during 1917-1921 and went over possible ways to abolish the negatives of caste segregation. Together they organised a conference for the betterment of the untouchables during March 21-22, 1920 and Chhatrapati made Dr. Ambedkar the Chairman as he believed that Dr. Ambedkar was the leader who would work for the amelioration of the segregated segments of the society. He even donated Rs. 2,500 to Dr. Ambedkar when he started his newspaper ‘Mooknayak’ on January 31, 1921, and contributed more later for the same cause. Their association lasted till the Chhatrapati’s death in 1922.
Personal life
H.H.Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj sitting amongst crowds watching a wrestling match
In 1891, Shahu married Lakshmibai née Khanvilkar(1880–1945), daughter of a Maratha nobleman from Baroda. They were the parents of four children:
Rajaram III, who succeeded his father as Maharaja of Kolhapur.
Radhabai 'Akkasaheb' Puar, Maharani of Dewas (senior)(1894–1973) who married Raja Tukojirao III of Dewas(Senior) and had issue:
Vikramsinhrao Puar, who became Maharaja of Dewas(Senior) in 1937 and who later succeeded to the throne of Kolhapur as Shahaji II.
Sriman Maharajkumar Shivaji(1899–1918)
Shrimati Rajkumari Aubai(1895); died young
Death
The great social reformer Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj died on May 6, 1922. He was succeeded by his eldest son Rajaram III as the Maharaja of Kolhapur. It was unfortunate that the reforms initiated by Chhatrapati Shahu gradually began to cease and fade for the lack of able leadership to carry on the legacy.
Full name and titles
His full official name was: Colonel His Highness Kshatriya-Kulawatasana Sinhasanadhishwar, Shrimant Rajarshi Sir Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj Sahib Bahadur, GCSI, GCIE, GCVO.
During his life he acquired the following titles and honorific names:
1874–1884: Meherban Shrimant Yeshwantrao Sarjerao Ghatge
1884–1895: His Highness Kshatriya-Kulawatasana Sinhasanadhishwar, Shrimant Rajarshi Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj Sahib Bahadur, Raja of Kolhapur
1895–1900: His Highness Kshatriya-Kulawatasana Sinhasanadhishwar, Shrimant Rajarshi Sir Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj Sahib Bahadur, Raja of Kolhapur, GCSI
1900–1903: His Highness Kshatriya-Kulawatasana Sinhasanadhishwar, Shrimant Rajarshi Sir Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj Sahib Bahadur, Maharaja of Kolhapur, GCSI
1903–1911: His Highness Kshatriya-Kulawatasana Sinhasanadhishwar, Shrimant Rajarshi Sir Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj Sahib Bahadur, Maharaja of Kolhapur, GCSI, GCVO
1911–1915: His Highness Kshatriya-Kulawatasana Sinhasanadhishwar, Shrimant Rajarshi Sir Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj Sahib Bahadur, Maharaja of Kolhapur, GCSI, GCIE, GCVO
1915–1922: Colonel His Highness Kshatriya-Kulawatasana Sinhasanadhishwar, Shrimant Rajarshi Sir Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj Sahib Bahadur, Maharaja of Kolhapur, GCSI, GCIE, GCVO
Honours
Knight Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order(GCVO), 1903
Hon. LLD(Cantabrigian), 1903
Delhi Durbar Gold Medal, 1903
Delhi Durbar Gold Medal, 1911
President of India unveils the statue of Rajarshi Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj 28-December-2013 at Pune
Radhika Vemula
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Radhika Vemula
Born
Hyderabad, India
Occupation Activist
Children Rohith, Raja, and Nileema
Radhika Vemula is an Indian activist for Dalit rights and against caste based discrimination.
She continues the work started by her son, Rohith Vemula (leader of Ambedkar Students' Association), who committed suicide in the University of Hyderabad in 2016 - an incident which sparked outrage across India and gained widespread media attention as a case of Dalit discrimination in Indian universities. During the protest at the University of Hyderabad, police had arrested Radhika Vemula and other students on the first death anniversary of her son. She is seeking to end caste discrimination in universities and other higher education institutions.
Family
Radhika Vemula mothered three children. Her older son Rohith, a younger son Raja, and her daughter Nileema
Conversion to Buddhism
On 14 April 2016, on Ambedkar Jayanti, Radhika Vemula, and her son Raja converted to Buddhism in Mumbai, Maharashtra.Radhika Vemula is an activist against caste-based discrimination. She continues the work started by her son, Rohith Vemula, who died by suicide at the University of Hyderabad in 2016 after being subjected to institutional casteist discrimination. She is seeking to end caste discrimination in universities and other higher education institutions.
Ravali Medari
‘People are intolerant towards Dalits speaking up,’ says Ravali Medari, a student activist at the University of Hyderabad.This article is the second in a three-part feature on millennials engaged in different types of work. Read part one and part three.
Ravali Medari has come a long way. Once a softly spoken teenager, whose elder brother had to fill out her university application form on her behalf, she is now a fierce and charismatic student activist. ‘I was not this Ravali when I first came here three years ago,’ she says.
University in India is hard work, with levels of studying, competition and stress that prove overwhelming for many students. 22-year-old Ravali has balanced these while at the same time fomenting a revolution; over the past two years, the University of Hyderabad, where she is pursuing a Master’s degree in anthropology, has become a crucible of student revolt.
The university hogged national headlines for several months after the death of Rohith Vemula, a young Dalit PhD student who took his own life on 17 January 2016. Rohith’s suicide provoked a backlash all over India, opening raw wounds concerning freedom of expression, state repression, and caste hegemony.
He and four other Dalit students had dared to speak up against rightwing Hindu extremism. In response, the university administration suspended the students, evicted them from their accommodation and stopped Vemula’s monthly stipend.
Dalits form the lowest rung of the Indian caste system and face discrimination in all areas of life. In many ways, the university’s treatment of Rohith and his comrades resembled the caste ritual of excommunication. As an act of public shaming, it was meant to crush their spirit and strike at the core of their identity.
Ravali – who is also a Dalit – remembers the events vividly. The heartbreaking and radical suicide note left behind by Vemula, which was reproduced in newspapers across the country, led to her political awakening. ‘I think that the message of Rohith was that we should speak up for ourselves,’ she says. ‘It was a letter for his right to live.’
Ravali was at the heart of the protests which put the university into lockdown, with police and armed paramilitaries deployed on the sprawling, green campus. A star singer and performer in a progressive theatre group, her fiery speeches made her stand out.
‘People are intolerant towards Dalits speaking up,’ Ravali says, recalling the days of tumult on campus. ‘The institution was intolerant. With all that police presence on the campus, yes, they were trying to intimidate us. But that’s because they are scared of us. That’s why they try to curb our rights.’
Initially she was vice-president of the Marxist group Students’ Federation of India at the university, but the underlying caste aspect of the struggle led her to join the Ambedkar Students Association to which Rohith Vemula belonged – named after the revolutionary Dalit leader from the era of Indian independence.
Under an image on a calendar of Dr Ambedkar, the only decoration that graces the bare walls of her student room, I ask Ravali how she balances activism with academia. Like most students at university in India, her course load is heavy; I had to wait for over a fortnight until she could manage to fit in the time for this interview. She brushes off the question.
‘Sometimes I read a lot, staying inside my room,’ she says. ‘When I go out and meet people, we end up talking for hours. Each of my friends on the campus is associated with some student organization or the other, so we always have lots to discuss.’
Whoever came up with the stereotype about millennials being selfish has not met Ravali. There seems to be no line between where her education ends and her efforts at changing the world begin.
‘All this politics, listening to debates, helps me with my studies, helps me understand the world around me,’ she says.
Ravali knows the barriers erected against Dalit communities in rural India. Her family live in a small town called Manthani in Karimnagar district, which is about six hours by car from Hyderabad. Ravali says that despite the thousands of children, there are only three high schools that teach in English there, and she had to travel outside town each day to attend an English-speaking missionary school.
The ability to speak English in a rapidly globalizing India is important, but access to English-language schools is often determined, in practice, by caste and class.
‘I have seen a few of my fellow [Dalit] students who struggle with English leave the university, feeling alienated,’ she says. ‘It is inevitable that they develop a complex. But I think it is important that we stay on and show that we are not inferior.’
We discuss the rat race for university places that seems to dominate the concerns of young Indians. Her analysis is astute: ‘The competitiveness is created by the market. Universities work like markets themselves, on a first-come, first-served basis. They tend to look at an elite family where the third-generation is entering higher education as equal to someone who is the first from their family to do so – using the individualistic politics of merit to justify this.’
Ravali reveals that she has a PhD on the horizon, but not for a while. ‘I need a break,’ she says, before adding, ‘but I’ve already selected my topic of research: protest music.’
On her plans for the near future, there is nothing definite. ‘I will be doing what I’m doing now,’ she says. ‘Countering caste and capitalism, both.’
Meena Kandasamy is a Chennai-born poet, activist and writer based in London. Her latest novel is When I Hit You: Or, The Portrait of the Writer As A Young Wife (Atlantic Books, UK).
Ramya Haridas
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ramya Haridas
for Alathur
Assumed office
23 May 2019
Preceded by P.K. Biju
Personal details
Born 11 January 1986
Nationality Indian
Political party Indian National Congress (INC)
Parents P.Haridas, Radha
Profession Politician, Social worker
Ramya Haridas is an Indian politician and social worker, who is serving as Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha (MP) from Alathur, Kerala, since May 2019. She is a member of the Indian National Congress (INC) party in the state of Kerala and the daughter of All India Mahila Congress worker Radha. She is the only female parliamentarian to be elected from the state of Kerala in the elections of 2019. She also created history by becoming the first woman member of Parliament of India being elected from Kerala after 28 years. She is also the second-ever Dalit woman MP to have been elected from Kerala.
Political career
Haridas began her political career in 2011 when she was shortlisted in a talent hunt programme conducted by Indian National Congress under the leadership of Rahul Gandhi. She also received personal mentorship from Rahul Gandhi.
Her mother, Radha's affiliation with Kerala Mahila Congress that lead Ramya's involvement in electoral politics. She started off as being a member of the Kerala Students Union and later joined the Youth Congress. She was also associated with land rights struggles through her involvement with Ekta parishad, a people's movement working for social and land reforms related issues across the country.
Elections 2019
When her candidature for 2019 elections was announced, she was serving as the Block Panchayat President for Kunnamangalam, Kozhikode district. She was the only Lok Sabha candidate from Kerala handpicked by Congress President Rahul Gandhi.
In the 2019 Indian general election to parliament, she won from Alathur (Lok Sabha constituency) with a margin of 1,58,968 votes against the Communist Party of India (Marxist)candidate P. K. Biju.
Amongst the 2019 cohort of ministers, Haridas happens to be one of the least wealthy politicians- her total assets valuing just Rs 22,816.
Haridas also resorted to a crowdfunding campaign to raise money for her election expenses. It was a huge success as it raised more than Rs 10 lakhs. John Samuel, a former director of United Nations Development Programme, and also someone who was involved in raising funds for Kerala Floods Relief spearheaded her fundraising campaign that was called' Ramya Haridas Challenge Fund. Shashi Tharoor also shared her campaign appeal on his Facebook page. During her election campaign in Alathur, Haridas claims she had only three sets of dresses. By the end of her campaign, she had 56 of them, all donated by her supporters.
Haridas is also a singer and she used her talent to attract voters during her election campaign. Several voters would flock to hear her sing during her campaign.
She also lodged a complaint with the police against Communist party of India (Marxist) politician A Vijayaraghavan for making a sexually loaded remark about her.
Personal life
Ramya Haridas hails from a very humble background with her father being a daily wage labourer and her mother, a tailor. She stays in a house allotted under the erstwhile Indira Awas Yojana, a housing programme introduced by the Rajiv Gandhi government.
She has finished her tenth standard along with diploma courses in early childhood education and fashion design.
Rani Rashmoni
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Rashmoni Das
Rani Rashmoni statue at the Esplanade, Kolkata
Born 28 September 1793
Kona village, in present-day Halisahar, North 24 Parganas, Bengal Presidency, British India
Died 19 February 1861 (aged 67)
Kolkata, India
Nationality Indian
Other names Rani Rashmoni, Lokmata
Occupation Social activist, Businessperson, Zamindar
Known for Founder of Dakshineshwar Kali Temple, Kolkata
Spouse(s) Babu Rajachandra Das (Marh)
Children Padmamoni Das, Kumari Chowdhury, Karunamoyee Biswas, Jagadamba Biswas.
Rashmoni Das popularly known as Rani Rashmoni (28 September 1793 – 19 February 1861) was an Indian businesswoman, Zamindar, philanthropist and the founder of the Dakshineswar Kali Temple, Kolkata and remained closely associated with Sri Ramakrishna Paramhansa after she appointed him as the priest of the temple. Her other construction works include the construction of a road from Subarnarekha River to Puri for the pilgrims, Babughat (also known as Babu Rajchandra Das Ghat), Ahiritola Ghat and Nimtala ghat for the everyday bathers at the Ganges. She also offered considerable charity to the Imperial Library (now the National Library of India), the Hindu College (now Presidency University).
Presently, the Lokmata Rani Rashmoni Mission is situated at Nimpith, South 24 Parganas, West Bengal, 743338, India.
Biography
Rashmoni was born on 28 September 1793. Her father, Harekrishna Das, lived in Kona village, in present-day Halisahar, North 24 Parganas. Her mother Rampriya devi died when she was just seven years old. She was married to Babu Rajachandra Das (Marh) of Janbazar, Kolkata, a member of a wealthy zamindar family, when she was eleven years old. They had four daughters.
Dakshineswar Kali Temple, built by Rani Rashmoni in 1855
After her husband's death in 1836, Rashmoni assumed responsibility of the zamindari and finances.
The Rani had clashes with the British in India. By blocking the shipping trade on a part of the Ganges she compelled the British to abolish the tax imposed on fishing in the river, which threatened the livelihood of fishermen. When Puja processions were stopped by the British on the charge that they disturbed the peace, she defied the orders. The British withdrew the penalty imposed on her.
The Rani also had to her credit numerous charitable works and other contributions to society. She oversaw the construction of a road from Subarnarekha river to Puri for pilgrims. She funded the construction of ghats such as Babughat (in memory of her husband), Ahiritola Ghat and Nimtala Ghat for the daily bathers in the Ganges. Rahmoni donated to the then Imperial Library (now the National Library of India) and Hindu College (now Presidency University). Prince Dwarkanath Tagore had mortgaged a part of his Zamindari in now South 24 Parganas (part of present-day Santoshpur and adjoining areas) to Rashmoni for his passage to England. This part of land which was then a part of the Sunderbans was marshy and almost uninhabitable except for some families of thugs who found the area convenient to stay and venture out for plunders in far away places mounted on stilts. Rashmoni persuaded these families and helped them to build up fisheries in the surrounding water bodies that later turned into large, rich bheris. They gradually gave up their 'profession' of plundering and transformed into a community of fishermen.
Though having such a great spiritual nature, the society then had discriminated her. Being born in Chasi-Kaibartta family and being a middle-caste Shudra origin,[5] no Brahmin was ready to be the priest in her temple. Later, Sri Ramakrishna Paramhansa also served as priest of the temple.
Rani Rashmoni's House at Janbazar was venue of traditional Durga Puja celebration each autumn. This included traditional pomp, including all-night jatras (folk theatre), rather than by entertainment for the Englishmen with whom she carried on a running feud. After her death in 1861, her sons-in-law took to celebrating Durga Puja in their respective premises.
In popular culture
Rani Rashmoni on a 1994 stamp of India
Shrine dedicated to Rani Rashmoni within the precincts of Dakshineswar Kali Temple
Rani Rashmoni has also been subject of a biographical film in Bengali language, titled Rani Rasmani (film) (1955), directed by Kaliprasad Ghosh, and wherein lead played by famous theatre personality and actress Molina Devi.
Zee Bangla features a daily soap depicting the life of the illustrious Rani, Karunamoyee Rani Rashmoni, which premiered on 24 July 2017 and is telecasted daily.
Monuments
An avenue in Esplanade, Kolkata is named after her as Rani Rashmoni Avenue, where her statue is also located.
A road is named after her as Rani Rashmoni Road near her ancestral house at Janbazar, Kolkata.
A road is named after her as Rani Rashmoni Road at Dakshineshwar.
The Department of Post of Government of India issued a postage stamp to memorialize the bicentennial of Rani Rashmoni in 1993
A Ferry Ghat known as Rani Rashmoni Ghat has been built for ferry services in Barrackpore, West Bengal and in Hooghly, West Bengal (just after the Hooghly District Correctional Home)
One of the 5 Fast Patrol Vessels of Indian Coast Guard has been named after Rani Rashmoni. It was commissioned in June 2018 and will be based in Visakhapatnam (indigenously built by Hindustan Shipyard).
Rekha Raj
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Rekha Raj
Born
Rekha Raj
5 May 1978
Occupation Dalit Writer & Activist & Assistant professor
Years active 1990–present
Spouse(s) M. R. Renukumar
Rekha Raj (Malayalam: രേഖ രാജ്; born 5 May 1978) is a Dalit and feminist thinker, social activist and writer. She is one of the pioneers of Dalit feminism in Kerala who started writing on caste and gender issues. She has delivered lectures in institutions like Christ University, University of Hyderabad, Tata Institute of Social Sciences etc., on development, gender, human rights, and Dalit issues. She has worked as a consultant of many organizations in India.
Early life
Raj was born to K P Nalinakshi and S Rajappan on 5 May 1978 in Kottayam, a central district of Kerala. She lives with her husband M. R. Renukumar and son. With a PhD in philosophy under the title "Politics of Gender and Dalit Identity: Representation of Dalit Women in Contemporary Dalit Discourses in Kerala", she currently works as assistant professor at the School of Gandhian Thought and Development Studies in Mahatma Gandhi University. She was a project manager of women's rights at Amnesty International India earlier.
Works
Raj has written a book titled Dalit Sthree Idapedalukal in 2015, which was translated into Tamil in 2017. She was a guest editor of the Sanghaditha magazine special issue on Dalit Women in 2013. She has written many articles both in academic and other magazines including Economic and Political Weekly, Mathrubhumi, Samakalika Malayalam Vaarika, Madhyamam Weekly and many other current periodicals in India. She also writes short stories and screenplays. Her areas of academic interest are extended to gender, development, ethnic, cultural, dalit and subaltern studies.
Awards and honors
2012: Rahna Award from Mochitha Sthree Padana Kendram, Alappuzha.
Raj is an alumnus of international visitors leadership program by United States of America government.
Rattaimalai Srinivasan
Rattaimalai Srinivasan Srinivasan born to Rattaimalai and Ranganayagi in Kozhiyangkulam village at Chengai district, on 7th July 1859. He was called after his father's name as Rattaimalai Srinivasan.'^ He believed that dalits could be liberated only through education. He argued that in schools, tuition fees should not be collected for dalits. After the completion of graduation, he served at Nilgiris as cashier in the Commercial Tax Department. Then he settled in Chennai. He traveled far and wide in Tamil Nadu and came to know the real sufferings of Adi Dravidas.'^ He joined Theosophical Society in 1884, but left soon as the society did not worked for the causes of dalits. In 1891, R. Srinivasan formed the Adi Dravida Saba.
He organised the first conference of the untouchables on 23rd December 1893 and declared his open war on untouchability, caste system and religious myths. He started the magazine 'Parayan' in 1893. Through the paper, he wrote many articles to make awareness among his people. Even before Gandhiji's service of dalits, Rattaimalai started serving dedicatedly for them. He setup the Pariar Maha Saba and worked for their upliftment. He wrote in his autobiography that he started Pariar Saba, because he was totally frustrated out of the activities of Adi Dravida Saba.
Pariar Maha Saba submitted petitions to Viceroy, Governor Lord Elgin and Governor Lord Veniock on behalf of Dalits. Cruelties inflected on them were explained and pleaded to bring redresses for them.'^ In 1904, he left for South Africa. He served as a translator in Natal High Court. At that time Gandhiji served there as a lawyer. They worked together against racial discrimination. He was there in that job up to 1920. After his return to India, he took part in Indian politics from 1921.'^ From 1923 to 1938 he represented the dalits in the assembly. He brought a motion on 25th August 1924 in the assembly that the Dalits should be allowed freely on all common streets, roads, buildings to walk, then to be allowed to draw water from common wells. This was accepted and a government order to this effect was issued in 1925. He knew the importance of education. Therefore he established a forum to dalits which initiated many educational activities. He also organized a Dalit Federation for Chennai province. He was knighted as Rao Sahib in 1926 by British government in honour of his services. In the First Round Table Conference on behalf of Dalits Dr. Ambedkar and Srinivasan took part. In that Conference he told that unless political freedom was given to dalits, untouchability would not die. He also insisted on giving equal power to dalits in the assembly.
In 1930, he was awarded the title Diwan Bahadur. He also took part in the Second Round Table Conference. This time Gandhiji went to represent Congress. He was against separate electorates. Hence there was ideological conflict between Mahatma and Srinivasan.^^ While Rajaji was the Chief Minister for Chennai province, he talked vociferously that Jamin lands should be equally distributed to landless people. Appreciating his boldness, Thiru. Vi. Ka. gave him a title called Dravidamani. Rajaji too participated in that function. On 18th September 1945, he left this earth and entered into heavenly abode. He worked till last tirelessly for dalits.
Ravikumar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
D. Ravikumar
Assumed office
23 May 2019
Preceded by S. Rajendran
Constituency Viluppuram
Personal details
Born 10 June 1961
Manganam Pattu
Education M.A., B.L., PhD
Occupation VCK General Seceratory
D. Ravikumar (born 1961) is an Indian Tamil intellectual, writer, lawyer politician and an anti-caste activist. He was the editor of the magazine, Nirapirikai. Nirapirikai inspired several new writers in the 1990s in Tamil Nadu. He is an Ambedkarite. Ravikumar is the current Member of Parliament in the Lok Sabha from Viluppuram and member of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam.
Ravikumar is the founder of the anti-caste publishing house Navayana, along with S. Anand, and the former president of the People's Education Movement (Makkal Kalvi Eyakkam) and PUCL (Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry).
Ravikumar was elected to the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly from Kattumannarkoil, Cuddalore district, and served from 2006 to 2011. He was instrumental in bringing a new policy to handle EWaste in Tamil Nadu. The Tamil Nadu government started a skill development program and Kalaignar M. Karunanidhi, then Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, created six welfare boards, both at the request of Ravikumar.
In 2010, Ravikumar won the Aringar Anna Award, conferred by the Tamil Nadu State Government. Vikatan Award for Translation ( 2014) Thiranayvu chemmal award for literary criticism (2019) manonmaniam Sundaranar University, Bharathi Award (2019) Vitiyal Trust Chennai. villuppuram MP
Positions held
Syndicate Member, Tamil University
Senate Member, Annamalai University
Member, Enperayam, Central Institute of Classical Tamil
Member, Social Reforms Committee, Tamil Nadu Government
Member, Puthirai Vannar Welfare Board, Tamil Nadu Government
Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha (2019-Incumbent), Vilupuram Loksabha Constituency
Writings
Books
Ravikumar, D. (2009). Venomous touch : notes on caste, culture, and politics. Translated by R. Azhagarasan. Stree-Samya Publications. ISBN 978-8185604763.
Prose
"Kankanippin Arasiyal" (1995) Vidiyal Pathippagam
"Kothippu Uyarndu Varum" (2001) Kalachuvadu
"Kadakka Mudiyatha Nizhal" (2003) Kalachuvadu
"Malcolm X" (2003) Kalachuvadu
"Sonnal Mudiyum" (2007) Vikatan Publication
"Indrum Namadhe" (2008) Vikatan Publication
"Thuyarathin mel patiyum Thuyaram" (2009) Aazhi Publication
"Thamizharay Unarum Tharunam" (2010) Aazhi Publication
"Kaana Mutiyaa Kanavu" (2010) Aazhi Publication
"Bob Marley" (2010) Uyirmai Publication
"Andai Ayal Ulakam" (2010) Uyirmai Publication
"Piravazhip payanam" (2010) Uyirmai Publication
"Katranaiththoorum" (2010) Uyirmai Publication
"Soolakam" (2010) Uyirmai Publication
"Meelum Varalaru" (2010) Ulakath Thamizaraychi niruvanam
"Kumbatchiyilirunthu kodungonmaikku" (2017) Kizhakku Pathipakam
"Kaalathai Thorkaditha Kalaingar" (2017) Manarkeni
Kaanalaay marum kaveri (2018) Manarkeni Ayiram Pookkal Karukattum (2019) Manarkeni
Poetry
"Avizhum Sorkal" (2009) Uyirmai
"Mazhai Maram" (2009) CreA
"Vaanil Vitterintha Kanavu" (2017) Manarkeni
Short Stories
"Kadal Kinaru" (2014) Manarkeni
Translations
Uraiyadal Thodarkiradu (1995) (interviews and articles of philosophers including Michel Foucault, Edward Said) Vidiyal Pathipakam
Choli ke peche (2010) (short stories of women writers including Mahasweta Devi, Ismat Chuktai, Isabelle Allende) Aazhi
Velichamum Thanneer Mathiritan (2003) (short stories of Gabriel Garcia Marquez and others) Dalit Veliyeedu
Athikarathitam Unmaiyaip Pesuthal (2010) (writings of Edward Said) Manarkeni
Varalaru Ennum Kathai (2010) (writings of Eduardo Galeano) Manarkeni
Valasaip Paravai (2010) (poems of Yehuda Amichai, Maya Angelou, Ethelbert Miller, Joy Goswami and others) Manarkeni
Editing
Tamil
Dalit Literature, Politics, Culture (1996)
Dalit Engira Thanitthuvum (1998) Dalit Publication
Iyothee Thaas Panditar Cintanaikal (four volumes) (1999) Dalit Sahitya Academy
Rettaimalai Srinivasan Jeevida Carithira Curukkam (1999) (Autobiography) Dalit Sahitya Academy
Mikai Naadum Kalai (2003) (Essays on cinema) kalachuvadu
Dalit journal
Bodhi journal
Manarkeni journal
English
We, the Condemned (1999) (Against Death Penalty) PUCL, Pondicherry
Ravikumar; Azhagarasan, R., eds. (2012). The Oxford India anthology of Tamil Dalit writing (1st ed.). Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-807938-5. A. S. Panneerselvan wrote of this book in The Indian Express: "The material is of sterling quality ... However, two glaring problems with this anthology the conspicuous exclusion of some of the finest voices and the narrow interpretation of the growth of Dalit literature and politics do a disservice to the stated objectives.
Rao Sahib L.C. Gurusamy
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Rao Saheb L.C. Gurusamy (1885-1966), was an educatior, politician, activist and reformer.
He was born in Arunthathiyar community to Kottappa at Perambur, Tamil Nadu.
He was one of the founding member of 'Adi Dravida Mahajana Sabha' and later founded ‘Arunthathiyar Mahasabha’ in 1920 with H. M. Jaganathan.
He was nominated to Madras Legislative Council till 1920 to 1930 and was made Honorary Magistrate in Labour Court where he serves for 22 years.
He also served as Director of a Madras Co-operative Bank, Senator of Madras University and elected to the Madras Municipal Council.
In 1927, British government conferred him with the title of "Rao Saheb" for his contribution towards depressed classes of Tamil Nadu.
Rosa Parks
Rosa Louise McCauley Parks (1913 – 2005) was an African American civil right’s activist and seamstress whom the U.S. Congress dubbed the “Mother of the Modern-Day Civil Rights Movement”.
Parks is famous for her refusal on 1 December 1955, to obey bus driver James Blake’s demand that she relinquish her seat to a white man. Her subsequent arrest and trial for this act of civil disobedience triggered the Montgomery Bus Boycott, one of the largest and most successful mass movements against racial segregation in history, and launched Martin Luther King, Jr., one of the organisers of the boycott, to the forefront of the civil rights movement. Her role in American history earned her an iconic status in American culture, and her actions have left an enduring legacy for civil rights movements around the world.
Early life Rosa Parks
Rosa Louise McCauley was born in Tuskegee, Alabama, on February 4, 1913. Her ancestors included both Irish-Scottish lineage and also a great grandmother who was a slave. She attended local rural schools, and after the age of 11, the Industrial School for Girls in Montgomery. However, she later had to opt out of school to look after her grandmother.
As a child, Rosa became aware of the segregation which was deeply embedded in Alabama. She experienced deep rooted racism and became conscious of the different opportunities faced by white and black children. She also recalls seeing a Klu Klux Klan march go past her house – where her father stood outside with a shotgun. Due to the Jim Crow laws, most black voters were effectively disenfranchised.
In 1932, she married Raymond Parks, a barber from Montgomery. He was active in the NAACP, and Rosa Parks became a supporter helping with fund-raising and other initiatives. She attended meetings defending the rights of black people and seeking to prevent injustice.
Montgomery Bus Boycott
After a day at work at Montgomery Fair department store, Parks boarded the Cleveland Avenue bus at around 6 p.m., Thursday, 1 December 1955, in downtown Montgomery. She paid her fare and sat in an empty seat in the first row of back seats reserved for blacks in the “colored” section, which was near the middle of the bus and directly behind the ten seats reserved for white passengers. Initially, she had not noticed that the bus driver was the same man, James F. Blake, who had left her in the rain in 1943. As the bus travelled along its regular route, all of the white-only seats in the bus filled up. The bus reached the third stop in front of the Empire Theater, and several white passengers boarded.
In 1900, Montgomery had passed a city ordinance for the purpose of segregating passengers by race. Conductors were given the power to assign seats to accomplish that purpose; however, no passengers would be required to move or give up their seat and stand if the bus was crowded and no other seats were available. Over time and by custom, however, Montgomery bus drivers had adopted the practice of requiring black riders to move whenever there were no white only seats left.
FSo, following standard practice, the bus driver Blake noted that the front of the bus was filled with white passengers and there were two or three men standing. Therefore, he moved the “colored” section sign behind Parks and demanded that four black people give up their seats in the middle section so that the white passengers could sit. Years later, in recalling the events of the day, Parks said,
“When that white driver stepped back toward us, when he waved his hand and ordered us up and out of our seats, I felt a determination cover my body like a quilt on a winter night.”
By Parks’ account, Blake said, “Y’all better make it light on yourselves and let me have those seats.” Three of them complied. Parks said, “The driver wanted us to stand up, the four of us. We didn’t move at the beginning, but he says, ‘Let me have these seats.’ And the other three people moved, but I didn’t.” The black man sitting next to her gave up his seat. Parks moved, but toward the window seat; she did not move to the newly repositioned colored section. Blake then said, “Why don’t you stand up?” Parks responded, “I don’t think I should have to stand up.” Blake called the police to arrest Parks. When recalling the incident for Eyes on the Prize, a 1987 public television series on the Civil Rights Movement, Parks said,
“When he saw me still sitting, he asked if I was going to stand up, and I said, ‘No, I’m not.’ And he said, ‘Well, if you don’t stand up, I’m going to have to call the police and have you arrested.’ I said, ‘You may do that.'”
During a 1956 radio interview with Sydney Rogers in West Oakland, Parks was asked why she decided not to vacate her bus seat. Parks said, “I would have to know for once and for all what rights I had as a human being and a citizen of Montgomery, Alabama.”
She also detailed her motivation in her autobiography, My Story:
“People always say that I didn’t give up my seat because I was tired, but that isn’t true. I was not tired physically, or no more tired than I usually was at the end of a working day. I was not old, although some people have an image of me as being old then. I was forty-two. No, the only tired I was, was tired of giving in.”
When Parks refused to give up her seat, a police officer arrested her. As the officer took her away, she recalled that she asked, “Why do you push us around?” The officer’s response as she remembered it was, “I don’t know, but the law’s the law, and you’re under arrest.” She later said, “I only knew that, as I was being arrested, that it was the very last time that I would ever ride in humiliation of this kind.”
Parks was charged with a violation of Chapter 6, Section 11 segregation law of the Montgomery City code, even though she technically had not taken up a white-only seat — she had been in a colored section. E.D. Nixon and Clifford Durr bailed Parks out of jail the evening of December 1.
That evening, Nixon conferred with Alabama State College professor Jo Ann Robinson about Parks’ case. Robinson, a member of the Women’s Political Council (WPC), stayed up all night mimeographing over 35,000 handbills announcing a bus boycott. The Women’s Political Council was the first group to officially endorse the boycott.
On Sunday 4th December 1955, plans for the Montgomery Bus Boycott were announced at black churches in the area, and a front-page article in The Montgomery Advertiser helped spread the word. At a church rally that night, attendees unanimously agreed to continue the boycott until they were treated with the level of courtesy they expected, until black drivers were hired, and until seating in the middle of the bus was handled on a first-come basis.
Four days later, Parks was tried on charges of disorderly conduct and violating a local ordinance. The trial lasted 30 minutes. Parks was found guilty and fined $10, plus $4 in court costs. Parks appealed her conviction and formally challenged the legality of racial segregation. In a 1992 interview with National Public Radio’s Lynn Neary, Parks recalled:
“I did not want to be mistreated, I did not want to be deprived of a seat that I had paid for. It was just time… there was opportunity for me to take a stand to express the way I felt about being treated in that manner. I had not planned to get arrested. I had plenty to do without having to end up in jail. But when I had to face that decision, I didn’t hesitate to do so because I felt that we had endured that too long. The more we gave in, the more we complied with that kind of treatment, the more oppressive it became. ”
On Monday 5 December 1955, after the success of the one-day boycott, a group of 16 to 18 people gathered at the Mt. Zion AME Zion Church to discuss boycott strategies. The group agreed that a new organisation was needed to lead the boycott effort if it were to continue. Rev. Ralph David Abernathy suggested the name “Montgomery Improvement Association” (MIA). The name was adopted, and the MIA was formed. Its members elected as their president, a relative newcomer to Montgomery, a young and mostly unknown minister of Dexter Avenue Baptist Church, Dr Martin Luther King, Jr.
That Monday night, 50 leaders of the African American community gathered to discuss the proper actions to be taken in response to Parks’ arrest. E.D. Nixon said, “My God, look what segregation has put in my hands!” Parks was the ideal plaintiff for a test case against city and state segregation laws. While the 15-year-old Claudette Colvin, unwed and pregnant, had been deemed unacceptable to be the center of a civil rights mobilization, King stated that, “Mrs Parks, on the other hand, was regarded as one of the finest citizens of Montgomery—not one of the finest Negro citizens, but one of the finest citizens of Montgomery.” Parks was securely married and employed, possessed a quiet and dignified demeanour, and was politically savvy.
The day of Parks’ trial — Monday, December 5, 1955 — the WPC distributed the 35,000 leaflets. The handbill read, “We are…asking every Negro to stay off the buses Monday in protest of the arrest and trial . . . You can afford to stay out of school for one day. If you work, take a cab, or walk. But please, children and grown-ups, don’t ride the bus at all on Monday. Please stay off the buses Monday.”
Rosa Parks on a bus (Dec 1956) after the segregation law was lifted.
It rained that day, but the black community persevered in their boycott. Some rode in carpools, while others travelled in black-operated cabs that charged the same fare as the bus, 10 cents. Most of the remainder of the 40,000 black commuters walked, some as far as 20 miles. In the end, the boycott lasted for 382 days. Dozens of public buses stood idle for months, severely damaging the bus transit company’s finances until the law requiring segregation on public buses was lifted.
Some segregationists retaliated with terrorism. Black churches were burned or dynamited. Martin Luther King’s home was bombed in the early morning hours of January 30, 1956, and E.D. Nixon’s home was also attacked. However, the black community’s bus boycott marked one of the largest and most successful mass movements against racial segregation. It sparked many other protests, and it catapulted King to the forefront of the Civil Rights Movement.
Through her role in sparking the boycott, Rosa Parks played an important part in internationalising the awareness of the plight of African Americans and the civil rights struggle. King wrote in his 1958 book Stride Toward Freedom that Parks’ arrest was the precipitating factor, rather than the cause, of the protest: “The cause lay deep in the record of similar injustices…. Actually, no one can understand the action of Mrs. Parks unless he realizes that eventually the cup of endurance runs over, and the human personality cries out, ‘I can take it no longer.'”
The Montgomery bus boycott was also the inspiration for the bus boycott in the township of Alexandria, Eastern Cape of South Africa which was one of the key events in the radicalization of the black majority of that country under the leadership of the African National Congress.
Rosa Parks after boycott
After the boycott, Rosa Parks became an icon and leading spokesperson of the civil rights movement in the US. Immediately after the boycott, she lost her job in a department store. For many years she worked as a seamstress.
In 1965, she was hired by African-American U.S. Representative John Conyers. She worked as his secretary until her retirement in 1988. Conyers remarked of Rosa Parks.
“You treated her with deference because she was so quiet, so serene — just a very special person.” [CNN,2004]
Awards
Some of the awards Rosa Parks received.
She was selected to be one of the people to meet Nelson Mandela on his release from prison in 1994.
In 1996, she was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom from President Bill Clinton
In 1997, she was awarded the Congressional Gold Medal – the highest award of Congress.
Death and funeral
Rosa Parks resided in Detroit until she died at the age of ninety-two on October 24, 2005.
Citation: Pettinger, Tejvan. “Rosa Parks Biography”, Oxford, UK. www.biographyonline.net. Published 11th Feb 2012. Last updated 13th Feb 2017.
Rosa Parks books
The Rebellious Life of Mrs Rosa Parks at Amazon
Rohidas Singh Nag
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Rohidas Singh Nag
Born 5 February 1934
Chandua, Mayurbhanj, Odisha, India
Died 30 December 2012 (aged 78)
Salbani, Mayurbhanj, Odisha
Occupation Writer
Nationality Indian
Subject Linguistic
Rohidas Singh Nag was the inventor of the Mundari Bani script, which is used to write the Mundari language.
History
Rohidas Singh Nag of Salbani Village in Mayurbhanj district is the inventor of Munda script Mundari bani. Rohidas Singh Nag was born on 5.2.1934 in Salbani village, Mayurbhanj district of Odisha. It was in the year 1949 Rohidas Singh Nag studying at class –III invented Mundari script and wrote the alphabets on the wall of school with the help of clay. In the year 1953, Nag was a student of class –VIII invented 35 alphabets of Mundari script. Further, Nag simplified Mundari script and in the year 1980 total 27 alphabets were selected for use. In 1980 Rohidas Singh Nag brought to the knowledge of the then Chief Minister of Odisha Shri J.B. Pattnaik on the development of Mundari script and submitted a memorandum to recognize Munda language constitutionally. In 1999 Rohidas Singh Nag with others submitted a memorandum to the then president of India and appealed for constitutional recognition of Munda language.
Raju Kamble
Raju Kamble breathed his last at 2.10 am in Vancouver, Canada. His death is a great loss to the Ambedkarite movement. When the international reach of Ambedkarites was limited only to a few immigrants from Punjab to the western hemisphere, it was Raju Bhau, as we fondly called him, who spanned North America, Europe, Middle East, and South East Asia to build what is now known as Ambedkar International Mission (AIM). His grasp of the philosophy of Babasaheb Ambedkar was firm and clear. He came from a humble background like most of us, but he rose to great heights in both professional and social fields.
In his early days when he was working in New Delhi, Raju Bhau was so devoted to the mission of Babasaheb Ambedkar that he worked tirelessly for the incipient BAMCEF. He was known in Delhi circles as “BAMCEF Kamble”. Such was his devotion. Though he was a top class engineer, he never forgot ground level activism. In fact, his efforts were always directed towards the people on the ground.
As soon as Bhau moved to Malaysia to work in the gas sector, he started developing contacts with the Dalits in Malaysia. It was he who found the Tamil speaking Dalit politicians in Malaysia and with his network and resources organised the First World Conference of Dalits in Malaysia. The conference brought stalwarts from the Ambedkarite movement on one platform. He continued to work to develop networks in South East Asia. When he moved to the Middle East, he developed a network of Ambedkarites in the middle East. His strategy of mobilisation was unique: he networked not only with the rich technical people, but also mobilised the labourers working in the Middle East. It is to his great credit that we see a thriving network of Ambedkarites in all the countries of GCC.
Later on, he moved to the USA and then to Canada. This was perhaps a very important phase for him to develop the networks of Ambedkarites in North America. He meticulously networked Dalits from many different states in India, but he also brought many non-Indian sympathisers of Dalit movement together through celebration of Ambedkar Jayanti, and arranging international conferences and seminars to build the voice of Ambedkarites and the network.
The present development of the Ambedkar International Mission (AIM) owes a lot to the indefatigable efforts of Raju Bhau.
Raju Bhau was a very near and dear friend to many. He was a brother to me. I first came to meet him in New Delhi and went to IITD several times where he regularly met the students and listened to their problems. One of the remarkable contributions that Raju Bhau made was distributing the Writings and Speeches of Babasaheb Ambedkar to individuals and institutions. He was ever ready to send the blue volumes, the “revolutionary literature”, all over the world. While he visited students, he always gave them the books of Babasaheb Ambedkar purchased with his own money.
When I went to the USA to network, he was there to help. I cannot forget the time I spent with Bhau in California. He was instrumental in arranging Ambedkar Jayanti in Fremont and he came from Texas carrying all the material including the life size photo of Babasaheb Ambedkar. After the program was over, we stayed in the San Francisco Buddhist Centre. In course of our late night discussion, Bhau showed me the account that he maintained to help the movement. He was spending a lot of his personal money on social mobilisation.
Bhau arranged a very remarkable Buddhist conference in Nagpur where he brought people from all over the world. He was a visionary. he realised the importance of spreading the Ambedkarite movement out of India so that it wins friends all over.
His untimely death is a great loss to all of us and the movement for dignity and self respect. Bhau will continue to inspire us with his dedication and commitment. With a sad heart, I pay homage to this great visionary Ambedkarite with our battle cry, Jai Bhim, Bhau!
Author – Mangesh Dahiwale, Human Rights Activist
Raksha Ram Chamar
And the International Darnal Award for Social Justice
08/16/2016 ET
Niranjan Kunwar, Contributor
Writer and Educator
The first recipient of the International Darnal Award for Social Justice is a 28-year-old educator, journalist and legal advocate Raksha Ram Chamar (Harijan) who was born into a family of highly marginalized Madhesi Dalit tenant farmers in a village in Nepal’s Kapilvastu district. The inaugural award ceremony was jointly organized by the Sarita Pariyar Trust Fund and Jagaran Media Center in Kathmandu’s City Hall on August 15, marking the five-year death anniversary of Dalit activist Suvash Darnal.
DARNAL AWARD FOR SOCIAL JUSTICERaksha Ram Chamar presenting acceptance remarks at the award ceremony.Below: A portrait of Suvash Darnal
Chamar opened his acceptance remarks by dedicating the award to the oppressed Dalit community and acknowledging Suvash Darnal, whom he referred to as “a warrior of Dalit revolution”. He thanked his parents as well as the legal advocate and chairperson of the Terai Human Rights Defenders (THRD) Dipendra Jha for encouraging and supporting him in his fight against social injustice in Nepal. At the end of his concise and potent speech, Chamar reiterated his commitment to work in the legal field to help the oppressed and said that the award has made him more responsible. “Legal means is the only way to fight against structures that perpetuate social inequality,” he added.
After completing tenth grade, Chamar moved to Sakhatpur, an Indian town across the border, to complete high school, paying sixty rupees per month for lodgings. Towards the end of twelfth grade, he worked on the street to gather funds that he needed to pay for his marksheet. Despite overwhelming odds, Chamar’s educational pursuit was relentless. He worked as a road construction worker and a temporary policeman during elections to pay for college. Now he holds a bachelors and masters degree in education and is currently pursuing a degree in law. While studying, he also managed to establish a school in his village community with the help of local leaders so that marginalized families did not have to leave in search of affordable education for their children.
Later, Chamar worked as a reporter for a paper in Kapilvastu and became the editor of a weekly newspaper, Pradeshik Samachar, which aimed to raise awareness about the Dalit situation and agenda. By this time, Chamar had become determined to combat severe social injustice and political barriers that are prevalent across Nepali society and systems. He volunteered as a human rights worker at Mahuri Home, a human rights organization in the Tarai. In 2012, he came to Kathmandu to work for the Tarai Human Rights Defenders alliance. Since then, Chamar has filed numerous writs at the Supreme Court to expand opportunities for the marginalized. In 2015, the Supreme Court ruled in favor on a case Chamar had filed jointly with Rita Shah and Vijay Kant Karna. They had argued that an agreement by the top three political parties to promulgate a constitution leaving details on federalism for future resolution was unconstitutional. The parties were subsequently forced to bring out a constitution that included a map of the federal structure.
DARNAL AWARD FOR SOCIAL JUSTICEAshok Gurung with some of the panelists at City Hall before the August 15 award ceremony.The International Darnal Award for Social Justice was founded in order to honor Suvash Darnal’s short life and continue the work he had started. Born in 1980 in a small Palpa village, Darnal rose to prominence because of his tireless and passionate efforts to ensure justice and dignity for the Dalits of Nepal. He founded Jagaran Media Center in 2000 to train Dalit journalists to document and publicize cases of caste-based discrimination and untouchability. He was also one of the founders of Collective Campaign for Peace (COCAP) and played a key role in the 2006 People’s Movement. Later, aiming to institutionalize changes through policy advocacy, Suvash Darnal co-founded Samata Foundation, a think-tank that conducts research to support evidence-based policy and advocacy for Dalits. Recognizing his commitment to the cause, he was awarded prestigious fellowships at the London School of Economics, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) in Washington DC and at Stanford University. At the beginning of Monday’s award ceremony, a panel discussion was moderated by Ashok Gurung, Director of the New School’s India China Institute. The panelists were Larry Diamond (Stanford University), Carl Gershman (President of NED), Sukhdeo Thorat (Chairman of the Indian Council of Social Science Research Sukhdeo Thorat), Dulari Harijan (Member of Parliament from CPN-MC) and Sarita Pariyar (wife of Suvash Darnal, board member of Samata Foundation and designer of this Award). Suvash Darnal died in a traffic accident in the outskirts of Washington DC in 2011.
“AUSPICIOUS SUSPICIOUS”Manish Harijan’s ongoing exhibit at Nexus Culture NepalAs part of the first Darnal Award for Social Justice program, a symposium titled “Politics of Dignity and Equity: Dalits in Nepal” took place at Tribhuwan University on August 14. Later that evening, an interaction program was held with emerging Dalit youth leaders at Nexus Culture Nepal. At the end of the Nexus program, Raksha Ram Chamar opened an exhibition titled “The-Lit: Exclusion Within” that featured five artists. One of the exhibits, titled “Auspicious Suspicious” was put together by artist Manish Harijan. In this exhibit, Harijan has used grains and powders that are used by high-caste Nepali families during auspicious, religious occasions. “If Dalits touch the same grains, it’s considered to be inauspicious,” Harijan mentioned while describing his work to me. In this way, the exhibit questions the status quo and compels visitors to reexamine their relationship with objects. In his artist’s statement, Manish Harijan has written that his artwork attempts to create multiple dialogues related to social structures, caste issues and poverty.
Some of the content has been paraphrased from Darnal Award publications.
Dr. Ronki Ram
Name Ronki Ram
Designation Reader and Chairperson
Institution: Department of Political Science
Panjab University
Chandigarh - 160 014, India.
Phones: (+91-172)-2541819
Res:(+91-172)-2541290
Cell:(+91) 9872861290
E-mail:ronkiram@yahoo.co.in
Date of Birth 2 April 1960
Sex Male
Marital Status Married
Nationality Indian
Languages known English, Punjabi (Mother tongue) and Hindi.
Academic Qualifications Ph.D. in International Studies
-Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, 1992
M. Phil.
-Panjab University, Chandigarh, 1985
M.A. in Political Science
-Panjab University, Chandigarh, 1982
Advanced International Programme (Diploma) in Conflict Resolution
-Uppsala University, Sweden 1993.
Areas of Specialisation International Relations Theory, Indian Political Thought, and Dalit Politics (special focus on Punjab).
Visits Abroad Sweden, Estonia, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Canada, U.K., and Pakistan
Member - Professional/Advisory/Editorial Boards
Member of the Board of Management of Jan Shikshan Sansthan, Mohali, sponsored by Ministry of HRD, (Department of Elementary Education and Literacy), Govt. of India, New Delhi.
Member of the advisory Board of Human Rights Law Networking, Chandigarh.
Member of Board of Finance, 2005-06, Panjab University, Chandigarh.
Member of Organizing Committee of 10th World Punjabi Conference, Chandigarh, May 28-30, 2004.
Life Member of North West Indian Sociological Association (NWISA).
Member of Editorial Board of the Panjab University Research Journal (Arts).
Appointments
Reader in Political Science, P.U., Chandigarh from June 12, 2004 continuing.
Lecturer in Political Science, P.U. Chandigarh from 25 March 1998. Sr. lecturer w.e.f 25th March 1999.
Lecturer in Gandhian Studies, Panjab University, Chandigarh, from June 12, 1995 to March 25, 1998.
Lecturer in Political Science, Goa University, Goa from Feb. 22, 1995 to June 10, 1995
Research Associate, SIS, CIPOD, JNU, New Delhi, July 21, 1992 to May 31,1995.
Senior Research Assistant, SIS, CIPOD, JNU, New Delhi, Jan. 20, 1992 to June 19, 1992.
Research Investigator, Punjab State Institute of Public Administration, Chandigarh, Nov. 4, 1985 to June 3, 1986.
Papers Published
-- INTERNATIONAL
"Social Exclusion, Resistance and Deras: Exploring the Myth of Casteless Sikh Society in Punjab", Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.42, No.40, October 6-12, 2007, pp.4066-74.
"Capital versus Labour: Globalisation, Marginalised and Crisis of Governance", Man & Development, Vol. XXIX, No. 2, June 2007, pp. 5-28 [included in Parliamentary Documentation Vol. 33, No.15, August 1-15, 2007].
"Untouchability in India with a Difference: Ad Dharm, Dalit Assertion and Caste Conflicts in Punjab", Asian Survey, (Berkeley) Vol.XLIV, No.6, November-December 2004 pp.895-912 [abstracted in Centre de Documentation Regards, Religion Compass Online, CSA Illumina]. Also included in the course POLS 298.3 Turmoil and Change: Politics in Modern India, Dept. of Political Studies, University of Saskatchewan, Canada, Summer Study/ Travel Program 2006.
"Untouchability, Dalit Consciousness, and the Ad Dharm movement in Punjab", Contributions to Indian Sociology (sage) [n. s.], Vol.38, No.3, September-December 2004, pp.323-349 [one of "The 50 Most-Frequently Read Articles in Contributions to Indian Sociology during June -September 2007].
"The Dalit Sikhs", Dalit International Newsletter (Waterford USA) Vol. 9, No.3 October 2004."Limits of Untouchability, Dalit Assertion and Caste Violence in Punjab", in Harish K. Puri, ed., Dalits in Regional Context (Jaipur: Rawat, 2004), pp. 132-189.
"Punjabi Dalit Parivas: Chetna Ate Sangharsh" (Punjabi Dalit Diaspora: Consciousness and Struggle), South-Asian Review (Prince George, B.C.), September 2006, pp. 22-25 & 29 [also serialized in Amritsar Times www.amritsartimes.com (California), August 2-8, August 9-15, and August 16-22, 2006; Nisot, October-December, 2006 www.nisot.com (Canada)].
-- NATIONAL
"Vishvikaran Noo Pachhere Mulkan Vich Samjhan Da Masla" (Understanding Globalisation in Under-developed Countries), in Bhim Inder Singh, ed., Vishvikaran: Vishleshan Ate Vivechan [Globalisation: Description and Analysis] (Jalandhar: Kuknus, 2006), pp. 62-69.
"Ajoke Punjab wich Dalit Sathiti ate Chetna: Rajnitak Mulankan" (Dalit Position and Consciousness in Contemporary Punjab: Political Analysis), in Dhanwant Kaur and Jaswinder Kaur Maangat [eds.], Samkali Punjabi Samaj [Contemporary Punjabi Society], (Patiala: Punjabi University Publication Bureau, 2006), pp. 51-55.
"Afro-Asian Dialogue: Contesting Globalisation in the Periphery", in Gopal Singh and Ramesh K. Chauhan (ed.), South Asia Today, (New Delhi: Anamika: 2005).
"Punjabi Quam, Dalit Mukti Ate Shaktikaran" (Punjabi Nationality, Dalit Emancipation and Empowerment), South Asian Review (Prince George, B.C.) May 2005, pp. 7-12 [also published in Bhim Inder Singh, ed. Dalit Chintan: Marxi Pripekh (Marxist Perspective of Dalit Thought), (Jalandhar: Kukness Prakashan: 2005), pp. 50-63].
"Spiritual Regeneration, Guru Ravidass and Dera Sach Khand Ballan", Begumpura Souvenir 2004 (Jalandhar: Dera Sach Khand Ballan, 2004), pp. 117-122 [also carried in two installments in Begumpura Shaher (Jalandhar), No. 7, June 14, 2004, p. 10 and No. 8, June 21, 2004, pp. 6-7].
"Role of Ad Dharmis: Chamar Protest in Punjab is linked to Talhan Caste Violence". Dalit Voice, Vol. 23, No. 4, February 16-29, 2004, pp. 11-12 [also carried in two installments in Begumpura Shaher, No. 48, March 29, 2004, p. 9 and No. 49, April 5, 2004, p. 9].
"From the Anarchy To Anarchy: State And Governance Problematique", The Indian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 62, No. 4, December 2001, pp. 520-531.
"From Servitude To Assertion: Ambedkar's Subaltern Approach To Nationalism and Dalit Liberation", Social Sciences Research Journal, Vol. 9, No. 2, 2001, pp. 146-170 [also available in www.ambedkartimes.com and in abridged version at www.ambedkar.org].
"Power v/s Dialogue: Gandhian Dialectic and Conflict Resolution", Social Sciences Research Journal, vol. 7, Nos. 1 & 2, 1999, pp. 103-123.
"What does Gandhi mean to the Youth?" Journal of Peace and Gandhian Studies, Vol. I, No. 2, January-March 1996, pp.75-78.
Citations in Journals/Books
"Social Exclusion, Resistance and Deras: Exploring the Myth of Casteless Sikh Society in Punjab", Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.42, No.40, October 6-12, 2007, pp.4066-74 [Cited in Seminar 581, January 2008, p. 54].
"A Conflict of New Assertions", Tehelka, Vol. 4, Issue 27, July 8-14, 2007 [Cited in EPW, Vol.42, No.40, October 6-12, 2007, p.4065].
"Untouchability in India with a Difference: Ad Dharm, Dalit Assertion and Caste Conflicts in Punjab", Asian Survey, (Berkeley) Vol.XLIV, No.6, November-December 2004 pp.895-912 [cited in EPW, Vol. XLI, No. 24, June 17, 2006, p. 2479].
"Untouchability, Dalit Consciousness, and the Ad Dharm movement in Punjab", Contributions to Indian Sociology (sage) [n. s.], Vol.38, No.3, September-December 2004, pp.323-349. [Cited in EPW, October 27, 2007, p.21; http://www.ediindia.org/Creed/data\Gurpreet%20Bal.htm (October 19. 2007), also one of the 50 Most-Frequently Read Articles in Contributions to Indian Sociology continuously for the months of June -September 2007].
"The Dalit Sikhs", Dalit International Newsletter (Waterford USA) Vol. 9, No.3 October 2004 [cited in http://www.ambedkartimes.com/raju_kamble.htm (October 19, 2007).
"Limits of Untouchability, Dalit Assertion and Caste Violence in Punjab", in Harish K. Puri, ed., Dalits in Regional Context (Jaipur: Rawat, 2004), pp. 132-189 [cited in Global Networks (Blackwell) Vol. 7, No. 3, July 2007, p. 331].
Paper presented on Dalit Assertion and Social Conflicts in Punjab, February 8-9, 2006, at Seminar on Politics in North-West India: Emerging Trends and Changing Patterns, organized by Department of correspondence Courses, Punjabi University, Patiala [cited in Diviner - A Research Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, Vol. 4, No. 2, Feb-July 2007, pp.128 & 134].
"Making Sense of Caste Violence in Talhan: A View from Within", presented at Regional Seminar on Media and Communal Harmony in Multi-Cultural Society, organized by IDC, Chandigarh in association with Press Institute of India, New Delhi, Communication Management Foundation, New Delhi and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, New Delhi, September 27-28, 2003 [cited in John C.B. Webster, "The Dalit Sikhs: A History", in Tony Ballantyne (ed), Textures of the Sikh Past (New Delhi: OUP, 2007), p. 148].
Paper presented on Reading Caste with Ambedkar, at Weekly Seminar, of the Dept. of Sociology, Panjab University, Chandigarh January 23, 2002 [cited in Indian Social Science Review, Vol. 7, No. 2, July-December 2005, p.117].
Paper presented on Untouchability and the question of Dalit Identity: A Critique of Ad Dharam Movement at National Seminar on Liberalistion, Dalits and the State, organized by the Department of Sociology, Panjab University, Chandigarh, May 3-4, 2001 [cited in EPW Vol. 37, No. 3, August 3-9, 2002, p. 3245].
Papers Presented at Seminars/Conferences/Workshop
-- INTERNATIONAL
"Punjabi Quam dae Jati ate Jamati Masley" presented at 3rd World Punjabi Conference, organized by South Asian Review (Prince George), Desh Bhagat Yaadgar Hall, Jalandhar, Punjab, February 15-18, 2007.
"Punjabi Dalit Parivas: Chetna Ate Sangharsh" presented at 22nd international Punjabi Development Conference, organized by the Department of Punjabi Languages, Punjabi University, Patiala, February 1-3, 2006.
"Contemporary Society and Political Analysis" presented at 21st International Punjabi Development Conference, organized by The Department of Punjabi Languages, Punjabi University, Patiala, March 10-12, 2005.
"Burden of Past and Vision of Equality: Political Sociology of Jat-Dalit Conflicts" presented at International Conference on Punjab Peasantry in Turmoil, organized by Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology, Punjabi University, Patiala, January 27-28, 2005 [also available at www.ambedkartimes.com]
"Punjabi Nation and Dalit Emancipation" (Punjabi), presented at Second World Punjabi Conference, organized by the South Asian Review and Sahit Sabha, Prince George, Canada, June 28-July 1, 2003.
"Contextualising Ad Dharm Movement (Punjab): Dalit Consciousness, Social Justice and Cultural Transformation", presented at International Dalit Conference, organized by Association for International Dalit Conference Inc., Vancouver, Canada, May 16-18, 2003.
"Agenda for Conflict Resolution: Theoretical Dimensions", paper presented at International Seminar on Violence in India: Prospect and Prognosis organized by Institute for Development and Communication, Chandigarh, January 18-20, 1998.
"Domestic Challenges to World Peace: Crumbling Borders between Domestic and International Politics", paper presented at International Seminar on Geo-Politics of Peace, Jawaharlal Nehru University and Indira Gandhi National Open University, New Delhi, January 16-18, 1988.
-- NATIONAL
"Punjab Vich Dalit Chetna de Sroot" [Sources of Dalit Consciousness in Punjab], presented at seminar on Dalit Chetna in Punjab, organized by Dalit Chetna Manch Punjab Regd., Mohali, January 20, 2008.
"Self Versus Other: Morality in Public Life", presented at national seminar on Morality and Public Life, organized by Department of Philosophy, Panjab University, Chandigarh, January, 17-18, 2008 (on 18th January, also Chaired the fifth session the same day).
"Right to Information Act 2005 and Good Governance", presented at seminar on Right to Information, organized by The Political Science Department of S.G.G.S. Khalsa College, Mahilpur, January 11, 2008.
"Understanding Dalit Assertion in Punjab", presented at seminar on Ikyvi Saadi Vich Parvesh Kar Raeha Punjab: Samaj de Saravpakhi Vikas de Sandarab Vich, organized by Punjab Basha Academy and Punjab Academy of Social Sciences, Literature and Culture, Jalandhar, November 24-25, 2007.
"Understanding Dalit Assertion in North India", presented at seminar on Samkalin Bharatiya Sahitya Mein Samajik Nayaya Ki Avadharana: Vishesh Sandarbh Dalit Sahitya, organised by IIAS, Shimla, November 14-16, 2007 (also Chaired the Sixth Session: Poetry, Fiction: Realism, Rebellion and Interrogation).
"Status of Human Rights of Dalits in Punjab", presented at Workshop-cum-consultancy on Dalit Rights, organised by Human Rights Law Networking Chandigarh, October 28,2007.
"Shaheed-e-Azam "Bhagat Singh and the Question of Untouchability", presented at seminar on Bhagat Singh and his Legends, organised by the World Punjabi Centre, Punjabi University Patiala, October 22-23, 2007.
"Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and Social Justice", presented at seminar dedicated to the Birth Anniversary of Dr. Ambedkar, organized by Dr. Ambedkar Chetna Society, Banga, April 29, 2007.
"Globalisation, Dalits and Labour", presented at seminar on Labourer, Labour and Globalisation, organized by Dalit Chetna Manch Punjab (Regd), April 28, 2007.
"Social Exclusion and Dalits in Punjab", presented at National seminar on Social Exclusion, State and Globalisation, organized by Ambedkar Centre, Panjab University, Chandigarh, March 29-30, 2007.
"Human Rights and Dalit Consciousness in Punjab", presented at UGC sponsored National seminar on Human Rights and Duties Education, organized by Khalsa College Amritsar, March 23, 2007.
"Situating Subordination in Regions within a Region: Dilemmas of Dalit Solidarity in East Punjab" presented at National seminar on Regions within Regions: Rethinking State Politics in India, organized by Dept. of Political Science, Panjab University, February 26-27, 2007.
"Contesting Globalisation in the Periphery", presented at seminar on Globalisation, Social Institutions and Values, organized by Dev Samaj College for Women, Chandigarh, February 3, 2007.
"Patterns of Dalit Population in Punjab", presented at National seminar on Population, Environment and Development in the Northwestern India, organized by the Dept. of Geography, Panjab University, Chandigarh, February 1- 2, 2007.
"Identity Formation Among the Dalits of Punjab: Some Critical Reflections", presented at UGC sponsored National seminar on Participatory Democracy: New Context, New Challenges - Inclusion and Exclusion, organised by Dept. of Correspondence Studies, PU, Chandigarh, January 23-24, 2007.
"Ad Dharm Movement and Dalit Consciousness in Punjab", presented at a National seminar on India Since the 1990s and Social Science Research, organised by ICSSR (North-Western Regional Center), PU, Chandigarh, January 18-19, 2007.
"Human Rights: Dalit Consciousness and Caste Conflicts in Punjab", presented at UGC sponsored National seminar on Status of Human Rights in Punjab, organised by Lajpat Rai DAV College Jagraon, November 30 -December 1, 2006.
"Human Rights: Dalit Consciousness and Caste Conflicts in Punjab", presented at a UGC sponsored National seminar on Evolution of the Concept of Human Rights and Emerging Dimension of Human Rights, organised by Shri Guru Gobind Singh College, Chandigarh, November 29-30, 2006 (presented on 29th November, 2006).
"World Punjabi Conferences and Indo-Pak Cooperation", presented at UGC sponsored seminar on Conflicts and Cooperation in South-Asia, organised by R.R.M.K. Arya Mahila Mahavidyala, Pathankot, November 25-26, 2006 (presented on 25th November, 2006).
"Critically Analyzing Human Rights: Trends and Dimensions", presented at UGC Sponsored National Seminar on Human Rights, organized by SDSPM College for Women, Rayya (Amritsar), October 28,2006.
"Spiritual Regeneration, Dalit Consciousness and Dera Sach Khand Ballan", presented at Seminar on Pirs, Sants and Babas of Punjab: Their Role in Social, Religious and Political Spheres, organized by RSD College, Ferozepur City, March 4, 2006.
"Human Rights, Civil Society and Democracy", presented at Seminar on Is Terrorism a Threat to Indian Democracy? organized by Department of Political Science, Guru Nank College, Muktsar, February 21-22, 2006.
"Contesting the 'Essential': Relocating Dalits in India's Globality" presented at National Seminar on India's Globality: Politics of Resistance, Recovery, Relocation and Reinvention, organized by Department of Political Science, Panjab University, Chandigarh (UGC Special Assistance Program), February 9-10, 2006.
"Dalit Assertion and Social Conflicts in Punjab" presented at Seminar on Politics in North-West India: Emerging Trends and Changing Patterns, organized by Department of correspondence Courses, Punjabi University, Patiala, February 8-9, 2006 (present on February 8, 2006) [cited in Diviner - A Research Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, Vol. 4, No. 2, Feb-July 2007, pp.128 & 134].
"Dalit Identity Formation in Punjab: Cultural Transformation, Spiritual regeneration and Political Assertion" presented at Seminar on Dalit Identity with Special reference to Punjab, organized by Govt. college for Women, Ludhiana on January 18, 2006.
"Punjabi Sahit Sabhayachar Paripekh", presented at Seminar on Vishav Vatavaran: Sambhal Ate Chunotiyan, organized by Samvedna, Chandigarh, December 16, 2005.
"Dalit Consciousness and Challenges of Democracy in India", presented at National Seminar on Democracy and Civil Society: Salient Issues for North Western India, organized by Dept. of Philosophy, Panjab University, Chandigarh, September 19-20, 2005.
"Dalit Manukh Da Bavikh Ate Jota Vitkara" presented at Seminar organized by Dalit Chetna Manch Punjab at Bakarpur, Mohali, May 8, 2005.
"Understanding Globalization in the Periphery", presented at National Seminar on Globalization: Prospects and Challenges for India, organized by Kamla Nehru College for Women, Phagwara, Feb. 19, 2005.
"Myths, Worship and Syncretic Religion - A Study of Perceptions in Doaba Punjab, presented at the Weekly Research Seminar, organizedd by Department of Sociology, P. U. Chandigarh, February 2,2005
"Sri Guru Granth Sahib and Dalit Consciousness", presented at Seminar on The Role of Sikhs ad Dalits in the Future of South-Asian Sub-Continent, organized by Department of Philosophy and Sikh Student Federation, January 19, 2005.
"Critically Analyzing Regionalism in the Context of Globalization", presented at National Seminar on Regionalism - A threat to Indian Nation-state (in the context of North-western States), organized by Department of Political Science, Guru Nanak Girls College, Ludhiana, November 29-30, 2004 (presented on 30 November).
"Social Transformation and Empowerment of Dalits and Women at the Grass-root" presented at Workshop on The Empowerment of Dalits and Women through Reservation in Panchayati Raj Institution of North-west India, organized by Ambedkar Center, Department of Sociology, P. U. Chandigarh, November 29-30, 2004 (presented on 29 November).
"Understanding Social Injustice in India", presented at Seminar on Justice to Weaker Section of the Society, organized by Chandigarh People's Welfare Forum and Punjab and Haryana High Court Advocates' Committee on Judicial Accountability, Chandigarh, November 6, 2004.
"Dalit Consciousness and Literature in Punjab", presented at National Seminar on Creativity and The State in Contemporary India, organized by IIAS, Shimla at India International Center, New Delhi, April 25-26, 2004.
"Dalit Assertion and Caste Conflicts in Punjab", presented at Workshop on Dalit Assertion and Emerging Politics in Punjab and Haryana, organized by Ambedkar Center and Department of Sociology, P.U., Chandigarh, March 19, 2004.
"Dalit Consciousness in Punjab: Spiritual Regeneration, Guru Ravidass and Dera Sach Khand Ballan", presented at National Seminar on State Politics: Analysing the Emerging Trends, Organized by Department of Political Science, P.U., Chandigarh, March 17-18, 2004.
"Human Rights in Punjab with Special Reference to the Dalits", presented at National Seminar on Human Rights Today: India's Quest for A New Moral Bedrock, organized by Department of philosophy, P.U., Chandigarh, February 19-20, 2004.
"Expanding Individual in Shrinking Familial Space: Dilemmas of Family in Contemporary India", presented at National Seminar on Family in Contemporary India: Changes and Challenges, organized by Department of Sociology, P.U., Chandigarh, February 12-14, 2004.
"Higher Education And the Downtrodden: Emancipation V/S Employment" presented at Seminar on Quality of Higher Education in India: The Challenge of Change, organized by Panjab University, Chandigarh, November 18-19, 2003.
"Dalit Sikhs and Dalit Consciousness in Punjab"' presented at the Weekly Research Seminar, organized by Department of Sociology, Chandigarh, November 5, 2003
"Making Sense of Caste Violence in Talhan: A View from Within", presented at Regional Seminar on Media and Communal Harmony in Multi-Cultural Society, organized by IDC, Chandigarh in association with Press Institute of India, New Delhi, Communication Management Foundation, New Delhi and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, New Delhi, September 27-28, 2003 [cited in John C.B. Webster, "The Dalit Sikhs: A History", in Tony Ballantyne (ed), Textures of the Sikh Past (New Delhi: OUP), p. 148].
"Globalization And Marginals: From Market to Governance", presented at National Seminar on Globalization and The Underprivileged: Perceptions, Fears and Consequences, organized by Department of Sociology, Ch. Charan Singh University, Meerut, February 8-9, 2003.
"Capital V/S Labour: Globalisation or 'Workers of the World Unite' ", presented at Seminar on Globalisation and Political Economy of North-West India, organized by Department of Political Science, SGGS College, Chandigarh, December 6-7, 2002.
"Reading Caste with Ambedkar", presented at Weekly Research Seminar, organized by Dept. of Sociology, Panjab University, Chandigarh, January 23, 2002 [cited in Indian Social Science Review, Vol. 7, No. 2, July-December 2005, p.117].
"Untouchability and the question of Dalit Identity: A Critique of Ad Dharam Movement", presented at National Seminar on Liberalistion, Dalits and the State, organized by the Department of Sociology, Panjab University, Chandigarh, May 3-4, 2001 [cited in EPW Vol. 37, No. 3, August 3-9, 2002, p. 3245].
"Indian Renaissance, Dalit Consciousness and Politics of Situational Response", paper presented at Seminar on Dalit Consciousness and Social Change in Punjab, sponsored by Department of Welfare of SCs and BCs, Punjab, organized by School of Punjabi Studies, Panjab University, Chandigarh, Nov. 29-30, 1999.
"Region-Religion Problematique" Paper Presented at National Seminar on Dynamics of Regional Politics in the States of North-West India, organized by the Deptt. of Political Science, Panjab University, Chandigarh on March 26-27,1998.
Urbanization, Urban Youth Conflicts and Conflict Resolution", Paper presented at National Symposium on Youth in Urban Areas, organized by IDC, Chandigarh, February 3-5, 1997.
"Conflict Prevention and Resolution: Prospects for Peace" (co-authored), paper presented at Deptt. of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University, Sweden, May 21, 1993.
Participation in Seminars/Conferences/Workshops
-- INTERNATIONAL
International Seminar on Bhagat Singh and his Times, organised by Indian Council of Historical Research in collaboration with the Institute of Punjab Studies, Chandigarh, September 27-29. 2007.
International Conference on Exploring the Possibilities of Cooperation in Global Context, organised by World Punjabi Centre, Punjabi University, Patiala, December 26-28, 2006.
23rd International Punjabi Development Conference, organised by Dept. of Development of Punjabi Language, Punjabi University, Patiala, December 14-16, 2006.
International Conference on Contribution of Different Faiths and Communities for World Peace, organized by Christian Institute for Religious Studies, Baring Union Christian College, Batala, September 20, 2006.
International Seminar on NGOs and Women's Empowerment: Indian and Canadian Experiences, organized by Canadian Study Center and ICSSR, North-West Regional Center, Panjab University, Chandigarh, February 23-24, 2006.
International Consultation on Identifying Peace Issues for Research in South Asia organized by Institute for Development and Communication, Chandigarh, December 5-7, 2005.
International Seminar on Creative Forms of Punjabi Culture, organized by Punjabi Academy, Delhi and DCC, P. U. Chandigarh, February 28-March 1, 2005.
World Punjabi Conference, 2004, organized by Punjabi University, Patiala, December 1-3, 2004.
Tenth World Punjabi Conference, Chandigarh, May 28-30, 2004, (Panelist in the panel discussion on Economic Cooperation, between the two Punjab: A Burning issue).
World Punjabi Conference, organized by World Punjabi Congress Committee, Lahore, January 29-31, 2004.
International seminar on Mid-West and Central Asia, organized by P.U., and IIAS, Shimla at Chandigarh, January 21-23, 2004.
International Seminar On the Life, Teachings and Philosophy of Sri Guru Ravidas Ji, organized by Sri Guru Ravidas Foundation, India, Panjab University, Chandigarh, August 16, 2003.
International Seminar on Science, Technology and Society, organized by Department of History, Panjab University, Chandigarh, January 29-31, 2003.
Roundtable on Power Cycle Theory: War and Peace in South Asia, organized by Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla, November 19-20, 2002.
International Conference on Rethinking Boundaries: Geopolitics, Identities and Sustainability, organized by Center for the Study of Geopolitics, Panjab University, Chandigarh, February 21-26, 2000.
International Seminar on Political Landscapes on the Threshold of 21st Century and Emerging Patterns, organized by I.G.U. Commission on the World Political Map at Panjab University, Chandigarh, on December 13-15, 1999.
International Seminar on Globalizations and India organized by SIS, JNU, New Delhi, January 14-17, 1999.
International Round Table Conference on India and Hungary: Perspectives on the Changing World Order, Center for Russian, Central Asian and East European Studies, SIS, JNU, New Delhi, November 17-18, 1998.
-- NATIONAL
National seminar on The Other Side of Politics: People's Movements in India, organised by Dept. of Political Science, Panjab University Chandigarh, March 14-14, 2008 (chaired a session on March14).
National seminar on Indian Ideas of Freedom, organized by Dept. of Political Science (UGC Special Assistance Programme) Panjab University Chandigarh & ICSSR Northwest Regional Centre, February 21-23, 2008.
National seminar on Person, Consciousness and Culture, organized by Department of Philosophy, Panjab University, Chandigarh, February 6-8, 2008.
National seminar on Ideological and Cultural Significance of Guru Nanak Bani in the Present Scenario, organized by Guru Nanak Sikh Studies, Panjab University, Chandigarh in collaboration with Harayana Punjabi Sahit Academy & ICSSR, Chandigarh, December 6, 2007.
U.G.C. sponsored seminar on Consciousness, Culture and Creativity: Indian and Western Perspectives, organized by Department of Philosophy, Panjab University Chandigarh, December 4-5, 2007.
Regional Workshop on Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act 2005, organized by Women's Resource and Advocacy Centre, Chandigarh, November 22-23, 2007.
Roundtable Discussion on Agrarian Crisis and Food Security of India, organized by IDC, Chandigarh, November 17, 2007.
National seminar on The Contribution of the Udasis to Sikh History, organised by Gobind Sadan Institute for Advanced Studies in Comparative Religions, New Delhi, September 21, 2007.
National seminar on Science and Spirituality in the Indian Context, organized by Dept. of Philosophy, Panjab University, Chandigarh, August 9-10, 2007.
Seminar on India Envisioned by Ambedkar, organized by Ambedkar Social Justice Forum India (Regd), Chandigarh, March 24, 2007.
National Seminar on Moral Goodness and Human Nature, organized by Dept. of Philosophy, Panjab University, Chandigarh, March 14-15, 2007.
National seminar on Ideological & Cultural Perspective of Guru Arjan's Bani, organized by Guru Nanak Sikh Studies, Panjab University, in collaboration with Punjabi Akademy, Delhi & ICSSR Northwestern Regional Centre Chandigarh, March 8-9, 2007.
National Seminar on Foundations of Social Life in India: Cultural, Aesthetic and Religious, organised by Department of Philosophy, P.U., Chandigarh, December 6-8, 2006.
Seminar on Impact of Globalization on the Landless Dalit Workers, organized by Punjab Khet Majdoor Union, Dehati Majdoor Sabha, Punjab and Pendo Majdoor Union (Mashal), on October 25, 2006.
Seminar on Why Babasaheb Embraced Buddhism, organised by Dr. Ambedkar Study Circle (Regd.), Chandigarh, October 14, 2006.
National seminar on The Life, Teaching and Philosophy of Shri Guru Ravidass Ji, organised by Shri Guru Ravidass Sabha (Regd.), PGI, Chandigarh, September 15, 2006.
Seminar on The present Economic Condition of Punjab and The Future of Dalits, organized by Dalit Chetna Manch, Punjab (Regd.) at Mohali, April 28, 2006.
Seminar on Values from Different Perspectives, organized by Department of Philosophy, Panjab University, Chandigarh, March 27-28, 2006 (participated on March 27th, 2006).
Seminar on Life and Philosophy of Baba Saheb B. R. Ambedkar, organisd by Dr. Ambedkar Chetna Society, Banga, April 16, 2006.
National Seminar on Technology and Society - Issues and Interface with Special Reference to India, organized by department of Sociology, Panjab University, Chandigarh, March 16-17, 2006.
Workshop on Economic and Social Backwardness Among Sikhs, organized by Indian Social Institute and National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities, New Delhi, February 17, 2006.
Workshop on Dissemination on Punjab Human Development Report 2004, organized by Panjab University, Chandigarh, February 17-18, 2006 (participated on February 18, 2006).
Seminar on The Role of Sufis in the Making of Medieval Punjab, organized by Dept. of History, Panjab University, Chandigarh, December 13-14, 2005.
Conference on Samkali Sarokar: Samajik Sabhyacharak, Bhasha Ate Samaj-Vigyan Prasang Vich (Punjabi), organized by Punjab Academy of Social Sciences, Literature and Culture at Jalandhar, November 26-27, 2005.
National Seminar on Life and Works of Maharishi Valmiki, organized by Panjab University, Chandigarh, October 13-15, 2005.
National Seminar on Social transformation in North-Western India during the Twentieth Century, organized by Institute of Punjab Studies, Chandigarh, September 7-9, 2005.
National Seminar on 400 year of Sri Guru Granth Sahib organized by Guru Nanak Sikh Studies, Panjab University, Chandigarh in collaboration with Indian Council of Philosophical Research, New Delhi, August 22-23, 2005. (Participated on August 22, 2005).
Social Scientists Meet on Emerging Problems of Social Sciences in the Context of Globalization organized by ICSSR (North - Western Regional Center), Chandigarh, July 26, 2005.
Workshop on Measurement of Social Variables: Towards Standardization organized by Deptt. of Sociology and IASSI, New Delhi at Chandigarh, May 5-6, 2005.
Workshop on Politics of Discourses on Secularism and Communalism: Implications for Research in History, organized by IDC, Chandigarh, April 21, 2005.
Seminar on Dr. B.R. Ambedkar's Philosophy and Dalit Liberation in India, organized by Deptt. of Sociology (Ambedkar Center) March 28, 2005.
National Seminar on Politics of Globalization, Identity and Development, organized by UGC Special Assistance Programme, Deptt. of Political Science P.U., Chandigarh, March 23-24, 2005.
Seminar on Comprehensive Security, organized by Delhi Policy Group and Panjab University, March 9, 2005.
Seminar on The Role of Economy and Education in Social Equality in the Twenty-first Century, organized by the office of District Welfare Officer, Patiala, March 5, 2005.
National Seminar on The Future of Rural Development in North-west India, organized by Department of Sociology, P. U. Chandigarh, February 24-25, 2005.
A Seminar on Violence against Women in the State of Punjab, organized by Center for Women's Studies and Development, P.U., Chandigarh, Feb. 7, 2005.
Seminar on Indo-Pak Relations, organized by Department of Political Science, Guru Nanak College for Girls, Muktsar, January 22. 2005.
Regional Workshop on Autonomy of Higher Education Institutions, organized by Central Advisory Board of Education at P. U. Chandigarh, January 20-21, 2005.
Seminar on Issues in Inter-Disciplinary Research: Special Context; Literature and Social Sciences, organized by ICSSR Chandigarh and Department of Hindi, P. U. Chandigarh, January 14-15, 2005.
National Consultation on Police and Community Interface: Problematics and Remedies, organized by IDC, Chandigarh, December 12-13, 2004.
Seminar on Dalits' Future, organized by Vigilant Brotherhood (International), December 4, 2004.
National Seminar on 400th Prakash Utsav of Sri Guru Granth Sahib Ji, organized by Shri Guru Gobind Singh College, Chandigarh, November 6-7, 2004, (participated on 7th November).
Seminar on Narrative Patterns of Contemporary Punjabi Novel, organized by Department of Evening, P. U. Chandigarh and International Center for Punjabi Studies at Chandigarh, October 31, 2004.
Workshop on Social Empowerment through Information Technology organized by IDC Chandigarh, AMIC-India and Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, New Delhi, at Chandigarh, September 22-23, 2004.
Seminar on 400 years of Shri Guru Granth Sahib, organized by P. U. and ICSSR Chandigarh, September 21,2004.
National Seminar on Sri Aurobindo's Vision of the Future of Humanity, organized by Sri Aurobindo Society, Chandigarh, Panjab University, Chandigarh, and IIAS, Shimla, at Chandigarh, September 18-19, 2004.
Seminar on Coalition Governments and Activities of Political Parties, organized by Punjab Academy of Social Sciences, Literature and Culture and Punjabi Bhasha Academy, Jalandhar at Chandigarh, April 18, 2004.
Seminar on Rural Development, organized by Punjab Development Society and ICSSR North-Western Regional Center, P.U., Chandigarh, March 27-28, 2004.
Seminar on Corruption and Quality of Governance, organized by Department of Public Administration, P.U., Chandigarh, March 13, 2004.
Workshop on Impact of Special Component Plan on the Scheduled Castes in the State of Punjab-Measures for Effective Implementation, organized by Department of Sociology, P.U., Chandigarh and Department of Social Welfare, Govt. of Punjab, January 28-29, 2004.
Workshop on Youth for Democracy, organized by Ambedkar Center, P.U., Chandigarh in collaboration with Indian Social Institute, New Delhi and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, New Delhi, October 30-31, 2003.
Regional Seminar on Participatory Research and Agenda for Social Transformation, organized by PRIA, Haryana and Center for Women's Studies and Development, P.U., Chandigarh, August 29-30, 2003.
Seminar on Human Rights Awareness and Enforcement, organized by IGP, Ambala, Haryana, July 26, 2003.
Symposium on The People of OBC Are Not Enemies, But Are Brothers of SC/ST and Minority Communities, organized by BAMCEF, Chandigarh, April 19, 2003.
Colloquium on Role of Youth In Building Bridges of Amity And Social Harmony, Organized by Gandhi Smriti and Darshan Smriti, New Delhi and Yuvsatta, Chandigarh, April 13, 2003.
Seminar on Marxwadi Sahit Aalochna Ate Samkali Sarokar, organized by Panjabi Sahitya Academy, Ludhiana, February 22-23, 2003.
Seminar on Rethinking Women: Culture, Literature and Media, organized by MCM DAV College for Women, Chandigarh, February 15, 2003.
Seminar on Dynamics of India's Security in the North Western Region: Challenges and Responses, organized by Center for Defense and National Security Studies, Panjab University, February 13-14, 2003.
Symposium on Power, Violence and Society, organized by Punjab Academy of Social Sciences, Literature and Culture, and Punjabi Bhasha Academy, Jalandhar in collaboration with Indian Academy of Social Sciences, Allahabad, December 1, 2002
Seminar on Imperialist Globalization and Indian Response, organized by All India Peace and Solidarity Organization, Chandigarh, November 16, 2002.
Seminar on Punjab Di Kisani Da Sankat (Crisis of Punjab Peasantry), organized by Punjab Academy of Social Sciences, Literature and Culture, Jalandhar, October 19-20, 2002.
National Seminar on Science, Society, Values and Consciousness, organized by Panjab University, Chandigarh and Center for Studies in Civilizations, New Delhi, May 27-28, 2002.
National Seminar on Democracy, Development and Discontent In South Asia, organized by Department of Political Science, Himachal Pradesh University, Shimla on May 13-15, 2002.
Seminar on Life and Philosophy of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, organized by Ambedkar Institute, Mohali, April 29, 2002.
Seminar on History, Literature and Society: Treatment of Social Problems in Punjabi Fiction During the Twentieth Century, organized by Institute of Punjab Studies and Sheikh Baba Farid Chair, Panjab University, Chandigarh, April 19-21, 2002.
Panel discussion on the Life, Mission and Works of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, organized by Department of Laws, Panjab University, Chandigarh, March 30, 2002.
National Seminar on Rethinking Indian Foreign Policy, organized by Department of Political Science and Center for the Study of Geopolitics, Panjab University, Chandigarh, March 26, 2002.
Seminar on Freedom From Socio-Cultural And economic Injustice, Organized by Department of political Science, Panjab University, Chandigarh, February 26-27, 2002.
Seminar on Rethinking Indian Federalism with Special Reference to North-Western Region, organized by Department of Political Science, Panjab University, Chandigarh, January 28, 2002.
Bhopal Conference on Charting A New Course For Dalits For The 21st Century, organized by Madhya Pradesh Government, Bhopal, January 12-13, 2002.
Seminar on Punjab Wich Dalit Varg Di Sathiti, organized by Shergill Memorial College, Mukandpur (Nawanshahr), October 12, 2001.
Workshop on Female Foeticide/Infanticide, organized by Center for Women Studies and Development, Panjab University, August 29-30, 2001.
Seminar on Regional Dialogue on Dimensions of Violence: Culture, Society and State, organized by Department of Sociology, Panjab University, Chandigarh, April 11-12, 2001.
Colloquium on Women & Peace, Organized by The British Council and Center for Women's Studies and Development, University of Delhi, March 17-19, 2001.
Seminar on Autonomy Debate in Comparative Perspective: J & K and Punjab, Organized by Department of Political Science, Panjab University, Chandigarh, March 12, 2001.
Regional Workshop on Gender and Law Enforcement, sponsored by National
Commission for Women, organized by Center for Women Studies and Development, Panjab University, on February 23-24, 2001.
Seminar on Prevention and Detention of Corruption, Organized by State Vigilance Bureau, Haryana, December 18, 2000.
Seminar on Autonomy: A Shift in Federal Equations - New Parameters, Organized by Govt. College for Women, Ludhiana, November 25, 2000.
National Seminar on Social Transformation of Indian Society: Post-Independence Era, Organized by Department of Sociology, P. U. Chandigarh, March 9-11, 2000.
National Seminar on Economic Development and Social Transformation in Northwest India, organized by Department of Sociology, Panjab University, Chandigarh, February 11-13, 1999.
National Conference on Globalisation and National Security, organized by Department of Defense and Strategic Studies, Punjabi University, Patiala, February 3-5, 1999.
National Seminar on Dalit and Backward Castes Mobilization in Contemporary North India, organized by Department of Political Science, P.U. Chandigarh, December 4-5, 1998.
Consultation Workshop on Police Reforms and Human Rights, IDC, Chandigarh, November 5, 1998.
National Seminar on Culture, History and Time, Deptt. of Philosophy, P.U. Chandigarh, October 10-11, 1998.
Workshop on Militancy affected by Children in Punjab, organized by Institute for Development and Communication, Chandigarh, May 16,1998.
National Seminar on Elimination of Inequality with Reference to Caste System in India, Deptt. of Philosophy, P.U. Chandigarh, March 9 -10, 1998.
National Seminar on Culture and Development, Department of Sociology, Panjab University, Chandigarh, February 26-28, 1998.
Seminar on Urban Governance in Punjab Institute of Social Sciences, New Delhi, (organized in Chandigarh) November 21-22, 1997.
Workshop on Inter-State Migrant Labour Deptt. of Sociology, Panjab University, Chandigarh, on September 26-28, 1997.
National Seminar on Modes of Conflict Resolution and Gandhian Thought, Department of Philosophy, University of Delhi, February 5-7,1997.
National Seminar on Gandhi in India Today, Deptt. of Gandhian Studies, Panjab University, Chandigarh, October 1-3, 1996.
National Seminar on M.N. Roy and the National Idea organized by National Integration Chair, Punjabi University, Patiala, September 16-17, 1996.
Seminar on Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and Weaker Sections organized by the Department of Political Science, Panjab University, Chandigarh, June 21, 1996.
IPSA Regional Conference on Democratization in Asia, Deptt. of Political Science, Panjab University, Chandigarh, January 28-31, 1996.
National Youth Colloquium on Gandhi organized by Gandhi Samriti and Darshan Samiti, New Delhi, December 15-17, 1995.
Seminar on Relevance of Mahatma Gandhi's Ideas Today, Deptt. of Political Science, Kurukshetra University, November 3-4, 1995.
National Workshop on Women Development and Gender Justice organized by Institute of Development and Communication, Chandigarh, September 25-27, 1995.
Thematic Approaches in International Relations, organized by School of International Studies, JNU and Indian National Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage, November 28 to December 10, 1988.
National Seminar on Dalit and Backward Castes Mobilization in Contemporary North India, organized by Department of Political Science, P.U. Chandigarh, December 4-5, 1998.
Annual Extension Lectures on Major Issues in Contemporary International Relations, School of International Studies, JNU, 1987.
Honours and Awards
Chief guest at the seminar on Bharat Ratan Baba Sahib Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, Dalits and Globalisation, organized by Gramin Shikshan Vikas Sanghthan (GSVS) & National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR0, December 9, 2007.
Honoured at 7th X-Mas celebrations, by National Christian League, Panjab University, Chandigarh, December 7, 2007.
Bharatiya Dalit Sahitya Akademi conferred Bharat Rattan Dr. Ambedkar State Award at its 5th State Conference of Dalit Writers, Mansa (Punjab), 16 September 2007.
Dr. Ambedkar Fellowship Sanman 2004 presented at 20th National Dalit Sahitkar Sammelan organized by Bhartiya Dalit Sahit Academy, Delhi, 10-11 Dec. 2004.
Chief Guest Honour at "Birthday Celebration of Babasaheb Ambedkar" organized by Ambedkar Mission Society, Sarmastpur, Jalandhar, 17 April 2004.
Dr. Ambedkar Award (for outstanding and dedicated services to Dr. Ambedkar Mission) presented at International Dalit Conference, Vancouver, BC, Canada, and 16-18 May 2003 by Association for International Dalit Conference.
Distinguished Guest honour at Birthday celebration of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, organized by Ambedkar Mission Society, Punjab (Regd.), Jalandhar, 14 April 2003.
Robert Mugabe
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Robert Mugabe
Mugabe on a visit to Moscow in May 2015
President of Zimbabwe
Incumbent
Assumed office
22 December 1987
Signature 
Robert Gabriel Mugabe born 21 February 1924) is a Zimbabwean revolutionary and politician who has been President of Zimbabwe since 1987; he previously led Zimbabwe as Prime Minister from 1980 to 1987. Ideologically an African nationalist and socialist, he led the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) group from 1975 to 1980 and has led its successor political party, the ZANU - Patriotic Front (ZANU–PF), since 1980.
Mugabe was born to a poor Shona family in Kutama, Southern Rhodesia. Following an education at Kutama College and the University of Fort Hare, he worked as a school teacher in Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia, and Ghana. Angered that Southern Rhodesia was a British colony governed by a white elite, Mugabe embraced Marxism and joined African nationalist protests calling for an independent black-led state. After making anti-government comments he was convicted of sedition and imprisoned between 1964 and 1974. On release he fled to Mozambique, established his leadership of ZANU, and oversaw ZANU's role in the Rhodesian Bush War, fighting Ian Smith's white-minority government. He reluctantly took part in the peace negotiations brokered by the United Kingdom that resulted in the Lancaster House Agreement. The agreement dismantled white-minority rule and resulted in the 1980 general election, at which Mugabe led ZANU-PF to victory and became Prime Minister of the newly renamed Zimbabwe. Mugabe's administration expanded healthcare and education, and—despite his Marxist rhetoric and professed desire for a socialist society—adhered largely to conservative economic policies.
Mugabe's initial calls for racial reconciliation failed to stem deteriorating race relations and growing white flight. Relations with Joshua Nkomo's Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU) also declined, with Mugabe crushing ZAPU-linked opposition in Matabeleland during the Gukurahundi between 1982 and 1985; at least 10,000 people, mostly Ndebele civilians, were killed by Mugabe's Fifth Brigade. Pursuing decolonization, Mugabe's government emphasised the redistribution of land controlled by white farmers to landless blacks, initially on a "willing seller-willing buyer" basis. Frustrated at the slow rate of redistribution, from 2000 Mugabe encouraged the violent seizure of white-owned land. Food production was severely impacted, generating famine, international sanctions, and drastic economic decline. Opposition to Mugabe grew, particularly through the Movement for Democratic Change, although he was re-elected in 2002, 2008, and 2013 through campaigns dominated by violence, electoral fraud, and nationalistic appeals to his rural Shona voter base. Internationally, Mugabe sent troops to fight in the Second Congo War and chaired the Non-Aligned Movement (1986–89), the Organisation of African Unity (1997–98), and the African Union (2015–16).
Having dominated Zimbabwe's politics for nearly four decades, Mugabe has been a controversial and divisive figure. He has been praised as a revolutionary hero of the African liberation struggle who helped to free Zimbabwe from British colonialism, imperialism, and white-minority rule. Conversely, critics view him as a dictator responsible for economic mismanagement and widespread corruption whose regime has perpetrated anti-white racial discrimination, human rights abuses, and crimes against humanity.
Early life
Childhood: 1924–45
Robert Gabriel Mugabe was born on 21 February 1924 at the Kutama Mission village in Southern Rhodesia's Zvimba District. His father, Gabriel, was a carpenter, while his mother Bona taught Christian catechism to the village children.They had been trained in their professions by the Jesuits, the Roman Catholic apostolic order which had established the mission. Bona and Gabriel had six children: Miteri (Michael), Raphael, Robert, Dhonandhe (Donald), Sabina, and Bridgette. They belonged to the Zezuru clan, one of the smallest branches of the Shona tribe.The Jesuits were strict disciplinarians and under their influence Mugabe developed an intense self-discipline, while also becoming a devout Catholic. Mugabe excelled at school, where he was a secretive and solitary child, preferring to read alone rather than playing sport or socialising with other children. He was taunted by many of the other children, who regarded him as a coward and a mother's boy.
Circa 1930, Gabriel had an argument with one of the Jesuits, and as a result the Mugabe family were expelled from the mission village by its French leader, Father Jean-Baptiste Loubiere. They settled in a village about seven miles away, although the children were permitted to remain at the mission primary school, living with relatives in Kutama during term-time and returning to their parental home at weekends. Around the same time, Robert's older brother Raphael died, likely of diarrhoea. In early 1934, Robert's other older brother, Michael, also died, after consuming poisoned maize. Later that year, Gabriel left his family in search of employment at Bulawayo. He subsequently abandoned Bona and their six children and established a relationship with another woman, with whom he had three further offspring.
Loubiere died shortly after and was replaced by an Irishman, Father Jerome O'Hea, who welcomed the Mugabe family to return to Kutama. In contrast to the racism that permeated Southern Rhodesian society, under O'Hea's leadership the Kutama Mission preached an ethos of racial equality. O'Hea nurtured the young Mugabe; shortly before his death in 1970 he described the latter as having "an exceptional mind and an exceptional heart". As well as helping provide Mugabe with a Christian education, O'Hea taught him about the Irish War of Independence, in which Irish revolutionaries had overthrown the British imperial regime. After completing six years of elementary education, in 1941 Mugabe was offered a place on a teacher training course at Kutama College; Mugabe's mother could not afford the tuition fees, which were paid in part by his grandfather and in part by O'Hea. As part of this education, Mugabe began teaching at his old school, thus earning £2 per month, which he used to support his family. In 1944 Gabriel returned to Kutama with his three new children, but died shortly after, leaving Robert to take financial responsibility for both his three siblings and three half-siblings. Having attained a teaching diploma, Mugabe left Kutama in 1945.
Teaching career: 1945–60
Over the following years, Mugabe taught at various schools around Southern Rhodesia, among them the Dadaya Mission school in Shabani. There is no evidence that Mugabe was involved in political activity at the time, and he did not take place in the country's 1948 general strike. In 1949 he won a scholarship to study at the University of Fort Hare in South Africa's Eastern Cape. There he joined the African National Congress, and attended African nationalist meetings, where he met a number of Jewish South African communists who introduced him to Marxist ideas. He later related that despite this exposure to Marxism, his biggest influence at the time were the actions of Mahatma Gandhi during the Indian independence movement. In 1952, he left the university with a Bachelor of Arts degree in history and English literature. In later years he described his time at Fort Hare as the "turning-point" in his life.
Mugabe was inspired by the example set by Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah
Mugabe returned to Southern Rhodesia in 1952, by which time—he later related— he was "completely hostile to the [colonialist] system". Here, his first job was as a teacher at the Driefontein Roman Catholic Mission School near Umvuna. In 1953 he relocated to the Highfield Government School in Salisbury's Harare township and in 1954 to the Mambo Township Government School in Gwelo. Meanwhile, he gained a Bachelor of Education degree by correspondence from the University of South Africa, and ordered a number of Marxist tracts—among them Karl Marx's Capital and Friedrich Engels' The Condition of the Working Class in England—from a London mail-order company. Despite his growing interest in politics, he was not active in any political movement. He joined a number of inter-racial groups, such as the Capricorn Africa Society, through which he mixed with both black and white Rhodesians. Guy Clutton-Brock, who knew Mugabe through this group, later noted that he was "an extraordinary young man" who could be "a bit of a cold fish at times" but "could talk about Elvis Presley or Bing Crosby as easily as politics".
From 1955 to 1958, Mugabe lived in neighbouring Northern Rhodesia, where he worked at Chalimbana Teacher Training College in Lusaka.There he continued his education by working on a second degree by correspondence, this time a Bachelor of Administration from London University. In 1958 he moved to Ghana to work at St Mary's Teacher Training College in Takoradi. According to Mugabe, "I went [to Ghana] as an adventurist. I wanted to see what it would be like in an independent African state". Ghana had been the first African state to gain independence from European colonial powers and under the leadership of Kwame Nkrumah underwent a range of African nationalist reforms; Mugabe revelled in this environment. In tandem with his teaching, Mugabe attended the Kwame Nkrumah Ideological Institute in Winneba. Mugabe later claimed that it was in Ghana that he finally embraced Marxism. He also began a relationship with a Ghanaian woman, Sally Hayfron, who worked at the college and shared his political interest
Roham , Prabhakar Janardan
Roham , Prabhakar Janardan (1905-1991) was born on 15th January 1907 Shri Prabhakar Janadhan (PJ) Roham an agriculturist Mahar was born on 15th January 1907 at Akole, Ahmednagar district of Maharashtra. He had studied at Nasik up to Matriculation. He was married to Shrimati Meerabali in 1931 and the couple was blessed with six sons and three daughters. He was introduced to Dr Ambedkar by Dada Sahib BK Giakward and was inspired by Dr. Baba Sahib Ambedkar’s Movement in 1927 for equality of status and opportunities. PJ Roham took part in the famous Choudar Tank Satyagraha at Mahad in 1927and in Kalaram Temple entry Satyagraha at Nasikstarted on 3March 1930. In this temple entry Satyagraha besides Dr Ambedkar, Dada sahib Giakward, Subedar Ghatge, Amritrao Rankhambe and P.J. Rohan besides many Dalit leaders participated. He was imprisoned for two months for Satyagrahaa at Nasik He served as the General Secretary of the Youth League, Nasik from 1931 to 1934 When Shri Dadasaheb B.K.Gaikwad was imprisoned, PJ Roham was called upon to serve as the Secretary of the Nasik Kalaram Temple Entry Satyagraha Committee in 1931 and he accepted the offer. His Karam Bhumi was Ahmadanagar area and served as Superintendent Shri Shahu Chhatrapati Boarding, Nasik from 1932 to 1935, a nominated member of the Sangamner Municipality from 1934 to 1936 and member of the District Local Board, Ahmednagar since 1935. He also seved as the General Secretary of the Youth League of Nasik from 1931 to 1934.
Being a close confidant of Dr B.R. Ambedkar, Shri Roham he was present at Yeola in Nasik when Baba Sahib declared to leave Hinduism on13th October 1935 and got converted to Buddhism along with his leader on14th October 1956 at Nagpur. There after he worked for the spread of Buddhism in districts of Nasik, Ahmednagar and Pune.When Baba Sahib formed the Independent Labour Party (ILP) on 15 August, 1936, Shri Roham joined it and was elected President of The Independent Labor Party (ILP) or Swantra Majdoor Pakasha of Ahmadnagar district unit. He was called to contest on ILP ticket for the Bombay Provincial Legislative Council from Ahmadnagar (South) in 1937 and he got elected. In all fourteen candidates of IPL won for the Mumbai Legislative council election held on 17th February 1937 along with Dr. Ambedkar. He presented the “Family Planning Bill” framed by Baba Sahib in the Assembly on 10th November 1938. He again contested but unsuccessfully the elections in 1946 and in 1952 from Rahurl. When Republican Party of India then under Dada Sahib B.K Giakward launched a Satyagraha in 1964 Roham took very active part in organizing it. At an age of 83 years this loyal son of Indian Dalit movement left his mortal body frame on 21st February, 1990.
Ramswaroop Verma
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ramswaroop Verma
Ramswaroop Verma
Personal details
Born 22 August 1923
Died 19 August 1998 (aged 74)
Occupation
Philosopher
Writer
Political thinker
Ramswaroop Verma (22 August 1923 – 19 August 1998), was an Indian humanist. He was the founder of Arjak Sangh, a humanist organisation. The organisation emphasises social equality and is strongly opposed to Brahminism. Verma denied the existence of god and soul. He was strongly opposed to the doctrine of Karma and Fatalism. Verma campaigned tirelessly against Brahminism and Untouchability. According to him, Brahminism is rooted in the doctrine of rebirth and it is not possible to eradicate it without attacking the doctrine of rebirth. Verma strongly asserts that Brahminism cannot be reformed, and it has to be negated totally.
Biography
Ramswaroop Verma was born on 22 August 1923 in Gaurikaran village of Kanpur district in the state of Uttar Pradesh, India in a Kurmi peasant family. Verma was married to Siyadulari as a student, but his wife died soon.
Ramswaroop Verma did his M.A. in Hindi from Allahabad University in 1949 and Law Graduation from Agra University. In both the examinations he secured first position in the first class in the University. He qualified in the written examination of the Indian Administrative Services, but did not appear for the interview. Verma was of the view that an administrator has to work within limitations. He wanted to work for social change as a free citizen. He came in contact of prominent Indian democratic socialist leaders of his time such as Acharya Narendra Dev and Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia. Consequently, he became a member of the Socialist Party. Several times he was elected to the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly. In 1967, he was for some time the finance minister of Uttar Pradesh in the government headed by Charan Singh, who later became the prime minister of India.
After being active in party politics for a long time, Verma concluded that political and economic equality could not be achieved without a social and cultural revolution. Consequently, he founded Arjak Sangh on 1 June 1968 for achieving this aim. He also started Arjak Saptahik, a Hindi weekly. He was the chief editor of the weekly. Verma was also influenced and inspired by B. R. Ambedkar. Verma was active in party politics for a long time. However, he is best known and remembered as a thinker, writer and the founder of Arjak Sangh. He kept working for Arjak Sangh throughout his life. He kept writing articles and books and delivered many lectures for promoting Humanism. Ramswaroop Verma wrote and spoke in Hindi only. He died in Lucknow on 19 August 1998.
Ideology and works
Ramswaroop Verma has been described as a committed Ambedkarite. Like all other Bahujan intellectual, he also nurtured a different perspective on the Brahmanical literatures and characters like Ramcharitmanas of Tulsidas and its lead character, Lord Rama. There necessarily exists two streams of thoughts on the characters like Rama and Krishna in the political circle. While one group of intellectual, the traditional elite, belonging to Dvija castes classify them as the ideal human beings, the Bahujan intellectuals consider them as purely mythical characters, crafted in order to keep the lower castes subjugated under the banner of religion. Several ideologues have composed their own version of texts on the literatures like Ramcharitmanas which identifies lord Rama as a negative character and the protector of hated Varna System. In his book Brahmin Mahima Kyo aur Kaise ?, Verma has described the Ramcharitmanas as a pro-upper caste text written by Brahmins in order to justify their superiority over the other caste groups. Verma had compiled this book from his letters written on various occasions to some of the notable politicians like then Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi and the contemporary Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, who according to him were acting against the secular feature of indian constitution by organising commemoration ceremony of the day of compilation of various Hindu texts. Verma in his book, has described various verses of the text Ramcharitmanas, which justifies the superiority of the Brahmins vis a vis the other caste groups. The book also contains verses in which the castes like Kewat, Ahir and Kalwar are classified as "impure".
The Arjak Sangh, an organisation founded by Verma was also active in the obliteration of Brahminism and the emancipation of downtrodden Chamars in the several belts of Uttar Pradesh. It was supported by other organisations working in this field and Verma himself visited several places where the discrimination against the Dalits were recorded.
Books by Ramswaroop Verma
Manavwadi Prashnotri (Humanist Question-Answers), Lucknow: Arjak Sangh, 1984.
Kranti Kyon aur Kaise (Revolution: Why and How?), Lucknow: Arjak Sangh, 1989.
Manusmriti Rashtra ka Kalank (Manusmriti a National Shame), Lucknow: Arjak Sangh, 1990.
Niradar kaise mite? (How to Remove Disrespect?) Lucknow: Arjak Sangh, 1993.
Achuton ki Samasya aur Samadhan (The Question of Untouchables and its Solution) Lucknow: Arjak Sangh, 1984.
Rona Wilson
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Rona Wilson is the public relations secretary of the Committee for Release of Political Prisoners (CRPP). He has worked with people accused in terrorism cases, including those booked under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA).
Rona is from Kollam district in Kerala. He came to Delhi in the late 1990s, where he studied at the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). He was at the forefront of the struggle to release SAR Geelani in the 2001 Parliament attack case. After this, he formed the Committee for Release of Political Prisoners (CRPP) with Geelani.
Rona's house was raided in April 2018. At the time, he was preparing a research proposal for a Ph.D. in London. On 6 June 2018, he was arrested from Munirka in Delhi early in the morning by Pune Police along with Sudhir Dhawale, Shoma Sen, Mahesh Raut and Surendra Gadling in a joint operation across India. He was booked under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). A report by Arsenal Consulting, a digital forensics firm based out of Massachusetts, said the incriminating evidence against Rona Wilson was placed on his laptop by a yet-to-be-identified attacker using a malware while his laptop was compromised for over 22 months.
Savitribai Phule
How Savitribai Phule, India's first female teacher, dealt with abusers hell bent on preventing her from educating girls
Most of us know Savitribai Phule as India's first female teacher, who helped her husband Jyotirao Phule establish the first school for girls. But here's the tale of the atrocities and abuses she had to face when she started to work.
Roshni Chakrabarty New DelhiJanuary 3, 2020UPDATED: January 3, 2020
Savitribai Phule, the first woman teacher and the first female educationist of India, was also the first female poetess. (Photo: bhavans.ac.in)
Most of us know that Savitribai Phule was the first female teacher of India. Born on January 3, 1831, India’s first feminist grew up in a country ruled by the British Raj, where women rights were non-existent. We know how hand in hand with her social reformer husband, Jyotirao Phule, she achieved the revolutionary act of establishing the first school for girls.
But what most of us do not know is the kind of abuse Phule had to go through from the regressive society because of her sheer audacity to go teach women.
Pramila Dandavate, a 1928-born political activist from Mumbai associated with the Praja Socialist Party and later with the Janata Party, describes a few tales of the outstanding courage and grit of Savitribai Phule that show how far she was willing to go to emancipate women.
How Jyotirao Phule’s influence transformed Savitribai Phule
Born in a well-to-do farmer family in the backward Mali community, Savitribai Phule was married off to 13-year-old Jyotirao Phule at the tender age of nine in-keeping with the tradition at the time of marrying off girls before they hit puberty.
But little did anyone in their families know that Jyotirao’s influence on his young wife would change the very trajectory of India.
Jyotirao had studied the Hindu scriptures and come to the conclusion that all humans were equal. He realized that education was the one tool that if provided to all humans, would get rid of all social inequalities.
He rejected the high-caste orthodox norms that monopolized education and privileged to keep the other castes downtrodden.
He watched how 'untouchables' were not allowed to pollute’ others with their long shadows in the mornings and evening and how they had to tie a broom behind their backs to sweep the very street they had walked on.
He saw in particular how young widows whose old husbands had died had to get their heads shaved and refrain from any kind of beautification or pleasure in life.
He also saw how 'untouchable' women were made to dance naked as the very status of women was reduced to a pleasure-object of men.
Observing all these societal evils that furthered inequality, Jyotirao took the decision to educate women. But how would he do this? He knew he needed other women to help train female teachers for girls. He decided to start with his wife.
Every afternoon, when Savitribai Phule came to the fields where her husband worked to give him his food, Jyotirao sat with her and educated her.
When news reached Jyotirao's father, he threatened to throw them out of the house out of fear of attacks from orthodox elements. The fire of revolution already lit, Savitribai Phule decided to follow her husband.
Every afternoon, when Savitribai Phule came to the fields where her husband worked to give him his food, Jyotirao sat with her and educated her. (Photo: comapnion.in)
Official education received by Savitribai Phule
Jyotirao sent his wife to get trained at a school and she passed with flying colours along with another women Fatima Sheikh.
In 1848, the emancipated husband and wife finally established India’s first school for girls in Vishrambag Wada, Pune.
Only nine girls enrolled all from different castes. Later on, the number rose to 25. While Savitribai became the headmistress, she taught alongside her fellow trainee Fatima Sheikh and Jyotirao’s emancipated aunt Sagunabai.
The audacity of this couple determined to educate women enraged and shocked the society. As Pramila Dandavate writes, "It was believed that if a woman starts writing, she would write letters to all and sundry."
Regressive elements claimed that the food eaten by Jyotirao would turn into worms and that Savitribai would lose him to an untimely death.
(File photo)
Savitribai’s ordeal of going to teach at a girl’s school
When it was obvious that simple words and rumours wouldn’t help deter Savitribai and Jyotirao from their goal of providing education to girls, society decided to take another path.
Going to the girls’ school to teach became a huge ordeal for Savitribai. She faced innumerable abuses and listened to obscenities heaped on her on the way to teach.
Groups of orthodox men followed the first female teacher of India on her way to work. They threw rotten eggs, cow dung, tomatoes and stones. They abused her in obscene language.
Retired academician Lalitha Dhara who has authored a number of books on the Phules and Dr Ambedkar writes: She would stop by and politely tell them, "My brothers, I am doing the noble job of educating your sisters. The cow dung and stones that you are pelting on me are not a deterrent but rather an inspiration for me. It is as if you are showering petals on me. While I vow to serve my sisters, I also pray, 'May God bless you.'"
Slowly walking, she would arrive at the school, her strength ebbing away little by little each day thanks to the abuse.
Once she couldn’t take it anymore and decided to give up. But her husband convinced her to stay strong.
He gave her two sarees a course one to wear on the way to work which would be soiled by the garbage thrown at her; and another fresh saree to change into before she started work when she reached the school.
While returning, she could change into the same course saree to again take the filth from society.
She continued in this manner for a while, but one day, things got out of hand. Lalitha Dhara writes about how a well-built ruffian stood in her path and told her that if she did not stop educating the Mahars and Mangs, she would have to pay a heavy prize.
A crowd gathered to watch the drama unfold but none helped her. The unfazed Savitribai slapped him hard. The stunned man ran away and so did the onlookers.
The shocking news spread like wildfire all over the city of Pune and finally brought a stop to the every-day abuse.
(Photo: companion.in)
Continuing work on social emancipation
Empowered, Savitribai Phule established herself and more schools for women and girls till she was honoured for her exemplary work by the British government.
Between 1848 and 1852, the couple established no less than 18 schools for women.
In 1852, she and her husband were felicitated with a shawl for their work in Vishrambag Wada, Pune.
She went on to work towards slowly questioning and eradicating a lot of other social evils. From adopting her son’ Yashwant after her husband rescued a pregnant woman about to end her life, to setting up a delivery home for women in forced pregnancies called Balhatya Pratibandhak Griha’, Savitribai did all in her power to uplift the standard of women.
The couple also organized the first-of-its-kind barbers strike after castigating them for shaving the heads of young widows. As an example against the evil of untouchability, they also opened up their own water reservoir for everyone.
The empowered couple did a lot of work in the famine and established 52 boarding schools for orphaned children.
After Jyotirao Phule died in 1890, Savitribai continued his work. Most notably, she took over the Satya Shodhak Samaj which had been founded by him. She presided over meetings, guided workers and worked for plague victims.
As Pramila Dandavate writes, "It is said that she used to feed two thousand children every day during the epidemic."
Ironically, Savitribhai was struck down by disease while nursing a sick child and the pioneer of women’s education in India died on March 10, 1857.
A 1998 stamp by the Indian Government featuring Savitribai Phule (Photo: Wikimedia Commons/India Post, Government of India)
The first woman teacher and the first female educationist of India was also the first female poetess. Her two books of poetry 'Kavya Phule' (1934) and 'Bavan Kashi Subodh Ratnakar' (1982) continue to inspire us today with their questions on caste and gender.
'Kavya Phule' was published when Savitribai was just 23.
She also wrote a poem entitled 'Go, Get Education' which encouraged people to free themselves from oppression by educating themselves.
Women’s emancipation has never been easy and perhaps would never be. But it is thanks to India’s first gutsy feminist Savitribai Phule that the women in the country have reached where they are today. We can only hope for more firebrands like her who simply refuse to bow down to the evils of society and keep fighting for universal human rights.
Suzette Jordan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Suzette Jordan (21 October 1974 – 13 March 2015) was a prominent women's-rights activist and anti-rape campaigner from Kolkata, India.
Surviving gangrape in 2012
On the evening of 6 February 2012, Jordan met 5 youth (Kader Khan, Md. Ali, Nasir Khan, Ruman Khan and Sumit Bajaj) for the first time at a nightclub in Park Street who offered to drop her home, when she was leaving. Soon after, she was gang-raped by the five in a moving car and later, dumped near Exide Crossing, opposite the Calcutta Club. Around 3.30 am, she boarded a taxi to her residence in Behala.
Revealing her identity
While the media and police initially ensured an information blackout of the victim's name, as is customary in India, she later publicly revealed her identity as 37 year old and a mother of two, in order to encourage other survivors to speak out.
After revealing her identity, she said, "Why should I hide my identity when it was not even my fault? Why should I be ashamed of something that I did not give rise to? I was subjected to brutality, I was subjected to torture, and I was subjected to rape, and I am fighting and I will fight." At the time of her death, three of the five men accused of raping Jordan inside a moving car had been arrested and were on trial, although they denied the charges. The remaining two, including the main suspect, had not been arrested. The names of the accused are Mohommad Ali and Kader Khan (then the boyfriend Of Nusrat Jahan) who were absconding, and Nasir Khan, Ruman Khan (Ruman Khan alias Tussi) and Sumit Bajaj who were in custody.
Outcome of case
One of the prime accused was Kadir Khan, the then boyfriend of Bengali television star Nusrat Jahan who later went on to become a member of parliament from Basirhat. Khan was picked up by West Bengal Police from a hideout in Noida 5 years later. As of 2020, he remains in prison.
The other accused, Naser Khan, Ruman Khan and Sumit Bajaj, were arrested in February 2012. On 10 December 2015, the city sessions court, Kolkata found all five of the accused guilty. The accused were convicted under 120 (B) (Criminal conspiracy), 506 (criminal intimidation), 323(Voluntarily Causing Hurt), 34(Common intention),376(2)(g)(Gang Rape). The three accused in custody (Naser, Ruman and Sumit) were sentenced to 10 years of imprisonment, months after the victim died of encephalitis.
Four years after the incident, prime accused Kader Khan and Muhammad Ali were arrested on 30 September 2016 in Noida, brought back to Kolkata and produced before the court. In mid-June, 2020, Sumit Bajaj was released 20-months before his sentence ended, for 'good behaviour'.
Social impact
The case was widely debated in the media, with some political and social commentators casting aspersions on Jordan's character, and quickly became a political issue.
Suzette Jordan with her cat
When Jordan originally reported the crime, the Chief Minister of West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee, called her a liar and accused her of trying to embarrass the government, a position that provoked national outrage.
Later activism
Jordan became a women's rights activist and briefly worked as a counsellor for a helpline for victims of sexual and domestic violence. She spoke up against the humiliation and discrimination against victims, for instance when she was denied entry into a Kolkata restaurant. She made use of the media, appearing in a talk show, Satyamev Jayate hosted by actor Aamir Khan, as well as through Facebook to highlight societal issues.
Family life and death
Jordan had two daughters. On 13 March 2015, she died at the age of 40, of meningoencephalitis.
Shanti Devi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Shanti Devi
Born December 11, 1926
Died December 27, 1987 (aged 61)
Nationality Indian
Known for Alleged reincarnation
Shanti Devi (11 December 1926 – 27 December 1987), known as Lugdi Devi (18 January 1902 – 4 October 1925) in her alleged past life, was an Indian woman who claimed to remember her previous life, and became the subject of reincarnation research. A commission set up by the Indian political leader Mahatma Gandhi supported her claim, while another report by researcher Bal Chand Nahata disputed it. Subsequently, several other researchers interviewed her, and published articles and books about her.
Reincarnation claim
Shanti Devi was born in Delhi, India. As a little girl in the 1930s, she began to claim to remember details of a past life. According to these accounts, when she was about four years old, she told her parents that her real home was in Mathura where her husband lived, about 145 km from her home in Delhi.
She also shared three unique features about her husband – he was fair, wore glasses, and had a big wart on his left cheek. She also stated her husband's shop was located right in front of the Dwarkadhish temple in Mathura.
Discouraged by her parents, she ran away from home at age six, trying to reach Mathura. Back home, she stated in school that she was married and had died ten days after having given birth to a child. Interviewed by her teacher and headmaster, she used words from the Mathura dialect and divulged the name of her merchant husband, "Kedar Nath". The headmaster located a merchant by that name in Mathura who had lost his wife, Lugdi Devi, nine years earlier, ten days after having given birth to a son. Kedar Nath traveled to Delhi, pretending to be his own brother, but Shanti Devi immediately recognized him and Lugdi Devi's son. As she knew several details of Kedar Nath's life with his wife, he was soon convinced that Shanti Devi was indeed the reincarnation of Lugdi Devi.
The case was brought to the attention of Mahatma Gandhi who set up a commission to investigate. The commission traveled with Shanti Devi to Mathura, arriving on 15 November 1935. There she recognized several family members, including the grandfather of Lugdi Devi. She found out that Kedar Nath had neglected to keep a number of promises he had made to Lugdi Devi on her deathbed. She then traveled home with her parents. The commission's report, published in 1936, concluded that Shanti Devi was indeed the reincarnation of Lugdi Devi.
Two further reports were written at the time. The report by Bal Chand Nahata was published as a Hindi booklet by the name Punarjanma Ki Paryalochana. In this, he stated that "Whatever material that has come before us, does not warrant us to conclude that Shanti Devi has former life recollections or that this case proves reincarnation". This argument was disputed by Indra Sen, a devotee of Sri Aurobindo, in an article later. A further report, based on interviews conducted in 1936, was published in 1952.
Shanti Devi did not marry. She told her story again at the end of the 1950s, and once more in 1986 when she was interviewed by Ian Stevenson and K.S. Rawat. In this interview she also related her near death experiences when Lugdi Devi died. K.S. Rawat continued his investigations in 1987, and the last interview took place only four days before her death on 27 December 1987. A Swedish author who had visited her twice published a book about the case in 1994; the English translation appeared in 1998.
Saraswathi Gora
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Saraswathi Gora
Born 28 September 1912
India
Died 19 August 2006 (aged 93)
Vijayawada, India
Occupation Social worker
Known for Co-founder of the Atheist Centre
Spouse(s) Gora
Children (9)Lavanam
Relatives Hemalatha Lavanam (daughter-in-law)
Awards Jamnalal Bajaj Award (1999)
Saraswathi Gora (28 September 1912 – 19 August 2006) was an Indian social activist who served as leader of the Atheist Centre for many years, campaigning against untouchability and the caste system.
Biography
In the 1930s, Saraswathi championed and performed marriages of devadasis and of widows remarriages along with her husband Gora. After learning about their efforts to abolish untouchability and the caste system, and towards social reform, they were invited to Mahatma Gandhi's ashram in Sevagram in 1944, where they stayed for two weeks.
Along with her husband, Saraswathi established the Atheist Center in 1940. Their goal was to promote human values based on atheism, rationalism and Gandhism.
A political activist of India's freedom movement, she was imprisoned during the Quit India movement. She went to jail carrying her two-and-half-year old son, Niyanta.
Personal life
Her autobiography My Life With Gora was published (in Telugu) in 2012. She died of lung infection on 19 August 2006 at Vijayawada.
Awards and recognition
In 2000, she was selected for the Basava Puraskar, conferred by the Karnataka Government. She is also the recipient of the G.D.Birla International Award for Humanism; the Jamnalal Bajaj Award (1999); the Janaki Devi Bajaj Award;[4] and the Potti Sriramulu Telugu University Award.
Saraswathi Gora with her husband Gora
Shashank Kela
Shashank Kela worked as an activist in a trade union of adivasi peasants in western Madhya Pradesh between 1994 and 2004. A Rouge and Peasant Slave is his first book.
A Rogue and Peasant Slave
Why do adivasi societies defend themselves so desperately against the state? What is it that sparks so much protest and conflict in India’s adivasi regions? These are some of the questions this book seeks to answer. The first part shows how the Bhils of western Madhya Pradesh were affected by colonialism, the perceptions and notions that shaped colonial policy, its effects on material life and politics, how bhil groups adapted to these developments—and resisted them. A social history cast as narrative—a narrative of blindness and rancour, resistance and change—it charts the emergence of an unjust and oppressive social order.
The second part is a reflection on adivasi politics in the twentieth century. It begins with the (understandably suspicious) adivasi response to nationalism, and goes on to examine India’s development policies and their effect upon adivasi societies. It looks at the emergence of an adivasi middle class and the contradictions of its political role, as well as collective modes of protest and adaptation. A Rogue and Peasant Slave challenges the current academic consensus on the relationship between adivasi societies and the caste-based agrarian order, and seeks to place them in the context of a wider agrarian and ecological history. It reveals the intimate connection between the past and the present, and shows how some of India’s most pressing contemporary conflicts can only be understood with reference to a history whose consequences are still working themselves out.
Shashank Kela worked as an activist in a trade union of adivasi peasants in western Madhya Pradesh between 1994 and 2004. This is his first book.
In the media
‘A Rogue and Peasant Slave documents the history of adivasi subordination and rebellion and its underlying causes, providing an inspiring basis for further action’—Hindustan Times
‘This is an exceptional book, a must read for anyone ‘concerned about the state of affairs in India’—Indian Express
‘The book can be treated as a source of history that is yet to be written’—Himāl
‘Kela confronts several accepted frames of reference, of categories such as peasant, agrarian castes and groups, traditional/customary occupations and roles within caste groups’—The Hindu
Sheila Wright
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sheila Wright
Member of Parliament
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sheila Wright
Member of Parliament
In office
Preceded by John Lee
Succeeded by Constituency abolished
Personal details
Born
Sheila Rosemary Rivers Wright
22 March 1925
Died 5 July 2013 (aged 88)
Political party Labour
Sheila Rosemary Rivers Wright (22 March 1925 – 5 July 2013) was an India-born British Labour Party politician.
Early life
Shelia Wright was born in Cawnpore, India and raised in India. Her father was an inspector general of police until his death when Sheila was 12 years old. She was subsequently raised by her mother, who also managed a sick animal sanctuary. Initially taught by her nanny and governesses until age 11, she then taught herself politics, philosophy and history.
She left India just after the Second World War in Europe ended and lived in Southampton. She gained a social science certificate from the University of Southampton in 1951 and a sociology degree from the University of London in 1956.
Personal life
She married and, although her name changed to Gregory, she retained her maiden name in politics.
Career
Wright became a social worker and served as a councillor on Birmingham City Council 1956–79, becoming an honorary alderman. As chair of the Birmingham Education Committee, she oversaw the introduction of the comprehensive education system.
Wright was elected as the Member of Parliament (MP) for Birmingham Handsworth at the 1979 general election. She served until 1983, when boundary changes abolished the seat and she gave up the nomination due to family matters.
She continued to perform voluntary work for the Birmingham central health authority and on numerous school governing bodies throughout Birmingham.
Death
Wright died on 5 July 2013, aged 88, after a long illness.
Stalin Rajangam
Sculptors honour 26 unsung Dalit activists with stone portraits
An alumni group from various government fine arts colleges in Tamil Nadu is in the process of etching in stone the portrait statues of unsung Dalit activists who fought for the rights of the downtrodden.
Stalin Rajangam
Chennai:
Activists like Veerammal, Vanjinagaram Kandan and Cuddalore Pandian had fought for the rights of the oppressed at different periods of time from 1890 to 1990. “I have compiled a list of 26 such activists for making their statues,” said historian Stalin Rajangam.
In the 1950s, Veerammal, belonging to Tiruchirapalli, constructed a school for dalit girls. Hailing from Madurai, Vanjinagaram Kandan, during the 1980s, fought for the rights of dalits to access water. While Tirunelveli’s Ponnusamy fought for temple entry, Pandian sought the right to refuse to play the Parai (drum) when demanded by dominant castes, Rajangam said.
“Kandan, Ponnusamy and Pandian - all were murdered for fighting for the cause. There are a lot of others who contributed during the century, but these 26 names had enough documents and photographs available,” Rajangam said.
Former Government College of Fine Arts, Chennai, Principal, G Chandrasekaran, who is leading the team of sculptors, said Mahatma Gandhi is an icon. However, there were also a lot of people who worked on the ground but were not as recognised as him, he said. “This is an attempt to appreciate the contributions made by such unsung heroes,” he added.
An initiative of film director Pa Ranjith’s ‘Neelam Panbaattu Maiam’ (Neelam Cultural Centre), the 26 statues would be displayed at a three-day event - Vaanam Arts Festival- happening in Chennai from December 29 to 31.
शांताबाई दाणी
(1.1.1918--2001)
अनुकरणीय जीवनी
जिस समय शांताबाई जन्मी थी, उस समय भारत में अछूत परिवार में जन्म लेना बहुत बड़ा अभिशाप था और अछूत स्त्री होना तो और भी बड़ा। जहां एक और उच्चवर्ण महिलाएं सभी सुख-सुविधाएं भोगती थी, वहीं अछूत बालिकाएं/महिलाएं रात दिन खेतों तथा उच्चवर्णों की बेगार करके भी दो जून भोजन नहीं जुटा पाती थी। उनका शारीरिक शोषण करना तो जैसे उच्चवर्णों का जन्म सिद्ध अधिकार था। कई महिलाओं/बालिकाओं के पिता/पति शराब/जुए के दुर्व्यसनों से ग्रस्त हो जाते थे तो ऐसी महिलाओं/बालिकाओं का जीवन तो और भी कष्टमय/यातनापूर्ण हो जाता था। शिक्षा और उनके व्यक्तिगत विकास आज के रास्ते तो लगभग बंद ही थे। लड़कियों की शिक्षा का तो बुरा हाल था, जहाँ एक और उच्चवर्ण अध्यापक और विद्यार्थियों के द्वारा अपमान/कुदृष्टि को सहन करना पड़ता था, वहीं अपने समाज/परिवार के बड़े बूढ़े और विशेषकर महिलाएं ताना कसकर निरुत्साहित करती थी।
ऐसी परिस्थितियों में भी शांताबाई एक गरीब अछूत परिवार में जन्म लेकर यदि शिक्षित होकर सार्वजनिक जीवन में पदार्पण कर सकी है तो यह उनके लिए जितने गर्व की बात है उससे अधिक है गर्व/प्रेरणा की स्रोत समस्त भारत की एससी महिलाओं के लिए।
शांताबाई का जन्म नासिक में एक गरीब महार (अछूत) दंपत्ति धनाजी दाणी के यहां हुआ था। इस गरीबी की हालत में पुणे से मैट्रिक और नासिक से शिक्षिका की ट्रेनिंग प्राप्त की। इसके बाद नासिक के विनचूर में अध्यापिका नियुक्त हुई। परंतु एक अछूत होने का कटु अनुभव उन्हें यहां हुआ, यहां उन्हें उपेक्षा/अपमान का पग पग पर सामना करना पड़ा. इसलिए उन्होंने अपने समाज में आत्मसम्मान जागृत करने एवं अत्याचारी/अन्यायी/विषमतासूचक समाज से संघर्ष करने की भावना सशक्त हुई। समाज सेवा के लिए शीघ्र ही शांताबाई जी ने अध्यापन कार्य छोड़ दिया।
1942 में शांताबाई जी ने बाबा साहब का भाषण सुना और 1942 में ही बाबा साहब द्वारा गठित पार्टी शेड्यूल्ड कास्ट फेडरेशन में शामिल हो गई। 1945 में नाशिक जिला शाखा की अध्यक्षा बनी और कानपुर में हुई प्रेस कॉन्फ्रेंस में सक्रिय भाग लिया और उन्हें प्रेस कॉन्फ्रेंस की अध्यक्षता करने का सम्मान दिया गया।
1946 में उन्होंने मुंबई विधानसभा के लिए निजात चुनाव लड़ा परंतु असफल रही। असफलता के बाद भी उन्होंने फेडरेशन द्वारा पुणे में आयोजित सत्याग्रह में सक्रिय भाग लिया। 1947 में सतनामी अछूतों में नई सामाजिक चेतना लाने के लिए वे प्रसिद्ध एवं प्रभावशाली एससी नेता पी.एन. राजभोज के साथ रायपुर गई। जहाँ उन्हें निजान का अजेंट समझकर गिरफ्तार कर जबलपुर की जेल में 3 हफ्ते के लिए डाल दिया गया। 1952 में उन्होंने पुनः शेड्यूल्ड कास्ट फेडरेशन के प्रत्याशी के रूप में मुंबई विधानसभा के सिन्नार-निफाड़ से चुनाव लड़ा। यह अत्यंत खेद पूर्ण बात थी कि उनके प्रतिद्वंदी कांग्रेस के प्रत्याशी अमृतराव धोंडीबा रणखम्भे थे जो कि पहले बाबा साहब के विश्वस्त सहयोगी थे। शांताबाई जी चुनाव हार गई। 1962 में नालेगांव से लोकसभा का चुनाव रिपब्लिक पार्टी ऑफ इंडिया के प्रत्याशी के रूप में लड़ा और हार गई। परंतु उन्हें 1968 से 1974 तक महाराष्ट्र विधान परिषद का सदस्य नामांकित किया गया। 1980 में उन्होंने पुनः नासिक से लोकसभा चुनाव लड़ा परंतु जीत नहीं सकी।
3 नवंबर, 1957 को गठित आरबीआई की शांताबाई जी संस्थापक सदस्या थी। उन्होंने 1959 तथा 1964 में पार्टी द्वारा भूमिहीन किसानों के लिए किए गए सत्याग्रह में सक्रिय भाग लिया। शांताबाई जी दादा साहब गायकवाड़ के परिनिर्वाण (29.12.1971) तक उनके साथ रही। इसके बाद आर.एस. गबई के आरबीआई ग्रुप में शामिल हो गई।
एससी के लिए शिक्षा के महत्व को अच्छी तरह समझते हुए और तत्कालीन समाज द्वारा इसे एससी के लिए दुरूह बना दिए जाने के कारण शांताबाई जी की इनके लिए स्कूल और छात्रावास खोलने की लंबी अवधि से इच्छा थी और इसलिए उन्होंने 1959 में नासिक में तक्षशिला विद्यालय तथा गौतम छात्रावास प्रारंभ किया नासिक में 1965 में लड़कियों के लिए रमाबाई अंबेडकर स्कूल खोला जो सुचारु रुप से चल रहे हैं।
शांताबाई जी आजीवन अविवाहित रही और संपूर्ण जीवन एससी मुक्ति आंदोलन में ही लगाया। 1965 में बौद्ध धम्म अवलंबन कर तभी से महाराष्ट्र में इसका प्रचार अभियान चलाती रही है। उन्हें अपने सामाजिक कार्यों और आंदोलनों में भरपूर सहयोग/मदद की है मिस लौधे, गीताबाई गायकवाड, दादासाहेब रोहम और ललिंगकर ने।
बाबा साहब के मिशन के लिए आजीवन समर्पित शांताबाई जैसी और कोई महिला शायद ही हो। जैसा ऊपर बताया गया है कि शांताबाई के जीवन की शुरूआत घोर कष्टों और अड़चनों से भरी हुई थी परंतु अंततः वह जिस मंजिल पर पहुंची, उसकी कल्पना भी शायद बहुत कम महिलाएं करती होंगी। इसलिए शांताबाई दाणी का जीवन भारत की सभी महिलाओं/बालिकाओं और विशेषकर एससी महिलाओं/बालिकाओं के लिए एक आदर्श है। अच्छी सुख सुविधाओं से भरपूर उच्च परिवार में पैदा होकर उच्च पद पर पहुंचना कोई आश्चर्यजनक बात नहीं है परंतु शांताबाई दाणी जैसी अत्यंत निर्धन और अछूत परिवार में जन्म लेकर आगे बढ़ी महिला ही सही अर्थों में प्रेरणा स्रोत है।
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Shantabai Dhanaji Dani: The Dalit Woman Leader Who Fought Against Caste
Shantabai Dhanaji Dani’s life was intricately woven into the Ambedkarite movement. She was one of the best known leaders of the movement. Throughout her life Dani was involved in several phases of the movement – from protests against Pune Pact (1932) to working as a secretary of the Nashik branch of Scheduled Caste Federation. She was the president of Scheduled Caste Federation Mahila Parishad at Kanpur. She traveled extensively in rural Maharashtra to strengthen the program of Ambedkar’s Independent Labour Party, and was actively involved in the movement for Dharmaantar (conversion to Buddhism).
All this came with a plethora of hardships to secure even basic education as she came from the Mahar community, which was historically impoverished by the caste hierarchies. Her memoir by the name Ratrandin Amha (For Us – These Nights and Days) is illustrative of the memories of coming from a destitute background to nights and days of food and hunger, to the life coloured by labour and caste humiliation ingrained in the culture. It is also a narrative of constant resistance to this ever so oppressive structure.
Early Life
Shantabai was born in a small hut in Khadkali sector which lies at the outskirts of the Nashik city in 1919. Her memoir, For Us – These Nights And Days, tells of a life lived in hunger and destitution, with memories of caste, culture and the ingrained hardships of labour. It was penned by her friend Bhavna Bhargave as narrated by Shantabai. The title draws from Sant Tukaram’s abhang (verse), ‘For us, these nights and days pose a warlike situation’ which is emblematic of the struggle her life has been – right from her mother’s struggle to provide her an education or her political and social work influenced by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and Dadasaheb Gaikwad, to name a few.
Political and Social Activism
Her training and interests in political activism were given a more coherent direction by her association with Dadasaheb Gaikwad who was married to her cousin sister. Listening to Dadasaheb talk, she recalled being influenced by his ability to draw from everyday lived experiences of people to talk about the rights of people from the marginalized communities. Dadasaheb’s active involvement in the Ambedkarite movement brought Shantabai in close proximity with the political activists and the issues on the ground. She worked with Dadasaheb who was then working on consciousness-raising in the Mahar community by managing his official correspondence.
Awards
In 1987, Shantabai received the prestigious Savitribai Phule Award for her work in the field of education. She was also awarded, and refused to accept the Dalit Mitra Award from the Government of Maharashtra in 1985 on the grounds that if the state wanted to do something for Dalits then funds should be directed to sanitation and water facilities for the Dalit communities in settlements devoid of basic facilities.
References
Rege, Sharmila. Writing Caste, Writing Gender: Reading Dalit Women’s Testimonies. Zubaan, 2006.
Featured Image Credit: Dalit History Month (Facebook)
Sharmila Rege
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sharmila Rege
Born 7 October 1964
Pune, Maharashtra
Died 13 July 2013 (aged 48)
Pune
Nationality Indian
Occupation Sociologist, writer, feminist
Sharmila Rege (7 October 1964 – 13 July 2013) was an Indian sociologist, feminist scholar and author of Writing Caste, Writing Gender. She led the Krantijyoti Savitribai Phule Women's Studies Centre, (the department of Gender Studies) at University of Pune which position she occupied since 1991. She received the Malcolm Adiseshiah award for distinguished contribution to development studies from the Madras Institute of Development Studies (MIDS) in 2006.
Rege was one of the leading feminist scholars in India, whose work in developing a 'Dalit Standpoint Perspective' has been crucial in opening up feminist debates in India to questions of class, caste, religion and sexuality. Rege's work within the academia, to fight for the right of the Dalit student's rights, has been a testimony of her commitment to critical educational reform in India Her concerns around the woman's question in India, contributed greatly to new and alternative methods of historiography, exposing the blind-spots of a Hindu Nation towards the Dalit voices and perspectives that have often been neglected in the political milieu of India's history. Her emphasis on relocating the central role of B. R. Ambedkar in the shaping of the modern nation state has ensured that the voice from the margins does not remain invisible opens up space for political contestation and dialogue in a public debate that is quickly being gentrified by the rhetoric of economic development and globalisation. In her last published work, Against the Madness of Manu,she sought to centralise Ambedkar's role in the women's movement by invoking his ideological fight against Brahminical patriarchy, and how the caste system engenders graded violence against women. Her particular focus on alternative history writing has given new life to the local and oral traditions of knowledge and cultural practice, by bringing them into public attention through translation projects that build archives of national memory.
She died of colon cancer on 13 July 2013.
Bibliography
Caste and gender: the violence against women in India, European University Institute, 1996
Sociology of Gender: The Challenge of Feminist Sociological Thought, SAGE Publications India, 2003
Writing Caste, Writing Gender, Zubaan, 2006.
Savitribai Phule Second Memorial Lecture, NCERT, 2009
Against the Madness of Manu, Navayana, 2013.
A dalit feminist standpoint
SHARMILA REGE
THE feminism that developed in the 1970s differed from the left in three crucial areas – the categories of woman, experience and personal politics, all of which were central to feminist theorization. Though powerful as political rhetoric these categories posed theoretical problems. The category ‘woman’ was conceived as being based on the collective state of women being oppressed by the fact of their womanhood. As the three categories were deployed in combination it often led to exclusions around race, class, caste and ethnicity.
Since many of the vocal feminists of the 1970s were white, middle class and university educated, it was their experience which came to be universalized as ‘women’s experience’. Thus, sweeping statements such as ‘all women are niggers’ and ‘all women are dalits’ were made. The ambivalence of the left towards women’s issues was thus countered by an assertion that women essentially connected with other women; the ‘subjective experiences of knowledge’ became the basis of the theorizing universal experience of womanhood. ‘Experience’ thus became the base for personal politics as well as the only reliable methodological tool for defining oppression.1 From such an epistemological position, there was either a complete invisibility of the experiences of dalit women or at best only a token representation of their voices. There was thus a masculinization of dalithood and a savarnisation of womanhood, leading to a classical exclusion of dalit womanhood.
The 1970s and early ’80s were times of the ‘reinvention of revolution’2 and saw the emergence of several organizations and fronts – the Shramik Mukti Sanghatana, Satyashodhak Communist Party, Shramik Mukti Dal, Yuvak Kranti Dal – all of which did not limit the dalit women to a token inclusion; their revolutionary agenda, in different ways, accorded a central role to dalit women. This was, however, not the case with the two other movements of the period – the Dalit Panthers and the women’s movement as constituted mainly by the left party based women’s fronts and the newly emergent autonomous women’s groups. The Dalit Panthers did make a significant contribution to the cultural revolt of the 1970s, but both in their writings and their programme, dalit women remained firmly encapsulated in the roles of the ‘mother’ and the ‘victimized sexual being’.
The left party based women’s organizations highlighted economic and work related issues as also helped develop a critique of the patriarchal, capitalist state. The autonomous women’s groups politicized and made public the issue of violence against women. Though this led to serious debates on class versus patriarchy, these formations did not address the issue of Brahminism. While for the former ‘caste’ was contained in class, for the latter, the notion of sisterhood was pivotal. All women came to be conceived as ‘victims’ and therefore ‘dalit’, resulting in a classical exclusion. (All ‘dalits’ are assumed to be male and all women ‘savarna’.) It may be argued that since the categories of experience and personal politics were at the core of the epistemology and politics of the Dalit Panther and the women’s movement, this resulted in a universalization of what in reality was the middle class, upper caste women’s experience or alternatively the dalit male experience.
The autonomous women’s groups of the early 1980s remained largely dependent on the left framework even as they challenged it. As the women’s movement gathered momentum, sharp critiques of mainstream conceptualizations of work, development, legal processes and the state emerged leading to several theoretical and praxiological reformulations. Debates on class versus patriarchy were politically enriching for both parties to the debate. It must be underlined that many of the feminist groups broadly agreed that in the Indian context a materialistic framework was central to the analysis of women’s oppression. However, in keeping with their roots within the ‘class’ framework, they made greater effort to draw commonalities across class than caste or community.
This is apparent in the major campaigns launched by the women’s movement during this period. The absence of an analytical frame, which in the tradition of Phule and Ambedkar viewed caste hierarchies and patriarchies as intrinsically linked, is apparent in the in the anti-dowry, anti-rape and anti-violence struggles of the women’s movement.
An analysis of the practices of the caste basis of violence against women reveals that while the incidence of dowry deaths and violent control and regulation of their mobility and sexuality by the family is frequent among the dominant upper castes, dalit women are more likely to face the collective and public threat of rape, sexual assault and physical violence at the workplace and in public.
Consider the statements issued by the women’s organizations during the Mathura rape case. While the NFIW looked at rape in ‘class’ terms, the socialist women talked in terms of the ‘glass vessel cracking’ and therefore in terms of loss of honour, and the AIWC provided psychological explanations of the autonomous women’s groups highlighting the use of patriarchal power.3 Looking back at the anti-rape agitation, it is apparent that the sexual assaults on dalit women in Marathwada during the ‘namantar’ movement did not become a nodal point for such an agitation; in fact they come to be excluded. The campaign, therefore, became more of a single issue one.
Consider also the campaign against dowry. While the left women’s organizations viewed dowry in terms of the ways in which capitalism was developing in India, the autonomous women’s groups focused on patriarchal power/violence within the family. The present practices of dowry need to be viewed in the context of processes of Brahmanisation and their impact on marriage practices. That the Brahmanic ideals led to a preference for dowry marriage is well documented. In fact it was the colonial establishment of the legality of the Brahma form of marriage that institutionalised and expanded the dowry system. The Brahmanising castes adopted the Brahma form of marriage over the other forms and thereby established ‘dowry’ as an essential ritual.4 Moreover, the principle of endogamy and its coercive and violent perpetuation through collective violence against inter-caste alliances are crucial to the analysis of dowry.
The relative absence of caste as a category in the feminist discourse on violence has also led to the encapsulation of the Muslim and Christian women within the understanding of ‘talaq’ and ‘divorce’. In retrospect, it is clear that while the left party based women’s organizations collapsed caste into class, the autonomous women’s groups collapsed caste into sisterhood, both leaving Brahminism unchallenged. Though the movement did address issues concerning women of the dalit, tribal and minority communities and has made substantial gains, a feminist politics centring around the women of the most marginalized communities could not emerge.
The history of agitations and struggles of the second wave of the women’s movement is a history of articulations of strong anti-patriarchal positions on different issues. Issues of sexuality and sexual politics, which are crucial for a feminist politics, remained largely within an individualistic and lifestyle frame. Since issues of sexuality are intrinsically linked to caste, addressing sexual politics without challenging Brahminism results in lifestyle feminism. During the post-Mandal agitations and the caste violence at Chunduru and Pimpri Deshmukh in Maharashtra, women of the upper castes were invoked as feminist subjects – assertive, non-submissive and protesting against injustice done to them as women and as citizens.
In the anti-Mandal protests young middle class women declared that they were against all kinds of reservations (including those for women); they mourned the death of merit and explicated that they were out to save the nation.5 At Pimpri Deshmukh in Maharashtra, following the brutal killing of a dalit kotwal (also an active mobilizer for the local Buddha Vihar) by upper caste men, upper caste women publicly complained that he had harassed them and was sexually perverted. They claimed to have incited their men to protect their honour, thereby invoking the agency of upper caste women. The issue was not merely one of molestation or of violence against dalits, but one that underlines the complex reformulations that Brahmanical patriarchies undergo in order to counter collective dalit resistance.
The increasing visibility of dalit women in power structures as sarpanch, as members of the panchayat and in the new knowledge making processes (such as Bhanwari Devi’s intervention through the Saathin programme) has led to an increased backlash against dalit women. The backlash is expressed through a range of humiliating practices and often culminates in rape or the killing of their kinsmen. Such incidents underline the need for a dialogue between dalit and feminist activists since inter-caste relations at the local level may be mediated through a redefinition of gendered spaces. The emancipatory agenda of the dalit and women’s movements will have to be sensitive to these issues and underline the complex interplay between caste and gender as structuring hierarchies in society.
In times of globalization and Hindutva, gender issues are being appropriated as cultural issues. This calls for a reformulation of our feminist agenda, to reclaim our issues and reconceptualize them such that feminist politics poses a challenge to the caste/class conceptualization of Brahmanical Hindutva. Such a reconceptualization calls for a critique of Brahmanical hierarchies from a gender perspective. Such critiques have the potential of translating the discourse of sexual politics from individual narratives to collective contestations of hierarchies. In the Brahmanical social order, the caste based and sexual divisions of labour are intermeshed such that elevation in caste status is preceded by the withdrawal of women of that caste from productive processes outside the private sphere. Such a linkage operates on presumptions about the accessibility of the sexuality of lower caste women because of their participation in social labour. Brahminism in turn locates this as a failure of lower caste men to control the sexuality of their women and underlines it as a justification of their impurity. Thus gender ideology legitimizes not only structures of patriarchy but also the very organization of caste.
Drawing upon Ambedkar’s analysis, caste ideology (endogamy) is the very basis of the regulation and organization of women’s sexuality. Hence caste determines the division of labour, both sexual division of labour and division of sexual labour. Brahmanisation is a two way process of acculturation and assimilation and throughout history there has been a Brahmanical refusal to universalize a single patriarchal mode. Thus the existence of multiple patriarchies is a result of both Brahmanical conspiracy and of the relation of the caste group to the means for production. There are, therefore, both discrete (specific to caste) as well as overlapping patriarchal arrangements.
Hence women who are sought to be united on the basis of systematic overlapping patriarchies are nevertheless divided on caste/class lines and by their consent to patriarchies and their compensatory structures. If feminists have to challenge these divisions, their mode of organization and struggles ‘should encompass all of the social inequalities that patriarchies are related to, embedded in and structured by.’6 Does the recent assertion of different voice of dalit women challenge these divisions? A review of the non-Brahmanical renderings of women’s liberation in Maharashtra is called for.
In the 1990s, there were several independent and autonomous assertions of dalit women’s identity; a case in point is the formation of the National Federation of Dalit Women and the All India Dalit Women’s Forum. At the state level, the Maharashtra Dalit Mahila Sanghatana was formed in 1995. A year earlier, the women’s wing of the Bharatiya Republican Party and the Bahujan Mahila Sangh set up the Bahujan Mahila Parishad. In December 1996, at Chandrapur, a Vikas Vanchit Dalit Mahila Parishad was organized and a proposal to commemorate 25 December (the day Ambedkar set fire to the Manusmriti) as Bharatiya Streemukti Divas was advanced. The Christi Mahila Sangharsh Sanghatana, an organization of dalit-Christian women was established in 1997. Though these organizations have advanced different non-Brahmanical ideological positions, they have come together on several issues such as the celebration of the Bharatiya Shree Mukti Divas and on the issue of reservations for OBC women in parliamentary bodies.
The emergence of autonomous dalit women’s organizations has led to a major debate, sparked off by the essay ‘Dalit Women Talk Differently’. A series of discussions around the paper were organized in Pune by different feminist groups. A two day seminar was also organized by Alochana, Centre for Research and Documentation on Women, in June 1996. Subsequently, two significant responses to the emergence of autonomous dalit women’s organizations – one by Kiran Moghe of the Janwadi Mahila Sanghatana and the other by Vidyut Bhagwat – presented the issues at stake. At the seminar, Gopal Guru argued that to understand the dalit women’s need to talk differently, it was necessary to delineate both the internal and external factors which have a bearing on this phenomenon.
He located their need to talk differently in a discourse of dissent against the middle class women’s movement, as also the dalit male movement and the moral economy of the peasant movements. In a note of dissent, he argued against their exclusion from both the political and cultural arenas. He further underlined that social location determines the perception of reality and, therefore, the representation of dalit women’s issues by non-dalit women was less valid and less authentic. Though Guru’s argument is well taken and we agree that dalit women must name the difference, a privileging of knowledge claims on the basis of direct experience as authentic may lead to a furthering of narrow identity politics. Such a narrow frame may well limit the emancipatory potential of the dalit women’s organizations as also their epistemological standpoints.
Though the left party based women’s organizations have viewed the emergence of autonomous women’s organizations as a setting up of a separate hearth, they feel that Hindutva and the new economic policy have brought both formations closer, that the autonomous women’s groups have once again come to share a common platform with the left. The subtext of the argument is that autonomy ipso facto is limiting, and that the dalit women’s autonomous organizations would face a threat from the masses in case they did not retain the umbilical relation with the Republican Party. In such a context, their efforts would be limited by the focus on the experiential and the intricacies of funding.
In a critique of Moghe’s position, Bhagwat argued that her position was lacking in self-reflexivity and that the enriching dialectics between the left parties and the autonomous women’s groups had been overlooked in highlighting only one side of the story. To label any new autonomous assertion from the marginalized as ‘identatarian and limited to experience’, she argues, is to overlook the history of struggles by groups to name themselves and their politics.
Several apprehensions were raised about the Dalit Mahila Sanghatan’s likelihood of becoming a predominantly neo-Buddhist women’s organization. Pardeshi rightly argued that such apprehensions were insensitive and overlooked the historical trajectory of the growth of the dalit movement in Maharashtra. Yet she also cautioned that a predominantly neo-Buddhist, middle class leadership could have politically limiting consequences. For instance, she argued that at many of the proceedings of the Parishad, Brahmanisation came to be understood within a narrow frame of non-practice of trisaran and panchasheel. Such a frame could limit the participation by middle caste women.
There are as of today, at least three major contesting and overlapping positions which have emerged from the struggles and politics of dalit women in Maharashtra. The earliest well defined position is the Marxist/Phule/Ambedkarite position of the Satyashodak Mahila Sabha.9 A position emerging out of the dalit-bahujan alliance is that of the Bahujan Mahila Mahasangh (BMM) which critiques the Vedic Brahmanical tradition and seeks to revive the bahujan tradition of the ‘adimaya’.
It criticizes the secular position as Brahmanical and individualistic and underlies the Ambedkarite conceptualization of dhamma in community life. It opposes the common civil code and upholds customary law and community based justice. Significantly, the BMM seeks to combine both the struggle for political power and a cultural revolution in order to revive and extend the culture of bahujans. Such a position is crucial to the problematzation of the dominant Brahmanical culture and thereby underlines the materiality of culture. Yet it faces the danger of glorifying bahujan familial and community practices, since all traces of patriarchal power are negated by viewing them as a result of the processes of Brahmanisation.
The Dalit Mahila Sanghatana has criticized the persistence of ‘manuvadi sanskriti’ in the dalit male who otherwise traces his lineage to a Phule-Ambedkarite ideology. The Sanghatana proposes to foreground the most dalit of dalit women in its manifesto. The Christi Mahila Sangharsh Sanghatana, a dalit Christian women’s organization, in its initial meetings debated the loss of traditional occupations of the converts, their transfer to the service sector, the hierarchies among the Christians by caste and region, and the countering of oppositional forces led by the church and state level Christian organizations.
These non-Brahmanical renderings of feminist politics have contributed to some self-reflexivity among the autonomous women’s groups. Their responses can be broadly categorized as
a) a non-dialectical position of those who while granting that though historically it is now important that dalit women assume leadership, do not revision a non-Brahmanical feminist politics for themselves;
(b) the left position which collapses caste into class and continues to question the distinct materiality of caste and has registered dissent to the declaration of 25 December as Bharatiya Stree Mukti Divas;
(c) a self-reflexive position of those autonomous women’s groups who recognize the need to reformulate and revise feminist politics since the non-Brahmanical renderings are viewed as more emancipatory. It is apparent that the issues underlined by the new dalit women’s movement go beyond the naming of dalit women and call for a revolutionary epistemological shift to a dalit feminist standpoint.
The intellectual history of feminist standpoint theory can be traced to insights provided by Marx, Engels and Lukacs into the standpoint of the proletariat. A social history of standpoint theory focuses on what happens when marginalized peoples begin to gain public voice. The failure of dominant groups to critically and systematically interrogate their privileged position leaves them crippled, scientifically and epistemologically. A dalit feminist standpoint is viewed as emancipatory since the subject of its knowledge is embodied and visible (i.e. the thought begins from the lives of dalit women and these lives are present and visible in the results of the thought). This position claims a higher emancipatory status than other positions and counters pluralism and relativism which posit all knowledge based and political claims as valid in their own way.
It emphasizes individual experiences within socially constructed groups and focuses on the hierarchical, multiple, changing structural power relations of caste, class and ethnicity which construct such groups. It is obvious that the subject/agent of dalit women’s standpoint is multiple, heterogeneous and even contradictory, i.e., the category ‘dalit woman’ is not homogenous. Such a recognition underlines the fact that the subject of dalit feminist’s liberatory knowledge must also be the subject of every other liberatory project and this requires a sharp focus on the processes by which gender, race, class, caste, and sexuality all construct each other. Thus, the dalit feminist standpoint itself is open to liberatory interrogations and revisions.
The dalit feminist standpoint which emerges from the practices and struggles of dalit women may originate in the works of dalit feminist intellectuals, but it cannot flourish if it is isolated from the experiences and ideas of other groups and must educate itself about the histories, preferred social relations, the utopias and the struggles of the marginalized. A transformation from ‘their cause’ to ‘our cause’ is feasible for subjectivities can be transformed. By this we do not argue that non-dalit feminists can ‘speak as’ or ‘for the’ dalit women but they can ‘reinvent’ themselves as dalit feminists. Such a position, therefore avoids the narrow alley of direct experience based ‘authenticity’ and narrow ‘identity politics’.
For many of us, non-dalit feminists, such a standpoint is more emancipatory in that it rejects more completely the relations of rule. Thus, adopting a dalit feminist standpoint position means sometimes losing, sometimes revisioning the ‘voice’ that we as feminists had gained in the 1980s. This process, we believe, is one of transforming individual feminists into oppositional and collective subjects.
* A more detailed version of the paper was first presented at a seminar organized by the Vikas Adhyayan Kendra in March 1998 at Pune and published in their journal Vikalp. It is part of a larger ongoing project and in that sense is not final. The paper draws upon our understanding of and engagement with the contemporary women’s movement in Maharashtra.http://www.india-seminar.com/2018/710/710_sharmila_rege.htm
Sundari Mohan Das
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sundari Mohan Das
Born 17 December 1857
Dighli, Sylhet district, now in Bangladesh
Died 4 April 1950 (aged 92)
Kolkata, West Bengal
Nationality Indian
Alma mater Sylhet Government Pilot High School
Spouse(s) Hemangini Das
Sundari Mohan Das was the founder principal of the Calcutta National Medical College. He was born in Sylhet on 17 December 1857. He took his M.D. degree from Calcutta Medical College. Formerly he was Principle Emeritus of the National Medical Institute and Chittaranjan Hospital, Calcutta; President of the Indian Medical Association, Bengal Branch; Chairman of the Standing Health Committee; Calcutta Corporation; Chairman Nursing and Mandatory Examination Board; Chairman Eden.... committee Nursing Council's Bengal; Chairman Board Of Directors Universal Drug House Pvt. Ltd. A marble statue of Dr. Sundari Mohan Das was unveiled by Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy, Chief Minister of West Bengal on 15 January 1956 at Calcutta National Medical College.
Birth
The paternal home of Late Dr. Sundarimohon Das was in the village of Dighli, in the Sylhet District, now in Bangladesh. He was born in Sylhet on 17 December 1857. It was the time when the first war of Independence against British Rule - the Sepoy Mutiny- was raising its head all through India. He was born on the very day when the mutiny broke out at Latu, a village on the Eastern Border area of the district of Sylhet, then under British occupation.
On getting the news of the mutiny at Latu, many families started on evacuation from Sylhet town by boat and Sundarimohan's mother, who was in her sixth month of pregnancy, was also among the evacuees. Sundarimohan was born on one of such boats before the mature time. The newborn baby was so delicate that he had to be put in a cotton basket and there was great doubt whether the child would survive long.
His father Swarup Chandra Das (also known as Dewan Swarup Chand) had been serving as a Dewan in the Sylhet Collectorate which at that time was under Dacca Commissariat. Later Swarup Chandra was promoted and transferred to Calcutta as Head Dewan of Kalighat. Gabindapur and Sutanuit which were, during that period, under East India Company.
Education
Sundarimohan's school education started in Sylhet. He passed the entrance examination from the Sylhet Government Pilot High School. After passing his examination Sundarimohan came to Calcutta (modern Kolkata) to prosecute his further studies. He passed his F.A. Examination from the Presidency College. He took his M.B. degree from the Calcutta Medical College. He was a good scholar all through his educational career and earned scholarship starting from the lowest school stage up to the stage in the Calcutta medical college.
Student life and public work
While he was a student in the medical college he became a member of the Chaitra Mela, later termed Hindu or National Mela, founded as the Indian Olympic for physical training.
Several friends and their vows
The great orator and National leader Bipin Chandra Pal, poet Ananda Chandra Mitra and Sundarimohan Das, all hailing from Sylhet, were great friends. All four had come under the influence of Sivanath Sastri and became Brahmos. It was again under his influence that these four friends along with others as far back as 1876, took some vows signing their names with their own blood that:
"Self-rule (Swaraj) is our birth-right and we must not serve under foreigner (i.e. the British)."
"We shall accumulate no personal wealth and spend all the balance after meeting necessary expenses for the service of the country and the people."
"We shall not Co-operate with the British administration and the country and the people."
"We shall marry widows to show that widows have right to marry."
"We shall not buy or use foreign goods."
All of them remained true to their vows up to the last days of their lives.
Service and social work in Sylhet
After passing his M.B. examination Sundarimohan went to Sylhet as a private practitioner, but he could not be satisfied with this limited sphere of activities. During his short period of stay in Sylhet, he took the lead in establishing a Brahmos samaj there in co-operation with some of the liberal minded citizens of Sylhet town. For his double defiance - his widow marriage and starting of Brahmos samaj – he was driven out his paternal home.
While he was in Sylhet he extensively toured the rural areas of the district. The total lack of female education, the widespread prevalence of all of sorts of superstition among the people and the horrible condition of child delivery then prevailing in society moved him to the core of his heart. With like minded people he started opening a girls' school, and started a campaign against all sorts of corruptions and superstitions and for the improvement of maternity services. It was his experiences gathered mainly in the rural areas of his district that supplied him the materials and provided him with the basis for writing his famous book in easy Bengali, Briddha Dhatri Rojnamcha (Diary of an old midwife).
Service in Calcutta
Coming back to Calcutta, Sundarimohan joined the Calcutta Municipal corporation as a health inspector. At the time of his service under Calcutta corporation, plague broke out in the city and as a preventive measure, he ordered for destroying some stocks of sugar and salt owned by a few British firms. On this issue he came into conflict with the chairman of the corporation, who was British. The chairman asked him to resign and he resigned at once, refusing to compromise with what he felt to be wrong.
It was about the same period that his book Municipal Darpan was written and published. It was written in simple Bengali, in a dialogue form for educating the citizen of Calcutta on matters relating to public health.
Swadeshi Movement (1905)
Sundarimohan had been one of the leaders in the great Swadeshi Movement of Bengali (1905-1910). He had composed a number of inspiring songs on the boycotting of British goods and British education, etc. He led processions on such issues and took an active part in organising "National Education", particularly on technical and medical lines. He was the main organiser of the National Council of Education and one of the founder-members of Bengali Technical Institute (present-day Jadavpur University).
Swadesh industry
The Swadeshi Movement was not just a negative movement to Sundarimohan. He keenly felt that unless the British goods could be replaced by Swadeshi goods through organising Swadeshi industrial production, this movement could not be successful. It was a fond dream of Sundarimohan that India must be made self-sufficient in industrial products. He had imported knitting machineries for the production of hosiery goods at his Sukea Street house where he trained unemployed youths on this line. It was the twenty five thousand (i.e. over Rs.1,25,000/- in today's rupee value) for the project. As a doctor, he keenly felt the dependence of the country on foreign medicines imported from foreign countries. He set about fighting against this dependence by establishing indigenous pharmaceutical industry in India. He knew the Ayurvedic system of medicine and read Charka and Susruta. His aim was to produce medicines from the various rich herbs available in India in vast quantities, applying modern scientific processes, and also from the modern chemical ingredients. With this purpose in view, he sent his son late Premaananda Das to America in 1908, for studying Pharmaceutical Chemistry. Premananda came back to India after 5 years training and obtaining the degrees M.S. (Master Of Science) and Ph.C. (Pharmaceutical Chemistry) (first in India) from Michigan; also a diploma in Bacteriology and Business Administration from Harvard University acquired practical experiences in big pharmaceutical works in Europe and America.
A political fighter for freedom
Any form of struggle or movement aimed against the British rule and for India's freedom was sacrosanct to him. So we find him among the front rankers of swadeshi movement. The terroristic revolutionary struggle in Bengal also received his unstinted help and support. As a matter of fact his residence in Calcutta was one of the centre for experimenting and making bombs during that period. The great revolutionary Ullaskar dutta would pass a good part of his time in Sundarimohan's house. Another son of Sylhet, Radhakisore Sharma, was actively connected in manufacture bombs in Sundarimohan's residence but he escaped imprisonment by becoming a Vaishnav Babaji at Brindaban. Many terrorist revolutionaries received shelter and protection from the police-hunts in his house and he would contribute good sums for this movement.
It was almost the same period the "extremist" leaders of Calcutta- Aurobindo ghosh, Deshbandu chittaranjan Das Shyamsundar Chakraborty, Mrahmabandha Upadhya, Liakat Hussain and such others- under the leadership of Bipinchandra pal, would regularly meet in his house at 73 Sukea Street hotly discussing the course of movement for achieving "Swaraj" and it was in his course of movement for achieving "Swaraj" and it was in his house that the "Swaraj samity" was first formed This "Swaraj Samity" was the precursor of the well-known "Swarajya Party" of Deshbandhu das. During Non-Cooperation movement initiative by Mahatma Gandhi we also find him whole-heartedly throwing himself for making the students strike successfully particularly the strike of the Medical Students in Calcutta. His activities in relation to making the Medical Students strike a success, will be discussed later on.
Role in "Swaraj" Corporation
In 1924 when Deshbandhu chittaranjan Das became the first elected mayor of newly formed Calcutta Corporation on being requested by him, Sundarimohan became the Chairman of public health Committee of the corporation. His contributions in Public Health measures may be summarised as follows:- a) Liberal financial and other aids to non-governmental medical institutions and hospitals. Such ids were formerly almost limited to government hospitals and institutions. b) Formation of public health associations in every ward with the citizens' representatives, for the first time. c) Opening of medical centres in different parts the city. d) Provision for junior nurses training with purposes of widening the scope of nurse training for the poorer sections. e) Appointment of trained "dhais" for attending the maternity cases, going from house to house and setting up of Maternity Homes in different parts of the city. f) First inception of co-operatives supply of pure milk at cheaper rates children and hospital patients.
Main sphere of activities
His main sphere of activities gradually veered round in organisation independent medical institutions and hospitals, free from government control, for the service of the common people, though he remained connected with other social and political activities all through his life.
It was under his advice and inspiration that Chittaranjan Seva Sadan came into being and Dr. Sundarimohan Das was its first superintendent.
He gave his full co-operatives and active help when the reputed physician of Calcutta Dr. Radha Gobinda kar started the R.G. Kar medical school in the days of the Swadesi Movement. He served the institution as an honorary teacher for a pretty long time but severed his connection with it when it was taken over by the government. When the famous Kabiraj Shyamadas Bachaspati set up "Baidyasastra Pathi", Sundarimohan extended his helping hand there also. While Kabiraj Bachaspati was the principal of the Ayurvedic section, Sundarimahan was the principal of the allopathic section of the institution. He advocated independent research in Ayurvedic on scientific lines. His greatest contribution along this line was the establishment of the National Medical Institute. In the wake of the Non-Cooperation movement when the students of the Calcutta Medical College boycotted the Institution and came out, they raised the demand for an alternative non-government arrangement for their studies. It was Sundarimohan who came forward with the assurance that he would undertake this onerous task. So the National Medical Institute began to take shape in Calcutta. He was aided in this work by Dr. K. S. Roy and Dr. SR. C. Sengupta — two young and patriotic doctors of that time. Sundarimohan gave up his lucrative private practice, so that he might devote his whole time and energy to his new Institution. He acted as the Principal of this Institution without taking any remuneration, except conveyance expenses. This institute has now grown into Calcutta National Medical College — one of the foremost medical institutions of the country.
It was in the hospital of the National Medical Institute that Sundarimohan breathed his last on 4 April 1950. He had expressed his wish before his death that after his death, his body would be the property of his students and it would be utilised for teaching them dissection and anatomy. The hospital authorities, however, could not fulfil his last wish out of love and respect for this great and noble soul who had devoted long years of his life for the cause of Indian Freedom and in service of the people of the country.
Composition
It has already been noted that he had started composing also songs during Swadeshi Movement Period. He would also compose devotion songs which were of high standard. He altogether composed about 300 such songs. Not only that, he was also a very good singer of devotional songs and it was a part of his daily routine. He would get totally absorbed while singing Kirtans tears would flow down his eyes. Those present in his prayer gatherings could not but be moved, Rabindranath Tagore while coming and staying in Calcutta, would visit Sundari Mohan's place, at least twice or thrice a week for hearing his devotional songs (mostly "Kirtans"). It was already been mention that he was a regular writer mainly on public health affairs. His books "Saral Dharti Siksha & Susra Bidya" written in easy Bengali for junior nurse training and midwife training reared up a generation of Nurse and Midwife in Bengal, Assam, and Orissa, providing the helpless girls and widows from the middle class and backward poor families with opportunity of employment and honourable life social services. His last great literary works was the writing of his Autobiography which, if published would have been a rare contribution in the political and social history of Eastern India covering an important and glorious period of about a century. But it is a matter of great regard that this valuable manuscript could not yet its way to a publisher's desk.
Shivram Janaba Kamble
The story of women’s participation in the Untouchable movement is an interesting one. To trace the early activism of Untouchable women one has to go back to the beginning of the twentieth century. In the following decades women’s activities developed from mere participation as beneficiaries, or as audience, to the shouldering of significant responsibility in various fields of activity in the Ambedkar movement.
In the first decade of the twentieth century we find Shivram Janaba Kamble taking up the mission of removing the stigma of prostitution from the face of the Untouchables. In 1908, through his magazine Somvanshi Mitra, he wrote articles asking his community to accept in marriage the hands of women who had been thrown into the degrading profession of prostitution through the practice of giving girls to Hindu temples as devadasis (slaves of the God).
Besides writing articles, Kamble conducted various meetings to awaken and enlighten people and appealed to them to abandon the practice of offering girls to the god and goddess of Jejuri known as Khandoba and Yellamama.
Kamble’s efforts yielded positive results. One devadasi named Shivubai responded to the call and wrote a very long letter explaining the miserable life of the wretched women and offering herself in marriage to any willing person. In response to her call, published by Kamble in his magazine, one of his associates, Ganpatrao Hanmantrao Gaikwad, agreed to marry Shivubai. Accordingly the marriage was solemnised and was given wide publicity.
Not only did Kamble encourage such marriages but he also saw to it that these women got respect and dignity in society. His propaganda against the devadasi system was so effective that in the year 1909 not a single girl was offered to Khandoba as a devadasi. It was also found that other slave girls of the God (prostitutes) were accepted by the young boys of the Untouchable community as their wives.
The early movement of Untouchables in Maharashtra also led to increasing participation by women in conferences. A Nagpur woman, a nurse, described her experiences of untouchability to the All India women’s conference of 1920. Other women were brought before audiences either to welcome the guest speakers in conferences or to sing the welcome songs in meetings.
The movement begun by Dr. Ambedkar generated an even more enthusiastic participation. Dr. Ambedkar organised several conferences of the Untouchables. He saw to it that women’s conferences were held simultaneously with those for men. By 1930 women had become so conscious that they started conducting their own meetings and conferences independently.
In Mahad in 1927, during the historic satyagraha movement to claim the right of Untouchables to take water from the public tank, Dalit women not only participated in the procession with Dr. Ambedkar but also participated in the deliberations of the subject committee meetings in passing resolutions about the claim for equal human rights.
In the Nashik satyagraha, started by Ambedkar in 1930 for the right of Untouchables to enter Hindu temples, several hundred women conducted sit–in agitations in front of the temple and courted arrest. Every batch of volunteers consisted of some women. Some of the women still alive have been interviewed during this research. This satyagraha was carried on until 1935, when, on October 13, Dr. Ambedkar declared at Yeola (near Nashik) that he had been born a Hindu but would not die a Hindu. In the Yeola conference Dr. Ambedkar announced that this satyagraha was terminated as the heart of the Hindu was not likely to change. He also said that his objective was to organise and to awaken the Untouchables themselves.
During this period, women conducted meetings to support separate electorates for the Untouchables and passed resolutions accordingly. In May 1936 the women held an independent conference along with one for women in Bombay to support Dr. Ambedkar’s declaration of intent to convert to a non–Hindu religion. The speeches of women, reported exhaustively in Janata weekly, show that women were very frank in stating that they wanted a religion that would recognise their freedom, dignity and equal status with men. They expressed confidence that Dr. Ambedkar would not drag them into a religion where women would have to wear the burkha or live in purdah.
The resolutions passed by women in various conferences demanded:
1) Free and compulsory education for girls;
2) Women’s representation in state legislative assemblies, local bodies etc ... ;
3) Training for self-protection of Untouchable women, such as wielding of sticks or karate;
4) Starting a women’s wing in the Samta Sainik Dal (Equality Volunteer Corps);
5) Prohibiting child marriages.
Efforts were made by all Ambedkarite workers to encourage women’s education. The research revealed that the first girl’s school in the Untouchable community was srtarted by Kalicharan Nanda-gawali, who later became the Untouchable representative from Gondia to the Central Provinces legislative council during the 1920s. Similar schools were started in the Konkan region and at a few other places. In 1924 in Nagpur the first woman to start a girls school was Jaibai Chaudhari, who herself secured an education against heavy odds and against the wishes of her husband. She was encouraged and helped in her work by a Christian nun. Other women social workers started independent hostels exclusively for girls during the 1930s.
The political movement begun by Dr. Ambedkar brought forth the political ambition of Untouchable women. Women conducted conferences and passed resolutions to support the Independent Labour Party and later the Scheduled Castes Federation programmes.
Describing the 1942 conference of women in Nagpur, held at the same time as the meeting of the Scheduled Castes Federation, Dr. Ambedkar said, “The presence of women at the conference in their thousands was a sight for the gods to witness. Their dress, their cleanliness and the confidence brought delight to my heart”. Similar conferences of women of great magnitude were organised at Kanpur (1944), Bombay (1945) and Calcutta (1946).
At all these conferences, women leaders, viz. Minambal Shivraj from Madras, Sulochana Dongre of Amravati, Shantabai Dani and several other women addressed the meetings. Radhabai Kamble, a worker in a cotton mill, had come up as a labour leader in the Ambedkarite movement in the 1920s. She gave evidence before the Royal Commission of Labour in 1929. The Untouchable women also joined political agitations courted arrest and underwent jailed during the Scheduled Castes Federation’s 1946 satyagraha in the state assemblies. From all this it will be clear that women had made great strides in achieving political consciousness.
The research shows that women were also interested in reforming the marriage system. Untouchable society already permitted divorce, remarriage and widow marriage, but the women in the movement brought several further reforms to the marriage system. They opposed child marriage. They tried to eliminate unnecessary rituals in marriage. They even adopted marriages through advertisement, which was not acceptable then, even among higher classes. Even marriages among different Untouchable sub-castes were welcomed. Such reforms were often ahead of the higher castes.
The research has also documented the change that has occurred among women since the great conversion to Buddhism in 1956. Normally it is believed that women are mostly conservative in cultural matters and not amenable to change, but Dalit women accepted the progressive religion. They have given up old customs, rites and rituals, visits to Hindu pilgrimage sites, fasting on various Hindu festivals, etc. The women have also adopted the Buddhist form of worship and way of life which is based on morality, wisdom and compassion.
The conversion has changed their outlook about caste so much that the new generation of Buddhists hardly knows its sub–caste, and many inter–caste marriages have been welcomed in the Buddhist faith. Formerly girls were given contemptuous names which indicated their low position and caste. Now the Buddhist women name their daughters after great women in Buddhist history.
A Note on the Research Process. The research on this project included locating and reviewing various newspapers published within the Untouchable community during the last hundred years. These include Dhnyan-prakash, Bahishkrit Bharat, Janata, Somvanshi Mitra, etc. In addition to these, some scholarly publications by eminent writers, census and other relevant reports, rare booklets, leaflets and similar material have been explored.
The major portion of the research involved interviews of approximately sixty women who were connected with the Ambedkarite movement. Some information has been obtained from the relatives of deceased participants in the movement. This information was collected from various places in Maharashtra and also from Delhi. The research as a whole throws a flood of light on various activities of women which were hitherto unknown. As far as we know, nobody so far has dealt with this subject. We interviewed women participants in the Ambedkar movement in order to understand what role they played in the movement; what sort of experiences they had in the field as well as in the family, as mother, wife and daughter; what was the effect on their lives, of Ambedkar’s movement and speeches; what difference was there was between a common housewife and a Dalit woman social worker; how far these women are aware of continuing atrocities on women and similar issues.
We travelled throughout Maharashtra and contacted women workers in Bombay, Pune, Satara, Nagpur, and Nasik and some in the countryside. We also visited Delhi. Sometimes we could give them advance notice, but most of the time we had to take them by surprise. Several times we had to remain without food and water, but when we reached somebody’s house we were showered with warm hospitality and love.
At some places we were told that a particular woman was an active worker, but on verification or after a personal meeting the woman would be frank in saying that she was not the woman we wanted. Another thing we noticed was their willingness to help us learn about other women. Thus, by lighting one candle from another, the picture of the Ambedkarite movement became clearer and clearer.
Most of the women we met are illiterate, but some are teachers, some are writers, and three or four are Buddhist nuns. A couple of these women are legislators and some are in local bodies. Most of these women are poor, but some have attained financial security. Most of the women active in the movement were born in social workers’ families, or were given in marriage into such families. Some lived in neighbourhoods where social activities were going on and became involved.
For all of them, Dr. Ambedkar’s words and movement had an inspiring effect on their minds. Even the participants in the movement who were illiterate subscribed to Ambedkar’s journals, e.g., Mooknayak, Bahishkrit Bharat, Janata, Prabuddha Bharat, to keep these publications alive. It was heartening to see that women contributed even from their own meagre income to almost every activity that was going on in the movement. They paid four annas or eight annas when their daily wages were hardly a rupee. (There are sixteen annas in a rupee). These contributions were very significant in the movement.
While joining the processions, satyagrahas, etc., these women had to entrust their children and family responsibilities to a neighbour or to a close relatives like a mother or daughter. Occasionally some of them had co–operation from their husbands, but some of them had to face brutal beatings at their husband’s hands. Some women courted arrest along with men in satyagrahas. At such times, some of them took their infant babies with them to jail and some carried all their belongings, including chickens. Those who left their nursing babies at home complained of breast pains in jail. In order to facilitate social work a few women underwent family planning operations while a few brought home a second wife for the husband.
We have noticed that these women who were once meek and shy are now self – reliant and dare–devil. Taking into consideration the extremely backward social atmosphere, the achievements of these women were most commendable. Schools, hostels and orphanages for girls were started by women like Jaibai Chaudhari and Deshbhratar in the Nagpur area. Radhabai Kamble shouldered leadership in the labour movement. Sakhubai Mohite and Suman Bandisode were among several women who led organisations and participated in movements such as the struggle to rename Marathwada University, extend (affirmative action) reservations to Buddhists and provide land to landless labourers.
Women also continue to be interested in political work. The Republican Party, founded by Ambedkar in 1958, was split into several groups after his death. The women we met are working through these groups but are not happy with these divisions. They believe that the whole Dalit leadership should unite and work as a whole and take the chariot of Ambedkar’s work ahead.
Archived from Communalism Combat, May 2001 Year 8 No. 69, Cover Story 3
Sulochanabai Dongre
Scheduled Castes Federation
Sulochanabai Dongre, the chair of the women's conference at the founding of the All India Scheduled Castes Federation in 1942
Scheduled Castes Federation (SCF) was an organisation in India founded by B. R. Ambedkar in 1942 to campaign for the rights of the Dalit community. An executive body of All India SCF was elected in the convention. N. Sivaraj from Madras State was elected as President and P. N. Rajbhoj from Bombay State was elected as general secretary.
Ambedkar had founded the Depressed Classes Federation (DCF) in 1930 and the Independent Labour Party (ILP) in 1935. Sources vary regarding which of these two bodies was succeeded by the SCF. SCF later evolved into the Republican Party of India.
There was also a party called SCF in Pakistan after Partition. Ramnarayan Rawat stated that the SCF "created the space for an alternative to Congress-type 'nationalist' politics in post- 1947 Uttar Pradesh".
One of the major landmarks of Dalit Movement led by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar had been the huge participation of women and their articulation for political, social and economic rights for women in general and depressed class women in particular.
It is indeed remarkable to note that at the time when ‘nationalists’ of various hues were defining Indian Womanhood in terms of Sitas and Savitris, Depressed class women were asking for the right to divorce, family planning and compulsory primary education for all, together with better working conditions and equal wages for the female laborers.On July 20, 1942 at Nagpur more then 25,000 Dalit women participated in the historic All India Depressed Classes Women’s Conference.
While addressing the participants, Conference President Sulochanabai Dongre said:
“One important question is of birth control. In this respect educated women can be successful because they can realize the evils of it. It is no use multiplying sickly, ill-fed and illiterate children at the cost of mother’s health. To stop this evil every woman should consider this question seriously and should act soon. To solve this problem female education on extensive scale is essential”.
The Women’s right to divorce her husband be recognized by law.
The idea of polygamy existing in our society is being unjust to the women and therefore government must make necessary amends or change in law to check this custom.
Betterment of working conditions for female laborers in mills, bidi factories, municipalities and railways etc like entitlement of casual leaves, adequate com- pensation for bodily injuries and pensions.
To improve education level among the depressed classes women:
Government must enforce compulsory primary education
Each Provincial Government should run separate hostels for depressed class girl students as well as provide scholarships for those among them who are desirous of taking secondary and college education.
Appointment of female supervisors for female workers in the mills.
Seats in all legislative and other representative bodies be reserved for women from Depressed Classes
All India Scheduled Caste Women’s Federation be established
It is unfortunate that today’s Dalit women do not have such platform anymore and like many other institutions initiated by Dr B.R. Ambedkar All India Depressed classes Women Conference also just vanished after his death in 1956.
Source – Sparks, Voices of Dalit Women
Satpal Tanwar
From Wikipedia,
Nawab Satpal Tanwar
National President of Akhil Bhartiya Bhim Sena
Personal details
Born 29 October 1984
Spouse(s) Nisha Tanwar
Education B.A, LLB and double M.A
Occupation Lawyer, Social Activist, Businessman, Share Holder, Lawyer, Poet, Writer and Journalist
Nawab Satpal Tanwar is Indian social activist and founder & national president of Akhil Bhartiya Bhim Sena.
Personal Life
He was born at Khandsa village in Gurugram district in Haryana to a family of army officer. He did his B.A in Political Science from University of Delhi, LLB from Faculty of Law, University of Delhi, MA in Public Administration from Jamia Millia Islamia and MA in Political Science from IGNOU.
Career
He was founding of Bhim Sena in 2010 and he was the keyperson behind organising 2017 protests at Jantar Mantar regarding inaction in the Saharanpur violence case.
Tanwar is a lawyer, legal consultant, legal document writer and auditor, share holder and real estate businessman.
He also writes poems, articles, blogs and also runs channel on Youtube. He writes for Navbharat Times and many other news portals and he also owns a printing agency. He is also president of the social front, "Nigahein".
He actively took part in April 2018 caste protests and organised members of Bhim Sena at Kamla Nehru Park in Delhi.
In 2020, he organised protest against Hathras gangrape case at Gurgaon allying with other Dalit organisations.
Controversies
Satpal Tanwar filed a case under SC/ST Act against Haryanvi dancer, Sapna Chaudhary for degrading Dalit community in one of the folk ragni song. She attempted to commit suicide after the case blaming Tanwar for running online propaganda against her and later the case got cancelled against her and he was booked for abetment.
He was then attacked by a group of unknown men (alleged supporters of Sapna) at late night. Later an Indian Army soldier was caught for threatening him over phone for drawing back the case.
Sarojini Varadappan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sarojini Varathappan
Born 21 September 1921
Madras, India
Died 17 October 2013 (aged 92)
Chennai, India
Occupation Social worker, indian independence movement / indian independence activist
Nationality Indian
Spouse Varadappan
Sarojini Varadappan (21 September 1921 − 17 October 2013) was an Indian social worker from the state of Tamil Nadu. She was the daughter of former Chief Minister of Madras, M. Bhaktavatsalam.
Early life
Sarojini was born in Madras on 21 September 1921 to Bhaktavatsalam and Gnanasundarambal. Her father Bhaktavatsalam was a student at the Madras Law college when she was born. She studied till ninth standard at Lady Sivaswami Girls School when her education was discontinued. She studied Hindi through private home tuitions and completed her Visharadh. As her family objected to her travelling to an exam center to write her exams, her Prathmic exams were conducted at home. In her later years, she explained that her education was curtailed due to the conservativeness of her family. She was associated with the Indian National Congress and the Congress Seva Dal during her early days.
At an early age, she was married to her cousin Varadappan. Sarojini was 21 years old when her father was arrested at the height of the Quit India Movement. After two years of imprisonment, he was released in 1944.
Sarojini resumed her studies after marriage and completed her Master's in political science from Mysore University through correspondence. She also did her MA in Vaishnavism from Madras University. Sarojini got her PhD at the age of 80 for her thesis on "Social Service and the Swami Narayan Movement". Sarojini is also an ardent devotee of the Paramacharya of Kanchi, Chandrasekharendra Saraswathi. Her niece Mrs. Jayanthi Natarajan was a minister in the central cabinet. She died on 17 October 2013, at the age of 92.
Music
Sarojini learnt music from Parur Sundaram Iyer and sung prayer songs at Congress meetings. She also learnt Kshetragna padams and Tamil padams from Mylapore Gowri Amma, Bharatiyar songs from E. Krishna Iyer and Hindi bhajans from Veena Visalakshi.
Social activities
Sarojini was involved in social activities ever since her early days. Her mother Gnanasundarambal was associated with the Women's India Association (WIA) and Sarojini joined the organisation at an early age. Sarojini also served as the President of the WIA. Under her leadership, the number of branches of the organisation increased from four to 76.Sarojini is also the president of the Mylapore Academy
Sarojini has been a member of the Indian Red Cross Society for over 35 years. When Marri Chenna Reddy was the Governor of Tamil Nadu, she was appointed President of the society. This was contrary to the usual practice of requesting the Governor's wife to preside over the society. When contacted, Channa Reddy's wife had declined the request due to her lack of proficiency in Tamil and instead asked Sarojini to preside over the organisation.
She served as the chairperson of Central Social Welfare Board of Government of India from 1973-1977. In 1987, Government of India appointed the High Power Committee on Nursing and Nursing Profession with Sarojini Varadappan as its chairperson to review the roles, functions, status, preparation of the Nursing Personnel, nursing services and other issues related to the development of Nursing profession and to make suitable recommendation to the Government. The committee submitted its report in 1989.
Honours
Sarojini was awarded India's fourth highest civilian award, the Padma Shri in 1973. She was awarded the Jankidevi Bajaj award for 2004 at a function in Chennai held on 23 February 2005. The same year, she received Jamnalal Bajaj Award from the Jamnalal Bajaj Foundation. In 2009, Sarojini was awarded India's third highest civilian award, the Padma Bhushan for social service. On 5 March 2009, she was honoured at a function in Chennai. She was selected Sheriff of Madras for 1983.
Sarojini Varadappan, nonagerian feminist, social activist and Padma Bhushan awardee. Photo: Martin Louis
Around the time of Independence, India produced some outstanding women trailblazers, who defied convention, charted new paths and redefined the role of women in society. Noted social worker Sarojini Varadappan belongs to this select band. Continuing to make a difference even in her 90s, she says, “Social service is my life’s mission and first love.”
Growing up at a time when even acquiring an education was a struggle for a girl, she dropped out after Class IX at the National Girls School, Madras, then run by the Theosophical Society. Learning Hindi at home, she passed the Visharadh examination from home, as even going to the exam hall was not permitted by the family.
Sachindra Nath Sanyal
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sachindra Nath Sanyal
Old vintage phototype sketch of Sanyal
Born 3 April 1893
Died 7 February 1942 (aged 48)
Organization Anushilan Samiti, Ghadar Party, Hindustan Republican Association, Hindustan Socialist Republican Association,
Movement Indian revolutionary movement
Influence
Sachindra Nath Sanyal 
pronunciation (help·info) (3 April 1893 - 7 February 1942) was an Indian revolutionary and a founder of the Hindustan Republican Association (HRA, which after 1928 became the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association) that was created to carry out armed resistance against the British Empire in India. He was a mentor for revolutionaries like Chandrashekhar Azad and Bhagat Singh.
pronunciation (help·info) (3 April 1893 - 7 February 1942) was an Indian revolutionary and a founder of the Hindustan Republican Association (HRA, which after 1928 became the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association) that was created to carry out armed resistance against the British Empire in India. He was a mentor for revolutionaries like Chandrashekhar Azad and Bhagat Singh.Early life
Sachindra Nath Sanyal's parents were Bengalis. His father was Hari Nath Sanyal and his mother was Kherod Vasini Devi. He was born in Benaras, then in United Provinces, on 3 April 1893 and married Pratibha Sanyal, with whom he had one son.
Revolutionary career
Sanyal founded a branch of the Anushilan Samiti in Patna in 1913. He was extensively involved in the plans for the Ghadar conspiracy, and went underground after it was exposed in February 1915. He was a close associate of Rash Behari Bose. After Bose escaped to Japan, Sanyal was considered the most senior leader of India's revolutionary movement.
Sanyal was sentenced to life for his involvement in the conspiracy and was imprisoned at Cellular Jail in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, where he wrote his book titled Bandi Jeevan (A Life of Captivity, 1922). He was briefly released from jail but when he continued to engage in anti-British activities, he was sent back and his ancestral family home in Benaras was confiscated.
Following the end of the Non-cooperation movement in 1922,[1] Sanyal, Ram Prasad Bismil and some other revolutionaries who wanted an independent India and were prepared to use force to achieve their goal, founded the Hindustan Republican Association in October 1924.[5] He was the author of the HRA manifesto, titled The Revolutionary, that was distributed in large cities of North India on 1 January 1925.
Sanyal was jailed for his involvement in the Kakori conspiracy but was among those conspirators released from Naini Central Prison in August 1937. Thus, Sanyal has the unique distinction of having been sent to the Cellular Jail in Port Blair twice. He contracted tuberculosis in jail and was sent to Gorakhpur Jail for his final months. He died on 7 February 1942.
Beliefs
Sanyal and Mahatma Gandhi engaged in a famous debate published in Young India between 1920 and 1924. Sanyal argued against Gandhi's gradualist approach.[
Sanyal was known for his firm Hindu beliefs, although some of his followers were Marxists and thus opposed to religions. Bhagat Singh discusses Sanyal's beliefs in his tract Why I am an Atheist. Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee was a close associate of Sanyal. He was also supplied with guns by Maulana Shaukat Ali, who was at that time a supporter of Congress and its non-violent methods but not with the same fervor for non-violence that was expressed by his organization's leader, Gandhi. Another prominent Congressman, Krishna Kant Malaviya, also supplied him with weapons.
Death
Sanyal participated in Anti-British programs, which resulted in a second prison term and government seizure of his Varanasi property. He died while serving his second term in prison on February 7, 1942.
Shahu of Kolhapur
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
For the 20th-century titular ruler, see Shahu II of Kolhapur.
Shahu
Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj of Kolhapur
Portrait c. 1912
Reign 1894–1922
Coronation 1894
Predecessor Shivaji VI
Successor Rajaram III
Born 26 June 1874
Lakshmi Vilas Palace, Kolhapur
Died 6 May 1922 (aged 47)
Bombay
Father Jaisingrao (Aabasaheb) Ghatge
Mother Radhabai
Shahu maharaj (also known as Chhatrapati Rajarshi Shahu) GCSI GCIE GCVO (26 June 1874 – 6 May 1922) of the Bhonsle dynasty of Marathas was a Raja (reign. 1894 – 1900) and the first Maharaja (1900–1922) of the Indian princely state of Kolhapur. Rajarshi Shahu was considered a true democrat and social reformer. Shahu Maharaj was an able ruler who was associated with many progressive policies during his rule. From his coronation in 1894 till his demise in 1922, he worked for the cause of the lower caste subjects in his state. Primary education to all regardless of caste and creed was one of his most significant priorities.
Early life
H.H. Shahu Maharaj seated with palace servants
He was born as Yeshwantrao in the Ghatge Maratha family, of Kagal village of the Kolhapur district as Yeshwantrao Ghatge to Jaisingrao and Radhabai in 26 June 1874. Jaisingrao Ghatge was the village chief, while his mother Radhabhai hailed from the royal family of Mudhol. Young Yeshwantrao lost his mother when he was only three. His education was supervised by his father till he was 10-year-old. In that year, he was adopted by Queen Anandibai, widow of King Shivaji IV, of the princely state of Kolhapur. Although the adoption rules of the time dictated that the child must have Bhosale dynasty blood in his veins, Yeshwantrao’s family background presented a unique case. He completed his formal education at the Rajkumar College, Rajkot and took lessons of administrative affairs from Sir Stuart Fraser, a representative of the Indian Civil Services. He ascended the throne in 1894 after coming of age, prior to which a regency council appointed by the British Government took care of the state affairs. During his accession Yeshwantrao was renamed as Shahuji Maharaj. Shahu was over five feet nine inches in height and displayed a regal and majestic appearance. Wrestling was one of his favourite sports and he patronised the sport throughout his rule. Wrestlers from all over the country would come to his state to participate in wrestling competitions.
He was married to Lakshmibai Khanvilkar, daughter of a nobleman from Baroda in 1891. The couple had four children – two sons and two daughters.
Vedokta controversy
When Brahmin priests of the royal family refused to perform the rites of non-Brahmins in accordance with the Vedic hymns, This led to Shahu supporting Arya Samaj and Satyashodhak Samaj as well as campaigning for the rights of the Maratha community. he took the daring step of removing the priests and appointing a young Maratha as the religious teacher of the non-Brahmins, with the title of Kshatra Jagadguru (the world teacher of the Kshatriyas). This was known as the Vedokta controversy. It brought a hornet's nest about his ears, but he was not the man to retrace his steps in the face of opposition. He soon became the leader of the non-Brahmin movement and united the Marathas under his banner.
Social reform
Group at Residency including the Maharaja of Kolhapur
Chhatrapati Shahu occupied the throne of Kolhapur for 28 years, from 1894 to 1922; during this period he initiated numerous social reforms in his empire. He is credited with doing much to improve conditions for the lower castes. He also ensured suitable employment for students thus educated, thereby creating one of the earliest affirmative action (50% reservation to weaker sections) programs in history. Many of these measures came in to effect in the year 1902. He started Shahu Chhatrapati Weaving and Spinning Mill in 1906 to provide employment. Rajaram college was built by Shahu Maharaj, and later was named after him. His emphasis was on education, his aim being to make learning available to the masses. He introduced a number of educational programs to promote education among his subjects. He established hostels for different ethnicities and religions, including Panchals, Devadnya, Nabhik, Shimpi, Dhor-Chambhar communities as well as for Muslims, Jains and Christians. He established the Miss Clarke Boarding School for the socially quarantined segments of the community. Shahu introduced several scholarships for poor yet meritorious students from backward castes. He also initiated compulsory free primary education for all in his state. He established Vedic Schools which enabled students from all castes and classes to learn the scriptures, thus propagating Sanskrit education among all. He also founded special schools for village heads or ‘patils’ to make them better administrators.
Sahu was a strong advocate of equality among all strata of society and refused to give the Brahmins any special status. He removed Brahmins from the post of Royal Religious advisers when they refused to perform religious rites for non-Brahmins. He appointed a young Maratha scholar in the post and bestowed him the title of `Kshatra Jagadguru' (the world teacher of the Kshatriyas). This incident together with Shahu’s encouragement of the non-Brahmins to read and recite the Vedas led to the Vedokta controversy in Maharashtra. This dispute brought a storm of protest from the elite strata of society and vicious opposition to his rule. He established the Deccan Rayat Association in Nipani during 1916. The association sought to secure political rights for non-Brahmins and invite their equal participation in politics. Shahu was influenced by the works of Jyotiba Phule, and long patronized the Satya Shodhak Samaj, formed by Phule.
In 1903, he attended the Coronation of King Edward VII and Queen Alexandra, and in May that year received the honorary degree LL.D. from the University of Cambridge.
Shahu made great efforts to abolish the concept of caste segregation and untouchability. He introduced (perhaps the first known) reservation system in government jobs for untouchable castes. His Royal Decree ordered his subjects to treat every member of society as equal, and granting the untouchables equal access to public utilities like wells and ponds, as well as establishments like schools and hospitals. He legalised inter-caste marriage and made great efforts to improve the situation of the dalits. He discontinued the hereditary transfer of titles and tenures of revenue collectors.
He also worked towards betterment of the condition of women in his empire. He established schools to educate women, and also spoke vociferously on the topic of women's education. He legalised widow remarriage in 1917 and made efforts towards stopping child marriage. In 1920, Shahu introduced a law banning the Devadasi Pratha ( the practice of offering girls to God) , which essentially led to sexual exploitation of girls at the hands of the clergy.
Shahu introduced a number of projects which enabled his subjects to sustain themselves in their chosen professions. The Shahu Chhatrapati Spinning and Weaving Mill, dedicated marketplaces and co-operative societies for farmers were established to free his subjects from predacious middlemen in trading. He made credits available to farmers looking to buy equipment to modernise agricultural practices, and even established the King Edward Agricultural Institute to instruct farmers in increasing crop yield and related techniques. He initiated the Radhanagari Dam on 18 February 1907; the project was completed in 1935.and made Kolhapur self-sufficient in water.
He was a great patron of art and culture, encouraging music and the fine arts. He supported writers and researchers in their endeavours. He installed gymnasiums and wrestling pitches and highlighted the importance of health consciousness among the youth.
His seminal contribution in social, political, educational, agricultural and cultural spheres earned him the title of Rajarshi, which was bestowed upon him by the Kurmi warrior community of Kanpur.
Association with Ambedkar
Shahumaharaj was introduced to Dr. Ambedkar by artists Dattoba Pawar and Dittoba Dalvi. The Maharaja was greatly impressed by the great intellect of young Bhimrao and his revolutionary ideas regarding untouchability. The two met a number of times during 1917–1921 and went over possible ways to abolish the negatives of caste segregation by providing "caste-based reservation" to selected people. They organised a conference for the betterment of the untouchables during 21–22 March 1920 and the Shahu made Ambedkar the Chairman as he believed that Ambedkar was the leader who would work for the amelioration of the segregated segments of the society. He even donated Rs. 2,500 to Ambedkar, when the latter started his newspaper ‘Mooknayak’ on 31 January 1921, and contributed more later for the same cause. Their association lasted till the Shahu's death in 1922.
Personal life
H.H.Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj sitting amongst crowds watching a wrestling match
In 1891, Shahu married Lakshmibai née Khanvilkar (1880–1945), daughter of a Maratha nobleman from Baroda. They were the parents of four children:
Rajaram III, who succeeded his father as Maharaja of Kolhapur.
Radhabai 'Akkasaheb' Pawar, Maharani of Dewas (senior)(1894–1973) who married Raja Tukojirao III of Dewas(Senior) and had issue:
Vikramsinhrao Pawar, who became Maharaja of Dewas (Senior) in 1937 and who later succeeded to the throne of Kolhapur as Shahaji II.
Sriman Maharajkumar Shivaji (1899–1918)
Shrimati Rajkumari Aubai (1895); died young
Death
Shahu died on 6 May 1922 in Bombay, now Mumbai, in a lodge named Panhala lodge in Khetwadi 13 lane, near Girgaon. However this lodge is now not in existence and a residential building is there in place of this lodge. He was succeeded by his eldest son Rajaram III as the Maharaja of Kolhapur. The reforms initiated by Shahu maharaj gradually began to fade for the lack of able leadership to carry on the legacy.
Full name and titles
His full official name was: Colonel His Highness Kshatriya-Kulaawatans Sinhasanaadheeshwar, Shreemant Rajarshi Sir Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj Sahib Bahadur, GCSI, GCIE, GCVO.
During his life he acquired the following titles and honorific names:
1874–1884: Meherban Shrimant Yeshwantrao Sarjerao Ghatge
1884–1895: His Highness Kshatriya-Kulaawatans Sinhasanaadheeshwar, Shreemant Rajarshi Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj Sahib Bahadur, Raja of Kolhapur
1895–1900: His Highness Kshatriya-Kulaawatans Sinhasanaadheeshwar, Shreemant Rajarshi Sir Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj Sahib Bahadur, Raja of Kolhapur, GCSI
1900–1903: His Highness Kshatriya-Kulaawatans Sinhasanaadheeshwar, Shreemant Rajarshi Sir Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj Sahib Bahadur, Maharaja of Kolhapur, GCSI
1903–1911: His Highness Kshatriya-Kulaawatans Sinhasanaadheeshwar, Shreemant Rajarshi Sir Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj Sahib Bahadur, Maharaja of Kolhapur, GCSI, GCVO
1911–1915: His Highness Kshatriya-Kulaawatans Sinhasanaadheeshwar, Shreemant Rajarshi Sir Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj Sahib Bahadur, Maharaja of Kolhapur, GCSI, GCIE, GCVO
1915–1922: Colonel His Highness Kshatriya-Kulaawatans Sinhasanaadheeshwar, Shreemant Rajarshi Sir Shahu Chhatrapati Maharaj Sahib Bahadur, Maharaja of Kolhapur, GCSI, GCIE, GCVO
Honours
Then the President, Smt. Pratibha Devisingh Patil unveiling the statue of Rajarshi Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj, at Parliament House, in New Delhi on 17 February 2009
Knight Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order(GCVO), 1903
Hon. LLD(Cantabrigian), 1903
Delhi Durbar Gold Medal, 1903
Delhi Durbar Gold Medal, 1911
In 1995, under the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati, Kanpur University was renamed to Chhatrapati Shahu Ji Maharaj University.
An eight-foot tall statue of Shahu was installed at the Parliament House, in New Delhi. Then the President, Pratibha Patil unveiled the statue on 17 February 2009.
President of India unveils the statue of Rajarshi Chhatrapati Shahu Maharaj in Pune on 28 December 2013
Shahantabai Kamble
Shantabai Krushnaji Kamble (born 1 March 1923) is a Marathi writer and Dalit activist. She wrote the first female Dalit autobiography.
Early age
Shantabai Krushnaji Kamble was born in a Mahar Dalit family on 1 March 1923. Her birthplace was Mahud which is located in Solapur. She was from a poor family. The social and economic status of her community was quite low.
Educational struggle
In India, the traditional attitude towards those belonging to the lower castes can be summed up as: "Education is not their cup of tea." So education was prohibited for the members of her community. Even worse, she was female and girls did not go to school in those days. But her parents decided to send her to school because of her extraordinary talent. According to a newspaper article, "As an untouchable, she [was] not allowed to enter the class-room and has to go through the humiliating experience of sitting outside the class and imbibing whatever she could."
Her book
Shantabai Kamble's Majya Jalmachi Chittarkatha published as a complete book in 1986 but presented to readers and television audiences in serial form named as Najuka through the early 1980s, is considered the first autobiographical narrative by a Dalit woman writer. This book is included in the University of Mumbai's syllabus
Sindhutai Sapkal
From Wikipedia
Dr.Sindhutai Sapkal
Born 14 November 1948
Wardha, Central Provinces and Berar, Maharashtra, India
Other names Maai (lit. mother)
Spouse(s) Shrihari Sapkal
Children 4 (biological)
1500+ Adopted
Parent(s)
Abhimanji Sathe (father)
Dr.Sindhutai Sapkal is an Indian social worker and social activist known particularly for her work in raising orphaned children in India. She was conferred the Padma Shri in 2021 in Social Work category.
Early life and education
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Sapkal was born on 14 November 1948 in a cattle grazing family in Maharashtra’s Wardha district. Being an unwanted child, she was referred to as Chindhi (Marathi for "torn piece of cloth"). Abject poverty, family responsibilities and an early marriage forced her to quit formal education after she successfully passed the 4th standard. At the age of twelve, Sapkal was married to a man twenty years her senior in Wardha District. In her new home, she fought against the exploitation of local women, who collected cow dung, by the forests department and landlords. She bore three sons by the time she turned twenty. At the young age of twenty, when nine-months pregnant, Sapkal was beaten and left to die by her husband. She gave birth to a baby girl in a semi-conscious state in a cow shelter outside their house on the night of 14 October 1973. Sapkal took to begging on the streets and railway platforms to survive. Because she feared being picked up by men at night, she often spent the night at cemeteries. Such was her condition that people called her a ghost since she was seen at night in the cemeteries.
Early work with Adivasis
Sapkal later found herself in Chikhaldara, where she started begging on railway platforms for food. In the process, she realized that there were many children abandoned by their parents and she adopted them as her own. She then begged more vigorously to feed them. She decided to become a mother to everyone who came across to her as an orphan. She later donated her biological child to the trust Shrimant Dagdu Sheth Halwai, Pune, to eliminate the feeling of partiality between her biological child and the adopted children.
Details of Sapkal's struggle were provided in the weekly Optimist Citizen on May 18, 2016:
In this constant tussle to survive, she found herself in Chikaldara, situated in the Amravati district of Maharashtra. Here, due to a tiger preservation project, 84 tribal villages were evacuated. Amidst the confusion, a project officer impounded 132 cows of Adivasi villagers and one of the cows died. Sapkal decided to fight for proper rehabilitation of the helpless tribal villagers. Her efforts were acknowledged by the Minister of Forests and he made appropriate arrangements for alternative relocation.
Sapkal fought for the rehabilitation of eighty-four villages. In the course of her agitation, she met Chhedilal Gupta, the then Minister of Forests. He agreed that the villagers should not be displaced before the government had made appropriate arrangements at alternative sites. When Prime Minister Indira Gandhi arrived to inaugurate the tiger project, Sapkal showed her photographs of an Adivasi who had lost his eyes to a wild bear. He is quoted as saying, "I told her that the forest department paid compensation if a cow or a hen was killed by a wild animal, so why not a human being? She immediately ordered compensation."
After being informed of the plight of orphaned and abandoned Adivasi children, Sapkal took care of the children in return for meager amounts of food. Shortly thereafter, it become the mission of her life.
Orphanages
Sapkal devoted herself to orphans. As a result, she is fondly called "Mai", which means "mother". She has nurtured over 1,500+ orphaned children. She has a grand family of 382 sons-in-law, 49 daughters-in-law, and over a thousand grandchildren. Many of the children whom she adopted are well-educated lawyers and doctors. Some of her adopted children - including her biological daughter - are running their own independent orphanages. One of her children is doing a PhD on her life. She has been honored with more than 900 National and International awards for her dedication and work. She used award money to buy land to make a home for orphaned children. In person, Sapkal recites motivational lines for society and youth.
Organisations
Mother Global Foundation Pune
Sanmati Bal Niketan, Bhelhekar Vasti, Hadapsar, Pune
Mamata Bal Sadan, Kumbharvalan, Saswad
Savitribai Phule Mulinche Vasatigruh Amravati -
Abhiman Bal Bhavan, Wardha
Gangadharbaba Chhatralaya, Guha shirdi
Saptsindhu' Mahila Adhar, Balsangopan Aani Shikshan Sanstha, Pune
Shree Manshanti Chatralaya, Shirur
vanvasi gopal krishna bahuuddeshiya mandal Amaravati
Awards
President Ram Nath Kovind presenting the Nari Shakti Puraskar to Sapkal in 2017
2021 - Padma Shri in Social work category
2017 – Nari Shakti Puraskar from the President Of India
2016 – Honorary doctorate by the Dr. D.Y. Patil College of Engineering, Pune.
2016 – Social Worker of the Year award from Wockhardt Foundation
2014 – Ahmadiyya Muslim Peace Prize
2014 – BASAVA BHUSANA PURASKAR-2014, awarded from Basava Seva Sangh Pune.
2013 – Mother Teresa Awards for Social Justice.
2013 – The National Award for Iconic Mother ---- (first recipient)
2012 – Real Heroes Awards, given by CNN-IBN and Reliance Foundation.
2012 – COEP Gaurav Puraskar, given by College of Engineering, Pune.
2010 – Ahilyabai Holkar Award, given by the Government of Maharashtra to social workers in the field of women and child welfare
2008 – Women of the Year Award, given by daily Marathi newspaper Loksatta
1996 – Dattak Mata Purskar, given by Non Profit Organization Sunita Kalaniketan Trust
1992 – Leading Social Contributor Award.
Sahyadri Hirkani Award (Marathi: सह्याद्रीची हिरकणी पुरस्कार)
Rajai Award (Marathi: राजाई पुरस्कार)
Shivlila Mahila Gaurav Award (Marathi: शिवलीला महिला गौरव पुरस्कार)
Film
The 2010 Marathi film Mee Sindhutai Sapkal by Anant Mahadevan is a biopic inspired by the true story of Sindhutai Sapkal. The film was selected for world premiere at the 54th London Film Festival.
Suresh Mane
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Suresh Mane
Suresh Mane
Founder, President - BRSP Ex National General Secretary - BSP
Personal details
Born 10 August 1960
Political party Bahujan Republican Socialist Party (BRSP)
Website http://brsp.in/index.php
Suresh Mane (born 10 August 1960) is an Indian Politician and social activist who worked for improvement and mobilization of the Bahujan Samaj (OBC, SC and ST). He joined Bahujan movement founded by Kanshi Ram. He actively participated in BAMCEF, Dalit Soshit Samaj Sangharsh Samithi (DS4) and was a founding member of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in 1984.
Early life
The only son of Tatoba Bala Mane and Sonabai Tatoba Mane, Mane was born in Ambedkarite, a Buddhist family at village Ghogaon, Tal, Karad, Dist. Satara in Western Maharashtra. He pursued primary and secondary education in his native and nearby village while helping his family in the jobs of farming and cattle rearing, before moving to Mumbai for further education and employment.
Although a product of Siddharth Vihar Hostel in Mumbai, Mane never became part of traditional RPI or Dalit Panther movements in Maharashtra; but was attracted to Kanshi Ram Phenomenon then operating in the name of BAMCEF and DS-4. On 4 January 1982, as a student activist, he spoke in the presence of Kanshi Ram, at DS-4’s conference in Kavsji Jahangir Hall, Mumbai. Since then he has been an activist of the Bahujan Movement, with multiple responsibilities.
Career
Mane completed a Ph.D. in law with specialization in constitutional law, administrative law and criminal law from the University of Mumbai University. The subject of his doctoral thesis was: "The Contribution of Justic P.N. Bhagwati to the constitutional growth in India: a critical study". He worked in few private firms before becoming a professor in Mumbai University. He has been head of the law department at Mumbai University since November 1998.
Publications
Mane has written 11 books, 7 monograph and 65 articles published in national and international magazines and journals, including
"We Believe in Social Change"
Demons of Democracy - Crony Capitalism, Corruption & Corrupt Political Class
Indian Constitutional Law-Dynamics and Challenges
The Global Law
The Paradigm Shift in Legal Education & Research
The Man Who Codified the Indian Constitution
Crime Criminology and Criminal Law
Pune Karar-The Great Betrayal, (Marathi)
Glimpses of Socio-Cultural Revolts in India (Malayalam)
Glimpses of Socio-Cultural Revolts in India (English)
Indian Constitutional Law-New Challenges (Co-Editor)
Leading Cases in Constitutional Law (2)
Political career
Mane joined Indian Bahujan movement at age seventeen. He became a student and Youth representative when he was 22. He has worked in BAMCEF and DS-4 since 1980. He was founding member of Bahujan Samaj Party which was founded by Bahujan Nayak Kanshiram in 1984.
Mane was given key responsibilities as an organiser in the Bahujan Samaj party, resource management and media correspondent. He was made National General Secretary of BSP.
Under Mayawati’s Leadership of Bahujan Samaj Party he has taken care key responsibilities as National General Secretary and also the coordinator for the Southern & North East state of India Namely Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Pundachery (since 2005) & North-east States (since 2006). He is also In charge of Andhra Pradesh since 2009, Telangana and Maharashtra state from 2014.
Under Mane's leadership, BSP won two seats in the 2014 assembly election of Telangana at the assembly constituencies of Nirmal and Sirpur. BSP has performed well in many local body election in Telangan state. He is known for missionary work and result base politics.
On 26 June 2015 Bahujan Samaj Party National President Mayawati expelled Dr. Suresh Mane along with Maharashtra State General Secretary Kishor Gajbhiye over charges of indiscipline and disobeying the National Leadership. Dr. Suresh Mane and Kishor Gajbhiye announced their resignation from primary membership of Bahujan Samaj Party in a press conference held at Nagpur on 28 June 2015.
Dr. Suresh Mane formed new political party named as Bahujan Republican Socialist Party (BRSP) on 9th Oct, 2015 on death anniversary of Bahujan Nayak Mn. Kanshiram.
Sonaram Chutia - Activitist
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sonaram Chutia
সোণাৰাম চুতীয়া (Assamese)
Born 8 June 1915
Bamkukurachowa village, Kakojan, Jorhat, British Raj (present-day Assam, India)
Died 30 January 2013 (aged 98)
Jorhat, Assam
Nationality Indian
Other names Vaishnav Pandit
Alma mater Cotton College
Known for Srimanta Sankardeva Sangha, Freedom fighter, Educationist
Children Seven
Parent(s) Jagiram Chutia (father)
Phuleswari Chutia (mother)
Awards Freedom fighter award-Union government (1972), Assam Government (1973)
Srimanta Sankaradeva-Madhabdeva Award
Srimanta Sankaradeva Award
Jorhat Ekalabya and Dalit Daradi
Sonaram Chutia (also known as Vaishnav Pandit) was a Vaishnav scholar, freedom fighter and educationist from Assam, India. Born in Bamkukurachowa village in the Jorhat district of Assam during the British Raj, Chutia was educated in Jorhat and completed his B.Sc from Cotton College. Throughout his education, Chutia witnessed insulting comments from upper-caste boys and instances of disrespectful mistreatment from religious establishments towards certain communities. It is said that these experiences prompted Chutia to take up his cause against casteism and racism.
Sutiya began his career as a science teacher at the Sivasagar Government Higher Secondary School in 1939 but left his job and joined the Jatiya Mahasabha. He was jailed during the Quit India Movement, and he met Pitambar Dev Goswami, Satradhikar of the Garmurh Satra, in prison in 1943. In 1946, Sutiya joined the Srimanta Sankaradeva Sangha, devoting himself to working for the organisation for the rest of his life.
Sutiya was honoured as a freedom fighter by the Union government in 1972 and the government of Assam in 1973. He received the Srimanta Sankardeva-Madhabdeva Award in 1994. In 2000, the Assam government bestowed the Srimanta Sankaradeva Award on him. In 2005, he was awarded as Jorhat Ekalabya and Dalit Daradi by North Eastern Research Organization. A Gandhian in life, Sutiya was a student of Class X, when he saw Gandhiji for the first time and met him personally later in Maharashtra.
Early life
Sonaram Sutiya was born into an ethnic Assamese Sutiya family on 8 June 1915 to Jagiram Sutiya and Phuleswari Sutiya in Jorhat district of Assam. Sutiya started his schooling in Bamkukurachowa L.P. school in 1922. In 1935, he passed his Matriculation with distinction. He scored letter marks in General Mathematics, Sanskrit, Assamese, Advanced Mathematics and Mechanics. That year, young Sutiya was the only student to score letter marks in the Matriculation. He completed a B.Sc with distinction at the prestigious Cotton College in 1939. Due to the Second World War, he left his studies and started working as a science teacher in Sivasagar Government Higher Secondary School in 1939.
Struggle for Indian Independence
In 1940 he left his job and joined the Jatiya Mahasabha (Indian National Congress), an organisation working towards India's Independence. In 1942 he played an active role in Quit India movement. As a freedom fighter, he was arrested by the British in the same year and sent to Jorhat Central Jail. Before being sent to jail, he was working as a teacher in Teok Balama high school and Kakojan high school.
In jail, he met veteran Assamese freedom fighters Gopinath Bordoloi, Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, Debeswar Sarma, and Pitambar Dev Goswami. After 2 years and 18 days in Jorhat Central jail, Sutiya was released on 22 December 1944. Following his release, he was placed under house arrest for 6 months. In 1945, he began teaching again at Teok Balama High School.
Vaishnav scholar
In 1946 he joined Palakhani Ashram of Nagaon, which was run by Ramakanta Muktiyaron, on the birth anniversary of Srimanta Sankardev. In 1958 he joined as Rural Development Officer in Golaghat district and for the first time in 1956, he was selected as president of 28th Srimanta Sankardev Sangha Adhibekhon, Saraidoloni, Lakhimpur. Till 1978 he was selected as the president of Srimanta Sankardev Sangha for 9 times in various places of Assam. In 1978 he was selected the president of 47th Srimanta Sankardev Sangha Adhibekhon, Guwahati, Assam. From 1978 onwards, he acted as the chief advisor of Srimanta Sankardev Sangha and was a member of Saran team. On 10 April 1975, he retired from Teok Rajabari High School as a Headmaster. After that he fully devoted his life to Srimanta Sankardev Sangha.
Literary works
He began writing 1939 after he joined the Dharma Mahasabha. His books were highly influenced by Sankari Culture and Mahapusia Dharma. Most of them were related to Vishnuism in Assam. Until his death, he wrote various books and articles in many different Assamese magazines. In 1954, he published his first book "Naam Dharma Prakash".
Books wrote by Sonaram Sutiya:
Naam Dharma Prakash (1954 )
Mahapurush Haridev Charit (1968 )
Axomor Vaisnav DarshanorSwarnarekha (1971 )
Bikhudgarror Bichitra Kahani ( 1976 )
Mundan ( 1978 )
Bhagawat Mahatyama ( 1984 )
Mahapusia Dharma Jigyassa ( 1986 )
Ved aaru Mahapusia Dharma ( 1988 )
Axomor Satra : Ek Anuhandhan ( 2003 )
Aami Bhagawanor Dakh (2003)
Vakti Ratnawali
Huvor Okhodhi
Ishwaror Sabbyabyapita
Mahapusia Dharma aru Karmakando
Surendra Gadling
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Surendra Gadling is a human rights lawyer and Dalit rights activist based in Nagpur.
Personal life
Surendra was born into a Dalit family in Indora, a slum community in Nagpur. He lives in Bhim Chowk with his wife, two children and mother.
Work
Surendra started his career as an apprentice in the railways.
He is known for taking up cases of illegal killings, police excesses, fakes cases, and atrocities against Dalits and Adivasis in Gadchiroli and Gondia districts. He is considered to be an expert in special laws like UAPA, the Forest Rights Act, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.
He represented Arun Ferreira between 2007 and 2012. Until his arrest, he was handling the case of G.N. Saibaba, a wheelchair-bound Delhi University professor jailed for alleged Naxal links. Advocate Mihir Desai took over the case from him.
He is known to take up most of his cases pro bono.
Activism
While working as an apprentice in the Railways, Surendra started the Awhan Natya Manch, which would organise cultural evenings in the bastis of Nagpur and engage in conversations around rights and oppressions.
Gadling was part of an independent fact-finding team that probed the encounter killing of 40 alleged Maoists by the police in Gadhchiroli in April 2018.
He was a member of the Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights (CPDR) and CRPP.
Arrest
On 25 December 2016, Surendra Gadling was arrested along with Varavara Rao in the Surajgarh Mine Arson Case.[4][5] On 6 June 2018 he was arrested by the Pune Police, along with four others- Sudhir Dhawale, Shoma Sen, Rona Wilson and Mahesh Raut. They were accused of having Maoist links and were charged under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). On 8 June 2018, he was moved from police remand to judicial custody on account of his deteriorating health condition, after he was moved to Sasoon Hospital in Pune.
Rona Wilson
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Rona Wilson is the public relations secretary of the Committee for Release of Political Prisoners (CRPP). He has worked with people accused in terrorism cases, including those booked under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA).
Rona is from Kollam district in Kerala. He came to Delhi in the late 1990s, where he studied at the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). He was at the forefront of the struggle to release SAR Geelani in the 2001 Parliament attack case. After this, he formed the Committee for Release of Political Prisoners (CRPP) with Geelani.
Rona's house was raided in April 2018. At the time, he was preparing a research proposal for a Ph.D. in London. On 6 June 2018, he was arrested from Munirka in Delhi early in the morning by Pune Police along with Sudhir Dhawale, Shoma Sen, Mahesh Raut and Surendra Gadling in a joint operation across India. He was booked under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). A report by Arsenal Consulting, a digital forensics firm based out of Massachusetts, said the incriminating evidence against Rona Wilson was placed on his laptop by a yet-to-be-identified attacker using a malware while his laptop was compromised for over 22 months.
Smt. Sumitra Devi
The sudden demise of Smt. Sumitra Devi, known to all of us as Sumitra Di has awakened the Dalit community of Bihar.
The sudden demise of Smt. Sumitra Devi, known to all of us as Sumitra Di has awakened the Dalit community of Bihar. Didi has spent more than 40 years with the community. Through her activities, Didi has immensely contributed for the empowerment of Women in general and Dalit women in particular. At very young age she shouldered the Dalit cause as a whole time worker, by sacrificing her personal live completely. She transformed the Prayas (Prayas Gramin Vikas Samiti’s) office as her own home and lived with the community.
Her contributions to the Dalith community are countless. To quote a few : The village developed for the rehabilitated bonded labour near Patna is a live example. She is the ‘God Mother’ for every family in the village. In my experience with Bihar Dalit community, this is the only village where every Dalit child is in the school, every household is part of the self-help groups without a defaulter and a total liquor free community.
Didi improved her skill in tailoring along with her long companion Karuna Di ( Smt. Karuna Prakash) and trained several Dalit girls and empowered them to earn considerably to support their families. There are few hundreds of Dalit women who are in to tailoring. Both the Didis’ Tailoring skills have supported the activities of Prayas for several years and is known to all.
As a ‘Mahila Kosh’ in-charge of Prayas, she is not interested in linking the self-help groups to Banks. In her opinion, bank linkages would bring in the element of business into the community that would defeat the self-help purpose of the groups. Hundreds of self-help groups established by her are still adhere to this value of Didi.
Didi has held several positions in the governance of Praysas. Whatever position Didi held, she is all in one and used to feed all of us at the office. She is the fond mother of every one who stayed at the office, including my own parents and family members enjoyed the hospitality and affection during our visit to Bihar in 2012.
Didi was one of the founder members of DAM, ( Dalit Adhikar Manch) Bihar the State chapter of NDF (National Dalit Forum).
Didi’s sudden demise pushed all of us in to deep sorrow…especially Kapil ji (Kapileshwar Ram, President of Prayas) She is the eldest of his family…….
Didi….. we will March forward in the path laid by you…….
May her soul rest in peace…
Ravi Kumar – NDF
and Family
Sujatha Gidla
From Wikipedia
Gidla at the 2018 national book festival
Sujatha Gidla is an Indian-American author. Gidla is known for her book Ants Among Elephants: An Untouchable Family and the Making of Modern India. She was born in Andhra Pradesh and moved to the United States in 1990, when she was 26 years old.[1] She now lives in New York and works as a conductor on the New York City Subway.
Early life
Sujatha Gidla was raised in the Dalit community of Kakinada, a small town in present-day Andhra Pradesh. Her great grandparents accepted Christianity after they heard the Gospel propagated by Canadian Baptist missionaries in her region. With missionary institutions heralding development of the society in general through education, Sujatha's grandparents were also educated at one such institution run by the missionaries in Kakianda. Prasanna Rao, Gidla's grandfather, studied in a school set up by the Canadian missionaries. Gidla's parents were also college lecturers.
After getting her bachelor's degree from State-run Pithapuram Rajah Government College in Kakinada, Gidla enrolled in a Masters' program in Physics in Regional Engineering College, Warangal. During her second year there, in one of the earlier instances of her activism, Gidla participated in a strike against an upper-caste professor in the Engineering department, who was deliberately failing students from the lower castes. She was the only woman who had participated in the strike. The protestors were all jailed in an undisclosed location. Gidla was detained for three months, during which she was tortured and contracted tuberculosis. Her mother Manjula contacted a civil rights lawyer named K. G. Kannabiran to help them. This was one of the earlier instances of Gidla's activism.
Gidla then worked as a researcher associate in the Department of Applied Physics in Indian Institute of Technology Madras, where she worked on a project funded by Indian Space Research Organisation. She moved to the United States when she was 26. Some of Gidla's family members also emigrated: her sister works as a physician in the United States, and her brother is an engineer in Canada.
Work
Gidla previously worked as an software application designer at the Bank of New York, but was laid off in the global financial crisis and recession in 2009. She says that she then wanted to do a manual job. She became the first Indian woman to be employed as a conductor on the New York City Subway – one of the busiest mass transit systems in the world. In an interview, she said, "Because I am a Marxist and Communist, I also have romantic feelings about being a working class person. So this job attracted me. Secondly, I wanted to do something that men are supposed to be doing."
Ants Among Elephants
Ants Among Elephants is Gidla's first book and was published in 2017. It is a family memoir that chronicles the life of her uncle, KG Satyamurty, a Maoist leader and the founder of a left-wing guerrilla movement called the People's War Group (PWG). The book also described the personal history of her mother Manjula's life, both of which are juxtaposed against the peasant revolt and the formation of a new state in newly independent India. Gidla classifies the book under the genre of 'literary nonfiction'.
Gidla has recalled her introduction to understanding casteism as being through a movie. The film was a love story fraught with conflict due to the girl being a wealthy Christian, whose family opposed her marriage to a Hindu boy who was less well-off. She had hitherto believed that the caste discrimination she faced as a Dalit, or "untouchable", was due to her status as a Christian, since the vast majority of Christians in Andhra Pradesh converted from a Dalit community. In an interview with Slate, she says, "That's when I started thinking: If it’s not Christianity, why were we untouchables?"
According to Gidla, the creation of the book was a family affair. Her mother was closely involved in the process of writing the book as it was her story too, and her niece Anagha was involved in designing the book cover. Gidla conducted over 15 years of research and made three trips to India for the book.. She reportedly wrote 50 to 60 versions of the book before publishing it Gidla has spoken about publishing first a prequel, and then a sequel to Ants Among Elephants. The prequel will tell her own family's story before her uncle's generation, detailing the journey of her family being hunter-gatherers in the forests of Andhra Pradesh before moving to the villages and getting subsumed into the Hindu caste system's lowest rung. The sequel will be an autobiography, and discuss the contemporary generation.
Her writing has also appeared in Oxford India Anthology of Telugu Dalit Writing.
Reception and publicity
Ants Among Elephants has received the following accolades:
Wall Street Journal Top 10 Nonfiction Book of 2017
Publishers Weekly Best Book of 2017
Shelf Awareness Best Book of 2017
Hudson Booksellers Best Books of the Year (2017)
Publishers Weekly Best Books of the Year (2017)
Wall Street Journal Best Books of the Year (2017)
A New York Times review called it "unsentimental, deeply poignant ... Ants Among Elephants gives readers an unsettling and visceral understanding of how discrimination, segregation and stereotypes have endured."
Gidla declined an invitation to be the key note speaker in a festival called We The Women, a women-only festival curated by Barkha Dutt. Her refusal was a result of the conference being sponsored by the United Nations, which Gidla said was a "fig-leaf of US imperialism". She also objected to the participation of Smriti Irani, an Indian politician who was the Minister of Human Resource Development at the time that Dalit PhD scholar Rohith Vemula committed suicide. "She was instrumental in Rohith's death. His blood is on her hands. I couldn't possibly have participated alongside her," she said.
Gidla was invited to the prestigious Jaipur Literature Festival in 2018 as a speaker. She spoke at a session called "Narratives of Power, Songs of Resistance", where she spoke about contemporary Dalit politicians Jignesh Mevani and Mayawati, saying they had a limitation in working for Dalit upliftment since they had chosen to work under the framework of electoral politics. Gidla also discussed the communalism present in both of India's major political parties, the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Indian National Congress, as well as criticized Mahatma Gandhi for being casteist and racist.
Sujatha Gidla at the ZEE Jaipur Literature Festival 2018 at Diggi Palace on January 29, 2018 in Jaipur, India. (Photo by Raj K Raj/Hindustan Times via Getty Images)SHASTRI, SWAMI RAMANAND
Shastri. Acharya (Darshan) (Cong.) U.P. Bijnor (Res. Sch. Castes)—1971, Son of Shri Kanji Bhakt; b. at Dhaulaba, Distt. Ahmedabad, February 7, 1908; renounced the world in 1930; religious and social missionary; Agriculturist; Member, (i) All India Dalit Varg Sangh, since 1953; (2) Indian Harijan Welfare Board for the last six years; Mahant, Ravidas Mandir, Balawali, Distt. Bijnor; President, U.P. Dalit Varg Sangh, 1950-55; President and Founder, Bharatiya Ravidas Seva Sangh, Hardwar; Life President and Founder, Uttar Railway Class IV and Gangmen Association; President, Northern Railway Union; Patron, All India Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Railway Employees' Association; Secretary, Gandhi Harijan Dharmshala Nirman Trust, Jwalapur; Member, Provisional Parliament, First Lok Sabha, 1952-57; Second Lok Sabha, 1957-62, Third Lok Sabha, 1962-67 and Fourth Lok Sabha, 1967-70.
Social activities.—Built Gandhi Harijan Dharmshala at Hardwar; took leading part in establishment of U.P. Harijan Welfare Department; organised U.P. Shramik Sangh; renovated Ravidas Mandir, Balawali; established Harijan Bastis and Goshalas at various places in Bijnor: and Saharanpur Districts; established several schools, boarding houses, reading rooms, libraries and hospitals for the poor.
For his social services, he was presented Abhinandan Granth on March 19, 1970 under the auspices of Swami Rama Nand Shasiri Abhinandan Samiti, Bijnor.
Hobbies.—Prayer and meditation.
Favourite pastime and recreation.—Devotional songs and satsang.
Special interests.—Religious pursuits, philosophy, public service, Arya Samaj work and uplift of the poor. Publication.—"Sant Ravi Das aur Kavya."
Travels abroad.—Nepal.
Permanent address.—
(1) Lok Seva Ashram, Dewa Road, Barabanki
(2) Ravi Das Mandi, Bala Wall, Uttar Pradesh.
Salil Shetty
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Salil Shetty
Shetty in 2017
Born 3 February 1961
Nationality Indian
Education St. Joseph's College of Commerce, Indian Institute of Management, London School of Economics,
Employer Amnesty International
Title Secretary-General of Amnesty International
Term 21 December 2009 – 31 July 2018
Predecessor Irene Khan
Successor Kumi Naidoo
Salil Shetty (born 3 February 1961) is an Indian human rights activist who was the Secretary General of the human rights organization Amnesty International (2010–2018) till 31 July 2018. Previously, he was the director of the United Nations Millennium Campaign. Before joining the UN, he served as the Chief Executive of ActionAid.
In recognition of his long-term commitment to Human Rights and his deep understanding of the complexities of human rights issues, Shetty was appointed a Senior Fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School's Carr Center for Human Rights for the academic year 2018–2019.
Shetty is also affiliated to Harvard University's Lakshmi Mittal and Family South Asia Institute for the academic year 2018–2019. Affiliates contribute to the academic study of South Asia by bringing their expertise on a wide range of issues to Harvard University.
Early life and education
Shetty grew up in Bangalore. His late mother, Hemlatha Shetty, was active in women's groups and his father, V.T. Rajshekar, was active with the Dalit movement. Growing up in India in the tumultuous 1970s, he lived through the 1976 state of emergency which led to human rights being curtailed and an intense level of activism. He did his schooling from St. Joseph's Boys' High School, Bangalore. He received a BCom in Advanced Accounting from St. Joseph's College of Commerce in 1981, an MBA in 1983 from the Indian Institute of Management Ahmedabad, and an MSc in Social Policy and Planning from the London School of Economics in 1991 with distinction.
Early career
In 1983, Salil Shetty was hired from IIM-A by Azim Premji and began working for the Indian IT company Wipro.
ActionAid
Following this, Shetty joined ActionAid, one of the world's most respected international development NGOs, rising up to head ActionAid's operations in India and later Kenya in East Africa. Shetty was the first person from the global south to be appointed as the Chief Executive of ActionAid, 1998- 2003. Salil Shetty is credited with not just transforming ActionAid into a Southern-led International organisation, moving its global headquarters from London to Johannesburg in South Africa, but set off an important new trend in global development organisations to become more participatory and bottom up in their approach. The most recent major global organisation to move in this direction is Oxfam which has moved its headquarters to Nairobi, with an African woman CEO.
The move initiated by Salil Shetty enable ActionAid to work towards giving all its different country programmes a more equal say in how the organisation works. The new structure made ActionAid's commitment to accountability to the people, communities and countries it worked with a reality, and therefore making it more effective in fighting and eradicating poverty. In line with Shetty's commitment to making ActionAid a truly international organisation, during his tenure as Chief Executive regional programmes and policy advocacy offices were established in Bangkok, Harare, Brussels and Washington DC.
UN Millennium Campaign
Given his significant achievements at ActionAid, Shetty was then appointed the Director of the United Nations Millennium Campaign from 2003 till 2010. The UN Millennium Campaign was established by UN Secretary General Kofi Annan in 2002. The Campaign supported citizens' efforts to hold their governments to account for the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (MDG's). Under Salil Shetty's leadership the campaign for the MDGs reached over a hundred countries across the globe and the MDGs gained a great deal of traction among decision makers and citizens alike.
In 2005, citizens groups, including NGOs, faith groups, trade unions, supported by the Millennium Campaign, mobilised for the MDGS/‘Make Poverty History’ campaign to increase awareness and pressuring governments into taking actions towards relieving absolute poverty. The campaign focused on the responsibility of developed countries, especially the G8 and European Union. The three focus areas for change were trade, debt and aid. Mass mobilisations were seen in the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, Norway and other developed countries.
The UN Millennium Campaign, under the leadership of Salil Shetty, also helped aggregate the various national campaigns into The Global Call to Action Against Poverty GCAP). GCAP is an alliance that brings together trade unions, international non-governmental organisations, the women's and youth movements, community and faith groups and others to call for action from world leaders in the global North and South to meet their promises to end poverty and inequality. GCAP added to existing campaigning on poverty by forming diverse, inclusive national platforms that are able to open up civil society space and advocate more effectively than individual organisations would be able to do on their own. It also organised global mass mobilisations that expressed solidarity between the global North and South, allowed tens of millions of ordinary people to make their voices heard. GCAP has coalitions present in over a hundred countries, a few of which are listed below
2005- plus d'excess France
Hottokenai, Sekai no Mazushisa - Japan
Make Poverty History - Australia
Make Poverty History - Canada
Make Poverty History - Ireland
Make Poverty History - United Kingdom
The ONE Campaign - Singapore
The ONE Campaign - USA
EEN - Armoede de Wereld uit - The Netherlands
Wada Na Todo Abhiyan - India
An innovative mass action launched by the UN Millennium Campaign was the Stand Up initiative. On 16 October 2006, millions of people around the world joined together to 'Stand Up against Poverty' – an effort to remind governments that they must keep their promises to achieve the Millennium Development Goals and eradicate extreme poverty. Stand Up against Poverty, is also officially recognized in the Guinness World Record for the "greatest number of people to stand up for a given cause, at multiple locations, within 24 hours." Stand Up campaigns were held around the world by people of all ages, races and religions. Since 2006, the UN Millennium Campaign organized record breaking Stand Up events annually around the world, to campaign for the MDGs. The number of participants reached 173 million in 2009. During the 2009 event, Salil Shetty explained the motivation behind the events saying "With just six years left until the deadline by which heads of state have pledged to eradicate extreme poverty and its root causes, 'Stand Up' will be a stark reminder that citizens will not accept excuses for governments breaking promises to the world's poorest and most vulnerable citizens. This year's mobilization will place particular emphasis on telling world leaders that their track record on women's rights, maternal mortality and hunger is unacceptable. Citizens refuse to accept the fact that 70 percent of the people living in poverty are women and children and 500,000 women continue to die annually in the process of giving life, and they are demanding urgent action from their leaders."
Amnesty International
Shetty was appointed as Secretary General of the human rights organization Amnesty International from July 2010. The role involved being chief strategist, advocate and spokesperson for the global Amnesty movement and Chief Executive of the International Secretariat.
During his tenure at Amnesty, Salil Shetty traveled extensively, visiting over 70 countries, meeting grassroots activists, political leaders and members of the media, as well as those on whose behalf Amnesty International campaigns. This has included visits to Egypt in the aftermath of the 2011 uprisings and to Australia to campaign for the rights of indigenous people. Shetty appeared in the critically acclaimed 2013 film Utopia by John Pilger. In the film, which explores the deplorable conditions under which Aboriginal families live, Shetty ponders why one of the world's richest countries cannot solve the problem of Aboriginal poverty and states that the inequity and injustice could be fixed if the will to do so existed. He also represented Amnesty International at major meetings at the UN, the World Economic Forum and led the organisation's show of solidarity in Oslo for the imprisoned Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Liu Xiaobo calling on the Chinese authorities to improve their human rights record.
Since the early 1990s, Amnesty International has been campaigning to achieve robust, global laws of international arms trading to stop the flow of weapons fueling atrocities around the world. Finally – after nearly two decades of campaigning, under Salil Shetty's leadership- the Arms Trade Treaty became a reality. During a meeting at the UN in New York in September 2014, St Lucia, Argentina, Czech Republic, Senegal, Bahamas, Uruguay, Portugal and Bosnia Herzegovina ratified the treaty, bringing the total number of ratifications to 53 – and triggering a 90-day countdown to entry into force. In an interview with Vice news in September 2014, Shetty said the following of the Arms Trade Treaty:
"For the first time there is a treaty that says that before any shipment, any trade or transfer of funds, there has to be due diligence to make sure the arms don't end up in the hands of the wrong people using them for abuses. So, it's a very laudable treaty. Of course, like all treaties, signing it is one thing – the challenge is its implementation…so we still have a long way to go. The good thing is the biggest arms exporters in Europe have all signed up. The US hasn't, and China and Russia haven't. It gives us a rather slim victory nevertheless".
Shetty addressed heads of states and governments representing civil society at the historic UN Sustainable Development Goals Summit in 2015. The aim of the Summit was to formally adopt an ambitious new sustainable development agenda which will serve as the launch pad for action by the international community and by national governments to promote shared prosperity and well-being for all over the next 15 years. Goals include end poverty, achieve gender equality, reduce inequality, ensure access to water and many more. In his speech, Shetty stressed on the importance of accountability, ownership, inclusivity and coherence in order to make the Sustainable Development Goals achievable in the coming years. He also crucially highlighted some of the paradoxes of many countries in the Global North who claim to have a long commitment to international development. He said,
"You cannot claim to support sustainable development when you are reluctant to reduce the consumption of the rich or transfer technology. You cannot preach about human rights while practising mass surveillance. You cannot lecture about peace while being the world’s largest manufacturers of arms. You cannot allow your corporations to use financial and tax loopholes while railing against corruption. You cannot adopt the Sustainable Development Goals and at the same time attack and arrest peaceful protesters and dissenters. You cannot launch these Sustainable Development Goals and in parallel deny a safe and legal route to refugees, a life with dignity".
In recognition of the accelerated developments in the field of technology, Shetty initiated Amnesty International's Technology and Human Rights initiative in June 2017, based in Silicon Valley in order to interact with and influence the world's most powerful IT companies. A core part of the initiative is the development of human rights principles for Artificial Intelligence (AI). There are various efforts to develop ethical principles for the development and use of AI and Amnesty International believes such principles should enshrine existing human rights standards.
During the launch of the initiative, while stressing on the possible negative impacts of AI if not checked, Shetty noted that AI with a strong human rights focus "can only happen if we start out now with an objective to protect human dignity, equality and justice. AI is built by humans and it will be shaped by human values. If we build AI systems that are a mirror to our current societies, they will be riddled with the historical biases and inequalities of our societies. But we can do better…We must today challenge ourselves to be aspirational again as we prepare for a future world where AI and technology are integrated into every aspect of people’s lives".
Salil Shetty at the 2014 Wikimania Conference
Shetty was also instrumental in establishing the Secretary General's Global Council, which was established to help raise public support and financial resources to fuel Amnesty International's expansion in Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East. The goal of the Global Council is to raise financial resources and support for projects connected to Amnesty International's Strategic Goals 2016-2019. These goals seek to address the rising inequality the world is facing, increasing movement of people within and across borders, ongoing crises and conflicts, unlawful actions by states in the name of public order and ending terrorism. Salil Shetty invited Sir Richard Branson to co-Chair the Council which had leading human rights supporters from the world of art, business and philanthropy including Paulo Coelho, Yoko Ono, Tony Fernandes, Hadeel Ibrahim, Bassim Haidar and Krishna Rao.
As Secretary General, Salil Shetty revived Art for Amnesty and the Ambassador of Conscience Award, Amnesty International's highest honour that recognizes remarkable individuals and groups who have promoted and enhanced the cause of human rights by acting on their conscience, confronting injustice and using their talents to inspire others. During his tenure, Shetty led the process of choosing several world renowned figures to receive the awards including:
Burmese democracy and human rights activist Aung San Suu Kyi in 2009 who was under house arrest at the time and could only receive the award in 2012.
Pakistani schoolgirl and education rights campaigner Malala Yousafzai and American singer, human rights and social justice activist Harry Belafonte in 2013
World-renowned musician Angélique Kidjo and three inspirational African youth activist movements in 2016
shared between celebrated global music artist Alicia Keys and the inspirational movement of Indigenous Peoples fighting for their rights in Canada in 2017
Athlete and activist Colin Kaepernick in 2018
After completing two terms of four years each, Salil Shetty decided to step down as Secretary General in July 2018.
Global Transition Programme
As Secretary General, Salil Shetty led a major change process to transform Amnesty International from being a predominantly European organisation to a truly global people's movement for human rights. Amnesty International, an organisation with staff primarily from citizens of Europe and North America, and ground presence almost exclusively in the richest countries of the world, was systematically reformed into becoming an organisation based in and led by people from Africa, Latin America, Asia and the Middle East i.e. the global South.
This Global Transition Programme (GTP) to move Amnesty "closer to the ground" represented a significant organizational change for Amnesty: it set up Regional Offices across the globe in 11 locations, hired the vast majority of its staff and leaders from the global south. The change process also focused on strengthening the integration across segments and functions within the organization and strengthening Amnesty's national chapters/sections, particularly in the South. Amnesty also aimed to increase its supporters and activists in the global South, while diversifying its institutional sources of funding. This has resulted in the organisation becoming quicker in taking action, more sensitive to local realities, and be more present in media in the global south and east as well as on social media. The change process was aimed to lead to "Amnesty having significantly greater impact by becoming a more global movement" and to result in "acting with greater legitimacy, speed, capacity and relevance as we stand alongside those whose rights are violated". New national offices were set up in India, Brazil, Nigeria, Indonesia, South Africa and Kenya in 2012. The human rights work done on these countries, which was done by researchers and campaigners out of London, would now be done from inside the countries themselves.
The Global Transition programme was mentioned in Samuel Moyn's 2017 book, Human Rights and the Uses of History. He noted that "For human rights to make more of a difference, the movement has to be more honest about the fact that its success depends on its own mobilizational strength and grassroots penetration. For this reason, Amnesty International’s recent decision to return to its mobilizational roots and cultivate local centers of authority is a promising step in the right direction. But few other NGOs work in this way."
An independent study conducted by the Transnational NGO Initiative housed at Syracuse University on the Global Transition programme observed that Amnesty's visibility in national and regionally salient media and localities and languages was enhanced. Its credibility among the general public and other broad stakeholders globally was generally thought to have improved as a result of the GTP. GTP also contributed to Amnesty's supportership growth strategy through the increase of supporters in a few selected countries such as India.
Decentralisation controversy
The decentralisation of Amnesty International's international secretariat, led by Shetty, has caused a serious dispute amongst the organisation's staff. According to an article published by the Guardian on 2 December 2012,
The British newspaper The Observer, where Amnesty International's founder launched the organization in 1961, characterized the situation caused by Shetty's sacking of staff working on core issues such as women's rights and the death penalty: "Amnesty was one of 20th-century Britain's greatest gifts to the world. Now it is a wreck."
the core of the dispute lies in the decision, led by the secretary general, Salil Shetty, to take the organisation "closer to the ground", opening 10 new regional "hubs" in hotspots where human rights violations occur. Some of Amnesty's 500 staff in London will be moved abroad, and those affected argue that the shift is under-planned, ill-judged and risks muddying the purpose of the organisation. For them this is not an industrial dispute over job cuts, but a battle for the organisation's soul.
Awards
On 2 February 2012, Salil Shetty received an honorary degree from University Catholic of Louvain (UCL) on behalf of Amnesty International.
In 2014, Salil Shetty given the 'Public Servant of the Year' award by the prestigious Asian Awards in London. The Asian Awards is the only event that pays tribute to Asian success across all walks of life; emphasising inspiring achievements and highlighting inspirational role models in the fields of business, sport, entertainment, philanthropy and popular arts and culture.
In June 2018, Shetty was awarded the Stardust Achievers Award for Excellence in Humanitarian Service. The Stardust Achievers Awards honours Indian achievers from diverse fields in the UK.
Boards and Other Engagements
Steward, World Economic Forum System Initiative on Future of Digital Economy & Society (2016)
Trustee, International Civil Society Centre, Berlin (2014)
Advisory Council, American India Foundation, New York, 2010
Governor, The Institute of Development Studies, Sussex (2005)
Council Member, The Overseas Development Institute, London (2005)
Member of the Joint Facilitation Committee of the Civil Society Forum of the World Bank, representing ActionAid (2005)
Sunita Kamble
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sunita Kamble is an Indian goat veterinarian recognised in the Women Transforming Indiaawards in 2017.
Kamble is from Mhasvad, Maharashtra, an area which has been affected by droughts. Goatsare of major economic importance here, and a lack of trained veterinarians made it difficult to get appropriate and timely care if they became ill. She trained in the "Para-Vet Goat Programme" from the Mann Deshi Foundation to become the first goat veterinarian in the area, and went on to lead a team of seven "barefoot veterinarians". She introduced an artificial insemination service to improve the breeding of goats for both milk and meat, and has trained 350 women in the technique. Goats are seen as an "alternative and sustainable livelihood option for women-headed households in the area", and her work was recognised in 2017 by the "Women Transforming India" award.
Kamble is from the dalit or untouchable group, but her achievements have brought together members of different castes in her village: "When I entered the village, I saw a big cutout of Sunita. Sunita was smiling on that picture. ... upper caste leaders -- men -- were sitting in the house, in her house...".
Santram B.A.
Santram B.A. (14 February 1887-5 June 1988) was one of those great personalities who devoted their entire lives to the cause of building a casteless and classless society. He came from the Kumhar caste and was one of the most talked-about writers of his time. His articles, published in magazines like Chaand, Sudha and Saraswati, sparked big debates. He launched a magazine titled Kranti in Urdu. He was also the editor of Bharatiya, the magazine of the Jalandhar College for Women and Vishwa Jyoti, published by Vishveshvaranand Vedic Sansthan, Lahore.
Santram
He was popular among his peers. His lifelong friendship with Rahul Sankrityayan speaks of his affability. It was probably in the first decade of the last century that Rahul met Santram in Lahore for the first time. Rahul’s first travelogue was published in Bharatiya, which Santram edited. Rahul was an Arya Samaji saint when he met Santram. He had not attained fame yet as a writer. Later, when he became Rahul Sankrityayan from Ramodar, he wrote a very touching reminiscence of Santram, which formed part of his book, Jinka Main Kritagya. He wrote, “His home was at Purani Bassi village near Hoshairpur, where he lived along with his wife in a house surrounded by a garden. He was blessed with a daughter at the time when I was living there. I was astonished by the stamina of his Punjabi wife. In the morning, she had completed all the household chores and milked the buffalo. In the afternoon, we came to know that she gave birth to a baby girl. I became the purohit of the newborn’s ‘jat-karma sanskar’ and gave the little one her name – Gargi.” Rahul’s reminiscences tell us that Santram’s only son died young. Later, he had his own house built at Krishnanagar, in Lahore, and married a Maharashtrian woman after the death of his first wife. After the Partition, Santram lost his house in Lahore, though his ancestral village Purani Bassi remained a part of India.
It was at Purani Bassi that he was born on 14 February 1887. Santram became an Arya Samaji at a young age. However, the organization that brought him fame as an Arya Samaji was the Jaatpaat Todak Mandal, which he had founded in 1922. The same mandal had invited Dr Ambedkar to deliver the presidential address at its annual convention at Lahore in 1936. The speech that Ambekar had prepared for the convention was very critical of the Vedas and the scriptures, and many members of the Mandal did not agree with it. Ambedkar refused to edit the speech and ultimately, the mandal postponed its convention. Later, Ambedkar published the speech as a book, and thus came into being one of his most famous books, Annihilation of Caste.
Santram and his Jaatpaat Todak Mandal had drawn the attention of the entire nation. It received overwhelming support but the conservatives opposed it with equal vehemence. Among the opponents was top scholar Suryakant Tripathi ‘Nirala’. Writing on “Varnashram Dharma Ki Vartman Isthiti” in Matwala(1924), he said, “Just as mere expression of sympathy for the Shudras can’t be the be-all and end-all of the duty of the Brahmins, world’s greatest scholar and extraordinarily brilliant Shankar does not become the enemy of the Shudras just because Jaatpaat Todak Mandal’s Santram says so. His rules of discipline for the Shudras might have been very strict, but they were in keeping with his times. I don’t see the utility of the evidence like ‘Jayate Varna Sankar’, which has been quoted to defend the Varna system, and I don’t see any need for the Jaatpaat Todak Mandal. Why did Santram and others establish the Mandal when Brahmo Samaj was already there? Why did they not establish a branch of Brahmo Samaj instead?” He even wrote that the Brahmins had framed tough rules for the Shudras because, “Their polluted spores would have made the blissful body of contemporary society ill. The members of the Mandal would have understood how Shudras would have harmed pure society, marching on the path to emancipation after freeing itself from all evils, had they been sacrificing or spiritual instead of divisive, authoritarian and arrogant, as they are. If, while putting up with so many sufferings, the dwij community, to save itself, imposed somewhat harsh discipline on the Shudras, it was nothing before the atrocities committed on the dwijs by the Shudras.”
The Phule couple’s life and works depicted on the gateway to Phulewada, Pune
This “revolutionary article” of Nirala is included in his compilation of essays Chabuk. It is indicative of the deep hostility of the Hindu community towards the Jaatpaat Todak Mandal. Many Arya Samajis also did not want Santram to run the mandal. Most of them, including progressive intellectuals like Gokul Chandra Narang, Bhai Parmanand and Mahatma Hansraj, due to their pro-Hindu beliefs, quit the Mandal to protest the decision to invite Ambedkar to chair its convention. Many among them, including Bhai Parmanand, later joined the Hindu Mahasabha. It was not without reason that contemporary Hindus were in favour of the Brahmo Samaj, which believed in caste, but were against Jaatpaat Todak (caste destroyer) Mandal. But despite the non-cooperation from the Arya Samajis, Santram did not disband the mandal. Instead, he conducted its activities on his own.
Santram wrote more than 100 small booklets advocating Hindu-Muslim unity and an end to caste discrimination. These booklets stirred up the Hindu community. He distributed these booklets for free. When he went for a walk in the morning and the evening, he kept some copies of the booklets in his pockets to give to those he met on the way. Hamara Samaj, a book of his that was published in 1948, is an eye-opener for Hindus even today. I read the book for the first time in 1975 and since then, I have kept it safely like a sacred scripture. I consider it a scientific Veda. If the Hindus were to hear its formulations, all the cobwebs in their minds would disappear. I would like to share some excerpts from the book:
“During the reign of Shershah Suri, a bania called Hemchandra (Hemu Bakkal), who named himself Vikramaditya, tried to establish a Hindu empire. He defeated Mughal armies at many places including Delhi but the Rajputs refused to join his army, saying that as Kshatriyas, they could not fight under a person of the lower Vaishya varna. The result was that Hemchandra was defeated by Bairam Khan. But the same Rajputs did not find it humiliating to be the Muslims’ slaves.” (p 226)
“Till a Dhed (an untouchable) of Gujarat remained in the Hindu fold, the protectors of the Varna system did not allow him to rise. But as soon as he became a Muslim and changed his name to Nasiruddin Khusro, he became the ruler of the land of the Khilji clan. As a Hindu, he could not have even touched, let alone looked at a Kshatriya woman; but after becoming a Muslim, he married Dewal Devi, the wife of Raja Karnarao.” (p 227)
Ambedkar, his wife Savita and Samta Sainik volunteers in Nagpur on 14 October 1956, the day they converted to Buddhism
“After the death of the mother of Maulana Mohammed Ali and Maulana Shaukat Ali, Bhai Parmananda went to their home to express his condolences. In the course of the conversation, the Maulana told Bhaiji, ‘Why do you people want to block the onward march of Islam by placing the roadblocks of Shuddhi and emancipation of the Untouchables in its path? You will never succeed in this.’ Bhaiji asked the Maulana why he was saying so. The Maulana replied, ‘Just look the Bhangan passing by. I can convert her to Islam and make her my Begum today. Do you or Malaviyaji have that courage? I can marry off my daughter to any Hindu after converting him to Islam. Can any Hindu leader do this? Can a Hindu leader of my status marry his daughter to my son? If not, then why are you blocking the progress of Islam in the name of shuddhi and emancipation of the Untouchables?’ (p 178-179)
“You may ask, when different Hindu castes can live together even while believing in the caste system, why the Muslims can’t live with the Hindus. The answer is that all kinds of lepers can live together – some may have lesions on their nose, others on their feet, still others on their fingers. They can live together. But a healthy person cannot live among them. Similarly, all the Hindu castes, which are suffering from the leprosy called the caste system, can live together but the Muslims, who are free from this disease, cannot agree to live with them. The dwijs have crushed the self-esteem of the Shudras. The Shudras do not even feel the humiliation they suffer at the hands of the dwijs. But the Muslims resent it.”(p 237).
SANTRAM’S BOOK IS FULL OF SUCH INSTANCES.
On 16 January, 1996, I referred to the contribution of Santram in the paper I read at the national convention of Jan Sanskriti Manch in Allahabad. Sudhir Vidhyarthi liked it and told Santram’s daughter Gargi Chaddha, who lived in Delhi, about it. She wrote an inland letter to me on 20 March 1997 from her home at 51, Navjivan Vihar, New Delhi. In the letter, she gave a touching description of her mental state. “Bhaiyya, truly speaking, I felt great inner happiness to know that at least there is someone who remembers my father’s sacrifice and his selfless social service. I am his only living child but he never differentiated between me and others who loved him. Whosoever believed in his Jaatpaat Todak thoughts was his darling. You must be aware that this selfless man spent his entire life in struggles and revolts and faced deprivations – all to free this country from the very dangerous ailment of caste discrimination. Uprooting this system was the only objective of my life, he used to say. He got little in life except the title of a rebel. He used to say, “Chala Jaooanga chhodkar jab is ashiyane ko, wafayein tab yaad aayegeen meri is zamane ko.” (After I have left my this abode for good, the world will remember my dedication.)
At the end she wrote, “I wanted that before my eyes, his articles, which are as useful today as they must have been then, should be published in the form of a book. I tried but did not succeed. You are a good writer. You may succeed.”
I received the second letter from her on 17 April 1997. She gave me two new pieces of information, which deserve mention. She wrote, “Till 1991, my husband Bhimsen Chaddha (who is not with me and has gone to be with my father), worked hard to further my father’s mission. The way he served my father for five years was matchless. Venerable Vishnu Prabhakar ji used to say that by the way Panditji was served, even gods would have felt jealous.” She also wrote that he was honoured by the Sahitya Academy at a function at Ravindra Bhavan when he turned 100 in 1987. A year later, on 5 June 1988, he breathed his last at his daughter’s home.
Gargi ji had contacted many big publishers for publication of the innumerable articles of Santram, but none evinced any interest. She must have been very hopeful that I would be able to get it done. I did try but due to her failing health, she could not make the material available to me. Later, I lost touch with her. She was so ill. I don’t think she would be alive now.
Salil Shetty
Nationality Indian
Predecessor Irene Khan
Name Salil Shetty
Successor Incumbent
Term 21 December 2009
Employer Amnesty International
Born 3 February 1961 (age 54) (1961-02-03) Bangalore, Karnataka
Title Secretary-General of Amnesty International
Education St. Joseph's College, Bangalore
Disruptive heroes salil shetty
Salil Shetty (born 3 February 1961) is an Indian human rights activist who currently serves as Secretary General of the human rights organization Amnesty International (2010–present). Previously, he was the director of the United Nations Millennium Campaign. Before joining the UN, he served as the Chief Executive of ActionAid.
Salil shetty at the united nations full speech
Early life and education
Amnesty International
Decentralisation controversy
The decentralisation of Amnesty International's international secretariat, led by Shetty, has caused a serious dispute amongst the organisation's staff. According to an article published by the Guardian on 2 December 2012,
the core of the dispute lies in the decision, led by the secretary general, Salil Shetty, to take the organisation "closer to the ground", opening 10 new regional "hubs" in hotspots where human rights violations occur. Some of Amnesty's 500 staff in London will be moved abroad, and those affected argue that the shift is under-planned, ill-judged and risks muddying the purpose of the organisation. For them this is not an industrial dispute over job cuts, but a battle for the organisation's soul.
The British newspaper The Observer, where Amnesty International's founder launched the organization in 1961, characterized the situation caused by Shetty's sacking of staff working on core issues such as women's rights and the death penalty: "Amnesty was one of 20th-century Britain's greatest gifts to the world. Now it is a wreck."
Savita Ambedkar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Savita Ambedkar
Savita Bhimrao Ambedkar
Born
Sharada Krishnarao Kabir
27 January 1909
(now in Maharashtra, India)
Died 29 May 2003 (aged 94)
Nationality Indian
Other names Mai (mother), Maisaheb Ambedkar
Education MBBS
Alma mater Grant Medical College, Mumbai, Maharashtra
Occupation social activist, doctor
Known for Social activism
Notable work Dr. Ambedkaranchya Sahawasat
Movement Dalit Buddhist movement
Spouse(s) B. R. Ambedkar
(m. 1948 - d. 1956)
Relatives See Ambedkar family
Savita Bhimrao Ambedkar (née Kabir; 27 January 1909 – 29 May 2003), was an Indian social activist, doctor and the second wife of Babasaheb Ambedkar, the father of the Indian Constitution. Ambedkarites and Buddhists refer to her as Mai or Maisaheb, which stands for 'Mother' in Marathi language.
In B. R. Ambedkar's various movements, during the writing of the books, Indian Constitution and Hindu code bills and Buddhist mass conversion, she helped him from time to time. Babasaheb Ambedkar credited her in preface of his book The Buddha and His Dhamma for extending his life for eight-ten years.
Early life and education
Savita Ambedkar was born on 27 January 1909 in Bombay in a Marathi Brahmin family. Her birth name was "Sharada Kabir". Her mother's name was Janaki and father name was Krishnarao Vinayak Kabir. Her family were a resident of Doors village, located in Rajapur tehsil of Ratnagiri district, Maharashtra. Later, her father came from Ratnagiri to Bombay. On the Sir Rao Bahadur C. K. Bole Road, near the pigeon in the west of Dadar The Kabir family had rented a house in Sahru's house in Matruchaya.
Savita Ambedkar was a brilliant student. Her early education was completed in Pune. After that, around 1937 she did MBBS from Grant Medical College, Bombay. When her studies were completed, she was appointed as the first class medical officer in a major hospital in Gujarat. But after a few months of illness, she left her job and returned home. Her six of eight siblings had inter-caste marriages. Those days it was an extraordinary thing for Marathi Brahmin. Savita said, "Our family did not oppose inter-caste marriages, because the whole family was educated and progressive."
Career and meeting with Ambedkar
Maisaheb and Babasaheb
At Bombay's Vile Parle, lived a doctor named S.M. Rao who had close links with B. R. Ambedkar. When Ambedkar came from Delhi to Bombay, he often used to visit the doctor. Sharda Kabir also used to visit Dr. Rao's house as she had a family relation with him. One day Babasaheb Ambedkar had come from Delhi and Dr. Sharada Kabir was also present at that time. Dr. Rao formalised his identity by saying, "This girl of my daughters friend is very clever, while being MBBS, Dr. Malavankar is working as a junior for a well-known doctor .... etc." Babasaheb was then the Labor Minister in the Viceroy's Executive Council. Until that time Dr. Sharda did not know much about Dr. Ambedkar, except that he is in Viceroy Council member. Dr. Sharada was impressed with Dr. Ambedkar's stunning personality. In his first meeting, she realised that Dr. Ambedkar was an extraordinary and great figure, In this first meeting, Ambedkar inquired about Kabir with apathy. The reason for this was that they were working on the advancement of women. Ambedkar congratulated them. There was also discussion about Buddhism in this meeting.
His second meeting took place in the Advice Room of Dr. Mavalankar. Ambedkar had blood pressure, blood sugar and joint pain at that time. In 1947, during the writing of the Indian Constitution, Bhimrao Ambedkar got health related problems due to diabetes and high blood pressure. He did not sleep. having neuropathic pain in the legs, Insulin and some homoeopathic medicines could provide relief to some extent. He went to Bombay for treatment. At the same time, Dr. Sharada came closer to Ambedkar during treatment. Ambedkar's first wife, Ramabai Ambedkar, died in 1935 after a long illness. In this way, the rounds of meetings continued. Later correspondence also happened. And Ambedkar had a good life. There was talk of literature, society, religion etc. Sometimes they also debated. Ambedkar used to listen to Savita's arguments carefully and then respond. In 1947, Ambedkar started worrying about his health. There must be someone to take care of their health. In a letter to Dadasaheb Gaikwad on 16 March 1948, Ambedkar wrote, "To keep a woman nurse or to take care of the house for service, there will be doubts in people's mind, so marriage is a better way." After the death of Yashwant's mother (Ramabai), I had decided not to marry, but in today's situation, I will have to give up my decision." Ambedkar took medical service from doctor Sharda Kabir for nature reasons. And both of them decided to get married.
Marriage
B.R. Ambedkar and Savita Ambedkar in 1948
On 15 April 1948 Sharda Kabir married Bhimrao Ambedkar. She was 39 and he was 57. After their marriage, she was popularly called "Mai" (mother) by his followers. As registrar for marriage, Rameshwar Dayal, Deputy Commissioner, was called in Delhi. This marriage was completed as a Civil Marriage under the Civil Marriage Act. Among those who attended this occasion were Rai Sahab Puran Chand, Mr Macy (Private Secretary), Neelkanth, Ramkrishna Chandiwala, Estate Officer Meshram, nephew of Chitre, his wife, Sharda Kabir's brother. Also Home Secretary Banerjee On 28 November 1948, the newly married couple, the then governor-general of India, C. Rajagopalachari, invited them for the Sneh Bhoj and greeted them. After marriage Sharda adopted the name 'Savita'. But Ambedkar used to call her "Shārū" in old name, which was a word of "Shāradā".
After marriage, Savita started serving husband. Ambedkar's health was steadily getting worse. She continued her care with full devotion till the last of Ambedkar's service. Ambedkar mentioned the help he received from wife in a book written on 15 March 1956, in a book The Buddha and His Dhamma. In this preface, he mentioned that Savita Ambedkar increased his age by 8–10 years. After Ambedkar's death, his close friends and followers removed this role from this book. Its address dates back to 1980 AD. When the Bengali Buddhist author Bhagwan Das published his preface as a "rare preface".
Conversion to Buddhism
Babasaheb with Mai, holding a statue of the Buddha, during the Dhamma Diksha ceremony in Nagpur on 14 October 1956
Ambedkar receiving the Five Precepts from Mahasthavir Chandramani on 14 October 1956. In the photograph (from right to left): Savita Ambedkar, B. R. Ambedkar, Wali Sinha and bhikkhu Chandramani.
On Ashok Vijaya Dashami (The Day on which Buddhism was accepted by Emperor Ashoka the Great) 14 October 1956, Savita Ambedkar accepted Buddhism along with her husband Bhimrao Ambedkar in Deekshabhoomi, Nagpur. She was given the initiation of Buddha's Dhamma by the Burmese Bhikkhu Mahastavir Chandramani giving Three Jewels and Five precepts. After this, B. R. Ambedkar himself initiated Buddhism by giving 500,000 followers of Three Jewels, Five precepts and twenty-two pledges. This oath took place at 9 a.m.. Savita Ambedkar became the first woman to accept Buddhism of this conversion movement.
Allegations and contradictions
Many People from Delhi came to meet B. R. Ambedkar at 26, Alipur Road, where Ambedkar was in residence. It wasn't possible that everyone should get a glimpse Ambedkar as he was sick. While on Savita Ambedkar was besides as wife and his doctor she had dual responsibilities.
After the death of Babasaheb Ambedkar, some Ambedkarites blamed Savita Ambedkar for killing him. She separated from the Ambedkarite movement by describing her as a Brahmin. She took herself up to his farmhouse in Mehrauli in Delhi. Till 1972, she was living in Delhi. The then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru formed a committee to investigate the matter, and that committee released her from the charges after the investigation.
After the demise of Babasaheb, PM Jawaharlal Nehru, PM Indira Gandhi and President Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan decided to take Maisaheb to Rajya Sabha. With the support of the Congress party, she was going to be a member of the Rajya Sabha, but she would have betrayed the husband's principle, so she humbly refused the proposals thrice.
Repatriation with the Dalit movement
Ambedkar with Arun Kamble,
Republican Party of India leader Ramdas Athavale and Gangadhar Gade brought her back to the mainstream Ambedkarite movement. The young activists of Dalit Panthers movement treated Mai with respect. She played an important role in the movement about the book "Riddles in Hinduism". Her role earned her respect and got rid of the misunderstanding of dalits. Later on, she was separated from him as she grew older. Babasaheb Ambedkar was given the 'Bharat Ratna', the highest civilian award, it was accepted by Savita Ambedkar honoured by the then President Ramaswamy Venkataraman on 14 April 1990. It was his legendary birth anniversary. This award ceremony was held at the Darbar Hall / Ashok Hall of Rashtrapati Bhavan.
Death
Savita Ambedkar became lonely after her husband's death. Later, she rejoined the Dalit movement for some time. On 19 April 2003, she suffered difficulties in breathing, and was admitted to J.J. Hospital. She died on 29 May 2003 at the age of 94 at J.J. Hospital in Mumbai.
Writings
She wrote a memorable and autobiographical Marathi book titled "Dr. Ambedkaranchya Sahwasat" (English: In companionship with Dr. Ambedkar). She also contributed to Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar film. Mrinal Kulkarni played the role of her in this film.
सिन्धुताई सपकाल
Sindhutai Sapkal
Published By : Jivani.org
सिंधुताई अपने और अपनी बच्ची की भूख मिटाने के लिए ट्रेन में गा गाकर भीख मांगने लगी। जल्द ही उसने देखा कि स्टेशन पर और भी कई बेसहारा बच्चे है जिनका कोई नहीं है। सिंधुताई अब उनकी भी माई बन गयी। भीख मांगकर जो कुछ भी उन्हें मिलता, वे उन सब बच्चों में बाँट देती। कुछ समय तक तो वो शमशान में रहती रही, वही फेंके हुए कपडे पहनती रही। फिर कुछ आदिवासियों से उनकी पहचान हो गयी।
वे उनके हक़ के लिए भी लड़ने लगी और एक बार तो उनकी लढाई लड़ने के लिए वे प्रधानमंत्री इंदिरा गांधी तक भी पहुँच गयी। अब वे और उनके बच्चे इन आदिवासियों के बनाये झोपड़े में रहने लगे। धीरे धीरे लोग सिंधुताई को माई के नाम से जानने लगे और स्वेच्छा से उनके अपनाये बच्चों के लिए दान देने लगे।
अब इन बच्चों का अपना घर भी बन चूका था। धीरे धीरे सिंधुताई और भी बच्चों की माई बनने लगी। ऐसे में उन्हें लगा कि कही उनकी अपनी बच्ची, ममता के रहते वे उनके गोद लिए बच्चों के साथ भेदभाव न कर बैठे। इसीलिए उन्होंने ममता को दगडूशेठ हलवाई गणपति के संस्थापक को दे दिया। ममता भी एक समझदार बच्ची थी और उसने इस निर्णय में हमेशा अपनी माँ का साथ दिया। सिंधुताई अब भजन गाने के साथ साथ भाषण भी देने लगी थी और धीरे धीरे लोकप्रिय होने लगी थी।
अब तक वो 1400 से अधिक बच्चों को अपना चुकी हैं. वो उन्हें पढ़ाती है, उनकी शादी कराती हैं और जिन्दगी को नए सिरे से शुरू करने में मदद करती हैं. ये सभी बच्चे उन्हें माई कहकर बुलाते हैं. बच्चों में भेदभाव न हो जाए इसलिए उन्होंने अपनी बेटी किसी और को दे दी. आज उनकी बेटी बड़ी हो चुकी है और वो भी एक अनाथालय चलाती है.कुछ वक्त बाद उनका पति उनके पास लौट आया और उन्होंने उसे माफ करते हुए अपने सबसे बड़े बेटे के तौर पर स्वीकार भी कर लिया.
राष्ट्रीय अंतरराष्ट्रीय समेत करीब 172 अवॉर्ड पा चुकीं ताई आज भी अपने बच्चों को पालने के लिए किसी के आगे हाथ फैलाने से नहीं चूकतीं। वे कहती हैं कि मांगकर यदि इतने बच्चों का लालन-पालन हो सकता है तो इसमें कोई हर्ज नहीं। सभी बच्चों को वे अपना बेटा या बेटी मानती हैं और उनके लिए किसी में कोई भेद नहीं। रेलवे स्टेशन पर मिला वो पहला बच्चा आज उनका सबसे बड़ा बेटा है और पांचों आश्रमों का प्रबंधन उसके कंधों पर हैं। अपनी 272 बेटियों का वे धूमधाम से विवाह कर चुकी हैं और परिवार में 36 बहुएं भी आ चुकी हैं।
सिंधुताई के लिए समाजसेवा यह शब्द अनजान है क्योंकि वे यह मानती ही नहीं कि वे ऐसा कुछ कर रही हैं उनके अनुसार समाजसेवा बोल कर नहीं की जाती। इसके लिए विशेष प्रयत्न भी करने की जरुरत नहीं अनजाने में आपके द्वारा की गई सेवा ही समाजसेवा है। यह करते हुए मन में यह भाव नहीं आना चाहिए की आप समाजसेवा कर रहे हैं। मन में ठहराकर समाजसेवा नहीं होती। समाजसेवा जैसे शब्द को लेकर ही वे इतने सारे वाक्य एक के बाद एक बोल जाती हैं कि आपको लगता है कि यह महिला सही मायने में अन्नपूर्णा है या सरस्वती। इतने में वे एक बेहतरीन शेर भी सुना देती हैं और आप केवल दाद भर देने का काम करते हैं और समाज सेवा जैसे भारी शब्द भी सिंधुताई के आगे पानी भरते नजर आने लगते हैं।
विवाह और शुरुआत :
जब सिन्धुताई 10 साल की थी तब उनकी शादी 30 वर्षीय ‘श्रीहरी सपकाळ’ से हुई. जब उनकी उम्र 20 साल की थी तब वह 3 बच्चों कि माँ बनी थी. गाँववालों को उनकी मजदुरी के पैसे ना देनेवाले गाँव के मुखिया कि शिकायत सिन्धुताई ने जिल्हा अधिकारी से की थी. अपने इस अपमान का बदला लेने के लिए मुखियाने श्रीहरी (सिन्धुताई के पती) को सिन्धुताई को घर से बाहर निकालने के लिए प्रवृत्त किया जब वे 9 महिने से गर्भवती थी. उसी रात उन्होने तबेले मे (गाय-भैंसों के रहने की जगह) मे एक बेटी को जन्म दिया.
जब वे अपनी माँ के घर गयी तब उनकी माँ ने उन्हे घर मे रहने से इंकार कर दिया (उनके पिताजी का देहांत हुआ था वरना वे अवश्य अपनी बेटी को सहारा देते). सिन्धुताई अपनी बेटी के साथ रेल्वे स्टेशन पे रहने लगी थी. पेट भरने के लिये भीक माँगती और रात को खुद को और बेटी को सुरक्षित रखने के लिये शमशान मे रहती. उनके इस संघर्षमयी काल मे उन्होंने यह अनुभव किया कि देश मे कितने सारे अनाथ बच्चे है जिनको एक माँ की जरुरत है. तब से उन्होने निर्णय लिया कि जो भी अनाथ उनके पास आएगा वह उनकी माँ बनेंगी. उन्होने अपनी खुद कि बेटी को ‘श्री दगडुशेठ हलवाई, पुणे, महाराष्ट्र’ ट्र्स्ट मे गोद दे दिया ताकि वे सारे अनाथ बच्चों की माँ बन सके.
समाजकार्य और सिन्धुताईका परिवार :
सिन्धुताईने अपना पुरा जीवन अनाथ बच्चों के लिए समर्पित किया है। इसिलिए उन्हे "माई" (माँ) कहा जाता है। उन्होने १०५० अनाथ बच्चों को गोद लिया है। उनके परिवार मे आज २०७ दामाद और ३६ बहूएँ है। १००० से भी ज्यादा पोते-पोतियाँ है। उनकी खुद की बेटी वकील है और उन्होने गोद लिए बहोत सारे बच्चे आज डाक्टर, अभियंता, वकील है और उनमे से बहोत सारे खुदका अनाथाश्रम भी चलाते हैं।
सिन्धुताई को कुल २७३ राष्ट्रीय और आंतरराष्ट्रीय पुरस्कार प्राप्त हुए है जिनमे "अहिल्याबाई होऴकर पुरस्कार है जो स्रियाँ और बच्चों के लिए काम करनेवाले समाजकर्ताओंको मिलता है महाराष्ट्र राज्य सरकार द्वारा। यह सारे पैसे वे अनाथाश्रम के लिए इस्तमाल करती है। उनके अनाथाश्रम पुणे, वर्धा, सासवड (महाराष्ट्र) मे स्थित है। २०१० साल मे सिन्धुताई के जीवन पर आधारित मराठी चित्रपट बनाया गया "मी सिन्धुताई सपकाळ", जो ५४ वे लंडन चित्रपट महोत्सव के लिए चुना गया था।
सिन्धुताई के पती जब 80 साल के हो गये तब वे उनके साथ रहने के लिए आए। सिन्धुताई ने अपने पति को एक बेटे के रूप मे स्वीकार किया ये कहते हुए कि अब वो सिर्फ एक माँ है। आज वे बडे गर्व के साथ बताती है कि वो (उनके पति) उनका सबसे बडा बेटा है। सिन्धुताई कविता भी लिखती है। और उनकी कविताओं मे जीवन का पूरा सार होता है।
Sindhutai Sapkal
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dr. Sindhutai Sapkal
Born 14 November 1948
Died alive
alive
Residence Hadapsar, Pune
Nationality Indian
Other names Mother of orphans Mai (mother)
Known for Raising orphan children
Spouse(s) Shrihari Sapkal
Children One daughter and three sons
1400 Adopted
Parent(s)
Abhimanji Sathe (father)
Sindhutai Sapkal, affectionately known as the "Mother of Orphans", is an Indian social worker and social activist known particularly for her work in raising orphaned children in India. She was conferred a Doctorate in Literature by the DY Patil Institute of Technology and Research in 2016.
Early life and education
Sindhutai Sapkal was born on 14 November 1948 at Pimpri Meghe village in Wardha district Maharashtra to Abhimanji Sathe, a cowherd by profession.She was poor due to his financial crises.Being an unwanted child, she was referred to as Chindhi (Marathi for "torn piece of cloth"). However, her father was keen on educating Sindhutai, much against the wishes of her mother. Abhimanji used to send her to school under the pretext of cattle grazing, where she would use the 'leaf of Bharadi Tree' as a slate as she could not afford a real slate due to her family's limited financial resources. Abject poverty, family responsibilities and an early marriage forced her to quit formal education after she successfully passed the 4th standard.
Marriage and early work
At the age of ten, she was married to Shrihari Sapkal alias Harbaji, a 30-year-old cowherd from Navargaon village in Wardha District. She bore three sons by the time she turned twenty. She put up a successful agitation against a local strongman who was fleecing the villagers on collection of dried cow dung used as fuel in India and selling it in collusion with forest department, without paying anything to the villagers. Her agitation brought the district collector to her village and on realising she was right, he passed an order which the strongman did not like. Stung by the insult at the hands of a poor woman, the strongman managed to convince her husband to abandon her when she was beyond 9 months of her pregnancy. She gave birth to a baby girl on 14 October 1973 in a cow shelter outside their house that night, all by herself and walked several kilometres away to her mother's place.
Her mother refused to shelter her. She had to set aside the thought of suicide and started begging on railway platforms for food. In the process, she realised that there were so many children abandoned by their parents and she adopted them as her own and started begging even more vigorously to feed them. She decided to become a mother to anyone and everyone who came across to her as an orphan. She later donated her biological child to the trust Shrimant Dagdu Sheth Halwai, Pune, only to eliminate the feeling of partiality between her daughter and the adopted ones.
Later work
She has devoted her entire life to orphans. As a result, she is fondly called 'Mai'(mother). She has nurtured over 1,050 orphaned children. As of today, she has a grand family of 207 sons-in-law, thirty-six daughters-in-law, and over a thousand grandchildren. She still continues to fight for the next meal. Many of the children whom she adopted are well-educated lawyers and doctors, and some, including her biological daughter, are running their own independent orphanages. One of her children is doing a PhD on her life. She has been honoured with over 273 awards for her dedication and work. She used award money to buy land to make a home for her children. Construction has started and she is still looking for more help from the world. Sanmati Bal Niketan is being built in Manjari locality at Hadapsar, Pune where over 300 children will reside.
At the age of 80, her husband came back to her apologetically. She accepted him as her child stating she is only a mother now! If you visit her ashram, she proudly and very affectionately introduces him as her oldest child! In person, she comes across as an unlimited source of energy and very powerful inspiration, with absolutely no negative emotions or blaming anybody.
A Marathi-language film Mee Sindhutai Sapkal released in 2010, is a biopic inspired by the true story of Sindhutai Sapkal. The film was selected for its world premiere at the 54th London Film Festival.
Sindhutai fought for the rehabilitation of the eighty-four villages. In the course of her agitation, she met Chhedilal Gupta, the then Minister of Forests. He agreed that the villagers should not be displaced before the government had made appropriate arrangements at alternative sites. When Prime Minister Indira Gandhi arrived to inaugurate the tiger project, Sindhutai showed her photographs of an Adivasi who had lost his eyes to a wild bear. "I told her that the forest department paid compensation if a cow or a hen was killed by a wild animal, so why not a human being? She immediately ordered compensation."
Soon she realized the plight of orphaned and abandoned Adivasi children. Initially, she took care of the children in return for some meager food. Looking after them was a source of livelihood. It didn't take long for it to become the mission of her life.
Operating organisations
Sanmati Bal Niketan, Bhelhekar Vasti, Hadapsar, Pune
Mamata Bal Sadan, Kumbharvalan, Saswad
Mai's Ashram Chikhaldara, Amravati
Abhiman Bal Bhavan, Wardha
Gangadharbaba Chhatralaya, Guha
Saptsindhu' Mahila Adhar, Balsangopan Aani Shikshan Sanstha, Pune
Awards
Sindhutai Sapkal has been honored with more than 750 awards.
2017 - On 8 March 2018 on Women's day Sindhutai Sapkal has been honoured with Nari Shakti award 2017 from President Of India. This is the highest civilian award dedicated for Women.
2016 - Social Worker of the Year award from Wockhardt Foundation 2016
2015 - Ahmadiyya Muslim Peace Prize for the year 2014
2014 - BASAVA BHUSANA PURASKAR-2014, awarded from Basava Seva Sangh Pune.
2013 - Mother Teresa Awards for Social Justice.
2013 - The National Award for Iconic Mother ---- (first recipient)
2012 - Real Heroes Awards, given by CNN-IBN and Reliance Foundation.
2012 - COEP Gaurav Purskar, given by College of Engineering, Pune.
2010 - Ahilyabai Holkar Award, given by the Government of Maharashtra to social workers in the field of woman and child welfare
2008 - Woman of the Year Award, given by daily Marathi newspaper Loksatta
1996 - Dattak Mata Purskar, given by Non Profit Organization – By Sunita Kalaniketan Trust (In the memories of – Late Sunita Trimbak Kulkarni ), Tal – Shrirampur Dist Ahmednagar. Maharashtra Pune.
1992 - Leading Social Contributor Award.
Sahyadri Hirkani Award (Marathi: सह्याद्रीची हिरकणी पुरस्कार)
Rajai Award (Marathi: राजाई पुरस्कार)
Shivlila Mahila Gourav Award (Marathi: शिवलीला महिला गौरव पुरस्कार)
Film
The 2010 Marathi film Mee Sindhutai Sapkal by Anant Mahadevan is a biopic inspired by the true story of Sindhutai Sapkal. The film wasxveted for world premiere at the 54th London Film Festival.
Sanghapali Aruna
From Wikipedia
Aruna Sanghapali
Born 19 October 1979
Vishakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, India
Occupation Social activist
Known for Dalit women's rights
Sanghapali Aruna, also known as Sanghapali Aruna Lohitakshi, is a human rights activist from India, best known for her work on Dalit women's rights. She is the Executive Director of Project Mukti.
Life
Aruna was born on 19 October 1979 in Vishakapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, India, in a Dalit community. She studied for a doctorate degree in linguistics at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi, where she was a founder member of the Birsa Ambedkar Phule Students’ Association.
In 2014, Aruna was part of the Dalit Mahila Swabhiman Yatra (Dalit Women's Self-Respect Tour) travelling through India to raise awareness of caste-based violence, and was part of the Dalit Women Fight campaign in 2015. She was also involved in activism surrounding Dalit student Rohith Vemula’s death at the University of Hyderabad. She was also organiser of Dalit History Month.
As of 2018, Aruna is the Executive Director of Project Mukti, which describes itself as "a Dalit Bahujan Adivasi women, gender non-conforming, and trans led start-up working to end caste apartheid in South Asia through a promise to openness and participatory innovation." According to the Indian Express, Aruna works on digital literacy among Dalit, Bahujan, Adivasi, and Muslim communities.
Describing her work, Aruna writes:
Dalit women have all the tools to succeed once we are removed from the shadow of violence and untouchability. That is why our mission has always been to move past the narrative of atrocity and poverty and instead build technological equity and literacy among Dalit Bahujan women and gender minorities. We do this through training, building tech, growing Dalit Bahujan knowledge and culture, and fostering solidarity among Dalit Bahujan-Adivasi people.
In 2018, Aruna was the subject of controversy when she gave Jack Dorsey, CEO of Twitter, two posters, which said "End Caste Apartheid" and "Smash Brahminical Patriarchy" during a meeting in New Delhi. Dorsey posed for a group photo holding the poster saying "Smash Brahminical Patriarchy". He was subsequently criticised for holding the poster, and Twitter India apologised on his behalf.
Sugathakumari
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sugathakumari
Born Sugathakumari
22 January 1934
Died 23 December 2020 (aged 86)
Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala, India
Occupation
Poet
Environmentalist
Social activist
Language Malayalam
Nationality Indian
Alma mater University College, Thiruvananthapuram
Period 1957–2020
Notable works Raathrimazha, Ambalamani, Manalezhuthu
Notable awards
2006 Padma Shri
Spouse
Dr. K. Velayudhan Nair
(death 2003)
Children 1
Parents
V. K. Karthiyayini Amma
Sugathakumari (22 January 1934 – 23 December 2020) was an Indian poet and activist, who was at the forefront of environmental and feminist movements in Kerala, South India. Her parents were the poet and freedom fighter Bodheswaran and V. K. Karthiyayini Amma, a Sanskrit scholar. She was the founder secretary of the Prakrithi Samrakshana Samithi, an organisation for the protection of nature, and of Abhaya, a home for destitute women and a day-care centre for the mentally ill. She chaired the Kerala State Women's Commission. She played a prominent role in the Save Silent Valley protest.
Sugathakumari's notable works included Muthuchippikal, Pathirapookkal, Krishna Kavithakal, Ratrimazha, and Manalezhuthu. She won numerous awards and recognitions including Kerala Sahitya Akademi Award (1968), Kendra Sahitya Akademi Award (1978), Odakkuzhal Award (1982), Vayalar Award (1984), Indira Priyadarshini Vriksha Mitra Award (1986), Asan Prize (1991), Vallathol Award (2003), Kerala Sahitya Akademi Fellowship (2004), Ezhuthachan Puraskaram (2009), Saraswati Samman (2012), Mathrubhumi Literary Award (2014) and O. N. V. Literary Award (2017). In 2006, she was honoured with Padma Shri, the country's fourth-highest civilian honour.
Early life
Sugathakumari was born in Aranmula on 22 January 1934 in the modern day southern Indian state of Kerala (then in the Kingdom of Travancore). Her father Keshava Pillai, known as Bodheswaran, was a famous Gandhian thinker and writer, who was involved in the country's freedom struggle. V. K. Karthiyayini Amma, her mother, was a well-known scholar and teacher of Sanskrit.[2] After graduating from the University College, Thiruvananthapuram, Sugathakumari completed her master's degree in philosophy in 1955, and spent three years researching on the topic of 'Comparative Study of the Concept of Moksha in Indian Schools of Philosophy', but did not complete the thesis.
Literary career
Sugathakumari during the Fokkana Award distribution ceremony, Thiruvananthapuram (1994)
O. N. V. Kurup and Sugathakumari in September 2013
Sugathakumari's first poem, which she published under a pseudonym in a weekly journal in 1957, attracted wide attention. In 1968, Sugathakumari won the Kerala Sahitya Akademi Award for Poetry for her work Pathirappookal (Flowers of Midnight). Raathrimazha (Night Rain) won the Kendra Sahitya Academy Award in 1978. Her other collections include Paavam Manavahridayam, Muthuchippi, Manalezhuth, Irulchirakukal and Swapnabhoomi. Sugathakumari's earlier poetry mostly dealt with the tragic quest for love and is considered more lyrical than her later works, in which the quiet, lyrical sensibility is replaced by increasingly feminist responses to social disorder and injustice. Environmental issues and other contemporary problems are also sharply portrayed in her poetry.
Sugathakumari has been described as among the most sensitive and most philosophical of contemporary Malayalam poets. Her poetry drew on her sadness. In an interview, she said, "I have been inspired to write mostly through my emotional upheavals; few of my poems can be called joyous. But these days I feel I'm slowly walking away from it all, to a world that is futile or meaningless". Sugathakumari's most famous works include Raathrimazha, Ambalamani (temple bell) and Manalezhuthu. Sugathakumari also wrote children's literature, receiving an Award for Lifetime Contribution to Children's Literature, instituted by the State Institute of Children's Literature, in 2008. She also translated many pieces of work into Malayalam.
She won numerous other awards for her literary works, including the Vayalar Award and Ezhuthachan Puraskaram, the highest literary honour from the Government of Kerala. In 2004, she was given the Kerala Sahitya Akademi Fellowship. She won the Saraswati Samman in 2012, being only the third Malayalam writer to do so. She also won the Pandit Karuppan Award. She was the principal of Kerala State Jawahar Balabhavan, Thiruvananthapuram. She was the founding chief editor of Thaliru, a children's magazine published by Kerala State Institute of Children's Literature.
Social activism
Sugathakumari in 2017
A committed conservationist, Sugathakumari served as the secretary of the Society for Conservation of Nature, Thiruvananthapuram. In the late 1970s she led a successful nationwide movement, known as Save Silent Valley, to save some of the oldest natural forests in the country, the Silent Valley in Kerala, from submersion as a result of a planned hydroelectric project. Her poem Marathinu Stuthi (Ode to a Tree) became a symbol for the protest from the intellectual community and was the opening song of most of the Save Silent Valley campaign meetings. She was the founding secretary of the Prakrithi Samrakshana Samithi, an organisation for the protection of nature. She was also actively involved with various women's movements of the 1970s and served as the chair of the Kerala State Women's Commission.
Sugathakumari also founded Abhaya (refuge), an organisation that provides shelter to female mental patients, after being appalled at conditions in the government-run mental hospital in Thiruvananthapuram.
Sugathakumari received the Bhattia Award for Social Science, the Sacred Soul International Award, the Lakshmi Award for social service, and the first Indira Priyadarshini Vriksha Mitra Award from the Government of India for her efforts in environmental conservation and afforestation.
Personal life
Sugathakumari's husband Dr. K. Velayudhan Nair (died 2003) was an educationist and writer who was an expert in educational psychology. They had a daughter. Sugathakumari's elder sister Hridayakumari was a literary critic, orator and educationist. The Kerala government declared Sugathakumari's ancestral house, Vazhuvelil Tharavadu, as a protected monument on her 84th birthday.
Sugathakumari died on 23 December 2020, due to complications of COVID-19, at the Government Medical College, Thiruvananthapuram.
Works
Mutthuchippi (Pearl and Oyster; 1961)
Pathirappookkal (Midnight Flowers; 1967)
Paavam Pavam Manava Hrudayam (Poor Human Heart; 1968)
Pranamam (Salutation; 1969)
Irul Chirakukal (The Wings of Darkness; 1969)
Raathrimazha (Night Rain; 1977)
Ambalamani (Temple Bell; 1981)
Kurinjippookkal (Kurinji Flowers; 1987)
Thulaavarshappacha (The Monsoon Green; 1990)
Radhayevide (Where is Radha?; 1995)
Devadasi (1998)
Manalezhuthu (The Writing on the Sand; 2006)
Abhisarika
Sugathakumariyude Kavithakal (2006)
Krishnakavithakal (2008)
Megham Vannu Thottappol (2010)
Poovazhi Maruvazhi
Kaadinu Kaaval
Awards and recognitions
Civilian honours
2006: Padma ShriLiterary awards
1968: Kerala Sahitya Akademi Award for Poetry for Pathirappookkal
1978: Kendra Sahitya Akademi Award for Rathrimazha
1982: Odakkuzhal Award for Ambalamani
1984: Vayalar Award for Ambalamani
1990: Asan Prize
2003: Vallathol Award
2004: Kerala Sahitya Akademi Fellowship
2004: Balamaniamma Award
2007: P. Kunhiraman Nair Award for Manalezhuthu
2008: Mahakavi Pandalam Keralavarma Poetry Award
2008: Award for Lifetime Contribution to Children's Literature
2009: Ezhuthachan Award
2009: Basheer Puraskaram
2013: Saraswati Samman for Manalezhuthu
2013: PKV Award for Literature
2013: Pandit Karuppan Award
2014: VT Literary Award
2014: Mathrubhumi Literary Award
2014: Thoppil Bhasi Award
2017: O. N. V. Literary Award
2019: Kadammanitta Ramakrishnan AwardOther awards
1986: Indira Priyadarshini Vriksha Mitra Award
2006: Panampilly Prathibha Puraskaram
2007: Streesakti Award
2007: K. Kunhirama Kurup Award
2009: M.T.Chandrasenan Award
Shruti Nagvanshi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Shruti Nagvanshi
श्रुति नागवंशी
Born 2 January 1974
Nationality Indian
Citizenship Indian
Education Bachelor degree in social science, Hindi and Ancient History (1995)
Alma mater Udai Pratap Autonomous College , Varanasi
Occupation Social activist
Known for People's Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR)
Spouse(s) Lenin Raghuvanshi
Children Kabeer Karunik
Parent(s) Lallan Singh (Father)
Late Urmila Singh (Mother)
Awards Rex Karmveer Chakra(silver), 100 women of India,JanMitra Award
Shruti Nagvanshi is a women‘s and child‘s rights activist and an advocate for marginalized groups in India, including the untouchable caste known as dalit and rural women. She is one of the founding members of People's Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR) and a founder of Savitri Bai Phule Mahila Panchayat, a women’s forum. She has worked with several other projects to empower minorities.
She founded the People's Vigilance Committee on Human Rights (PVCHR) in 1996, with her husband Lenin Raghuvanshi, historian Mahendra Pratap, musician Vikash Maharaj, and poet Gyanedra Pati. Both she and Lenin are converts to Buddhism.
Personal Life
Shruti Nagvanshi was born on 2 January 1974 in Dashashwmedh area of Varanasi district in the state of Uttar Pradesh. Immensely inspired by her mother’s encouragement for better education she overcame all hurdles in life to be a graduate. She got married to Dr Lenin Raghuvanshi on 22 February 1992. Their only son Kabeer Karunik takes great interest in snooker. At present, he plays snooker at the national level.
Initial Years
Once she came out of the house for attending college education, she could realize how lack of opportunities restricts human desire to achieve anything in life. It was this self-belief which generated courage within herself to participate in social work, learn and be aware of what is happening around us. Again her mother remained as a truly inspiring person to help others grow. She became part of several local level social work programmes and later became involved in Uttar Pradesh chapter of United Nations Youth Organisation. Marriage in an orthodox hierarchy conforming family helped her to understand the mind of caste from close proximity. With the formation of JMN/PVCHR she decided to marry to her passion and never said no to walk kilometers on foot to reach to the interior villages habituated by the untouchables.
Anti-caste work
She is involved in building relations between various communities through modelling and teaching awareness of individual rights and the rule-of-law. Her organization PVCHR, focused on the reconciliation between the historically marginalized and historically privileged, represents a secular and right-leaning wing of the larger anti-caste activist movement. Nagvanshi believes the very thought that they can fight against injustice is empowering. This pursuit of empowerment brought structural changes in her adopted villages and intervention areas. Her work has lead to increased accessibility to health, education, livelihood and welfare services. Many people from upper castes in India are beginning to embrace an inclusive society.
On malnutrition and children's right to survival
In 2017, she and her team at JanMitra Nyas chose 50 villages and some slums in the most marginalised communities in four blocks of the Varanasi district to work on the issue of children’s health with the support of Child Rights and You (CRY). Maternal, neonatal, and malnourished death declined in these communities.
Recognition
She was appointed as a jury member by the Youth Ki Awaaz Awards along with feminist activist Kamla Bhasin and others. Shruti received the Rex Karmveer Chakra (silver) in 2019. Indian poet, lyricist and screenwriter Javed Akhtar honored her with the Jan Mitra Award in 2000 at Kabeer Mela (Kabeer festival) to recognize her extraordinary work for communal harmony and promotion of Kabir teaching. She was awarded the Top 100 Women Achievers of India in 2016 by the union ministry of women and child development (MWCD) and Facebook jointly in the category of ‘Access to Justice Protecting Women and their rights'. She received the Tilaka Manjhi National award with Lenin Raghuvanshi by the Ang Madad Foundation, an NGO based in Bhagalpur, Bihar for her work on Dalit women right. Two Dalit rights activists from Varanasi, Uttar Pradesh Mrs Shruti Nagvanshi and Mr Lenin Raghuvanshi have been mentioned to “21st Century Heroes of India” from the perspective of Liberty, Equality, Fraternity and other Indian Constitutional Values by Pippa Rann Books & Media, based in the United Kingdom.
Literary and academic contribution
Shruti frequently contributes articles to newsletters and online websites. Her latest book with academician Dr.Archana Kaushik is Margins to Centre Stage: Empowering Dalits in India.
Shalini Moghe
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Shalini Moghe
Born 13 March 1914
Indore, Madhya Pradesh, India
Died 30 June 2011 (aged 97)
Indore, Madhya Pradesh, India
Resting place Rambagh Muktidham, Indore, Madhya Pradesh, India
Other names Shalini Tai
Occupation Educationist, social worker
Spouse(s) Dada Saheb Moghe
Parent(s) Vinayak Sitaram Sarwate
Awards Padma Shri
Nai Duniya Nayika Lifetime Achievement Award
Shalini Moghe (1914 - 2011) was an Indian educationist, social worker and the founder of Kasturba Kanya School for tribal children and Bal Niketan Sangh, the first Montessori school in the state of Madhya Pradesh. She was the chairperson of the Bharatiya Grameen Mahila Sangh, Indore, a national level non governmental organization working for the welfare and education of the disabled, orphans, under privileged and the economically weaker sections of the society and was involved with other Indore-based educational institutions such as Prestige Public School and Pragya Girls School. A winner of the Jamnalal Bajaj Award in 1992, she was honoured by the Government of India in 1968, with the award of Padma Shri, the fourth highest Indian civilian award for her contributions to the society.
Biography
Shalini Moghe was born in a middle-class family to Tatya Sarwate, a locally known educationist and a former member of parliament after whom a street in Indore is named, on 13 March 1914 at Indore in the Indian state of Madhya Pradesh. She graduated in Arts (BA) from Karachi, secured a diploma in Montessori education and did advanced training in Juvenile Court and Child Welfare before joining government service. In 1944, she resigned from the job and started a nursery school, the first Montessori school in the city, wholly funded by her personal resources. After three years of operations, she formed an association with like minded people under the name, Bal Niketan Sangh,[ in 1947 which grew to cover a host of activities such as welfare centres in the city and surrounding villages, creches and rescue home for destitute children, nurseries, integrated child development programmes, medical camps and financial assistance for women.
Moghe started a nursery in a sweepers' colony in 1953, though there was stiff opposition to the project. The state government nominated her as a member of the Madhya Pradesh State Social Welfare Board, placing two districts with large adivasi population, Jhabua and West Nimar, under her care. She utilised this opportunity to spread her activities to these areas and founded Kasturba Kanya School in Jhabua. She also established a toy library, in 1971, where the poor children below the age of ten had access to educational, scientific, mechanical and constructive toys. Her social forestry campaign of 1979 brought young people under one banner and one slogan, One boy one tree. She started several other programmes such as child immunization, baby shows, training on child care, toy making, manufacturing of educational equipment, and spinning.
Under the aegis of Bal Niketan Sangh, she established a BEd college, conducted teachers training programmes for primary teachers, and organised two integrated child development programmes, one at the slums of Indore city and the other at Jabot, the adivasi colony in Jhabua district. Under these programmes, she set up 170 centres which attended to child immunization, prenatal and post natal care for women, child nutrition, health education, hygiene care, preschool training and family planning. A girls' Hostel was another project she started in Jobat which also imparted training in music, yoga, carpet weaving, tailoring, knitting, cooking and healthy living.
Moghe was associated with several government initiatives. She was a member of one of the task forces on pre-primary education under the Kothari Education Commission. She also served a working group set up by the Ministry of Education in 1979 on early education as a member. She was also a member of the reception committee of the International Solar Food Processing Conference 2009.
It is reported that Moghe, popularly known as Shalini Tai (Tai means older sister in Marathi),worked without remuneration for the major part of her career and her earnings were spent for her social activities. She was married to Dada Saheb Moghe, a civil servant and she died 30 June 2011, at the age 98 succumbing to old age illnesses. She was cremated at Rambagh Mukthidam, a crematorium in Indore.
Awards and honours
The Government of India honoured Shalini Moghe with the civilian award of Padma Shri in 1968. She received the Jamnalal Bajaj Award in 1992 for Outstanding Contribution in Development and Welfare of Women and Children and/or Gandhian Constructive Work by Women Workers. She was selected for the Nai Duniya Nayika Lifetime Achievement Award 2010 in 2009. The Government of Madhya Pradesh declared her as one among Pradesh Ki Gauravshali Betiyan (State's Daughters of Pride) on the State Foundation Day on 1 November 2011 as a part of the Beti Bachao Abhiyan (Save the Daughter Campaign).
Sailabala Das
Originally born to a Bengali Christian family with father Ambica Charan Hazra and mother Prosannamayee was the first woman from Odisha to go to England for higher studies. Born on March 25, 1875 at the Bhowanipore (Calcutta) house of Madhusudan Das, she was the eldest among her five siblings. Following an untimely demise of her mother, she was adopted by Madhusudan Das.
Sailabala was a social worker, politician and educationist. She was the pioneer of women education in Odisha. Sailabala received her elementary education in London Mission Girls’ School and later she joined the Bethune School. However, Sailabala got ill after which she was shifted to the Loretto Convent in Calcutta. Unfortunately, she failed the university examination for I.A. after which she was sent to the Deveton College where she passed her I.A.
In 1903 she formed the Utkal Young Men’s Association and managed the Utkal Young Women’s Association. Later, in 1906, she visited London for two years for training to learn the teaching methods.
On returning Cuttack after her training, she took an active interest in the promotion of female education in the State. She became the Principal and Honorary Secretary of the Ravenshaw Girls’ School and fought against the educational bureaucracy at a situation when women were not allowed to receive higher education. She was instrumental in creation of the first women’s college in Orissa, the main building of which was gifted by her.
In 1914, she was invited by the Government to attend a conference on female education in Ranchi. She started a Hindu widow’s training school to train widows to become high school teachers. In recognition of her contribution to the education, Sir Edward Gait, the last Lieutenant Governor of Orissa and Bengal, want to confer her Kaisar-e-Hind gold medal but she refused.
In the political front, she established several branches of All-India Women’s Conference. Part of Sailabala’s active public life was spent in Bihar. She extended her reach to Bihar, where she became the first woman inspector of prison cells in Patna and became the first woman to join the management committee of the Prince of Wales Medical College and became the Syndicate member of Patna University.
Sailabala became the first woman Honorary Magistrate of India, adjudicating over 600 cases a year.
On returning to Cuttack in 1927, when Gandhiji visited Odisha her father asked her to escort him during the visit. At her residence that night, Gandhiji asked her to introduce charkha to women of Orissa. She refused, saying it was not the sole method of economic emancipation. Industrialization processes had their benefits too, or else motorcars and watches should also be discarded, she argued with him.
In 1941, Sailabala undertook many activities for the welfare of women in Cuttack. She helped in the setting up of a unit for maternity and child welfare. She also established Orissa Nari Seba Sangha. In November 1947, Indian National Council for Women held its biennial conference in Cuttack, under her leadership.
Another landmark in the life of Sailabala was when she became a member of the Rajya Sabha in 1952. She gifted her Madhusmriti, the estate of Madhusudan Das for the building of a women’s college in Cuttack which was named after her as Sailabala Women’s College and was inaugurated by her on April 28, 1952.
Her contribution to the female education in State and her contributions for their empowerment is nonetheless praiseworthy and unforgettable.
On April 29, 1968 the great lady breathed her last.
Sanghapali Aruna
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Born : 19 October 1979
Vishakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, India
Occupation : Social activist
Known for : Dalit women's rights
Sanghapali Aruna, also known as Sanghapali Aruna Lohitakshi, is a human rights activist from India, best known for her work on Dalit women's rights. She is the Executive Director of Project Mukti.
Life
Aruna was born on 19 October 1979 in Vishakapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, India, in a Dalit community. She studied for a doctorate degree in linguistics at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi, where she was a founder member of the Birsa Ambedkar Phule Students’ Association.
In 2014, Aruna was part of the Dalit Mahila Swabhiman Yatra (Dalit Women's Self-Respect Tour) travelling through India to raise awareness of caste-based violence, and was part of the Dalit Women Fight campaign in 2015.[3] She was also involved in activism surrounding Dalit student Rohith Vemula’s death at the University of Hyderabad. She was also organiser of Dalit History Month.
As of 2018, Aruna is the Executive Director of Project Mukti, which describes itself as "a Dalit Bahujan Adivasi women, gender non-conforming, and trans led start-up working to end caste apartheid in South Asia through a promise to openness and participatory innovation." According to the Indian Express, Aruna works on digital literacy among Dalit, Bahujan,
Adivasi, and Muslim communities.
Describing her work, Aruna writes:
Dalit women have all the tools to succeed once we are removed from the shadow of violence and untouchability. That is why our mission has always been to move past the narrative of atrocity and poverty and instead build technological equity and literacy among Dalit Bahujan women and gender minorities. We do this through training, building tech, growing Dalit Bahujan knowledge and culture, and fostering solidarity among Dalit Bahujan-Adivasi people.
In 2018, Aruna was the subject of controversy when she gave Jack Dorsey, CEO of Twitter, two posters, which said "End Caste Apartheid" and "Smash Brahminical Patriarchy" during a meeting in New Delhi. Dorsey posed for a group photo holding the poster saying "Smash Brahminical Patriarchy". He was subsequently criticised for holding the poster, and Twitter India apologised on his behalf.
Uproar over 'Smash Brahminical Patriarchy' shows wilful ignorance: Sanghapali Aruna
Sanghapali Aruna, an anti-caste activist, was the one who gave Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey the ‘Smash Brahminical Patriarchy’ poster that has led to much outraging.
Picture courtesy: Thenmozhi Soundarajan
Sanghapali Aruna is exhausted but remains defiant. The past few days have been quite overwhelming, considering the outrage over the ‘Smash Brahminical Patriarchy’ poster that was held up by Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey in a closed door meeting with Indian women journalists, writers and activists.
Aruna was among the women who met with the Twitter team for a discussion on women’s experiences of using the platform, from online movements to facing abuse and sexual harassment. At the end of the meeting, Aruna, who is an anti-caste activist and Executive Director of Project Mukti, gave Jack two posters, one which read ‘End Caste Apartheid’ and another which said ‘Smash Brahminical Patriarchy’.
When a photograph of Jack holding the second poster was tweeted, it immediately led to widespread social media anger. Jack was accused of “inciting violence” against a “minority” community (the Brahmins), and not just by random trolls, but even a senior IPS officer who said the poster has “potential” to create communal riots. TNM caught up with Aruna for a chat on the uproar.
Much has been said about ‘Brahminical patriarchy’ in the last few days. Did you ever think it would become such a big deal when you gave Jack the poster?
Actually not. Because we have been giving these art pieces to a lot of people. When we designed these posters, the idea was to make sure everyone understands what the Indian cultural, historical and contemporary contexts are. Because whoever we were meeting were mostly social activists and those who are in positions of authority where they can make decisions.
During Twitter CEO @jack's visit here, he & Twitter's Legal head @vijaya took part in a round table with some of us women journalists, activists, writers & @TwitterIndia's @amritat to discuss the Twitter experience in India. A very insightful, no-words-minced conversation pic.twitter.com/LqtJQEABgV— Anna MM Vetticad (@annavetticad) November 18, 2018
This was part of our journey towards building a society that is full of equity. We thought we'd give it to him as he's the head of an organisation that's been in India for so long. We thought he should know. We didn't know it was going to be so huge and that we could actually make people angry.
But do you feel Jack actually understood what the poster said?
Not at all. The meeting was only for one hour and everybody was in a rush to leave and there was no time to talk about it. I gave Jack two posters that said “End Caste Apartheid” and “Smash Brahminical Patriarchy” immediately after the meeting ended and everybody was like "Let's take a photograph".
I'd raised the issue of caste and Islamophobic slurs that are so rampant on these social media platforms at the meeting, and said that they're not being adequately addressed. When I said these are the posters we've designed to take our work forward, he took them, looked at them and said "Thank you so much". He did not ask me what the posters were about. He probably understood that it's related to the cause but not the whole context. I can't expect a person who comes from the West to understand it. It needs a lot of discussions, questions, and clarifications to understand this thousands-of-years-old oppressive system.
At the meeting, what instances of caste-related abuse did you speak about and are you hopeful that they will take it seriously?
I was positive when I was sitting over there. I was trolled badly when a video went viral during the Rohith Vemula protests and there was a kind of doxing - where they tried to get my physical data, location and all that. There was a person who came to JNU and said a lot of things to me on my face. I didn't consider this as a threat at that time. But later, when I was discussing this with a couple of technology experts, they said this is called doxing, where they target activists, try to get their information. It means they're tracking you and you need to be careful. You need to delete social media accounts. So I had to, without any second thoughts, delete everything because for me, my work was more important than being on social media platforms.
That was a choice that I made. It wasn't that I wasn't able to take on these trolls. I would have loved to - but when you're in public attention, you can't work as much as you want. And for me my work towards building digital literacy and safety of our communities was important. But I have to say that these trolls have been increasing day by day. And though I'm not on Twitter or Facebook so actively, I'm still working on trying to understand these platforms, see what kind of ecosystem is being built around hate speech and disinformation. What kind of trolls, what kind of language people use to attack vulnerable communities. So I was talking about that to them and also about how the reporting process doesn't have caste in it.
Even Facebook has introduced it (caste) quite recently. Three months back when I met them, they said this is a new addition they're really proud of in their community standards. I was happy though when we're reporting, it doesn't have caste as such. What they're addressing is caste slurs and I think that's the first step. We look forward to them making it more explicit.
I felt that even Twitter should take a stand, given the cultural, historical and social context of India, and not be unaware of the aspects that are actually operating in this country. They can't not have 'race' in their system of reporting in America, right? I told them that the population of Dalits itself is almost the same as the population of the USA. So caste becomes a bigger issue and if you're not having it in your criteria, then it's a very big mistake.
When answering to my comments, Vijaya (Twitter's legal head) did become emotional and I'll say that it was genuine. I felt bad when she cried and I said it's okay, we all are constantly learning. And I said this attempt of meeting us was also a learning process, and that we can fix this together. That happened and Vijaya came to me after the meeting, gave me her email, and said we'll definitely meet. And immediately after I came back home, all of us received a mail saying they have consulted the team, and that as of now, caste can be reported under 'intra-religious distinction' - which was weird for me because how is caste intra-religious? It's not. I did tell them that as of now, the community standards are not adequate to answer all the questions that are there.
So I feel they are making attempts and I'm sure they will definitely now, after this whole episode, make more efforts to understand what's happening in this context and how they can address it better. And if they're not doing it, and they are distancing themselves from it, I think that would be really disappointing.
The phrase 'Brahminical patriarchy' has been in use for years now in academic circles and anti-caste revolutionaries like Ambedkar have written about how gender and caste are intertwined. Yet, there is so much outrage. Do you think this ignorance is wilful?
Yes, I think it is wilful. Because most of them are educated - they're writing in English and abusing us in English. They haven't read anything. The term 'Brahminism' is used on an everyday basis. It's not that we need to go and read Ambedkar, Phule and Periyar. Yes, of course, if you want to understand at a deeper level, you need to read them - but I'm sure none of the bhakts have read it. For them, whatever they're getting from their school - you know, the bhakts go to a different school - so whatever they're getting there, they're blindly believing in it. They don't want to read Ambedkar, they just want to appropriate Ambedkar.
Even though it's wilful, I'd say that it's a political one-upmanship game. Right now they want to show that they're in minority, get sympathy from the whole world. And by attacking Jack, they're trying to prove that they're the people who're being trolled, attacked on a daily basis. They will have no evidence for this. The only reason they're saying is "we're minority". But what about the cases of caste based atrocities that are happening on an everyday basis to our people? None of the Brahmins are lynched or killed or raped or paraded naked for riding on a horse, or for sitting cross legged or if their shadow falls on other caste members. For that matter, any community which is at the top level.
This is patriarchy, which is based on brahminism. For women from each and every caste, the patriarchy they experience is different, the manifestations are different. Patriarchy is not the same for women of all castes - that is what we're talking about. If they don't want to understand, let it be so. We need to be clear that we're not talking about brahmins or any commmunity, we're talking about the system in which patriarchy is perpetrated in various forms based on your caste location. A system which is graded and is different for women from different castes.
Among the reactions we've seen is why nobody speaks of 'Dalit patriarchy' or 'Muslim patriarchy'. Your response?
Muslim patriarchy is something I don't want to answer because I don't see it as an equivalent to Brahminical patriarchy (in how it manifests). But when we say 'Dalit patriarchy' or 'Shudra patriarchy', where is it stemming from? It is Brahminism - the whole Dharmashastras, the religious scriptures, the Hindu texts, where you see how they sanction certain things on the women.
If 'Dalit' is part of the Brahmanical social order, we cannot say there's a ‘Dalit patriarchy', 'Shudra patriarchy' - it is the Brahminical patriarchy that we're talking about, which has its roots in Brahminism.
We've seen savarna women supporting the poster but also those who usually bat for equality, lash out against it. Was this only to be expected or do you feel betrayed?
I see that there is a division. There is a section of savarna women who're standing with the poster, for the message on the poster. There is a section of women who don't want to do it, but I think that's okay. We can't expect everyone to stand with us because they have their own notions of patriarchy in their mind, which they don't understand mostly or want to challenge. I think we need to give them time to understand.
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Image credit: equalitylabs.org
It has taken forever for people to understand the caste system. Even now, a lot of people say that there is no caste system. They go on about reservations. Are we still holding any Supreme Court Chief Justice position? Are we the CJI? Are we holding any positions of authority? When Raya Sarkar came out with her list, you saw how many savarna feminists lashed out against her. And these were women who speak about sexual abuse, feminism. So what I'm saying is, your cause cannot get support from all sections at one point. It will get support from different people at different times. I appreciate whatever solidarity we're getting now and I'd say that if this solidarity can be maintained in future, we can fight this oppressive system.
How do you feel about Twitter's response to the backlash? Have they reached out to you since then?
I was disappointed by Vijaya's statement, of course. You can be neutral, but you don't need to apologise. Twitter didn't apologise, but Vijaya's tweet came as an apology. So I felt that shouldn't have come because it means the message is wrong.
They did reach out to the panel members saying they are willing to discuss further. But I don’t see what we can hope from closed door meetings. A lot of things are happening. Just yesterday, the Jodhpur court has taken the case against Twitter CEO Jack and all that. And a senior cop for sure should know what "Brahminical" means and it's not that it's targeting one community. It's actually very disappointing and annoying at the same time. And they're saying this is an attack on Brahmins and millions of Hindus - Brahmins are not millions of Hindus, first of all. And the other Hindus are always oppressed by this system. I wish they'd take a stand and say yes, this is affecting us, and that this Brahminical system is so oppressive on us too.
If we're talking about Brahminical patriarchy and this is the response....you don't need to ask any more questions. This IS the brahminical patriarchy that we're talking about. We want to push social media platforms to take accountability and address the ecosystem of hate speech and disinformation on their platforms.
Smita Bharti
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Smita Bharti
Smita Bharti talking about The Rakshin Project at Samaagati 2019
Born 2 August 1964
Bhilai, Chhattisgarh India
Nationality Indian
Occupation Social Activist, Playwright, Director
Years active 1995–present
Organization Sakshi
Smita Bharti is an Indian social activist, playwright and director. She has written and directed over 20 plays with communities spanning social, class and age strata. Through research, training, workshops, performances, campaigns and publications, she works extensively and intensively with women and adolescents in difficult and challenging circumstances, in prisons with victims under trial, with survivors in situations of domestic violence, sexual abuse and incest, physically and mentally challenged individuals. She also works with the policy and decision makers who have the potential of making systemic change in the country.
Early life and education
Bharti was born in Bhilai, Chhattisgarh in 1964 to Nirmal and Agya Ram Kshetrapal. She did her schooling at Auckland School Shimla where she was introduced to the world of theatre at the age of 5, reading several original three-act comedy plays housed at the Gaiety Theatre, Shimla. A voracious reader and a loner, books were her companions that fuelled her imagination, gave her comfort, held her aching heart, provided frameworks to interpret relationships, examine experiences, and interrogate structures.
In 1982, Bharti moved to Delhi where she received her bachelor's degree in Literature and Psychology from University of Delhi in 1985. She received her Master of Arts degree in Literature from the Annamalai University, Tamil Nadu in 1987. Bharti's life took a turn when she realised that the domestic violence she had suffered after her marriage wasn't her identity, that she had to transcend the barriers and scars to go beyond the personal. In 1995, she embarked on a journey towards a better life as a single parent of two.
Theatre
Since 2000, Bharti has engaged people in the art of storytelling and role playing that enable re-scripting of personal narratives to arrive at action points that lead to sustainable social & behaviour change and peace building. Bharti has written and directed over 20 plays, worked on films, video installations, interactive exhibitions and audio books She has been a programme consultant to Sanskriti Museums and The Asian Heritage Foundation.
In 2004, Bharti led a project in Tihar Jail in Delhi as part of a project with WISCOMP. Beyond Silences: Docu-Theatre in Jail & Outside entailed a series of theatre workshops in jail and outside, designed to explore human rights issues on both sides of the wall. Using skilful creative methods, participants were encouraged to become co-explorers, question internalised norms, engage in a process of self-expression, and make critical choices. A unique co-production between jail inmates and college students was mounted in the jail in December 2004. The project also gave way to a theatrical play Jailbirds which explored the journey of a woman near the end of her 14-year jail term for killing her abusive husband.
In 2005, Bharti founded the Hungry Heart Festival at the India Habitat Centre to explore contemporary lifestyles and personal relationships through theatre. Some of her plays are As the Sun Sets, Walk Once More,45”35”55”,Single Mingle, Rubaru: Raj Kapoor in Russia, Rooh ka Ghar, Blind Date, Nun and the prostitute, Jailbrds, Miss Blossom Callahan Patialewalli. In 2013, she wrote and directed Jug Jug Jiyo which went on to win the UNFPA Laadli Media Award for Best Play.
Social Change and Justice
In 1995, Bharti started working with Sakshi a pioneering rights-based NGO co-founded by Naina Kapur and Jasjit Purewal where she worked with women who had been through domestic violence and sexual abuse. She began working on altering systemic responses to inequality through creative interventions that focus on behavioural change. She officially took over the organisation as Executive Director in 2007. Since then, she has spearheaded several systemic interventions, campaigns, social artistry and communication for development projects.
Sakshi’s effort over two decades, finally materialised after the 2012 Delhi gang rape and murder, resulting in the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013. Bharti along with founder, Kapur spearheaded many national level consultations to ensure that the legislation is placed under the equality umbrella and upkeeps the progressive aspects of Vishaka Guidelines, which was a result of Kapur's landmark Public Interest Litigation, Vishakha and others v State of Rajasthan.
Taare Jab Utare Zameen Par' Designed and led by Bharti in 2016 was a social arts project for behaviour change with street connected children from difficult circumstances. In association with Plan International and its 8 NGO partners. The creative workshop, involving Music, Dance, Theatre, Puppetry, Martial Arts and Substantive Training looked at awakening their sense of identity and equipping them with their rights as citizens of India.
In 2018, Sakshi received a directive from the Directorate of National Service Scheme, Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports, Government of India, to deliver workshops to 40,000 Colleges Pan India to prevent, prohibit and redress Child Sexual Abuse. Bharti, then conceived and designed The Rakshin Project as programme to skill-build 4 million youth Pan-India as preventers of gender-based violence with a focus on Child Sexual Abuse.
Over the years, Bharti has designed campaigns on various social issues.Steer to Safety was a campaign for traffic safety in association with 200 schools, Delhi Traffic Police, PVR Nest, and 10 NGOs.[citation needed] NaNa was a campaign through theatre in schools and colleges to speak up against Child Sexual Abuse. Is it Hurting or Flirting? was aimed at raising awareness and speaking up against sexual harassment in the workplace enabling complainants to speak up without fear of shame, stigma and backlash.[citation needed]
In 2019, Bharti along with filmmaker, Natashja Rathore established SBOX a Communication for Development vertical by Sakshi. Empanelled with the National Film Development Corporation of India, SBOX has worked on national campaigns such as the Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao Yojana under the Ministry of Women & Child Development, #YesToPOSH. for prevention of workplace sexual harassment and #LetsTalk for mental health, for the National Commission for Women as well as Bhashasangam. and Kala Utsav. to promote diversity and inclusion for the Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of India.
Owing to the spike in home-bound violence during the COVID-19 pandemic and an emergence of the Shadow Pandemic, as termed by the United Nations, Bharti, through SBOX launched a campaign Make Home a Safe Space that offered free capacity building workshops to equip bystanders to prevent gender-based and sexual violence in their families and communities. The campaign was supported by several celebrities and influencers including Sonakshi Sinha, Sonu Nigam, Manoj Bajpayee, Neena Gupta, Masaba Gupta & R. Madhavan.
Bharti continues to lead Sakshi with utmost commitment and has emerged as a role-model for several young girls and women across India. Under Bharti's leadership, Sakshi has been awarded the prestigious ASSOCHAM Award for Outstanding Contribution towards Systemic Change for Gender Equality.
Plays
Yellow Wallpaper (2000)
Rooh Ka Ghar: The Most Important Question (2001)
Suraksha (2001)
Bhanwar (2001)
Saatwan Darwaaza (2002)
One is Not Enough (Series of 10 Short Plays) (2003)
At Play (Multimedia Installation) British Council (2003)
It's Not a Play (2004)
Khel (2004)
Jailbirds (2005)
45'35'55 (2006)
Nun & The Prostitute (2007)
Blind Date (2007)
As the Sun Sets (2008)
Rubaru: Raj Kapoor in Russia (2009)
Walk Once More (2009)
Nana(2011)
Miss Blossom Callahan Patialewaali (2012)
Uncoupled Couple (2013)
Jug Jug Jiyo (2013)
Single Mingle (2015)
Amavas Se Amaltas (2016)
Agaaz (2017)
Gup Chup Gapp (2019)
Ghat Ghat Mein Panchi Bolta Hai (2021)
Memberships
In 2013, Bharti was appointed a member of the Central Advisory Committee of the Government of India on combating of trafficking of women and children for commercial sexual exploitation. Other than that, she is also a Rotary Global Peace Fellow, Fellow of the KK Birla Foundation and Special Fellow of WISCOMP.
Awards
In 2013, Bharti won the UNFPA Laadli Media Award for her play Jug Jug Jiyo. Following which in 2016, she received the Karmaveer Chakra Award for Social Change & Justice and the Woman of the Elements Chakra. In 2021, Bharti won the 40 Over 40 award by SheThePeople and the Global Women Inspiration Award.
Surendar Valasai
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Surendar Valasai
Surendar Valasai (Sindhi: سريندر ولاسائي) (born 11 August 1968, near Kaloi, Tharparkar, Pakistan) is a Pakistani Dalit journalist from the Tharparkar District. He is a member of Provincial assembly of Sindh on minority reserved seat in 2018 on PPP ticket.
Career
Valasai worked as a journalist for the English dailies The Muslim, Daily News, Sindh Express, Financial Post and The Balochistan Express, and as an editor for Sindh Tribune. As of 2013 Valasai became Media coordinator of Bilawal House, and on 8 November 2016 he was appointed as Incharge Media Cell Bilawal House. He was appointed as Advisor on Minority Affairs to Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, Chairman of Pakistan Peoples Party on 4 January 2014. Earlier, he was President of Sindh Peoples Students Federation SPSF Tehsil Diplo, Tharparker until 1990 after which he took up journalism. He was elected as Member of Provincial Assembly of Sindh on seat reserved for non-Muslims, and took his oath on 13 August 2018.
Scheduled Castes Federation of Pakistan (SCFP)
Valasai formed the Scheduled Caste Federation of Pakistan (SCFP) to raise the issues of human inequality, untouchability and caste discrimination. Under the SCFP platform, he wrote petitions and letters to the President, Prime Minister and Chief Justice of Pakistan drawing their attention to the plight of Scheduled Castes tribes and particularly the Meghwal, Kolhi, Bheel, Bagdis, and Oads. His main emphasis was that since Pakistan did not subscribe to these social evils ideologically and spiritually, concrete steps were needed.
1. The Muslim* Staff Reporter · May 1994 to Oct 1996
2. Daily News*
3. Sindh Express*
4. Financial Post* News Editor · Jan 1997 to Sep 2004
5. The Balochistan Times* News Editor · Mar 1993 to Feb 1994
6. Sindh Tribune*
Suman Devthiya
Suman Devathiya is a senior Dalit activist from Rajast
han who has been at the forefront of fighting for Dalit women’s rights and taking Dalit history to grassroots in the state, NAZISH HUSSAIN reports.
RAJASTHAN: In Rajasthan, which is one of the worst five states in India when it comes to atrocities against Dalits, Suman Devathiya, a senior Dalit rights activist has emerged as a leader overcoming not only the entrenched casteism in the state but deep-seated patriarchy as well.
Suman is a part of Dalit Women Fight, a movement led by Dalit women to strengthen their voices for justice.
Commenting on the importance of Dalit History Month, Suman says that it is very important to know one’s correct history.
“In the mainstream, there is no Dalit history. There are youth who are collecting Dalit history. Maybe our future generation will benefit from our small contributions,” she told TwoCircles.net.
The Twitter handle of Dalit Women Fight is full of inspirational stories of Dalit women.
Talking about the social media campaign for Dalit History Month Suman says that their objective was to acknowledge and take inspiration from the contributions of Dalit sisters and mothers who have contributed positively towards the society.
Dalit History Month was launched in 2013 by Sanghapali Aruna and Thenmozhi Soundararajan. The idea was to celebrate Dalit contribution to history and the month of April was dedicated for this.
Incidentally, April is a significant month among Dalits as two great Dalit leaders – Dr BR Ambedkar and Jyotirao Phule were born in April. Dalit History Month is dedicated to bringing out stories from marginalized communities and acknowledge their experiences to change the existing dominant narratives.
Suman says she feels happy that there are many great personalities from the Dalit community who have done inspiring work. “Why can’t we do the same. The sharing of these stories gives us motivation and we feel strong,” she says.
Suman grew up in a humble family in the Jhunjhunu district of Rajasthan. She was married at the age of 15, while still being in 10th standard.
Despite being married at an early age, Suman had only one thing in mind: to complete her education. Determined, she completed her Bachelors in Arts from Rajasthan University.
Soon after graduation, Suman started working for the education of girls in the backward regions of Rajasthan.
Suman is proud of her education, which she completed against all odds.
According to Suman, Dalit women in Rajasthan are not able to attain education. “Casteism and patriarchy are the major obstacles in the path of Dalit women to attain education. The economic backwardness of the Dalit community is another barrier for Dalit women,” Suman says.
As a Dalit rights activist, she has become an agent for the advocacy of the Dalit community.
Over the years, Suman has been instrumental in bringing forth the issues of Dalit women in Rajasthan before the government.
Suman attributes her work to the larger Dalit movement in the country.
“When I got involved with this movement I got to know about the history of our forefathers. If there was no movement, I would never have known about our history. As I am a part of this movement, I have the opportunity to help my fellow sisters,” she says.
In Rajasthan, Suman is regarded and known as one of the prominent Dalit women leaders.
In her 17 years of working for Dalit rights, she has worked with multiple organizations.
An abiding interest for her has been her close work with women survivors of domestic abuse and rape survivors.
“There have been many women who lost hope and suffered from low morale. We gave them confidence and we helped them,” she says.
Suman has also been taking up Dalit women issues which are ignored by the mainstream feminist movements and also by the larger Dalit movement.
As part of these efforts, Suman has independently led Dalit Women self-respect marches across more than 20 districts of Rajasthan.
The fight against casteism and patriarchy has not been without challenges. “In my working experience, I have observed that casteism or patriarchy work together. Patriarchy is not ready to accept a woman’s leadership. And if you look at Rajasthan, it is because of patriarchy and casteism that we have not seen any women leadership,” she says.
Suman says that every time she had to fight for her rights as a Dalit woman she looked up to Ambedkar for moral support and strength.
“We Dalit women have no one other than Ambedkar. He is the only one we look up to. When we read him we feel that safe space,” she says.
Suman believes that Ambedkar is not only a Dalit leader but he also has a feminist viewpoint.
While in school, Suman would read very little about Ambedkar or the Constitution.
“It is only after connecting with Dalit movements that I came to know about Dalit personalities,” she says.
At home either, Suman didn’t receive any education about the great Dalit personalities. She ascribes this to lack of education and awareness among the older generation.
“These personalities always inspire me as my forefathers,” says Suman, who is now conscious and aware of her history.
Other than Ambedkar, Suman is inspired by Savitribai Phule, India’s first social reformer who established a school for girl children. “You must read Savitribai Phule and how she gave importance to education and Jyotiba Phule supported her,” she says.
Suman believes that there is a lack of consciousness and knowledge of Dalit history in the remote villages of Rajasthan. “The women in the remote areas are not formally educated or aware of the Dalit movement,” she says.
Suman has been working relentlessly to change this scenario.
She does this by sharing her knowledge with them. She has become a link to disseminate the Dalit history among women who are not conscious or aware of their rights. “I think when I have learned so much, I should bring this knowledge to the larger Dalit community and I take pride in doing it,” she says.
Her journey has not been smooth.
During difficult times, Suman says, “it was my mother who remained by inspiration and gave me strength.”
“We Dalit women have each other only. We have to be there for each other and support each other,” she says.
Subhedar Ramji Maloji Sakpal
File:Subhedar Ramji Maloji Sakpal (1838 - 1913) was the father of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar who was a Subedar – Major in army.png
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14-11-1838 Birth Ramji Maloji Sakpal
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English: Subhedar Ramji Maloji Sakpal (1838 - 1913) was the father of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar who was a Subedar – Major in army
Date before 1913
Author Unknown author
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Suman Saurabh
The fear of Suman Saurabh, who had been honored by former President Pranab Mukherjee's 'women power' in Brahmins, was so deep and effective that he is currently in jail for giving a betrayal of murder. On September 27, 2018, the bail petition was rejected by the Nawada District Court. News of Forward Press:
BY PREMA NEGI
MAHISHASUR DAY'S FIRST EVER ORGANIZED EVENT TOOK PLACE IN JAWAHARLAL NEHRU UNIVERSITY IN DELHI IN OCTOBER 2011.
SINCE THEN, THIS CULTURAL MOVEMENT HAS INCREASED. TODAY, HUNDREDS OF TOWNS AND VILLAGES OF THIS COUNTRY ARE CELEBRATING THIS FESTIVAL OF LIBERATION FROM BRAHMINICAL CULTURAL DOMINATION. BUT THERE HAVE BEEN MANY OTHER DEVELOPMENTS RELATED TO THIS IN THESE YEARS. IN MANY PLACES, LAWSUITS WERE REGISTERED AGAINST DURGA. COMPLAINTS WERE LODGED AGAINST THE INSULT OF MAHISHASUR AND RAHEN IN MANY STATES INCLUDING CHHATTISGARH, MADHYA PRADESH IN SOME TOWNS THERE WERE DEMONSTRATIONS AGAINST DURGA'S ALLEGED INSULT, AND IN SOME PLACES, BIG RALLIES WERE TAKEN IN THE HONOR OF MAHISHASUR. IN THIS FOLLOW-UP SERIES RELATED TO 'MAHISHASUR-DURGA CONTROVERSY', WE ARE REVIEWING THE HAPPENINGS ALONG WITH THE CURRENT STATUS INFORMATION - EDITOR
SUMAN'S BAIL PLEA DISMISSED
Prema Negi
Dalit-to build a new discussion, give a new culture, to choose its own hero and to challenge the caste and criminal traditions going on for centuries, the enemies of the upper caste are considered honorable, their image is also in the power and political camp. The issue is made up of those who raise the issue. The elitists of the upper caste mentality also do not bother to say that they are a fool. But these new courageous heroes of their society know this fact and understand that if their glorious tradition is not established with power then their exploitation will continue to change in the coming centuries in countless centuries, and they are always social-political The system will continue to be used as a stepping stone and shoulder.
Dr. Suman Saurabh of Bihar also had a deep interest in giving his community the rank of upper castes and shoulders, while the power and the upper castes were afraid of his understanding. Dr. Suman's fear was so deep and effective that Suman, who had been honored by former President Pranab Mukherjee's 'Women Power', is currently in jail for the crime of giving a betrayal of murder. Dr. Suman's bail application was rejected by the Nawada District Court on September 27.
WHO ARE DR. SUMAN SAURABH?
Dr. Suman Saurabh was honored with the 'Nari Shakti' award on March 8, 2016 for the participation of then President Pranab Mukherjee in the hands of the then President Pranab Mukherjee and other social activities. Dr. Suman, who calls himself the son of Sarvav Mahishasura, is in jail nowadays. It is alleged that he had given supari to kill the Joint General Secretary of the Jatiya Janata Dal, general secretary Kailash Paswan. Not only this, it is also being publicized that in the name of women empowerment, she operates the body trade.
Suman Saurabh in police custody
This mischief is being imposed on a brave woman who organized Mahishasur Day in backward areas like Nawada where there is still dominance of feudalism and publicly called herself Mahishasur's daughter. This emblem of fighting against Brahmanism and feudalism inherited them from their father, Keshwara Mahato. In the 70-80s, he raised a voice against the people of Dabang caste, then he was trapped in a case of murder, for which he was awarded the death penalty, but later the mercy of the President was forgiven by his mercy petition. Hui. In the absence of the father, the family of a dalit class was brought by the family of Mushera.
Dr Suman's bail plea has been dismissed on September 27 in the hearing in District Court Nawada on this issue. His father, Keshwara Mahato, says that for now Suman's bail, we will knock the High Court door, and if needed, then will also go to the Supreme Court to prove Suman's innocence.
Dr. Suman surrendered in the Nawada court on July 16 when he told the media that he was deliberately being implicated in the murder case after the kidnapping of RJD leader Kailash Paswan because I embroiled the Manuists, the ruling party, the Hindus, the Brahmins The trap was becoming. This conspiracy has been woven to remove me from my way. I am innocent. '
The same thing is being said by those Dalit-oppressed-backward-poor people in the field of Dr. Suman, who operated the 'Bihar Seva Sansthan', who was ready for any kind of help. The poor-backward people claim that Dr. Suman, who does not give importance to his life for our society, can never kill anyone, but his point of view for governance does not matter, it would prove to be even more Now that he will have to knock the High Court door for bail. Dr Suman Bihar, who is setting an example in the field of women empowerment on such a large scale by starting work at home from a small sewing machine at a young age, is not interested in any recognition in Nawada.
DALIT-BAHUJAN STANDS IN FAVOR
When Dr. Suman was declared a murderer, Ramphal Pandit, associated with Bamcef, says, "Social worker Dr. Suman Saurabh has been implicated in a political wrap and given the betrayal of murder and false case of body trade. If he was indeed responsible for these incidents, then the police would have got any substantial evidence, while the chargesheet was filed only with the possibility of possessing his bail. Anyone can charge anything, and this possibility becomes more vigorous when you are in power, while you are in power. Due to pressure from the people of the ruling party in the state, Dr. Suman has been conspiratorial.
On March 8, 2016, Suman Saurabh
Social worker Musafir Kushwaha, along with whom Dr. Suman has worked a lot and knows them better, says, 'Suman Saurabh, who is fully dedicated to social and women empowerment, who calls himself Mahishasur's daughter, His actions pushed the hypocrisy of the Manuists to push. When he was given the 'women power' at the hands of the President on March 8, 2016, it was also discussed in the media that Mahishasur's daughter was honored by the President. From that time onwards, he had become the star of the eyes of the patriots of Brahmanism, casteism and feudalism and conspiracy to implicate him was being formed and trapping him in false cases of murder was a part of the same conspiracy. The media has also played an important role in making false reports against Suman after his arrest.
Mahishasur Day was started from JNU, but Dr. Suman has already arranged Mahishasur Shahadat Dash with him on the pretext of the hypocrisy of Hinduism on the injury of Dange. Dr. Suman, who was a Buddhist and a doctorate in agricultural science from Aligarh University, said in a conversation: "I took the resolution to celebrate Mahishasur Shahadat Diwas for the first time in 2010 and called for my own family in my home, Generally prepared. There was a lot of opposition and I suffered from social harassment. Regardless of this I have not been disappointed. In 2013 there was a chance to read the Yadav Power magazine. It came to know that Mahishasur Shahadat Day was celebrated openly at Jawaharlal Nehru University, so I resolved to open it openly and broadly in Bihar Services Institute.
Musafir Kushwaha believes that 'Dr. This conspiracy was also carried out to grab 5 acres of the Bihar Seva Sansthan, run by Suman. The husband of the former JD (U) legislator in Bihar, who was a supporter of Dabang and feudalist views, had been on this land for a long time, who wants to grab the same price and penalties in any way. Apart from this, it was not possible for the opponent's former legislator, husband, to do the work of social service better with Suman Saurabh's RJD legislator's support. With the Mahishasur Day celebrations, their increasing popularity could not be digested by their opponents.
Even earlier, the husband of former Dabang MLA, has registered a false register with all the tactics on the land of Bihar Service Institute, 6 months ago, the court had ruled in favor of the Bihar Services Institute, rejecting the false registries, it was also acrimonious. Surprisingly, Suman is behind the bars of Saurabh Jail for the killing of RJD leader Kailash Paswan, his first wife's son Sanjay Paswan has doubted the murder of his stepmother and also mentioned it in the FIR, Because Kailash Paswan's second wife Kiran Devi threatened to kill him in a controversy two weeks ago, but the police is not doing any investigation in this direction.
Social worker Musafir Kushwaha believes that Dr. Suman was sent behind bars targeted at the battle of domination in the area of RJD and JDU.
While Suman Saurabh's husband runs a factory living in Delhi, a son lives outside Bihar and studies and the elder son helps in the works of the organization with the mother in Bihar.
It should also be assessed among all that while the collusion of all women shelter and home-home-government-administration has become the basis of exploitation-rape and all other unethical activities, at the same time there is no one on 'Bihar Services Institute' Did not finger, because he was really working for the betterment of the society. But at the time of his arrest, it was viral on a Fake Message Wattsup University that his women's shelter was engaged in sex racket, but no one had the basis of this matter, nor did such a thing happen in the police investigation. Say so This rumor was merely a trick to denigrate them.
Ujjwal Suman, brother of Dr. Suman Saurabh, says, 'My sister has been politically implicated. If we openly expose the names of those people, then the power-protected leader can not be told to implicate us in the next case. Dr. Suman has been organizing Mahishasur Dynasty for a long time, due to this, he was a victim of the eyes of the contractors and Hindu Brahmins. Nonetheless, what is the truth and what lies it will be known only after the court's decision. But this time, about the preparations for celebrating Mahishasur Din, brightly says, "When Dr. Suman does not leave the jail, how will we organize?" At the moment there are situations where nobody would like to come forward to organize Mahishasur Day, because if anybody initiates the initiative then it will not frighten the governance, no action will be taken by anybody.
(Copy editing: FP desk)
Saurabh Suman
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Saurabh Suman
on International Women's Day, 2016
Nationality Indian
Education Aligarh Muslim University
Occupation Agri researcher
Known for Nari Shakti Award
Saurabh Suman (born ) is an Indian Agri researcher who was awarded the Nari Shakti Puraskar. She leads an NGO that empowers women in Bihar. Suiman has also been involved in organising celebrations of Mahishasur martyrdom day.
Life
In 1980 her father, Kameshwor Singh, was arrested and sentenced to death for murder. This was later commuted.
She studied at the Aligarh Muslim University where she studied agricultural science, but later decided to become involved in social work.
Suman became the secretary of the NGO, Seva Sansthan. The organisation focuses its work on the distract around the city of Nawada but is interested in Bihar as well. With her leadership Seva Sansthan organised courses in information technology and mobile phones for women and she arranged for women to take part in agricultural research for the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO).
She has been involved in organising celebrations of Mahishasur martyrdom day. This can be a controversial celebration.
In 2016 Suman went to New Delhi where she was awarded the highest award for women in India, the Nari Shakti Puraskar. The awards were made by President Pranab Mukherjee at the presidential palace (Rashtrapati Bhav). The ministry for Women and Child Development had organised the event and the WDC Minister Maneka Gandhi was present as well as the Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
In 2018 Suman was accused by men who had killed Kailash Paswan as being the person who paid them to commit the murder. No evidence was cited. Suman surrendered herself to the court noting that she had been framed and that she had not paid these men with land and money to kill Paswan.
Suraj Yengde
Dr. Suraj Yengde is an award-winning scholar and activist from India. He is an author of bestseller Caste Matters. The book went to reprint within a week of it's publication date. Caste Matters was recently featured in the prestigious "Best Non-fiction Books of the Decade" list by The Hindu.
Suraj is an inaugural postdoctoral fellow at the Initiative for Institutional Anti-racism and Accountability, Shorenstein Center on Media, Politics and Public Policy at the Harvard Kennedy School.
Suraj is India’s first Dalit Ph.D. holder from an African university (University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg) in the nation's history.
Suraj Yengde's interest lay in theories of subordinate subaltern movements and the Global South migration. His on-going project theorizes the diaspora movement activism, in particular, Dalit diaspora in the North America. He is also co-editing a book on B R Ambedkar's 125 years.
Additionally, he regularly writes on caste and inequality in India. He served on the University of the Witwatersrand Senate and as an executive member of various student body committees.
Experience
–present
Associate, Department of African and African American Studies, Harvard University
Education
2016
University of the Witwatersrand, Ph.D forthcoming
Saalumarada Thimmakka
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Padma Shri
Saalumarada Thimmakka
Saalumarada Thimmakka, in 2011
Born 1 January 1914
Gubbi, Tumakuru, Karnataka, India
Occupation environmentalist
Spouse(s) Bikaalu Chikkaiah
Children Umesh (adopted)
Parent(s)
Vijayamma (mother)
Awards Padma Shri (2019)
Saalumarada Thimmakka also known as Aalada Marada Timakka is an Indian environmentalist from the state of Karnataka, noted for her work in planting and tending to 385 banyan trees along a four-kilometre stretch of highway between Hulikal and Kudur. She has also planted nearly 8000 other trees. Her story is that of grit and determination. She reportedly wanted to commit suicide when she was in her 40s as she was unable to bear a child. With the support of her husband, she found solace in planting trees.
She received no formal education and worked as a casual laborer in a nearby quarry. Her work has been honoured with the National Citizen's Award of India. Her work was recognized by the Government of India and she was conferred with Padma Shri in 2019.
A U.S. environmental organisation based in Los Angeles and Oakland, California called Thimmakka's Resources for Environmental Education is named after her.
Early life
Thimmakka was born in Gubbi Taluk, Tumukuru District in Karnataka. She was married to Chikkaiah, a native of Hulikal village in the Magadi taluk of Ramanagar district in Karnataka. She received no formal education and worked as a casual laborer in a nearby quarry. She was married to Chikkaiah who was a laborer but they, unfortunately, could have no children. It is said that Thimmakka started to plant banyan trees in lieu of children. The name word Saalumarada (row of trees in the Kannada language) is how she was referred to because of her work.
Trees planted by Salumarada Thimmakka along SH94 from Hulikal to Kuduru village
Achievement
Ficus (banyan) trees were aplenty near Thimmakka's village. Thimakka and her husband started grafting saplings from these trees. Ten saplings were grafted in the first year and they were planted along a distance of 5 km near the neighboring village of Kudoor. 15 saplings were planted in the second year and 20 in the third year. She used her own meager resources for planting these trees. The couple used to carry four pails of water for a distance of four kilometers to water the saplings. They were also protected from grazing cattle by fencing them with thorny shrubs.
The saplings were planted mostly during monsoon season so that sufficient rainwater would be available for them to grow. By the onset of the next monsoons, the saplings had invariably taken root. In total, 384 trees were planted, and their asset value has been assessed at around 1.5 million rupees. The management of these trees have now been taken over by the Government of Karnataka.
The 385 banyan trees planted and nurtured by her came under threat of being chopped down for the widening of Bagepalli-Halaguru road in 2019. Thimmakka requested the Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy and Deputy Chief Minister G Parameshwara to reconsider the project. As a result, the government decided to look for alternatives to save the 70 years old trees.
Awards
For her achievement, Thimmakka has been conferred with the following awards and citations:
The President, Shri Ram Nath Kovind presenting the Padma Shri Award to Saalumarada Thimakka, at an Investiture Ceremony, at Rashtrapati Bhavan, in New Delhi on March 16, 2019
Padma Shri award - 2019
Nadoja Award By Hampi University- 2010
National Citizen's award - 1995
Indira Priyadarshini Vrikshamitra Awards - 1997 (Vrikshamitra="friend of trees")
Veerachakra Prashasthi Award - 1997
Honour Certificate from the Women and Child Welfare Department, Government of Karnataka
Certificate of Appreciation from the Indian Institute of Wood Science and Technology, Bangalore.
Karnataka Kalpavalli Award - 2000
Godfrey Phillips Bravery Award - 2006.
Vishalakshi Award by Art of Living Organisation
Vishwathma Award by Hoovinahole Foundation -2015
One of BBC's 100 Women in 2016
Honoured with She's Divine Award by I and You Being Together Foundation 2017
Parisara Rathana award
Green champion award
Vrikshamatha award
Current activity
Saalumarada Thimmakka with the members of the national students' organization, "Campus Friend of India" on World Environment Day, 2015
Thimmakka's husband died in 1991. Today, Thimmakka is invited to many afforestation programs in India. She has also been involved in other social activity like constructing a tank to store rainwater for the annual fair held in her village. She also has a dream of constructing a hospital in her village in remembrance of her husband and a trust has been set up for this purpose.
Somati B.K.
Emerging leader in Dalit Community
Somati B.K is treasure of Srijana Dalit women group – Krishanpur-5, Kanchanpur District. She was born in 2040-10-15 Jhalari VDC, Kanchanpur, she had study up to 3 class in India, her family weak financial condition was stop her further education. than after her marriage in Krishanpur VDC, She has 6 family member among that 2 son, 2daughter, husband and herself. She has house wife and her husband is business man.
She had to be house wife and restrict herself within house and involving whole day in house hold chores. FEDO was formation of group on 2069/08/08 B.S in her community, she has have opportunity to involve as treasure of Srijan Dalit women Group. After that, FEDO has been provide the various of training (leadership training, Human rights training and women rights training) and frequently attend the lobby and advocacy meeting with various stakeholder, that all enhance her capacity and self confidence to motivated herself. Due to this motivation she has part of several Group, various committee and member of UML CPN ward committee member. She is realize the importance of participation and leadership, aware about the allocate budget and support and service from the government.
Now, Her active participation and self confidence was recognize herself in VDC, which was support to her involve in various committee, that are ward citizen forum member, Member of health management committee and executive member of cooperative. She has been participation in all VDC level program and lobby and advocacy of Dalit women issue. Now, she well knows person in VDC level. Finally she is proud to be part of FEDO, She expresses her heartily gratitude to FEDO for made her as respected social activities in society.
Sudhir Dhawale
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sudhir Dhawale is an Indian activist, actor and publisher of the bi-monthly Marathi magazine Vidrohi. He is also the founder of organisation, Republican Panthers.
Personal life
Sudhir was born into a family in Indora, a slum community in Nagpur.
Activism
He has campaigned for the effective implementation of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. In particular he took up the cause of Dalits in violent incidents such as the Ramabai Nagar Dalit Hatyakand in Ghatkopar in Mumbai (1997),[3] the Kherlanji massacre, Rohidas Tupe murder, Baban Misal murder, the Manorama Kamble gang rape and murder case in Nagpu and the Sahebrao Jondhale murder. Through his editorial, journalistic and stage work he tried to emphasize the plight of dalits in this day and age as some claim that he had no sympathies, much less showed support for, naxalites. They claim that he was a believer in doctrines of democracy and had therefore pursued the role of an activist rather than taking part in any armed struggle. His funding is also claimed to have come from fellow activists, donations and contributions from various people, including those that he tried to help. His wife was an activist for women's rights before marriage and afterwards took up nursing to support their family while he pursued activism.
In the aftermath of the 2002 Gujarat riots, he launched his magazine, Vidrohi. In the aftermath of the Khairlanji massacre in 2006, he started the Ramabai Nagar-Khairlanji Hatyaakand Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti.
He is a founding member of the Republican Panther Jaatiya Antachi Chalwal formed on 6 December 2007, for the elimination of the caste system in India, mostly as a reaction to the state action against 2006 Dalit protests in Maharashtra.
Arrest and controversy
On 2 January 2011, he was arrested from Wardha railway station by a team of Gondia police and a team from the Nagpur division of ATS, while trying to board a train to Mumbai. He was taken to Gondia and produced before a local court which awarded police his custody until 12 January 2011. Subsequently, he was booked for waging war against the state under section 121 of the Indian Penal Code and charged with sedition (Sec 124) and booked under Sections 17, 20 and 39 of the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA). This put Dhawale at the center of a human rights controversy.
His arrest is controversial due to:allegedly illegal entry and search of his Mumbai apartment, carried out when his wife was away at work and only his two children, aged 10 and 15, were at home.the seizure and inventorying of seized articles was allegedly done in the absence of credible independent witnesses and his wife was made to sign the list allegedly under duress.
Activists and media are drawing attention to parallels with perceived persecution of Dr. Binayak Sen from Chhattisgarh due to alleged but unproven links with the naxal movement and social activism.
Dhawale co-organised the Elgaar Parishad on 31 December 2017, to commemorate the two-hundredth anniversary of the Bhima Koregaon Battle. The event was followed by violent clashes. In response, the state government set up an inquiry commission headed by a retired judge to look into the riots. Dhawale and fellow activists went around gathering evidence to put before the commission.
On 6 June 2018, he was arrested by Pune Police in a joint operation, in which four others- Surendra Gadling, Shoma Sen, Mahesh Raut and Rona Wilson- were also arrested. They were accused of having Maoist links and charged under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA).
Sagar Gorkhe
NIA arrests activists Sagar Gorkhe, Ramesh Gaichor
In a video recorded before their arrest, the activists alleged the NIA was forcing them to give statements to implicate those arrested in the case.
Sep 08, 2020 · 09:12 am
A screen grab of the video released by activists Ramesh Gaichor and Sagar Gorke. | Bhima Koregaon Shaurya Prerana Abhiyan via FacebookThe National Investigation Agency on Monday arrested activists Sagar Gorkhe and Ramesh Gaichor in connection with the ongoing Elgar Parishad investigation, The Indian Express reported. With this, the total number of persons arrested in cases – all academics, activists and lawyers – has gone up to 14.
In July, the central agency had arrested Delhi University Professor Hany Babu. The agency had also summoned several others, including Gorkhe and Gaichor, for questioning at that time.
Gorkhe and Gaichor were active members of the ‘Bhima Koregaon Shaurya Din Prerna Abhiyaan’, the body that had organised the Elgaar Parishad event on December 31, 2017. The conclave was held at Shaniwar Wada, Pune, ahead of the 200th anniversary of the Battle of Bhima Koregaon.
In a video recorded before their arrest, the activists had alleged that the NIA was forcing them to give statements to implicate those arrested in the case. They alleged that during interrogation, they were threatened with arrest if they did not agree to be witnesses.
“We were called for questioning 1.5 months ago, we were interrogated for 2 days, we cooperated, gave them statements, we were released,” Gaichor said. “After 1.5 months, they called us again with some urgency, and from 11 am to 5.30 pm they sat with us, told us that you have links with Naxalwadi party, you have met them, you have been to Gadchiroli – if you admit these things, we will release you, if not we will arrest you.”
Both of them refused to submit to these conditions. “We clearly told them that what we know as true about Elgar Parishad, we gave you last time, we have nothing more to give you,” Gaichor added. “We aren’t progenies of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar but are children of BR Ambedkar. If you ask us to give false statements against people who have surrendered, we refuse. Today they have called us to Pune, where there are chances that they will arrest us.”
Gaichor and Gorkhe added that this is an intentional tactic of the NIA to prove that the Elgar Parishad event was a Maoist event. “They are forcing us to confess to things we have never been involved in and would late use it against everyone arrested in the case and declare the entire Elgar Parishad event as a Maoist event,” they said in the video.
Both of them were among the 23 persons booked in the Elgaar Parishad case by the Pune City Police under the anti-terrorism law, the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act. They are facing charges of participating in a Maoist conspiracy to overthrow the government and assassinate the prime minister. The NIA took over the investigation in the case earlier this year.
On Monday, the National Investigations Agency issued summons to academics and a journalist from Hyderabad and Kolkata for questioning in connection with the investigation. Among those summoned were Dalit scholar and activist Satyanarayana, journalist KV Kurmanath and Partho Sarothi Ray, associate professor at the Indian Institute of Science Education and Research in Kolkata.
Apart from Babu, Gaichor and Gorkhe, activists Sudhir Dhawale, Shoma Sen, Mahesh Raut, Rona Wilson, Surendra Gadling, Varavara Rao, Sudha Bharadwaj, Arun Ferreira, Vernon Gonsalves, Anand Teltumbde and Gautam Navlakha have been arrested in the Bhima Koregaon case. Except Teltumbde and Navlakha, the others were arrested by Pune Police in June and August 2018 in connection with the violence.
Several rights organisations have criticised the government’s actions in the Elgar Parishad-Bhima Koregaon investigations as stifling dissent and called it an attempt to criminalise and silence intellectuals in India.
Violence broke out between Dalits and Marathas in the village of Bhima Koregaon near Pune on January 1, 2018. This came a day after an event in Pune called the Elgar Parishad was organised to commemorate the Battle of Bhima Koregaon in 1818 in which the Dalit Mahar soldiers fighting for the British Army defeated the Brahmin Peshwa rulers of the Maratha empire. One person died in violence during a bandh called by Dalit outfits on January 2.
Sidnag
–The Grandfather of Bahujan Revolution
The violence perpetrated during the celebration of Bhima Koregaon by the Brahminical Hindutva forces must be contextualised in the larger contemporary political scene of India. First of all, it should be understood that the battle of Bhima Koregaon was decisive for the future evolution of the Bahujan movement. If it had not been for the battle of Bhima Koregaon, the oppressed Indians would have languished in the perpetual social degradation.
When the Marathas were ruling a significant part of India after the social, political, cultural revolution of Shivaji Maharaj, the society was equal. The great Maharaja never discriminated on the basis of caste and religion. On the contrary, the arrogant Brahmins disrespected Maharaja as evident from so many historical sources.
The Maratha is not the name of the caste, it is a linguistic identity which is not equated with a social class. The word Maratha emerged after the language that the majority of the people in the kingdom of Maharaja spoke. The Marathas included not only the kunbis, but also Mahars, dhangars, matangs, and most of the castes of the Bahujan Samaj. The Marathas ruled in many parts of India from central India to East India: Gwalior, Kolhapur, Nagpur, Baroda were some of the kingdoms of the Marathas.
However, through the political machinations, the Brahmins took charge of the Pune kingdom and ruled on the basis of manusmriti. The great son of Shivaji, Sambhaji, was killed according to the diction of Manu: that the Shudras cannot read, write, or hear the Sanskrit texts. When Sambhaji Maharaja was thus killed, it was the Mahar soldier in Vadu who collected Sambhaji’s mortal remains and gave it an honourable funeral. That is the reason why the Brahminical forces vandalised the tomb of Gaikwad.
It was Sidnag who avenged the insults perpetuated to the Marathas and the Mahars by destroying the Peshva regime, which was the casteist and Brahminical regime at its core. If it had not been for Sidnag and the victory in the battle of Bhima Koregaon, there would be no Mahatma Phule. Famously, his father told Jotiba that had it not been for the victory of the British and the defeat of the casteist Brahmin Peshvas, he would have been reduced to a plaything of the Brahmins. While warning young Jotiba not to go against the Brahmins which would invite the wraths of Brahmins, he described graphically that Brahmin Peshvas would have slayed Jotiba’s head and played “ball and stick game” with his head as a ball and their swords as the sticks. As this was the punishment meted out to Kunbis, Telis, and Malis according to the Brahminical Smritis and Shashtras. Thanks to the battle of Bhima Koregaon that the great Mahatma Jotiba Phule emerged. If Jotiba had not emerged, Bhimba would not have emerged and the Bahujan Samaj would still be ruled by the inhuman Brahminical Peshvas.
The battle of Bhima Koregaon is the successful war for the social and political emancipation of the Bahujans that includes the Marathas and the other castes. Therefore the architects of the Bhima Koregaon victory are the founders of the ongoing battle between the 85 percent Bahujans and 15 percent Brahmins and their mean upper castes counterparts. There is a historical trajectory that must be understood in this context.
The present scene is important as the ex-untouchables all over India are asserting and the symbol of their assertion is the Bhima Koregaon. Just a handful of united people defeated the larger body of inhuman oppressors. The history of Bhima Koregaon gives them such a confidence that they could easily come out of the manufactured inferiority imposed on them by the Brahminical media and system.
The Bahujans led by the Mahar-Nags could do it once and they can do it again, but this time the paradigm is changed. The battleground is now shifted to the fight for democracy and the democratisation of the Indian society. The Peshvas have taken the mask of RSS/BJP, and the descendants of Sidnag are mobilising against the mighty media, Hitlerian rule, and Bania capitalism. The only way is to fight the battle, but this time, the battle will be fought on many fronts and the mobilisation all over India is an indication of things to come.
It is the time that the descendants of Sidnag should be ready to sacrifice everything for the self-respect, their dignity, and reclamation of their personality.
Jai Shivaji, Jai Sidnag, Jai Jotiba, Jai Savitri, Jai Bhim!
Author – Mangesh Dahiwale, Human Rights Activist
Suman Shankar Gaikwad
Age: 38 years
Caste: Takari
Educational Qualification: STD – X
Introduction:
I am Suman Shankar Gaikwad, I have been working in the field of social work for the last 10 years. I belong to middle class society. I have two children. I have been interested in social work since I was in school. In school, I had seen discrimination happening against a girl, but at that time I was not aware of discrimination, but then I helped the girl by organizing a protest against the teacher. After I finished STD- X, my parents got me married. After marriage I came to live in the Mundva Settlement. Mundva Settlement was set up during the British period, in 1947, which comprised of nomadic and de-notified tribes including kaikadi, wadar, Pardhi, kanjharbhat, ramoshi, takari, etc. all these castes were kept together because they were considered as criminal tribes. While living in this settlement, I realized that the problems of these communities were very serious and grave in nature. The people did not get their civil rights; they did not get rationing cards, caste certificates, etc.
The condition of women is also very serious. The youth are also misguided. There are problems of lack of education, alcoholism, superstition and health problems are faced by the people. When I understood these problems I wished to work on them.
Current Activities:
I established ‘Zopadpati Suraksha Dal Mahila Agadi’, and have tried to solve various social problems.
Solved the problem of water and electricity availability.
Helped 300 families to get their rationing card, caste certificate and voting cards.
Helped to get subsidy and loans from social welfare department and Khadi Gram Udyog, for small scale business.
Adult learning classes for women were started by me, to help educate women.
I helped to implement the schemes of NABARD through Gram Panchayat.
At village level I established 7 women’s self help group and helped them to get loans for employment generation.
I am also working on the issue of grazing land.
Whenever the police arrest anyone belonging to the de-notified tribe, I help them, by informing the government officials as well as reporters and help those who are arrested by getting justice.
These are the activities which I have conducted in my community.
Future Plans:
My future plans include the following:
Women Empowerment – social, economic, political and cultural development thru self-help groups.
To give legal education to women. To develop interest among young girls regarding education.
To spread awareness about health issues to young girls.
The Nomadic and De-Notified tribes do not get their civil rights, due to which they can not avail of different government schemes; therefore I wish to work on these issues.
The various sub-castes have differences amongst themselves and also among other castes; I wish to work to reduce the differences among the various castes.
Sailabala Das
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sailabala Das
Member: Rajya Sabha
In office
03 April 1952 – 02 April 1954
Constituency Odisha
Personal details
Born
Shoila Bala Hazra
25 March 1875[1]
Chakraberia Road, Bhowanipore, Calcutta
Died 29 April 1968 (aged 93)
Political party Indian National Congress
Alma mater Bethune College, Maria Grey Training College
Profession Educationist, Social Worker, Politician
Sailabala Das (25 March 1875 - 29 April 1968) was a social worker and politician. She was the first woman from Odisha to go to England for higher studies.
Sailabala Das eldest child of Ambica Charan Hazra and Prosannamayee, was born on the 25 March, 1875 at the Bhowanipore (Calcutta) house of Madhusudan Das. She had five siblings. Following an untimely demise of her mother, she was adopted by the Madhusudan Das.
In 1903, she formed the Utkal Young Men’s Association and managed the Utkal Young Women’s Association. She was instrumental in creation of the first women’s college in Odisha, the main building of which was gifted by her. She started a Hindu widow’s training school to train widows to become high school teachers. On the political front, she started several branches of All-India Women’s Conference. She established Orissa Nari Seba Sangha in 1941 for social welfare of women. Indian National Council for Women held its biennial conference in Cuttack, under her leadership. She extended her reach to Bihar, where she became the first woman inspector of prison cells in Patna, first woman to join the management committee of the Prince of Wales Medical College and became the Syndicate member of Patna University. Sailabala became the first woman Honorary Magistrate of India, adjudicating over 600 cases a year.
In recognition to her contribution to education, Sir Edward Albert Gait, the last Lieutenant Governor of Orissa and Bihar, wanted to confer the Kaisar-i-Hind gold medal to her but she declined it.
Shailabala Women's College, Cuttack is named after her
Literary works
A look After and Before - autobiography (1956)
Tribute of a Daughter to Her Father (2008)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Tulasi Munda in 2011
Born 15 July 1947 (born 1947) is a social activist from the Indian state of Odisha. She was awarded the Padma Shri in 2001 by Government of India for her contribution to spreading literacy among the impoverished adivasi peoples of Odisha. Munda started an informal school in 1964 in Odisha's iron ore mining area to educate children from local adivasi populations, who would otherwise have ended up as child labour in the mines. She had been a child labourer in the mines of Keonjhar herself.
Munda is illiterate and has no formal education. She belongs to the Munda ethnic group of adivasis, the collective term in mainland South Asia for indigenous peoples.
She is popularly known as "Tulasi Apa", literally meaning "Sister Tulasi" in Odia.
Early life
Munda was born on 15 July 1947 in Kainshi village located in the present-day Keonjhar district in Odisha. Keonjhar is one of the most economically underdeveloped districts in Odisha. As a child, she wished to study but the idea of educating girls and women was largely socially unacceptable at the time. Child labour, poverty and slavery prevented indigenous children from getting an education. When she was 12, she went to Serenda village to live with her sister. There she worked in the mines.
Activism
In 1961, Munda met social reformers Ramadevi Choudhury, Nirmala Deshpande and Malati Choudhury who advocated for education for women. She joined their efforts happening in different parts of the country. Munda also met Acharya Vinoba Bhave when he visited Odisha in 1963 during the Bhoodan movement. Her social service training and the guidance of social reformers inspired her future efforts.
She returned to Serenda in 1964 and started an informal school for children in the veranda of her home.Later, she started the "Adivasi Vikas Samiti School". As of 2019, the school provides education up to the 10th standard for nearly 500 boy and girl students every year. The school has increased the level of education and standard of living in the area. Since 1964, she has educated more than 20,000 children and helped the government establish 17 schools for primary or secondary education.
Awards
Padma Shri, the fourth highest civilian award given by the Government of India, in 2001, for her contribution to the field of "social work".
Kadambini Samman, 2008.
Odisha Living Legend Award for Excellence in Social Service, 2011.
Lakshmipat Singhania - IIM Lucknow National Leadership Award, in the category of Community Service and Social Upliftment (Leader), 2009.
Biopic
Tulasi Apa, a biographic film based on her based on her life was released in 2015 at the Kolkata Film Festival, where it received critical acclaim. The film was also screened at the 4th edition of the Tehran Jasmine International Film Festival (TJIFF) on 30 October 2016.
Sultana Daku
17 साल में डाकू बन गया था सुल्ताना, कहा जाता था भारत का रॉबिनहुड, अंग्रेजों की उड़ा दी थी नींद17 साल में डाकू बन गया था सुल्ताना, कहा जाता था भारत का रॉबिनहुड, अंग्रेजों की उड़ा दी थी नींद.
THEHOOK DESK:20वीं सदी के सबसे खतरनाक डाकुओं में सुल्ताना डाकू का सबसे आता था। सुल्ताना डाकू से अंग्रेजी सरकार भी डरती थी। उसके पकड़ने के लिए 300 जवान लगाए गए थे। स्पेशल अंग्रेज अफसर बुलाया गया था। विशेष तौर पर गुप्तचर लगाए गए थे।
सुल्ताना महज 17 साल की उम्र में अंग्रेज अफसरों के अत्याचार से डाकू बना और 40 साल की उम्र तक सक्रिय रहा। इस दौरान उसने एक बड़े इलाके पर राज किया। छोटे कद और मामूली नाक-नक्श का सुल्ताना डाकू उतना ही खतरनाक और तेज दिमाग वाला था। डाकू बनने के एक साल से भीतर ही उसने 100 लोगों का गैंग बना लिया था।सुल्ताना डाकू सरकारी खजाने को लूटने पर ज्यादा जोर देता था। जिससे अंग्रेज सरकार परेशान हो गई थी। उस समय नैनीताल राजनिवास तथा देहरादून के लिए अकेला सुगम रास्ता नजीबाबाद से होकर गुजरता था। इसे इलाके में सुल्ताना डाकू सक्रिय था। ये इलाका सुल्ताना डाकू के खौफ से थर्राता था।जब सुल्ताना डाकू को काबू नहीं किया जा सका तो कुंमाऊ के कमिश्नर पर्सी बिंडहैम ने तेज-तर्रार अफसर फ्रैंडी यंग की मांग की। जब यंग ने मोर्चा संभाला तो उसने सबसे पहले खुफिया विभाग को तैनात किया और 300 चुनिंदा सिपाहियों को अपनी टीम में चुना। देश में एक डाकू से निटपने के लिए इतनी बड़ी तैयारी पहली बार की गई थी। इसमें आधुनिक हथियारों से लैस 50 घुड़सवारों का दस्ता अलग से शामिल था। रामनगर से लेकर नजीबाबाद तक प्रशासन ने जाल बिछाया।जिस तेजी से सुल्ताना डाकू को अंग्रेज सरकार तलाश रही थी, उसी तेजी से उसकी लोकप्रियता भी बढ़ती जा रही थी। सुल्ताना डाकू उस इलाके में रॉबिनहुड की तरफ फेमस था। जिम कार्बेट जैसे अफसर ने तक उसे भारत का रॉबिनहुड कहते थे।
सरकार ने सुल्ताना डाकू को पकड़ने के लिए आम लोगों को जरिया बनाया। प्रशासन ने डाकू को पनाह देने के आरोप में 40 परिवारों को कालापानी की सजा दी थी। आखिरकार सुल्ताना डाकू पकड़ लिया गया। सुल्ताना डाकू पर साल 2009 में सुजीत सराफ ने 'कंफेशंस ऑफ सुल्ताना डाकू' नाम का उपन्यास भी लिखा।
सुल्ताना डाकू की हैरान करने वाली कहानी, जिसे पकड़ने के लिए बुलाए गए थे अंग्रेज अधिकारी
बीबीसी हिंदी Published by: सोनू शर्मा
अमीरों का माल लूटना और गरीबों में बांटने का जिक्र हो तो 14वीं सदी का एक कैरेक्टर 'रॉबिन हुड' याद आता है, जो अपने साथियों समेत ब्रिटेन के काउंटी नॉटिंघम शायर में शेरवुड के जंगलों में रहता था। वो एक आम नागरिक था लेकिन नॉटिंघम के कुख्यात शेरिफ ने उसकी जमीन जबरदस्ती छीन ली थी, जिसकी वजह से वो डकैती करने लगा था। इसके बारे में कई नॉवेल लिखे गए और बहुत सी फिल्में बनीं, मगर फिर भी इसके बारे में ये संशय है की वो वास्तविक जीवन में था भी या नहीं।
हालांकि, इसी तरह का एक कैरेक्टर भारत में भी था, जिसके बारे में कहा जाता है कि वो अमीरों को लूटता था और गरीबों की मदद करता था। ये कैरेक्टर था सुल्ताना डाकू, जिसे 96 साल पहले सात जुलाई 1924 को फांसी के तख्ते पर लटका दिया गया था।
सुल्ताना डाकू के धर्म के बारे में कुछ यकीन से नहीं कहा जा सकता। ज्यादातर लोगों का मानना है कि वो मुसलमान था जबकि कुछ इतिहासकारों ने उसे हिंदू धर्म का मानने वाला बताया है, क्योंकि वो भातो समुदाय से था और ये समुदाय हिंदू धर्म को मानने वाला था।
सुल्ताना शुरुआत में छोटी-छोटी चोरी करता था। उर्दू के पहले जासूसी उपन्यासकार और अपने जमाने के मशहूर पुलिस अधिकारी जफर उमर इसे एक बार गिरफ्तार करने में कामयाब हुए थे, जिस पर उन्हें पांच हजार रुपये का इनाम मिला था। जफर उमर की बेटी हमीदा अख्तर हुसैन राय पुरी ने अपनी किताब 'नायाब हैं हम' में लिखा है कि जफर उमर ने सुल्ताना को एक मुठभेड़ में गिरफ्तार किया था।
उस समय सुल्ताना पर चोरी के अलावा हत्या का कोई आरोप नहीं था, इसलिए उसे सिर्फ चार साल जेल की कड़ी सजा सुनाई गई थी। जफर उमर ने उसकी गिरफ्तारी पर मिलने वाले रुपये अपने सिपाहियों और स्थानीय लोगों में बांट दिए थे। इसके बाद जफर उमर ने उर्दू में कई जासूसी नॉवेल लिखे, जिनमें पहला नॉवेल 'नीली छतरी' था और इसकी कहानी का मुख्य पात्र सुल्ताना डाकू ही था।
The Confession of Sultana Daku
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Confession of Sultana Daku
First edition cover
Author Sujit Saraf
Country India
Language English
Genre Historical fiction
Publisher Penguin Books India
Publication date November 2009
Media type Print (Hardback)
Pages 296
Followed by Peacock Throne
The Confession of Sultana Daku is a 2009 historical novel by Sujit Saraf. The novel is about the swashbuckling criminal career of Sultana Daku (Daku is the Hindi for bandit ), undisputedly the most notorious dacoit in modern India's history. He, actually, belonged to bhantu clan of criminals who terrorized the United Provinces (as Uttar Pradesh was then known) in 1920. The novel begins after he is captured by the ruling British and thrown into the Haldwani Gaol. Here, just, a few hours to the gallows, he has a change of heart and he requests for Lieutenant Colonel Samuel Pearce, the officer who played a major role in capturing him.
The officer, readily enthusiastic of Indian culture, always keeps a paper and a pencil ready, so it does not take Sultana much to pursue him to record his biography, and that's necessary because he would like his clansmen, especially his son to know how he felt and thought through his hefty upheavals throughout the ups and downs of his meteoric criminal life. Here we come to know of his deepest feelings, his love for his horse Chetak (the choice of name indicates his love for chivalry, that being the historical mount of Maharana Pratap), (while his dog's name - Rai Bahadur, perhaps hints his despise for titular kings)
हूर हैं सुलताना के किस्से लगभग चार सौ साल पूर्ब यह किला बनवाया था नजीबाबाद के नवाब नाजीबुद्दोला ने बनवाया था। बाद में इस पर सुलताना डाकू जो इसी जगह का था, कब्जा कर लिया। आज लोग इसे सुलताना डाकू का किला कहते है। सुलताना डाकू का किला, आज भी मशहूर हैं सुलताना के किस्से Haribhoomi.com30 Nov 2013 5:30 AM लगभग चार सौ साल पूर्ब यह किला बनवाया था नजीबाबाद के नवाब नाजीबुद्दोला ने बनवाया था। बाद में इस पर सुलताना डाकू जो इसी जगह का था, कब्जा कर लिया। आज लोग इसे सुलताना डाकू का किला कहते है। सुल्ताना एक बहादुर डाकू था जिसे पकड़ना नामुमकिन था। उस समय की पुलिस ने उसे पकड़ने की लगातार प्रयास किए। सुल्ताना डाकू का अपना एक इतिहास है, सुलताना डाकू पर एक फिल्म भी बनाई गई जिसमें दारा सिहं ने सुलताना का किरदार निभाया था। सुल्ताना डाकू ने यह किला अपने छुपने की जगह के तोर पे इस्तेमाल किया। सुल्ताना अपने समय का माना हुआ डाकू था जोकि 1920 के आस पास उत्तर प्रदेश में मिलने वाले भाट्टू काबिले से था।
संत नारायण
(20.8.1856-20.9.1928)
"मदिरा जहर के समान है, इसका सेवन, निर्माण व व्यापार कतई ना करें।"-संत नारायण
पृष्ठभूमि
कुछ दशक पूर्व केरल की हरी-भरी धरती सामाजिक और आर्थिक विषमताओं का एक जीता जागता उदाहरण थी। एक-तिहाई से ज्यादा आबादी अछूत मानी जाती थी। उनके लिए विद्यालय, सरकारी नौकरी, मंदिर आदि के दरवाजे बंद थे।
संत नारायण का आविर्भाव
केरल में आज का बदलाव भारत के क्रांतिकारी संत नारायण के कारण हुआ। संत नारायण ने जमीनी स्तर पर सामाजिक व धार्मिक सुधार किए और केरल में ठोस तथा रचनात्मक सामाजिक सुधार लाने में सफल भी रहे। सामाजिक जड़ता के दौर में उन्होंने "एक जाति, और एक धर्म" के सिद्धांत का प्रसार किया।
जीवन परिचय
संत नारायण का जन्म केरल में तिरुअनंतपुरम से करीब 15 किमी उत्तर पूर्व में स्थित एक छोटे से गांव चंपाजंती में 20 अगस्त 1856 को इजवा समुदाय में हुआ। उनके पिता मदन असन एक किसान थे। उनकी मां एक सरल महिला थी। उन्हें 5 वर्ष की आयु में गांव के स्कूल में मलयालम में प्राथमिक शिक्षा के लिए भर्ती किया गया। वहाँ उन्होंने संस्कृत भी पढ़ी। 15 वर्ष की आयु में माता के देहांत के बाद उनके मामा कृष्ण वेदयार ने उनकी देखभाल की। नारायण को उच्च शिक्षा के लिए करूनगपल्ली में एक योग्य अध्यापक रमण पिल्लै के पास भेज दिया।
रमन पिल्लै एक उच्च वर्ण हिंदू थे। नारायण जन्म से अछूत थे अतः घर के बाहर रहकर अध्यन करना पड़ा। नारायण प्रतिभाशाली विद्यार्थी सिद्ध हुआ और अपने सभी साथियों से आगे निकलकर शिक्षकों के सामने संस्कृत में अपनी विद्वत्ता सिद्ध कर दी। संस्कृत में उच्च शिक्षा ग्रहण करने के पश्चात वे 1881 में अत्यधिक बीमार पड़ गए और वापस घर लौटना पड़ा।
रोग मुक्त होने के बाद उन्होंने अपने पैतृक गांव में और आसपास के क्षेत्र में छोटे-छोटे विद्यालय खोलने का निर्णय लिया। यहीं से उन्होंने स्थानीय समाज के बालकों, विशेषकर पिछड़े वर्ग के बालको में ज्ञान और शिक्षा का प्रसार आरंभ किया।
परिव्राजन
गृह-त्याग करके ज्ञान की खोज में निकल गए। योग शिक्षा ली, मारुतवमलै की गुफाओं में कठोर साधना की। साधना में उनको ज्ञान हुआ कि सभी मानव एक जैसे पैदा होते हैं। कुछ धूर्त लोगों ने जाति और उपजाति बनाकर श्रम करने वालों को शिक्षा, अध्यात्म अौर सम्मानजनक जीवन से दूरकर गुलाम बना दिया है। इसलिए मुझे इन तथाकथित ऊंची जाति द्वारा बनाई गई इन बेड़ियों को तोड़ने के लिए लड़ना चाहिए। यह निश्चय लेकर संत नारायण लोगों के बीच लौट। वे गांव गांव घूमे, जो भोजन मिला, उसे खाया, समाज के अंतिम व्यक्ति के साथ रहे, पिछड़े वर्ग से घुले-मिले। सभी लोग उनसे प्रभावित हुए, उनके प्रति श्रद्धा जगी।
समाज सुधार कार्य
जिन हिंदू मंदिरों में प्रवेश वर्जित था, उन्हीं मंदिरों के निकट आश्रम बनाया तथा एक संगठन बनाकर मंदिर संपदा और श्रद्धालुओं के कल्याण की व्यवस्था की। यही संगठन बाद में श्री नारायण धर्म परिपालन योगम् (एस एन डी पी) के नाम से जाना गया, जो श्री नारायण धर्म का प्रसार करने लगा। अपने अनुयायियों को उन्होंने प्राथमिक शिक्षा अनिवार्य कर दी। एस एन डी पी के हर इकाई को अनिवार्य रूप से एक स्कूल और एक पुस्तकालय कायम रखने का निर्देश संत नारायण ने दिया।
1904 में संत नारायण ने क्विलोन (आज कोझीकोड) के एक तटीय उपनगर वर्कला में एक शांत, सुरम्य, पर्वतीय स्थल शिवगिरि में अपनी सार्वजनिक गतिविधियां केंद्रित की।
1920 में त्रिशूर में उनके द्वारा स्थापित कारामुक्कू मंदिर में किसी देवता की प्रतिमा नहीं बल्कि एक दीपक स्थापित किया गया जिसका संदेश था- 'चहूंओर प्रकाश ही प्रकाश हो'। 1922 में मूरुक्कुमपुझा में बनाए गए मंदिर में देव प्रतिमा की जगह 'सत्य, धर्म, प्रेम, दया' लिखवाया गया। 1924 में उनके द्वारा स्थापित अंतिम मंदिर कलवनकोड मंदिर में उन्होंने गर्भ ग्रह में एक दर्पण लगवाया।
सामाजिक प्रगति के लिए संत नारायण ने तीन उपाय सुझाए थे संगठन, शिक्षा और औद्योगिक विकास। आज केरल में दिख रहा सामाजिक आर्थिक शैक्षणिक विकास का श्रेय संत नारायण और उनके द्वारा स्थापित श्री नारायण धर्म परिपालन योगम् संस्था को जाता है।
लोगों ने शिकायत की कि उनके बच्चों को स्कूलों में नहीं जाने दिया जाता तो उन्होंने कहा कि अपने बच्चों के लिए स्कूल स्वयं बना लो और इतनी अच्छी तरह चलाओ कि वह भी तुम्हारे स्कूलों में अपने बच्चों को भेजने को इच्छुक हो जाए।
लोगों ने कहा कि उन्हें मंदिर में प्रवेश नहीं करने दिया जाता तो उन्होंने कहा कि ना तो जबरदस्ती परवेश करने की जरूरत है और ना प्रवेश की अनुमति के लिए गिडगिड़ाने की आवश्यकता है। अपना मंदिर स्वयं बना लो।
मदिरा को जहर बताते हुए उन्होंने अपने अनुयायियों को मदिरापान, मदिरा निर्माण और मदिरा व्यापार न करने का उपदेश दिया।
उन्होंने हमेशा अपने अनुयायियों को यही शिक्षा दी-"शिक्षा के माध्यम से जानकार और जागरुक बनो, संगठित होकर मजबूत बनो और कठिन परिश्रम से समृद्धि प्राप्त करो।"
"मदिरा (शराब) जहर के समान है, इसका सेवन, निर्माण व व्यापार कतई ना करें।"-संत नारायण
*साभार मूलनिवासी टाइम्स हिंदी पाक्षिक (16-30 सितंबर, 2013)
Sanghapali Aruna
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Aruna Sanghapali
Born 19 October 1979
Vishakhapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, India
Nationality Indian
Occupation Social activist
Known for Dalit women's rights
Sanghapali Aruna, also known as Sanghapali Aruna Lohitakshi, is a human rights activist from India, best known for her work on Dalit women's rights. She is the Executive Director of Project Mukti.
Life
Aruna was born on 19 October 1979 in Vishakapatnam, Andhra Pradesh, India, in a Dalit community. She studied for a doctorate degree in linguistics at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi, where she was a founder member of the Birsa Ambedkar Phule Students’ Association.
In 2014, Aruna was part of the Dalit Mahila Swabhiman Yatra (Dalit Women's Self-Respect Tour) travelling through India to raise awareness of caste-based violence, and was part of the Dalit Women Fight campaign in 2015. She was also involved in activism surrounding Dalit student Rohith Vemula’s death at the University of Hyderabad. She was also organiser of Dalit History Month.
As of 2018, Aruna is the Executive Director of Project Mukti, which describes itself as "a Dalit Bahujan Adivasi women, gender non-conforming, and trans led start-up working to end caste apartheid in South Asia through a promise to openness and participatory innovation." According to the Indian Express, Aruna works on digital literacy among Dalit, Bahujan, Adivasi, and Muslim communities.
Describing her work, Aruna writes:
Dalit women have all the tools to succeed once we are removed from the shadow of violence and untouchability. That is why our mission has always been to move past the narrative of atrocity and poverty and instead build technological equity and literacy among Dalit Bahujan women and gender minorities. We do this through training, building tech, growing Dalit Bahujan knowledge and culture, and fostering solidarity among Dalit Bahujan-Adivasi people.
In 2018, Aruna was the subject of controversy when she gave Jack Dorsey, CEO of Twitter, two posters, which said "End Caste Apartheid" and "Smash Brahminical Patriarchy" during a meeting in New Delhi. Dorsey posed for a group photo holding the poster saying "Smash Brahminical Patriarchy". He was subsequently criticised for holding the poster, and Twitter India apologised on his behalf.
SAHODARAN AYYAPPAN
“This is Ayyappan- Cherai Achutan Vaidyar’s younger brother”- that was how he was introduced- the handsome young man stepping out of adolescence who came to Alwaye Ashram to see Swami. Swami recognized him Vaidyar was his friend. He was a good man, a scholar and interested in doing a good turn to others. Shri narayanan, Chattambi Swami and kumaran asan had enjoyed his hospitality at Cherai. All of them had a high regard for him. Asan wrote an elegy on his death.
Swami felt a special love for the youth when he knew that he was Vaidyar’s brother. Ayyappan had come back from Madras interrupting his studies. He wanted to join the Trivandrum Maharaja’s college. Swami wanted to assist him and asked him to see him on his way to Trivandrum.
Swami was in Curtallum when he came next. Ayyappan went there and received an affectionate welcome. Swami gave him two letters- one to be given to Kumaran Asan and another to Alummotil Govindan Channan. Channan whom he met first, gave him a letter for Asan. Asan received him with all kindness and made arrangements for his admission in the college, and for his lodging. He also gave him a hundred rupees.
Ayyappan was attracted to Swami’s personality at first sight. (In later years he frequently used to say that there was something superhuman in Swami). He was thrilled by Swami’s messages. During his stay at Trivandrum he kept contact with S.N.D.P.Yogam and its activities. He drew closer to Asan. Ayyappan was convinced that Kerala’s emancipation was possible only through Sree Narayana’s philosophy.
He returned home after finishing his education with a firm resolve to work with dedication to realize the ideals of Sree Narayana. By that time he had already established himself as an eloquent speaker and a powerful writer. Naturally the mantle of youth leader fell on his shoulders. He published leaflets on the “One caste” theory of Sree Narayana. He exhorted the people that the depressed classes, an never be free unless the demon of caste was exorcised. He gave a call to his community to free itself of their own superstitions and evil customs. ‘Yuktivadi’ M.C.Joseph has described how this Ezhava graduate used to lecture from dealwood box platforms on the roadside like Christian missionaries. His speeches were neither on spiritual nor on political subjects. He would speak with vigour about the evil customs and senseless beliefs prevalent among the Ezhavas and the depressed classes and would call upon the community to discard them. His targets were the caste system and untouchability in Hinduism. He believed that if the scourge of untouchability was to be removed Ezhavas should identify themselves with the lower castes. Only when that was achieved could they strive to attain equality with the higher classes.
It was with this in mind that he planned his ‘inter-caste eating’. This consisted of people of different castes sharing the same board: It was considered taboo and a sin at that time. He decided to organise a ‘common board’ with the help of his followers. The programme was to take food in the company of a few Pulayas and not with those of the higher caste. With much difficulty he could get two Pulaya boys to sit with them for food. As notified earlier they assembled at the venue on May 27, 1917. Ayyappan made a brilliant speech describing the demonic ways of caste system and the need for its total rejection. He reminded the audience of the supreme duty they owed to Sree Narayana Guru and his messages. “ We are about to make the beginning. Two Pulaya boys are with us. Those who want to root out the caste system should first accord equal status to those considered lower to them. As a first step we should be prepared to take food in their company”. Those who had assembled there heard that inspired speech with rapt attention. Ayyappan then read out the oath.
“Caste differences are unprincipled, harmful and unnecessary and I wholeheartedly pledge to employ all legal means to remove it”.
Members of the audience stood up and repeated the pledge. Afterwards they participated in the dinner.
Commotion was let loose throughout the land the very next day. Here was the public violation of a custom considered sacred through the centuries. A few young men have taken food in the company of Pulaya boys. Customs and manners have been transgressed. They were out to destroy Dharma and justice. They could not go free ……
The local Ezhava association (Vignana Vardhini Sabha) held an urgent meeting and excommunicated the families of those who took part in the inter-caste dinner. The orthodox people began to refer to Ayyappan as Pulayan Ayyappan. He was proud to receive the title. Those who participated in the inter-caste dinner were ridiculed as ‘pulayachovan’. This dinner produced stormy repercussions throughout Kerala. The intensity of the reaction can be gauged from the words of Kumaran Asan who wrote an editorial in Vivekodayam that young men should not commit suicide by leaping straight from peaks of idealism to practical application. Though the editorial was generally opposed to the orthodox section its tune clearly implied that the holding of the inter-caste dinner was really foolhardy.
Some mischief-mongers started a rumour that Swami was against inter-caste dinners. So Ayyappan went to see Swami who welcomed him with his gentle smile and spoke words of appreciation. He said, “ Let not opposition baffle you. This would grow into a great movement. Always bear this in mind : forgive like Christ.’
Ayyappan started the Sahodara Sangham (Brothers’ Society) whose vigorous activities created a movement in the whole of Kerala. People began to call him respectfully ‘Sahodaran Ayyappan’ or merely ‘sahodaran’.
Ayyappan organized meetings throughout the length and breadth of the land and personally participated in as many as he could. This handsome youth, fair-complexioned, with a long nose and sparkling eyes was an ornament to any assembly. He made inspired speeches, speeches in which ideas were marshaled with a scientific outlook and in a logical sequence, to fight against superstition and evil customs. He had to face stiff and often physical opposition. There were many instances where he was physically assaulted. But he never faltered in the face of opposition nor did he agitated. He remembered his teacher’s words : “Forgive like Christ”.
Ayyappan wished to get a message from swami for the Sahodara Sangham. It would help to blunt the opposition. That was why he went to Alwaye and made his wish known to Swami. Swami immediately ordered pen and paper to be brought and wrote the message.
“Since all men belong to same species whatever be their religion, dress, language, etc… there is no objection to their marriage or taking food together.”
Thousands of copies of this message were printed and distributed throughout the country. This made the things really easy for the Sahodara sangham. Sahodaran decided to start a journal called “Sahodaran”. The journal saw light as a monthly in 1917. Ayyappan took the manuscript of his first editorial to Swami and was happy to receive his approbation. The editorial said :
“This is a big institution started on a small scale by bringing together men who are prepared to speak what they believe and practice what they preach with noble intention of removing the evil of caste. Let those who are victims of the caste system unite. Let those others also join prompted by a sense of duty to put an end to this barbarous custom, Copies of the pledge will be sent to everyone on request.”
During his journalistic days Sahodaran used to write a number of poems. In all of them he adopted a posture against religion and God. Yet Swami was never displeased with him. On the other hand he only praised him for having the courage of his convictions.
Swami had written “One caste, One religion, One God for man”. And how could he consider Sahodaran his follower when he wrote : “ man has no need for caste, religion and God”?.This question had troubled many minds in those days. But there was nothing so inscrutable in this. Further on Ayyappan had written that what men required was ‘Dharma’ and this ‘Dharma’ consisted of Truth, compassion, love and service to everyone. Swami himself has said on several occasions that this attitude was no different from devotion to God.
Whenever they met, Swami used to question Ayyappan on different topics. Ayyappan used to regret in his later years that he had not kept a record of those conservations on such varied subjects as science, politics and philosophy. Whatever the topic under discussion Swami had something original to contribute. Such an inquisitive mind was indeed rare. With natural ease he could penetrate into the core of any subject. That was why when he was told of the theory of evolution he immediately asked the vital question whether the spirit was also subject to evolution.
Once Sahodaran went to Alwaye ashram to see Swami. At that time Swami was at Thottumukham, about two miles from Alwaye. Sahodaran was charmed by the scenic beauty of this rustic place. Three hills covered with tall trees and low shrubs meeting at that lonely place gave it the look of a forest area. From the hill top one could have a view of Alwaye town at a distance. The river flowed along on the one side. The fields spread out like a carpet. The blue sky hung low to caress this sheer loveliness. Sahodaran felt a pervading divinity in the atmosphere. How did Swami select such a place? But all the places chosen by Swami as his centres had been blessed spots.
Sahodaran saw Swami resting on a stone under a tree. Near him was a saffron- clad disciple. There was a small hut some distance away. Swami had been coming to this secluded place for his meditations. The disciple who stood witness to these moments of supreme bliss was a barber who had been convicted for murder. He came out of jail thirsting for vengeance against society. It was a stroke of luck that he happened to meet Swami who discerned the humanity hidden beneth his grim exterior. Swami’s love and compassion turned the beast into a man and led him to the path of purity. Swami appropriately called him ‘Valmiki’. The hill belonged to him and for long was known as Valmikikunnu (The hill of Valmiki).
Sahodaran had the good fortune to spend many hours of peace on that hill in Swami’s company. Often Swami would tell him his wishes and visions. One such was that one day a great institution would spring up in that very place, an institution dedicated to the service of humanity, an institutionthat would be a refuge for the helpless and afflicted. It would become a centre of pilgrimage for the idealists and for those who served humanity.
Sahodaran had this in mind when years later he selected this place as the Headquarters of Sree Narayana Sevika Samajam, a service organization started under the leadership of his wife Parvathy Ayyappan. The hill is now Known as Sree Narayana Giri. Centres affording refuge to orphans and helpless women function there. People interested in serving humanity visit the places and help in the activities. Swami Sree narayana Thirtha himself was there representing the S.N.D.P.Yogam at the inauguration of the centre. This writer considers it his good fortune that he could participate as a speaker in the function presided over by Sahodaran.
Sahodaran breathed his last in 1968. His mortal remains found their final resting place in Sree Narayanagiri. When you stand there scenes of Swami and sahodaran discussing various means to mitigate the sufferings of humanity may glide across your mind. When you stand there you hear the call to strive to add beauty to life. The atmosphere there is one of purity, of dedication to service.
Once I asked sahodaran about Swami’s miraculous powers. The question evoked a smile at first. Later he became serious. Sahodaran was convinced that Swami could read the minds of others. Once Sahodaran came to Trivandrum to see swami. He learned that Swami was camping in the house of a rich man who was noted for his lack of charity. Sahodaran felt that it Was not proper for Swami to stay there. He approached the house with these thoughts in his mind. On seeing Swami came out bidding farewell to his host. The very first words of Swami served as a reply to the thoughts uppermost in Sahodaran’s mind. Swami said that there would be some good aspects even in rich man and properly aroused these can be turned to the good of the community. Sahodaran said that on several other occasions too Swami had talked as though he read his mind accurately. He had seen in Swami the ability for mind reading, said to be possessed by Yogis. This among other factors, would have helped him to exert the tremendous influence he did over others.
Sahodaran had heard about Swami’s various other miraculous deeds. These were reported by people with firm conviction about their truth. But it was possible that their powers of observation were not sharp enough or that they lacked a scientific bent of mind. Anyway, Swami himself spoke lightly of miracles. We have Swami suggesting castor oilin the place of yogic exercises as a laxative. Shri. Ramakrishna Paramahamsa has also been reported to have made a similar remark about yogic exercises. To a hatayogi who claimed that he could walk across the river because of the powers acquired by fifteen years of yoga practice, he said that he need not have spent fifteen years for that as the ferryman would take him across in his boat for just one anna. Sahodaran said, “All great sages have generally maintained such an attitude towards super human acts. It is therefore meaningless to seek such stories to bring out Swami’s greatness.”
Sahodaran Ayyappan
A social reformer, revolutionary, poet, rationalist, an impeccable administrator and a legislator who brought in several landmark legislations, Sahodaran Ayyappan is considered one of the foremost figures who changed the face of history in Kerala.
Ayyappan was born on August 21,1889 in Cherai, Vypeen in Ernakulam. Kumabalathuparambil Kochavu Vaidyar and Unnuli were his parents.
After completing formal education, he joined for a pre-degree course at Malabar Christian College. After completing B.A. in Literature from Maharajah's College in Ernakulam, he took a B.L. degree as well. Even during his college days, Ayyappan was involved in public discourses where he vociferously voiced about the rights of the marginalised and questioned their subjugation by the elite upper class.
Enamoured by the philosophy of social reformer Sree Narayana Guru, Ayyappan became his disciple. A staunch rationalist, Ayyappan launched a magazine titled Yukthivadi in 1928 to propagate rationalistic thoughts in a society fraught with superstition and casteism.
He is noted for the great strides taken to thwart the caste system prevalent in Kerala. He launched the Sahodara Sangham (Brotherhood Association) as a platform for young men interested in initiating social change. What can be considered a milestone in Kerala renaissance movement is the Misra Bhojanam (inter-dining of upper castes and outcastes) initiated by Ayyappan which was a highly revolutionary activity that was condemned by not just the upper-class elites but also certain reformists. This inter-dining earned him the name of ‘Pulayan Ayyappan’, addressing him as a member of Dalit community. But all these taunts never dissuaded Ayyappan but further emboldened him and only propelled him to launch more revolutionary ideas.
A journal titled ‘Sahodaran’ was also started to help promote renaissance thoughts. He got the prefix Sahodaran to his name after this. He also coined a rejoinder Jati Venda, Matam Venda, Deivam Venda Manushyanu (No Caste, No Religion, No God for Mankind) to the slogan Oru Jaathi Oru Matham Oru Daivam Manushyanu (One Caste, One Religion, One God for Mankind) of social reformer Sree Narayana Guru.
He was elected into the Kochi Assembly in 1928. He was made a Minister for Public Works in 1947. After the unification of Travancore and Kochi in 1949, he became a Minister in the Thirukochi State. Sahodaran Ayyappan made history by resigning from his post as Minister when the government he was part of decided to lay off employees in the lower rungs citing austerity measures. His extraordinary foresight and meticulous planning reflects in the many projects implemented whilst serving as the Minister. He is still considered one among the few upstanding members in the political milieu.
He was married to Parvathy Ayyappan and is survived by daughter Aisha Gopalakrishnan. During the later stages of his life, Ayyappan regularly penned articles on various topics for ‘Vivekodayam’ magazine.
He breathed his last on March 6, 1968. His death marked the end of an era and the legacy left behind by this stalwart will remain etched in the annals of Kerala’s socio-cultural renaissance history.
T. K. Madhavan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
T. K. Madhavan
Statue of T. K. Madhavan
Born 2 September 1885
Karthikappally
Died 27 April 1930 (aged 44)
Nationality Indian
Occupation Social reformer, Freedom fighter
Spouse(s) Narayani Amma
Children 2
T. K. Madhavan (2 September 1885 – 27 April 1930) was an Indian social reformer, journalist and revolutionary who was involved with the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana (SNDP). He came from Kerala and led the struggle against untouchability which was known as Vaikom Satyagraha.
Early life
Madhavan was born on 2 September 1885 at Karthikappally, son of Kesavan Channar of Alummoottil family and Ummini Amma of Komalezhathu family. Alummoottil family was one of the wealthiest in the state of Travancore that time. His maternal uncle was Komalezhathu Kunjupillai Chekavar, a member of the Sree Moolam Praja Sabha.
Caree
In 1917 he took over the daily newspaper, Desabhimani. He was involved in the Temple Entry Movement, which fought for the entry of oppressed and low-caste communities to the temples of Kerala. He fought for the right of temple entry for all. In 1918 Madhavan was elected to the Sree Moolam Praja Sabha, a legislative council of Travancore. In the same year he made his maiden speech at the Sree Moolam Assembly in lieu of his uncle Komalezhathu Kunjupillai Chekavar. He presented a resolution seeking permission of temple entry and right to worship to all people irrespective of caste and community. He moved the resolution for the eradication of untouchability in the kakkinada session of Indian National Congress in 1923. In 1924, Vaikom Sathyagraha was started under the leadership of Madhavan, K. Kelappan, and K.P.Kesava Menon to get the right of oppressed class of people to travel through the road in front of Vaikom Mahadeva temple. Madhavan and Kesava Menon were arrested and imprisoned. Finally, the Maharaja of Travancore agreed to open the road to all class of people and the Vaikom Sathyagraha was a great success. However, he had to continue his struggle for the temple entry. In 1927 he was made organizing secretary of the SNDP Yogam. T.K Madhavan formed a voluntary organization "Dharma Bhata Sangham" to strengthen the activities of SNDP Yogam.
It was T K Madhavan who wrote the biography of Dr. Palpu.
Meeting with Gandhi
He met Gandhi at Tirunelveli, and persuaded him to visit Vaikom. Vaikom Satyagraha was a struggle of the backward class people of Kerala for establishing their right to walk through the temple roads of Vaikom, a small temple town in South Kerala. Gandhi agreed to include the issue in the agenda of the Indian National Congress.
Death
Madhavan died at his residence on 27 April 1930. A monument was raised in his honour at Chettikulangara. In 1964 T.K.Madhava Memorial College was founded at Nangiarkulangara.
Thalapathi Krishnasamy
On 1st June 1916, in Pallikonda Village, Velur taluk. North Arcot district Krishnasamy was born in a tribal community. His ancestors were early Sakya Buddhist agricultural descendents. His father was Murugan and his mother was Chinnathai. General Kirishnasamy knew well that the gap between social happenings and awareness got separated wider and wider thereby dalits had to move on the path of Brahminical distortions.
He completed his primary education at Pallikonda. He got his schooling at Wesley School and then completed his degree in Wesley College, founded by John Rathinam. He believed that only through education, dalits would become respectable citizens. He spent his academic days on self thought and self taught mods. He was a good reader. He utilized almost all Chennai Libraries. His own college library could not feed him properly for his reading habit. His reading drove him to find an alternative way of culture in the society and at the same time he strove hard to achieve his ambition to make dalits as the first citizens. He happened to be the best speaker among students. In the inter-collegiate meet he bagged many prizes, medals and cups. English was tamed under his usage. He could express any views, anywhere and anytime without any fear. His fighting spirit and his questioning for democratic progressive equality realized the establishment of Adi Dravida Youth Federation. He went into each and every nook and corner of villages and spurred them with his powerful intellectual brotherhood speeches. He cheered them to give up their bonded servitude life. He wanted them to get liberated and inch their way into the realm of prosperity. His social adventism brought death nell to caste Hindus.
He became the leader of dalits on account of his sovereign power. As a boy of nineteen years his height of glory went beyond the height of his age. He did not want to go people after him but he wanted to go after people. He used to roam all village on cycles and bullock carts and talked with them all about the ills and wells of social progress. For six years between 1934 to 1940, he made all preparations for people's equal justice and equal protection. Thalapathi's fundamental proclamation was mankind was not born as slaves. Awareness happened to be the prerequisite condition. Many night schools were started. Italian Christian missionary by name Philip's help was tended to start night schools. Muthumanikkam, Annamalai and Thalapathi served as teachers in night schools. Educated youth were also given teaching jobs. Adi Dravida Youth Organisation explained in details that unless roots of casteism had to be nipped in bud, equal justice was a mirage in the desert.^^ Early preliminary Dharna of Adi Dravida Youth Organisation was held in Pallikonda and the nearby villages. Demonstrations to equal justice, opposing double tumbler system, walk on foot with any footwear and removing their head-dress for others were the main demands.
J. Siva Shanmugam Pillai, "History of Adi Dravidas", Methodist Publishing House, Madras, 1911, p. 6. 191 Hotels practicing untouchability were shattered. Boilers were thrown away. These who banned dalits from wearing chappals were attacked. Women also involved in larger numbers in all these activities. They used hot water and chilly powder as their tools of attacking. Even his opponents used to give him respect on account of his temperament of not imposing his ideas on others forcibly and at the same time maintaining balance with others on friendly terms. In due course, he became an inseparable person for any political happening. Though he happened to be an opponent to Mahatma Gandhi and his followers, he was invited as a speaker for Vellore Congress meeting.
Justice party got attracted by Thalapathi's socio political platforms. Justice party leaders appreciated his brutal frankness and openness of his speech. Thalapathi was invited to participate in the deliberations of Justice Party in 1940. He was taken on procession in Vellore. He spoke at that meeting that Brahmanism emerged as worldly Fascism and such a Brahmanism also planned and aimed to attack the worldly citizens. He requested all that they should support the British government unconditionally at the juncture of world war.
He devoted his lifetime for people's welfare who got sustained scar out of caste politics. Thalapathi's expectations were the government's sincere function as a good mother who should come forward to help the poor without any qualms. He also believed that crying child alone would get milk first.
Thalapathi was dead against to the principles of soft pleading like eulogizing political leaders in power, giving petitions to them or staging ahimsa meeting. He stoutly devored the authoritative temperament of the British. He even cautioned the District Collector of his district that he could not govern his district out of unnecessarily teasing people. He, out of the support from the public met the Chief Secretary and convinced him what the Collector had done was painful to all and got him transfer from his district. The entire Vellore district talked very high of him and they believed that Thalapathi had power even to set a transfer for a Collector. The secret document of English government brought out in 1942 said that Pallikonda Krishnasamy happened to be the unanimous leader of dalits and all expected him to show them the path of progress. His approach to people resulted in goodwill and friendliness.
Tulsidas Jadhav
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Tulsidas Jadhav / Tulshidas Jadhav
Born 25 January 1905
Dahitane, Solapur, British India
Died 11 September 1999
Mumbai, India
Nationality Indian
Occupation Independence activist
Known for Freedom fighter, social reformer, Gandhian
Tulsidas Jadhav (25 January 1905 – 11 September 1999) was a noted freedom fighter, political activist, social worker, farmer and member of Bombay Legislative Council and Lok Sabha.
Early life
Tulsidas Subhanrao Jadhav was born on 25 January 1905 at village Dahitane, Tal.Barshi, Dist. Solapur and was educated at Haribhai Deokarn High School, Solapur.
Family
As a social reformer, he worked relentlessly for the upliftment of Harijan and Dalit communities beginning since decades of 1930 till his active life.
Death
He died on 11 September 1999 at Mumbai.
Memorials
In February 2009 a statue of Tulsidas Jadhav was erected at Mechanic Chowk to acknowledge his bravery act, when for three days from 9 to 11 May 1930, the law and order of town was maintained by Tulisdas, when all police officers had run out of town due to protests. It was inaugurated at the hands of Sharad Pawar and Sushil Kumar Shinde.
Tulsidas Jadhav Adhyapak Vidhyalay at Sholapur is a teacher's training school named after him.
Maharashtrache shilpkaar - Tulsidas Jadhav(महाराष्ट्राचे शिल्पकार - तुलसीदास जाधव) is a biography published by Maharashtra Rajya Sahitya ani Sanskruti Mandal authored by Vyankatesh Kamatkar.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Tulsidas Jadhav / Tulshidas Jadhav
Born 25 January 1905
Dahitane, Solapur, British India
Died 11 September 1999
Mumbai, India
Nationality Indian
Occupation Independence activist
Known for Freedom fighter, social reformer, Gandhian
Tulsidas Jadhav (25 January 1905 – 11 September 1999) was a noted freedom fighter, political activist, social worker, farmer and member of Bombay Legislative Council and Lok Sabha.
Early life
Tulsidas Subhanrao Jadhav was born on 25 January 1905 at village Dahitane, Tal.Barshi, Dist. Solapur and was educated at Haribhai Deokarn High School, Solapur.
Family
He married Janabai Tulsidas Jadhav in 1913. He had two sons and four daughters. His elder son is Jaywant Jadhav. and younger son was Yeshwant Jadhav .His one daughter Kalavati was married to Babasaheb Bhosale, who later became Chief Minister of Maharashtra.
Profession
He was an agriculturist or farmer by profession.
Political life
He was associated with Indian National Congress from 1921 to 1947 and was one of the active freedom fighter from Solapur. When Mahatma Gandhi initiated his Salt Satyagraha in 1930 young workers like Krisnaji Bhimrao Antrolikar, Tulsidas Jadhav and Jajuji came on the scene and became staunch followers of the Gandhian philosophy. In 1930 during time of communal he was imprisoned in 1931, 1932, 1941 and 1942. From 1937-1939, 1946-1951 and 1951-57 he was a member of Bombay Legislative Assembly. Once during satyagraha, officer put a pistol on his chest and ordered his to leave but he refused to budge - luckily he was let-off. He was closely associated with Mahatma Gandhi and served as his secretary, when in Yerwada prison in 1932.
After independence, he left Congress in 1947 and with some other ex-congressman joined the Peasants and Workers Party of India, of which he was one of founder member.
In 1961 he again joined Congress with his other PWP colleagues like Keshavrao Jedhe, Shankarrao More. He was given ticket and was elected as a member of 3rd Lok Sabha from Nanded from 1962–67 and as a member of the 4th Lok Sabha from Baramati as a Congress candidate. He was at times vocal opponent of Yashwantrao Chavan in many matters of policies and decisions for which in 1971 elections he was denied election ticket. He was part of radical camp in Maharashtra Congress of which other politicians included Shankarrao More and R. K. Khadlikar.
He also served as Parliamentary Committees on Draft Third Five Year Plan. Among others he served also as a member of the Maharashtra Pradesh Congress Committee and was its General Secretary - 1957—60. He gave his services as a member of the Electricity Consultative Committee, T.B. Board, Leprosy Committee; Study Group on Road Safety In 1985, he was signatory to the "Apostle of Peace" award which was recognized by Giani Zail Singh, President of India from 1982-1987, Dr. S. S. Mohapatra, Secretary General of India, and Tulsidas Jadhav, who at that time was President of the Parliamentary Center..
Social reformer
Death
He died on 11 September 1999 at Mumbai.
Memorials
In February 2009 a statue of Tulsidas Jadhav was erected at Mechanic Chowk to acknowledge his bravery act, when for three days from 9 to 11 May 1930, the law and order of town was maintained by Tulisdas, when all police officers had run out of town due to protests. It was inaugurated at the hands of Sharad Pawar and Sushil Kumar Shinde.
Tulsidas Jadhav Adhyapak Vidhyalay at Sholapur is a teacher's training school named after him.
Maharashtrache shilpkaar - Tulsidas Jadhav(महाराष्ट्राचे शिल्पकार - तुलसीदास जाधव) is a biography published by Maharashtra Rajya Sahitya ani Sanskruti Mandal authored by Vyankatesh Kamatkar.
T.M. Nair
Taravath Madhavan Nair was an Indian medical practitioner and political activist of the Dravidian Movement from the Madras Presidency. He was born in Koduvayur on January 15, 1868 and had his school education in Palakkad.
T.M. Nair had done M.A. in Presidency College, Madras; after that studied medicine in Madras Medical College, and obtained the degree of MA, Ch B in Edinburgh, England.
He started getting involved in social issues and was a big draw as a public speaker. For seven years he was a member of the Madras municipal corporation and later became a member of Madras Legislative Council.
He led the anti-Brahminical movement launching South Indian Liberal Federation. Dr. Nair, along with Sir Theagaroya Chetty and Dr. Natesa Mudaliar, founded the Justice Party and was the editor of the English newspaper ‘Justice’ run by the party.
When the First World War broke out Nair served as one of the surgeons on the hospital ship SS Madras, and was commissioned as a lieutenant. At the end of the war he was awarded the Kaiser-i-Hind medal and posthumously the War Service medal.
In 2008, the Government of India released a postage stamp in his honour. The release of the stamp is a proof that his contributions continue to be remembered.
Image Source: Mintage World
Tharika Banu
Tharika Banu is the first registered transgender person to complete her secondary education in Tamil Nadu. She was denied admission into college but her adoptive mother and transgender activist filed a case in Madras High Court to fight for her.
She studied until Class 11 in a government school there. Her parents refused to accept her when they came to know that she was a transgender woman. After that, the bullying she fell victim to in school became unbearable. In 2013, Tharika, ran away from her home in the Thoothukudi district, where she did not feel accepted or comfortable. She arrived in Chennai, where she was legally adopted by transgender activist Grace Banu. Grace helped her to get an official identification, name change and a sex reassignment surgery and made it possible for Tharika to finish her education.
Teluram Baidwan
Teluram Baidwan who was one of Shimla’s most highly regarded politicians. Baidwan used to work as a cleaner and caretaker at a beauty parlour run by an Englishwoman. He used to spend most of his time reading and working for untouchables’ rights and justice. Many people from castes such as koli and chamar used to come to him with their problems to seek his guidance. However, the members of the Congress party and other Hindu groups used to call him ‘Bad Man’ instead of Baidwan.
He was born on14 January 1914 in Shimla, Himachal Pradesh in Balmiki community.. His father was Pannu Ram and mother name is Pyaridevi. Little educated Telu Ran knows Hindi and english.He entered in social work at very early age. He was Gen Secy of Balmiki Navjawan Achhut Sabha in Shimla. He awakened all Balmiki Samaj an other SCs. He was elected General Secretary of the Balmiki Depressed Classes League.
He joined Schedule Case Federation in 1942.
On 14 April 1961 he announced conversion of SCF into Republican Party of India, Shimla unit.
In 1953 he became the member of Shimla Municipality.
He Married Krishna Devi, had two sons and two daughters. He died on 11 December 1990.
Tara Singh
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Tara Singh
Born 24 June 1885
Rawalpindi, Punjab, British India (present-day Pakistan)
Died 22 November 1967 (aged 82)
Nationality Indian
Master Tara Singh (24 June 1885 – 22 November 1967) was a Sikh political and religious leader in the first half of the 20th century. He was instrumental in organising the Shiromani Gurdwara Prabhandak Committee and guiding the Sikhs during the partition of India, which he strongly opposed. He later led their demand for a Sikh-majority state in Punjab, India. His daughter, the Indian journalist and politician Rajinder Kaur, was killed by Sikh militants in Bathinda.
Early life
Singh was born on 24 June 1885 to a Khatri family in Rawalpindi, Punjab Province in British India.[5] Later he became a high school teacher upon his graduation from Khalsa College, Amritsar, in 1907. Singh's career in education was within the Sikh school system and the use of "Master" as a prefix to his name reflects this period.
Political career
Singh was ardent in his desire to promote and protect the cause of Sikhism. This often put him at odds with civil authorities and he was jailed on 14 occasions for civil disobedience between 1930 and 1966. Early examples of his support for civil disobedience came through his close involvement with the movement led by Mohandas K. Gandhi. He became a leader of the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) political party, which was the major force in Sikh politics, and he was similarly involved with the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (Supreme Committee of Gurdwara Management), an apex body that dealt with the Sikh places of worship known as gurdwaras.
Partition of India
As with other Sikh organisations, Singh and his Shiromani Akali Dal condemned the Lahore Resolution and the movement to create Pakistan, viewing it as welcoming possible persecution; he thus strongly opposed the partition of India, saying that him and his party would fight "tooth and nail" against the concept of a Pakistan.
In independent India
Singh's most significant cause was the creation of a distinct Punjabi-speaking state. He believed that this would best protect the integrity of Sikh religious and political traditions. He began a hunger strike in 1961 at the Golden Temple in Amritsar, promising to continue it to his death unless the then Prime Minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru agreed to his demand for such a state. Nehru argued that India was a secular country and the creation of a state based on religious distinction was inappropriate. Nonetheless, Nehru did promise to consider the issue. Singh abandoned his fast after 48 days. Singh's fellow Sikhs turned against him, believing that he had capitulated, and they put him on trial in a court adjudged by pijaras. Singh pleaded guilty to the charges laid against him and found his reputation in tatters. The community felt he had abandoned his ideals and replaced him in the SAD.
The linguistic division of the Indian state of Punjab eventually took place in 1966, with the Hindi-speaking areas redesignated as a part of the state of Haryana. Singh himself died in Chandigarh on 22 November 1967.
Thenmozhi Soundararajan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Thenmozhi Soundararajan speaks in the film Problema in 2013
Thenmozhi Soundararajan is a Dalit rights activist based in the United States of America. She is also a transmedia storyteller, songwriter, hip hop musician and technologist.
Personal life
Thenmozhi Soundararajan's parents are from a village in rural India and experienced inter-caste violence there. Her father is a doctor and her mother was the first woman from her family to get a college education. She learned from her mother that she was a Dalit while at school. She had been reading about how the Bhopal disaster affected Untouchables, asked her mother some questions and was told that she, too, came from the community.
Soundararajan publicly revealed that she is a Dalit when she made a documentary film on caste and violence against women as a part of her college thesis at University of California, Berkeley. She says the decision had many consequences: while fellow Dalits secretly confided in her about their identity, she says that she also faced discrimination from almost all of the Indian professors in her campus, who refused to advise her on projects.
Professional life
Soundararajan is a filmmaker, transmedia artist and storyteller. Currently, she is the Executive Director of Equality Labs, an Ambedkarite South Asian progressive power-building organization that uses community research, cultural and political organizing, popular education and digital security to fight the oppressions of caste apartheid, Islamophobia, white supremacy, and religious intolerance. She was also the executive director of Third World Majority, a women of color media and technology justice training and organizing institution based in Oakland, California. She is also a co-founder of the Media Justice Network, and Third World Majority is one of the network’s national anchor organizations. In that context she has worked with over 300 community organizations across the United States.
Soundararajan has used storytelling to speak about casteism within the Indian diaspora. She has worked with bassist Marvin Etizioni on her debut blues album, Broken People, which was a collection of liberation songs about people belonging to the Black and Dalit community. Her essay and a photo series about her Dalit experience in the United States was published in Outlook magazine.
In 2015, the Robert Rauschenberg Foundation included her in their first group of Artist as Activist fellows. She has used this fellowship to work on #DalitWomenFight, a transmedia project and activist movement.
Soundararajan has been involved in the curation and creation of Dalit History Month, a radical history project. Its goal is to share Dalit historians' research, which is a deviation from many scholarly projects which have studied Dalit history without leadership or collaboration from Dalits.
In 2020, Soundararajan began hosting the podcast, "Caste in the USA," in which she explores caste discrimination at American campuses, offices, and households, through conversations with individuals who have first-hand experience with casteism in America.
Tarabai Shinde
Tarabai Shinde (1850–1910) was a feminist activist who protested patriarchy and caste in 19th century India. She is known for her published work, Stri Purush Tulana ("A Comparison Between Women and Men"), originally published in Marathi in 1882. The pamphlet is a critique of upper-caste patriarchy, and is often considered the first modern Indian feminist text. It was very controversial for its time in challenging the Hindu religious scriptures themselves as a source of women's oppression, a view that continues to be controversial and debated today.
Social Work
Shinde was an associate of social activists Jotirao and Savitribai Phule and was a member of their Satyashodak Samaj ("Truth Finding Community") organisation. The Phules had started the first school for Untouchable caste girls in 1848, as well as a shelter for upper-caste widows in 1854 (who were forbidden from remarrying), and shared with Shinde an awareness of the separate axes of oppression that constitute gender and caste, as well as the intermeshed nature of the two.
Tarabai Shinde (1850-1910) was an inspirational Women’s Activist who was known for her fiery personality, outstanding self-confidence, strong sense of independence. Her invigorating book is considered the first modern Indian feminist text where she passionately fights to help women gain privilege and end oppression.
Qualifications- Shinde is widely known for her creative, fierce, and controversial book, “A Comparison of Men and Women,” where she critizes the patriarchal society that she grew up in where the differences between the two genders was atrocious.
Experience- Tarabai Shinde received most of her experience through her work with Jotirao and Savitribai Phule who shared the same ideas of the oppression of gender and caste in Indian society.
Education- Home-schooled by her father, Bapuji Hari Shinde, who taught her Marathi, Sanskrit, and English.
Awards and Recognitions- Shinde’s work was recognized across the world for being the first feminist writer of nineteenth century India to write against men and the caste system; however, she did not receive any awards because of her controversial writing.
Publications-
Shinde wrote A Comparison Between Men and Women in response to the unfair treatment of women in nineteenth century Indian society. Specifically, Vijayalakshmi in Surat, an upper-caste widow, who was sentenced to death for having an abortion. Afer Surat’s death an article was published insulting women for their, “new loose morals,” and portrayed the Indian woman as detestable. Shinde wrote her book in response to this article to show Indian society that there are double-standards for men and women, and that women deserve more rights.
Accomplishments- Shinde raised awareness on the double-standards of men and women in society. She also discussed the unfair treatment of the different castes in the Indian society. This allowed citizens to begin to question the standards they have set for women.
Volunteer Activities-
Shinde was an associate of activists Jotirao and Savitribai Phule. She was a member of their Satyashodak Samaj (“Truth Finding Community”) organization. She helped the Phules start a school for Untouchable caste girls in 1848. She also helped to start a shelter for upper-caste widows in 1854 when they were forbidden from remarrying.
T. John Rathinam
Adi Dravida community consisted of many sub-castes. The Eynar sub-community was later on called as Parayas.'*'' John Rathinam was born in the year 1846, in the Paraya community at Thousand Lights, in Madras city. He had secondary education in Madras. He was disturbed by the misery created by caste system and untouchability on him and his brethren. He concluded that it was none but Hinduism, which was responsible for those miseries. Hence he decided to discard Hinduism and embrace on 48 egalitarian religion like Christianity. He got baptism in 1877. Though converted to Christianity, he faced untouchability. He says, "I am a Christian. However, do not believe in any caste or creed. I have belief in religion. I believe in prayers as per my religion. Wherever we go in India, all over the Indian society, in any nook and corner, untouchability exists. Untouchability against Harijan could not be eradicated. This is prevalent in all over the Indian society, whatever caste or religion they may belong to.
He wanted that Adi Dravidar, whatever religion they might belong to, had to fight for their rights till the death. He represented the Governor of Madras Presidency to allot land for the Adi Dravidar and helped them to have their own houses, schools and community centres. He started a model school in 1886 and made arrangements to teach arts, technical skills along with basic education in his school.^^ In 1892, he started a co-education high school in Thousand Lights area of Madras and worked as a Headmaster in the same school for some time. He also started a chain of schools in Mariyammal Nagar, Tenampet etc. In 1889, he started a student hostel for the downtrodden Adi Dravida students.^' In 1892, John Rathinam started the Dravida Khazhagam. However only after 50 years these ideas of John Rathinam took shape through Periyar. In 1885, John Rathinam started magazine name 'Dravida Pandian'. This shows his affection and devotion towards Adi Dravida society. Noble personality Rt. John Rathinam attained the feet of Lord in 1924.
A few facts on Rev.T.John Ratnam
TEYNAMPET JOHN RATNAM (T. John Ratnam )
• Was a leading and very influential figure of the Methodist Mission ( Circuit Superintendent)
Broke away from the Royapettah Wesley church in 1922 (when caste divisions reared their
head) and formed the National Church of India in 1923.
• Several caste? Christians like Chakkarai Chettiar (Mayor of Madras) followed him to the NCI
because of its Nationalistic character.
• The church flourished for about 10 years at Balasundara Vilas, No.146, Mount Road, Cathedral Post.
• Rev T. John Ratnam through his influence with the European authorities ordained himself as Reverend and obtained Marriage Licence(?) under Rule no.9 & 6.
• He ordained 06 Reverends under him. They were
I. Rev.Kanthimathi - Kodambakkam
II. Rev.Peter Manickam - Peters Road
III. Rev. Antony Jacob - AmburIV. Rev. Raymonds - KGF
V. Rev.S.C.Mathews - Kodambakkam
VI. Rev.Absalom David
The NCI floundered after Rev John Ratnam died in 1940.His only (adopted) son Mr.Johnson divided the property and sold half of it .As the building itself was halved no worship could be conducted. Also many families had left the church. Only Rev. Absalom David and Rev. S.C. Mathews remained and they led the church till 1949.After this the church was relocated to Rev. Absalom David`s house in Thomayappan Street, Royapettah and worship conducted by Rev. Absalom David`s son Mr. Aaron David and Mr. W.D. Solomon. With not much support and dwindling members, Mr. Aaron David and Mr.W.D.Solomon met Rev. Yesudian of the Wesley Church, Royapettah and expressed their desire to return to the Royapettah
Wesley fold. They were welcomed back in the Royapettah Wesley in 1955.Whatever assets and records that were pertaining to the NCI were handed over to Rev. Yesudian.
Thus the chapter of the National Church of India of Rev.T.John Ratnam came to an end.
- As narrated by Mr. Aaron David , Thomayappan Street , Royapettah
Tulasi Munda
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Tulasi Munda
Munda in 2011
Born 15 July 1947
Kainshi, Keonjhar, present-day Odisha (erstwhile British India)
Nationality Indian
Other names Tulasi Apa
Occupation Educator, social activist
Known for Contribution to education among adivasis (indigenous populations)
Awards Padma Shri (2001)
Tulasi Munda receiving Lakshmipat Singhania-IIM Lucknow National Leadership Award, 10 June 2009
Tulasi Munda (born 15 July 1947) is a social activist from the Indian state of Odisha. She was awarded the Padma Shri in 2001 by Government of India for her contribution to spreading literacy among the impoverished adivasi peoples of Odisha. Munda started an informal school in 1964 in Odisha's iron ore mining area to educate children from local adivasi populations, who would otherwise have ended up as child labour in the mines. She had been a child labourer in the mines of Keonjhar herself.
Munda is illiterate and has no formal education. She belongs to the Munda ethnic group of adivasis, the collective term in mainland South Asia for indigenous peoples.
She is popularly known as "Tulasi Apa", literally meaning "Sister Tulasi" in Odia.
Early life
Munda was born on 15 July 1947 in Kainshi village located in the present-day Keonjhar district in Odisha. Keonjhar is one of the most economically underdeveloped districts in Odisha. As a child, she wished to study but the idea of educating girls and women was largely socially unacceptable at the time. Child labour, poverty and slavery prevented indigenous children from getting an education. When she was 12, she went to Serenda village to live with her sister.There she worked in the mines.
Activism
In 1961, Munda met social reformers Ramadevi Choudhury, Nirmala Deshpande and Malati Choudhury who advocated for education for women. She joined their efforts happening in different parts of the country. Munda also met Acharya Vinoba Bhave when he visited Odisha in 1963 during the Bhoodan movement. Her social service training and the guidance of social reformers inspired her future efforts.
She returned to Serenda in 1964 and started an informal school for children in the veranda of her home. Later, she started the "Adivasi Vikas Samiti School". As of 2019, the school provides education up to the 10th standard for nearly 500 boy and girl students every year. The school has increased the level of education and standard of living in the area. Since 1964, she has educated more than 20,000 children and helped the government establish 17 schools for primary or secondary education.
Awards
Padma Shri, the fourth highest civilian award given by the Government of India, in 2001, for her contribution to the field of "social work".
Kadambini Samman, 2008.
Odisha Living Legend Award for Excellence in Social Service, 2011.
Lakshmipat Singhania - IIM Lucknow National Leadership Award, in the category of Community Service and Social Upliftment (Leader), 2009.
Biopic
Tulasi Apa, a biographic film based on her based on her life was released in 2015 at the Kolkata Film Festival, where it received critical acclaim.The film was also screened at the 4th edition of the Tehran Jasmine International Film Festival (TJIFF) on 30 October 2016.
Tarsem Singh Bains
" Ordinance Factory में, 1957 से दो छुटियाँ , एक बाबा साहिब डॉ. आंबेडकर जी के जन्म दिन की तथा दूसरी बुद्धा जयंती के नाम से मनाई जाती थीं , परन्तु ब्रह्मिनो ने , वह दोनों ही छुटियाँ ख़त्म करके , एक तिलक जयंती तथा दूसरी दीवाली की छुटिओं में बदल दी / उस समय ओर्डीनैंस फेक्ट्री में 22 ,000 कर्मचारियों में से 100 मेम्बरी कार्यकारणी कमेटी चुनी जाती थी / उस समय फेक्ट्री में 42 महार और 6 भंगी भी काम करते थे , और बाकि जियादातर उच्च जाति के ही कर्मचारी ही थे /
श्री दीना भाना, भंगी, राजस्थान का रहने वाला था, बह भंगी का गन्दा काम छोड़ना चाहता था , उसको मेरे साथ लगाया गया और मैंने, उसको हिंदी तथा अंग्रेजी सिखा कर लैबोरटरी ( Lab .) की देखभाल करने वाला बना दीया / इस कारण बह चौथे दर्जे के कर्मचारियों का लीडर / नेता बन गया और उसे कार्यकारणी कमेटी का मेम्बर भी चुन लिया गया / उसने मेरे कहने पर, बाबा साहिब के जन्म दिवस तथा बुद्ध जयंती की छुटिओं को बदला जाने पर एतराज ( Objection ) किया , तथा मैंने उसके माध्यम से कार्यकारणी कमेटी में वो छुटिओं को बदलाने के लिए ' अजेंडा ' रखवा दीया / इस कारण करके प्रशासन ने 42 महारों और 6 भंगिओं को यह जानने के लिए बुलाया कि, " क्या वे सब दीना भाना के साथ सहमत हैं ? " लेकिन , उन सभी ने अपनी सहमती से इंकार कर दीया और यह भी लिख कर दे दीया कि वे लोग छुटीयां नहीं चाहते, बल्कि यह कहा कि, " हमें नौकरी की ही जरूरत है , हमें तो दीना भाना ने ही उकसाया था " /
इस कारण से दीना भाना को प्रशासन की तरफ से एक नोटिस जारी हुआ कि आपको , आपके मेम्बरों का समर्थन प्राप्त नहीं हैं, इस लिए आपको कमेटी में से निकला जाता है तथा एक सप्ताह के बाद आपकी नौकरी भी ख़त्म कर दी जायेगी / इस तरह दीना भाना को कार्यकारणी कमेटी में से चुनाव को रदद करने का नोटिस भी जारी कर दीया / इस सम्बन्ध में मैं ( कांशी राम ) अपने , एक दोस्त, वकील को मिला जिसने बताया कि यह नोटिस गलत है , क्योंकि मत्त दाताओं को किसी भी चुने हुए मेम्बर को वापस बुलाने का कानूनी अधिकार नहीं है तथा वे किसी मेम्बर को निकाल भी नहीं सकते / इस तरह दीना भाना ने मेरी मदद से कार्यकारणी कमेटी को नोटिस भेजा कि वे उसकी मेम्बरशिप को इस तरह रदद नहीं कर सकते , इस करके चुनाव ना किया जाये / इस नोटिस की नकलें कमेटी के चेयरमैन और प्रशासन के दुसरे अधिकारोयों को भी भेजी गईं /
प्रबंधकी अफसर को दीना भाना को मुअतल ( suspend ) करने के लिए कहा गया , परन्तु बह ऐसा नहीं कर पाया / जब चुनाव नहीं हुआ तो 42 महार और 6 भंगी मेरे ( कांशी राम ) साथ आ मिले, लेकिन जब बाद में दीना भाना को मुअतल ( suspend ) कर दीया गया तो वे फिर से भाग खड़े हुए / अपने वकील की सलाह से मैं ( कांशी राम ) दीना भाना को अदालत में ले गया और केस दर्ज करवा दीया / किन्तु महारों और भंगियों के इस तरह के वर्ताब से मेरे दिल में उनके प्रति नफरत हो गई , उधर ब्रह्मिनो की नफरत भी मेरे सिर पर थोप दी गई / वो ब्रह्मिन कहने लगे कि कांशी राम को ठीक करना है , क्योंकि वह ही दीना भाना को ' उकसा ' ( भड़का ) रहा है / ब्रह्मिनों ने , दीना भाना की पत्नी को बुला कर कहा कि , बह अपने पति को मुआफी मांगने के लिए मनाए, परन्तु उसकी पत्नी ने साफ इंकार कर दीया / क्योंकि मैंने पहले ही दीना भाना की पत्नी को , हर महीने के पहले दिन दीना भाना की बनती तनखाह के बराबर पैसे देने का भरोसा दीया हुआ था तथा यह भी बताया हुआ था कि दीना भाना का मुअतली भत्ता उसके साथ बोनस होगा /
एक दिन जब हम अदालत में इकट्ठे बैठे थे , तो हम दोनों ( दीना भाना और मैं ) एक दुसरे से पूछने लगे कि , डॉ. आंबेडकर और महात्मा बुद्ध कौन थे ? तथा उन्होंने हमारे लिए क्या कीया है ? परन्तु, हम दोनों उनके बारे में कुछ खास नहीं जानते थे / उसी समय श्री डी. के . खापर्डे भी वहाँ आ गए और पहले तो बह मुझे देख कर दर गया क्योंकि मैं महारों को उनकी हरकतों की बजह से गालियाँ निकलता था / लेकिन इस बार मैंने खापर्डे को कुछ नहीं कहा , बल्कि यह पूछा कि बह अदालत में किस लिए आया है ? तो उसने जवाब दीया कि अदालत में अपना केस ( दीना भाना वाला ) सुनने को आया हूँ / तब मैंने उससे बाबा साहिब डॉ. आंबेडकर के बारे में पूछा, तो उसने बताया कि बाबा साहिब एक बहुत महान व्यक्ति थे और उन्होंने हमारे समाज के लिए बहुत कुछ कीया है तथा उन्होंने बहुत साडी पुस्तकें भी लिखी हैं / तब बाद में खापर्डे ने मुझे एक पुस्तक ला कर दी जिसका नाम " Annihilation of Castes " ( जात - पात का बीजनाश ) था / जिस में मैंने पढ़ा कि , " किस तरह पेशवा के राज समय महारों के गलों में मटके टांगे हुए होते थे और कमर के पीछे झाड़ू बंधे हुए होते थे , तांकि बह अपने पैरों के निशान मिटाते जाएँ तथा अपना थूक भी मटके में ही फेंकें / " वह पुस्तक मैंने 7 बार पढ़ी और मैं बाबा साहिब के आन्दोलन को पूरी तरह समझ गया / इस करके मैंने यहाँ महसूस कीया कि , " यदि तमन्ना सच्ची है तो रास्ते निकाल आते हैं , और यदि तमन्ना सच्ची नहीं है तो हजारों बहाने निकाल आते हैं / "
कुछ समय के बाद जब प्रबंधकों / ब्रह्मिनो को , दीना भाना के केस में मेरी मदद देने का पक्का पता चल गया, तो उन्होंने मुझे बुलाया और निर्देशक ( Director ) ने कहा कि , " डॉ. आंबेडकर एक बदमाश थे , क्योंकि उसने हमारे धर्म को बहुत नुकसान पहुँचाया है ", तो मैंने निर्देशक के इन शब्दों को नकारते हुए कहा कि, " मुझे आपकी Ph .D . की डिग्री की जरूरत नहीं है, बल्कि मैं अपनी B .Sc . की डिग्री को भी छोड़ सकता हूँ, परन्तु मैं बाबा साहिब जी के विरुद्ध कुछ भी नहीं सुनना चाहता /" इस तरह मैं, इन्साफ के लिए लड़ा और बाबा साहिब के जन्म दिन 14 अप्रैल की छुटी का ऐलान करवाया , परन्तु प्रबंधकों ने फेक्ट्री में उस दिन का ओवर टाइम ( over Time ) का ऐलान कर दीया / इन 42 महारों तह 6 भंगिओं ने भी बह ओवर टाइम लगाया /
अदालत की तरफ से हमारे दोनों केसों का फैसला दीना भाना के हक्क में हुआ तथा महार कलोनी में इस कारण ख़ुशी की बजह से बहुत जलसे हुए और " दादा साहिब गायकवाड जी " ने उन जलसों के प्रबंध में बहुत मदद की / इसके कारण फैक्ट्री के निर्देशक की बदली हो गई तथा उप - निर्देशक को नौकरी से निकाल दीया गया / जिस का पूना में हमारे लोगों के ऊपर बहुत प्रभाव पड़ा // महार लोगों को बाबा साहिब की विचारधारा का अच्छी तरह से पता था लेकिन बह करते कुच्छ नहीं थे / परन्तु अब बह मुझे , " उस्तादों का उस्ताद मान रहे हैं / "
इस तरह बाबा साहिब का मिशन पीछे चला गया और अपने पीछे चार तरह के अम्बेडकरवादी छोड़ गया ::---
(1 ) हरामी अंबेडकरवादी ( Bastard Ambedkarites )
(2 ) हरिजन अंबेडकरवादी ( Harijan Ambedkarites )
( 3 ) दो-चित्ते अंबेडकरवादी ( Double Minded Ambedkarits)
( 4 ) भोले - भाले अंबेडकरवादी ( Gullible Masses )
( 1 ) हरामी अंबेडकरवादी ( Bastard Ambedkarites ) ::-- यह वे लोग थे जिन को बाबा सहिबं ने ट्रेंड कीया और बह , बाबा साहिब के जीवत रहते तो , उनके साथ चलते रहे परन्तु उनके परिनिर्वाण के बाद , वह आंबेडकरवाद के दलाल बनकर मिशन को धोखा देने लग पड़े / वे हैं , भंडारे और काम्बले आदि , और वे पक्के अम्बेडकरवादी अब गाँधी के नाम पर अंबेडकर मिशन चला रहे हैं / " जस्टिस भोले , घनश्याम और तलवारकर " जो अंबेडकर मिशन सोसाइटी चलाते थे , अब वे सीटों के लिए इंदिरा गाँधी के पैर चाटते हैं / बाबा साहिब ने जिस कारवां को बड़ी मुश्किल से आगे चलाया था , परन्तु इन्हीं लोगों ने बाबा साहिब के मिशन को गांधीवाद के पैरों में फैंक दीया /
( 2 ) हरिजन अंबेडकरवादी ( Harijan Ambedkarites ) ::-- श्री भंडारे जो एक समय बाबा सहिब के मिशन के सिपाही थे, को जब कांग्रेस ने गवर्नर बना दीया तो और लोग कहने लगे कि उन्होंने तो छिक्का ( Sixer ) मारा है / जबकि वह , इंदिरा गाँधी के पैर / तलवे चाटने वाले बन गए थे / श्री उके (Uke ) और डॉ. लांगडे , जिन्होंने सिधारथ वेलफेयर क्लब बनाई थी , को बापू भवन से मिला दीया / श्री डोंगरे ने कहा कि बाबा साहिब का मिशन अब चल नहीं सकता , और वो सोच रहे हैं कि किस तरह से संजय गाँधी के नजदीक जाया जा सके और वे बाबा - बाबा चिल्लाते हुए , बापू भवन पहुँच गए / इस लिए यह दो तरह के लोग मिशन के वफादार नहीं हो सके /
( 3 ) दो-चित्ते अंबेडकरवादी ( Double Minded Ambedkarites ) ::-- असल में यह लोग ही बामसेफ का आधार हैं // यह लोग यदि अम्बेडकरवाद चलता है तो कुछ देना चाहते हैं / यह कुछ तो देने के लिए तैयार हैं , लेकिन सब कुछ नहीं / यदि यह सब कुछ देने को तयार होते तो , बाबा साहिब के मिशन को यह बुरे दिन देखने को ना मिलते / यह लोग केंद्र तथा राज्यों के सरकारी कर्मचारी हैं /
( 4 ) भोले - भाले अंबेडकरवादी ( Gullible Masses ) ::-- यह आम लोग हैं , जो आगे चल सकते हैं, यदि कोई इनको साथ लेकर चलने वाला हो /
आंबेडकरवाद सब कुछ देने के वगैर चल नहीं सकता / वे लोग जो मिशन के ठेकेदार थे, मिशन को आगे ले जाने में फेल हो गए हैं , इस लिए यह लोग उनके साथ नहीं लगे / दूसरी संसारक यंग ( Second World War ) के समय " चर्चिल "( Charchil ) ने कहा कि " इंगलैंड को खून (भाव, सब कुछ ) चाहिए " / इसी तरह श्री गुरु गोबिंद सिंह जी ने भी इन्हीं शर्तों के ऊपर ( भाव , सब कुछ देने वाले ) पाँच प्यारे चुने थे / उन्होंने अपनी शहीदी से सब कुछ कुर्बान कर दीया //
1947 को आजादी के बाद ब्राह्मन, बनिया और बड़ा जागीरदार शासक बन गए हैं , जो अपने हित्तों के लिए हमें पिछड़े ही रखना चाहते हैं , इस लिए वो हमारे दुश्मन हैं / इस लिए उनके ऐसे पक्के ढांचे / व्यवस्था का मुकाबला करना इन दो - चित्ते अंबेडकरवादियों का कुच्छ त्याग करना काफी नहीं था / इस तरह के हालातों ने मुझे ( कांशी राम ) सब कुछ त्याग करने के लिए तयार कर दीया और इस करके ये दो-चित्ते अंबेडकरवादी मेरी तरफ खींचे गए , क्योंकि बह भी कुछ देना चाहते थे / 1950 में ओले बाबु ( ole babu ) वकील, जो बाँके म्हार थे, उसका नागपुर में ‘ थोरे गुरु ( Thore Guru )’ जो बोना महार थे , ने विरोध कीया और बह आम तौर पर कहता था कि , ‘ अंबिया ‘ को देख लेंगे , यहाँ तक कि , ‘ बोरकर (Borkar )’ ने बाबा साहिब को हराया था / ‘ श्री खोब्रागडे ‘ की शह से लोग पर्चे बाँट रहे थे जिन पर लिखा था, " नागपुरी गुंडों से साबधान रहो ? " / पुनरी म्हार के ऊपर नाग पुरियों को कैसे बिठा सकते हैं ? और वे पर्चे आर . पी. आई . ( RPI ) के तीन ग्रुप , काम्बले , खापर्डे और गवई ग्रुपों की तरफ से निकाले गए थे , क्यों कि ‘ मधु परियार ( Madhu Pariyar )’ जो पुनरी महार था , को सेक्टरी जनरल ( Secretary General ) बनाया गया था //
साभार :: बाबा साहिब डॉ. अम्बेडकर जी का मिशन ( साहब श्री कांशी राम जी की नजर में ) में से By : R. R. Syan 3.2.1981
Posted by Sukhpal DHINGAN
Thanthai N. Sivaraj
Thanthai N. Sivaraj and Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar
Rao Bahadur N. Sivaraj.
Born: September 29, 1892.
Died: September 29, 1964.
* Often called as "Right hand of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar".
* Also called as 'Thanthai' which means 'Father' in Tamil.
Thanthai N. Sivaraj and Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar at Bombay
Served as:
* Advocate, High Court Madras;
* Mayor of Madras (1945-46);
* Member, Madras Legislative Council (1926-37);
* Member, Central Legislative Assembly (1937-47); * Member, Justice Party (1917-26);
* 1st President of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar's "All India SCF". AISCF was a first all India political party exclusively for the depressed Class. SCF was founded by Babasaheb in a national convention of the Scheduled Class held at Nagpur during 17-20 July 1942. It was presided by Rao Bahadur N. Shivraj. And he was elected as its 1st President.
* 'Jai bheem' - The English weekly published by him in Madras.
* When the Republican Party of India was founded in 1957, he was again elected as its 1st president and continued working to establish the party's organization until he died in 1964.
Thanthai N. Sivaraj and Mr. Jawaharlal Nehru
* Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar himself Called often his wife Annai Meenambal as "Own sister".
* His wife Annai Meenambal was the 1st Scheduled Class woman president of South India SCF. Meenambal Sivaraj presided over the SCF women’s conference held at Madras, in 1944, which was attended by Dr. Babasaheb. She also presided over the 'All India SCF' women’s conference held at Bombay, on May 6th, 1945.
Thanthai N. Sivaraj
Here I have given some few words address by the President of AISCF - Rao Bahadur N. Sivaraj :
".... We are the real sons of the soil in India. Our blood is pure and heart is sound. We are the back bone even today of the economic structure of this Country. We are hard and honest workers. We are Tolerant and a generous nature and we have in our daily life a real democratic outlook. We have also our own culture, tradition and literature. We are proud people and in-spite of the attempts, subtle and open, made through ages to subdue and absorb us, we have remained as an independent group. This has brought about racial antagonism between us and the people called the Hindus. In this antagonism we have to seek the origin of Untouchability and not in their religion of which it now forms a plank. I do not want to go into the methods resorted to by the Hindus to exterminate our people. But I may say that the treatment of the Australian Bushman by the Colonizers, that of the Negroes by the Ku-Klusk Klan and of the Jews by the Nazis is less heinous than the suffering we were subjected to in the name of Religion, Caste and the like by the Hindus. It is slow Poisoning".
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar on Thanthai Sivaraj:
"In my place we have our friend Rao Bahadur N. Sivaraj presiding over this conference. He has long laboured in the cause of our people. He represents our people in the Central Legislature. By his education there are very few who are as well qualified as he is. He is B.A., B.L of the Madras University. He has been practicing lawyer and he has been a professor of Law in Madras for over ten years. Indeed, a better person than him could not have been found to preside over this conference, and I am indeed very happy that he has been chosen to take my place."
[ At Nagpur, All India DC Conference, July 1942 ]
With regards,
Ambeth,
Dharmapuri,
Tamil Nadu.
Thol. Thirumavalavan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Thol.Thirumavalavan
Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha
Incumbent
Assumed office
30 May 2019
Preceded by M. Chandrakasi
Constituency Chidambaram
In office
31 July 2009 – 17 May 2014
Preceded by E. Ponnuswamy
Succeeded by M. Chandrakasi
Constituency Chidambaram
Member of Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly
In office
14 May 2001 – 12 May 2006
Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa
Preceded by S. Puratchimani
Succeeded by K. Selvam
Constituency Mangalur
Personal details
Born 17 August 1962 (age 58)
Anganur, Madras State, India
Nationality India
Political party Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi
Residence Chennai, Tamil Nadu
Controversies
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Thol.Thirumavalavan
Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha
Incumbent
Assumed office
30 May 2019
Preceded by M. Chandrakasi
Constituency Chidambaram
In office
31 July 2009 – 17 May 2014
Preceded by E. Ponnuswamy
Succeeded by M. Chandrakasi
Constituency Chidambaram
Member of Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly
In office
14 May 2001 – 12 May 2006
Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa
Preceded by S. Puratchimani
Succeeded by K. Selvam
Constituency Mangalur
Personal details
Born 17 August 1962 (age 58)
Anganur, Madras State, India
Nationality India
Political party Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi
Residence Chennai, Tamil Nadu
Dr.Thirumavalavan or Thol. Thirumavalavan (born 17 August 1962) is an Indian politician and Tamil activist, Member of Parliament in 15th Lok Sabha and the current President of the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi party in the state of Tamil Nadu in India.. He rose to prominence in the 1990s as a Dalit leader, and formally entered politics in 1999. His political platform centres on ending the caste-based oppression of the Dalit, which he argues can best be achieved through reviving and reorienting. He has also expressed support for Tamil nationalist movements and groups elsewhere.
He did his Bachelor's course in chemistry, master's degree in Criminology and pursued law at Madras Law College. He completed his Ph.D. at Manonmanium Sundaranar University and was awarded his doctorate in 2018. He worked in the government's Forensic Department as a scientific assistant, from which he later resigned in 1999 to contest polls. He contested the 1999 and 2004 general elections unsuccessfully and won the 2009 general elections from the Chidambaram constituency. He won the 2001 state assembly elections in alliance with Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), a post from which he resigned in 2004 quoting ideological differences with DMK. He is an author, and has also acted in Tamil cinema.
His confrontation with Pattali Makkal Katchi and its leader Ramadoss has resulted in frequent clashes between Dalits and the Vanniyars. Both parties have accused each other of instigating violence against the other community. Both Thirumavalavan and Ramadoss reconciled their differences and worked together during the period of 2004 to 2009, when they were part of the same electoral alliance.
Dalit activism
In 1988, when working for the government's Forensic Department in the southern city of Madurai, he met Malaichamy, the Tamil Nadu state convenor of the Dalit Panthers Iyyakkam (DPI), an organisation that fought for the rights of Dalits. The next year, following Malaichamy's death, Thirumalavan was elected the leader of the DPI. He designed a new flag for the organisation in 1990. As part of his work, he also began visiting Dalit villages in the Madurai region, and began learning about the problems faced by Dalits. The killing of two Dalits in 1992, he says, made him more militant. Against the background of increasing Dalit assertiveness, he emerged as one of two major Dalit leaders in Tamil Nadu, with a large base of grassroots support, particularly in the southern districts of Tamil Nadu. During early 1997, he was suspended from his government job on account of his increased political activity. He resigned from his job formally in August 1999 to contest in the 1999 Indian general elections.
Political office
The DPI boycotted elections until 1999 general elections. It is unclear why the party did not contest elections till 1999. The decision of contesting the election in 1999 was considered controversial within the party. Thirumavalavan allied with G. K. Moopanar's Tamil Maanila Congress and represented the Third Front. The party contested in the Parliamentary constituencies of Chidambaram and Perambalur. Thirumavalavan contested in Chidambaram, and managed to poll 225,000 votes in his debut elections. Thirumavalavan alleged in one of his interviews on 22 February 2000 that the opposing DMK administration used National Goonda Act and National Security Act to detain cadres of his party. The phase also culminated the rivalry between Thirumavalavan's party and his competitors in the Chidambaram Constituency, the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK). PMK is a Vanniyar caste party that has a strong presence in the northern districts of Tamil Nadu. The election in the constituency was marked by violence from both the parties. Houses of Dalits were burnt and Dalits in the region were denied employment, while Vanniyar houses were also burnt.
In 2001 state elections Viduthalai Chiruthaigal allied with the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and contested seven seats. Since the PMK joined the AIADMK alliance, the VCK had to join the DMK led alliance. There were ideological differences in the alliance as it had BJP, which was earlier criticised by Thirumavalavan. Thirumavalavan was elected from Mangalore Constituency to State Legislative Assembly. During the 2004 general elections, he resigned his MLA post on 3 February 2004 quoting humiliation meted out by the alliance partners, especially the DMK. He also quoted that he quit as he contested in the symbol of DMK during the 2001 assembly elections. Thirumavalavan contested once again from Chidambaram in 2004 general elections, this time with Janata Dal (United) and polled 257,000 votes and lost by a low margin.
During 2004, after efforts from N. Sethuraman from MMK, Thirumavalavan and Ramadoss, the leader of PMK joined hands through a Tamil protection movement named Tamil Paathukappu Iyakkam. He joined the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) alliance in the 2006 elections to the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly. His party was recognised by the Election Commission of India as a registered political party on 2 March 2006. Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi contested in nine seats in Tamil Nadu and 2 seats in Pondicherry. The party won two of them, namely Durai Ravikumar from Kattumannarkoil, and Selvaperunthagai from Mangalore constituency. The alliance with ADMK broke in 2006, when he started allying with the DMK. His party contested in the local bodies elections in DMK alliance in 2006 and won five chairman to various municipalities. In the 2009 general election, Thirumavalavan allied with DMK and was elected to Parliament from the Chidhambaram Lok Sabha constituency in his third attempt.
Elections contested and positions held
ElectionsConstituencyPartyResultVote percentageOpposition CandidateOpposition PartyOpposition vote percentage1999 Indian general election Chidambaram TMC (M) Lost 31.17 E. Ponnuswamy PMK 47.68
2001 Tamil Nadu state assembly election Mangalore DMK Won 43.71 S. Puratchimani TMC 46.49
2004 Indian general election Chidambaram JD (U) Lost 46.20 E. Ponnuswamy PMK 58.45
2009 Indian general election Chidambaram VCK Won 49.3 E. Ponnuswamy PMK 37.91
2014 Indian general election Chidambaram VCK Lost 27.9 M. Chandrakasi AIADMK 39.9
2016 Tamil Nadu state assembly election Kattumannar Koil VCK Lost 29.27 Murugumaran AIADMK 29.33
2019 Indian general election Chidambaram VCK Won 50 P. Chandrasekar AIADMK 49
2001: Elected to Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly for the first time.
May 2009: Elected to Lok Sabha (fifteenth) for the first time
May 2019: Elected to Lok Sabha 17th for the Second time
31 August 2009:Member of committee on commerce and member of consultative committee on ministry of social justice and empowerment.
Political views
Thirumalavan's politics are grounded in a retheorisation of Tamil nationalism, which seeks to turn it into a force for the elimination of the caste system. Oppression of Dalits, he says, is institutionalised in India, including Tamil Nadu. Although the Dravidian parties which dominate the politics of Tamil Nadu are ideologically committed to the eradication of the caste system, Thirumavalavan argues that they have in practice drifted away from the original ideals of the Dravidian movement. Their policies, he says, have mainly benefitted the middle castes, and had actually led to an increase in the oppression of Dalits, with the middle castes replacing the Brahmins as the oppressor. Dalits cannot and should not expect much help from the Dravidian parties. The solution, according to Thirumavalavan, lies in Tamil nationalism. Caste oppression, he says, can only be ended by building resistance from below, through appealing to Tamil sentiments, as happened in the early days of the Dravidian movement under Periyar E. V. Ramasamy. If a properly Tamil government is formed in Tamil Nadu, he says, caste oppression will immediately disappear.
Dr. Thol Thirumalavan is also a staunch critic of Hindu nationalism and, in particular, Hindutva. Hindutva, to Thirumavalavan, is the essence of the oppressive Indian state. Hindutva, he argues, has through religion worked to homogenise Tamil society with that of northern India. This, he says, has led to Tamil losing its identity. Ethnic Tamil nationalism, in his view, is essential to combat Hindutva.
Thirumavalavan's views on the importance of the Tamil identity have also led him to strongly support Tamil secessionist groups in Sri Lanka, including the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, a militant secessionist group who are formally banned as a terrorist organisation in India. He has criticised India for assisting the Sri Lankan army during the Sri Lankan military operations against the LTTE in 2008 and 2009, and has called upon the government of Tamil Nadu to take steps to safeguard the Tamils of Sri Lanka. On 15 January 2009 he started a hunger fast near Chennai (Maraimalai Adigal Nagar) for the cause of Sri Lankan Tamils.After four days, on 19 January he called off the fast, saying that it had had no effect on the Indian government, and calling for a hartal in its place. He was a part of the 10 member MP team that visited the war-affected areas and transitional centres in Vavuniya on 11 October 2009. The delegation visited various part of Jaffna district and had a meeting at the Jaffna public library.
In 2009, Tamilnadu's chief minister MR Kalaignar M.Karunanidhi passed a resolution in principle for 3% inner reservation for Arunthathiyar community. Mr.Thol. Thirumavalavan welcomed this inner reservation and as a token of appreciation VCK awarded Mr.Kalaignar with Ambedkar Sudar award which is considered to be the most prestigious award from Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi.
There was a case filed against this reservation and in Aug 2020 Supreme court confirmed that the Arunthathiyar reservation within reservation is constitutionally valid. Mr.Thol.Thirumavalavan welcomed this historical judgement.
Literature and popular culture
Thiruma's books in Tamil include Aththumeeru (Transgress), Tamizhargal Hindukkala? (Are the Tamils, Hindus?), Eelam Enral Puligal, Puligal Enral Eelam (Eelam means Tigers, Tigers means Eelam), Hindutuvathai Veraruppom (We Shall Uproot Hindutva), Saadhiya Sandharpavaadha Aniyai Veezhtuvom (We Shall Defeat the Casteist Opportunist Alliance). Two of his books have been published in English by Stree-Samya Books, Kolkata: Talisman: Extreme Emotions of Dalit Liberation (political essays written for 34 weeks in the India Today magazine's Tamil edition) and Uproot Hindutva: The Fiery Voice of the Liberation Panthers (contains 12 of his speeches). In 2018, he released a book 'Amaipai Thiralvom' based on his political experiences which received warm welcome, positive reviews and also criticism from various Intellectual sources
Thirumavalavan played a guest appearance as a Tamil militant leader in Sri Lanka in his first film Anbu Thozhi (2007), directed by L. G. Ravichandran. Thirumavalavan was cast in the leading role of a film titled Kalaham to play the character of Balasingham, a law college professor, which was being directed by Kalanjiyam. The film later failed to materialize. He also appeared in a song in Mansoor Ali Khan's Ennai Paar Yogam Varum (2007). In 2011, he played the role of the Chief Minister in Minsaram.
Filmography
YearFilmRoleNotesRef(s)2007 Anbu Thozhi Karuppu Guest appearance
2007 Ennai Paar Yogam Varum Muslim singer Special appearance
2011 Minsaram Thamizharasan
Controversies
In the northern districts of Tamil Nadu with a Vanniyar majority, there are frequent clashes between Dalits and Vanniyars. During the 1999 general elections, there was intense violence in the region with casualties on both sides. Thirumavalavan accused Pattali Makkal Katchi, a Vanniyar caste-based party and its founder Ramadoss of instigating violence among the Vanniyars that result in the attack of Dalits. While Ramadoss alleges that Thirumavalavan encourages his party men to have sham inter-caste love marriage, Thirumavalavan accuses Ramadoss of showing caste superiority and instigating violence against Dalits. Both Thirumavalavan and Ramadoss reconciled and worked together during the period of 2004 to 2009, when they were part of the same electoral alliance. After 2009, when PMK split out of the DMK combine, the mutual confrontation started again.
During December 2012, Ramadoss formed an all community safeguard forum comprising 51 intermediate castes. He said he would not have any further alliance with Thirumavalavan and his party. He alleged that the Dalits take undue advantage over other communities using the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act and the Act should be abolished. During April 2013, after the party conference of PMK in Mahabalipuram, there were widespread attacks on the Dalits in Dharmapuri district that resulted in two Dalits being killed. Both PMK and VCK accused each other for the mishap, but Ramadoss was arrested after the orders from the state government for the hate speech and damages to the state property during the violence. Thirumavalavan accused Ramadoss that his loss in the electoral base after the 2009 general elections and 2011 assembly elections has resulted in his going back to instigating caste violence.
The BSP was floated in Tamil Nadu in December 2008 with the same ideology as in Uttar Pradesh to unite the Dalits and Brahmins. Some of the prominent members of VCK like Selvaperunthagai, who was a MLA in Mangalore constituency, joined BSP. Thirumavalavan, in his response, claimed that the BSP is no threat to VCK vote bank and that the BSP has dumped the principles of Ambedkar, Kanshi Ram and Periyar. Some of the senior journalists also believed that BSP will not have a firm hold in Tamil Nadu to garner the 19% Dalit vote bank in Tamil Nadu as it did in Uttar Pradesh, as the vote bank is already split by the VCK and Puthia Tamizhagam party.
The VCK, in a plan to start a television channel, asked the party men to donate gold on the occasion of the 50th birthday of Thirumavalavan. There were also Thulabaram type of functions where equal weight of Thirmavalavan was donated. This was subject to wider criticism, drawing parallels with the exotic celebrations organised by Mayawati, the leader of BSP in Uttar Pradesh. Thirumavalavan clarified that the idea was to collect donations for the party and that his party did not enjoy support from rich people as with the case of other parties. As of 4 October 2012, the party got 10 kg (22 lb) of gold from seven centres that included Puducherry that had 1.5 kg (3.3 lb).
Thakkar Bapa
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Thakkar Bapa
Born
Amritlal Vithaldas Thakkar
29 November 1869
Died 20 January 1951 (aged 81)
Nationality Indian
Education L.C.E. (Licenciate in Civil Engineering, presently equivalent to Graduate in Civil Engineering)
Occupation Social worker
Amritlal Vithaldas Thakkar, popularly known as Thakkar Bapa (29 November 1869 – 20 January 1951) was an Indian social worker who worked for upliftment of tribal people in Gujarat state in India. He became a member of the Servants of India Society founded by Gopal Krishna Gokhale in 1905. In 1922, he founded the Bhil Seva Mandal. Later, he became the general secretary of the Harijan Sevak Sangh founded by Mahatma Gandhi in 1932 . The Bharatiya Adimjati Sevak Sangh was founded on 24 October 1948 on his initiative. When Indian constitution was in process, Kenvi visited remotest and most difficult parts of India and conducted probe into the situation of tribal and Harijan people. He was appointed the chairman of "Excluded and Partially Excluded Areas(Other than Assam), a sub committee of the constituent assembly. Mahatma Gandhi would call him 'Bapa'.
Thakkarbapa visited forests in Assam, rural Bengal, drought affected areas of Orissa, Bhil belts in Gujarat and Harijan areas of Saurashtra, Mahar areas of Maharashtra, untouchables in Madras, hilly areas of Chhota Nagpur, desert of Tharparkar, foothills of Himalaya, coastal areas of Travancore with his mission of upliftment of tribal and harijans. He would always travel in third class of railway. Thakkarbapa spent 35 years of his life in service of tribal and harijans.
Early life
Thakkar Bappa was born on 29 November 1869 in a middle-class family of Bhavnagar in Saurashtra region of Gujarat State India. His father Vithal Das Thakkar named the child Amrit Lal. He received his first schooling for benevolence and service to humanity from his father. He got his L.C.E. (Licenciate in Civil Engineering) from Poona in 1890. He worked as an engineer creditably in Porbander and later went out of India to serve in laying the First Railway Track in Uganda (East Africa). He served also as chief engineer in Sangli State for some time and then was employed in Bombay municipality as an engineer. It was here he saw, for the first time, the miserable conditions of those scavengers who had to dispose of the refuse of the whole town of Bombay. He was shocked to see the filthy colonies where the Sweepers had to live and made a firm resolve to devote the rest of his life to alleviate the lot of these people. He later served in Uganda (Country) railways in East Africa. In 1914, he resigned and took up social work. He became a member of Servants of India Society and advocated the rights of untouchables and tribals.
Honors
The Government of India issued a stamp in his honour in 1969. A well known locality, Bappa Colony in Mumbai is named after him. The Madhya Pradesh state government has instituted an award named in his honour for dedicated services to poor, victimised and totally backward tribal community. Maharashtra government has set the scheme to improve aadivasi villages and colonies named Thakkar Bappa aadivasi vasti sudharana in the year 2007
Popular culture
In Tamil Nadu, Thakkar was fondly known as "Appa Thakkar", the Tamil version of "Thakkar Bapa". Due to the fact that he was very knowledgeable, often instantly answering questions thrown at him, the Madras Bashai term "appatakkar", meaning a know-all, developed. This term gained popularity through its usage in the 2010 Tamil film Boss Engira Bhaskaran.
T. K. Madhavan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
T. K. Madhavan
Statue of T. K. Madhavan
Born 2 September 1885
Died 27 April 1930 (aged 44)
Nationality Indian
Occupation Social reformer, Freedom fighter
Spouse(s) Narayani Amma
Children 2
T. K. Madhavan (2 September 1885 – 27 April 1930) was an Indian social reformer, journalist and revolutionary who was involved with the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana (SNDP). He came from Kerala and led the struggle against untouchability which was known as Vaikom Satyagraha.
Early life
Madhavan was born on 2 September 1885 at Karthikappally, son of Kesavan Channar of Alummoottil family and Ummini Amma of Komalezhathu family. Alummoottil family was one of the wealthiest in the state of Travancore that time. His maternal uncle was Komalezhathu Kunjupillai Chekavar, a member of the [[Sree Moolam Popular Assembly|Sree Moolam Praja Sabha
Career
In 1917 he took over the daily newspaper, Desabhimani. He was involved in the Temple Entry Movement, which fought for the entry of oppressed and low-caste communities to the temples of Kerala. He fought for the right of temple entry for all. In 1918 Madhavan was elected to the Sree Moolam Praja Sabha, a legislative council of Travancore. In the same year he made his maiden speech at the Sree Moolam Assembly in lieu of his uncle Komalezhathu Kunjupillai Chekavar. He presented a resolution seeking permission of temple entry and right to worship to all people irrespective of caste and community. He moved the resolution for the eradication of untouchability in the kakkinada session of Indian National Congress in 1923. In 1924, Vaikom Sathyagraha was started under the leadership of Madhavan, K. Kelappan, and K.P.Kesava Menon to get the right of oppressed class of people to travel through the road in front of Vaikom Mahadeva temple. Madhavan and Kesava Menon were arrested and imprisoned. Finally, the Maharaja of Travancore agreed to open the road to all class of people and the Vaikom Sathyagraha was a great success. However, he had to continue his struggle for the temple entry. In 1927 he was made organizing secretary of the SNDP Yogam. T.K Madhavan formed a voluntary organization "Dharma Bhata Sangham" to strengthen the activities of SNDP Yogam.
It was T K Madhavan who wrote the biography of Dr. Palpu.
Meeting with Gandhi
He met Gandhi at Tirunelveli, and persuaded him to visit Vaikom. Vaikom Satyagraha was a struggle of the backward class people of Kerala for establishing their right to walk through the temple roads of Vaikom, a small temple town in South Kerala. Gandhi agreed to include the issue in the agenda of the Indian National Congress.
Death
Madhavan died at his residence on 27 April 1930. A monument was raised in his honour at Chettikulangara. In 1964 T.K.Madhava Memorial College was founded at Nangiarkulangara.
Thakkar Bapa
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Thakkar Bapa
Born
Amritlal Vithaldas Thakkar
29 November 1869
Died 20 January 1951 (aged 81)
Nationality Indian
Education L.C.E. (Licenciate in Civil Engineering, presently equivalent to Graduate in Civil Engineering)
Occupation Social worker
Amritlal Vithaldas Thakkar, popularly known as Thakkar Bapa (29 November 1869 – 20 January 1951) was an Indian social worker who worked for upliftment of tribal people in Gujarat state in India. He became a member of the Servants of India Society founded by Gopal Krishna Gokhale in 1905. In 1922, he founded the Bhil Seva Mandal. Later, he became the general secretary of the Harijan Sevak Sangh founded by Mahatma Gandhi in 1932 . The Bharatiya Adimjati Sevak Sangh was founded on 24 October 1948 on his initiative. When Indian constitution was in process, Kenvi visited remotest and most difficult parts of India and conducted probe into the situation of tribal and Harijan people. He was appointed the chairman of "Excluded and Partially Excluded Areas(Other than Assam), a sub committee of the constituent assembly. Mahatma Gandhi would call him 'Bapa'.
Thakkarbapa visited forests in Assam, rural Bengal, drought affected areas of Orissa, Bhil belts in Gujarat and Harijan areas of Saurashtra, Mahar areas of Maharashtra, untouchables in Madras, hilly areas of Chhota Nagpur, desert of Tharparkar, foothills of Himalaya, coastal areas of Travancore with his mission of upliftment of tribal and harijans. He would always travel in third class of railway. Thakkarbapa spent 35 years of his life in service of tribal and harijans.
Early life
Thakkar Bappa was born on 29 November 1869 in a middle-class family of Bhavnagar in Saurashtra region of Gujarat State India. His father Vithal Das Thakkar named the child Amrit Lal. He received his first schooling for benevolence and service to humanity from his father. He got his L.C.E. (Licenciate in Civil Engineering) from Poona in 1890. He worked as an engineer creditably in Porbander and later went out of India to serve in laying the First Railway Track in Uganda (East Africa). He served also as chief engineer in Sangli State for some time and then was employed in Bombay municipality as an engineer. It was here he saw, for the first time, the miserable conditions of those scavengers who had to dispose of the refuse of the whole town of Bombay. He was shocked to see the filthy colonies where the Sweepers had to live and made a firm resolve to devote the rest of his life to alleviate the lot of these people. He later served in Uganda (Country) railways in East Africa. In 1914, he resigned and took up social work. He became a member of Servants of India Society and advocated the rights of untouchables and tribals.
Honors
The Government of India issued a stamp in his honour in 1969. A well known locality, Bappa Colony in Mumbai is named after him. The Madhya Pradesh state government has instituted an award named in his honour for dedicated services to poor, victimised and totally backward tribal community. Maharashtra government has set the scheme to improve aadivasi villages and colonies named Thakkar Bappa aadivasi vasti sudharana in the year 2007
Popular culture
In Tamil Nadu, Thakkar was fondly known as "Appa Thakkar", the Tamil version of "Thakkar Bapa". Due to the fact that he was very knowledgeable, often instantly answering questions thrown at him, the Madras Bashai term "appatakkar", meaning a know-all, developed. This term gained popularity through its usage in the 2010 Tamil film Boss Engira Bhaskaran.
Thycaud Ayya Swamikal
Blog by Kanam Pillai
The Great Vellala Yogi Sivarajayogi Ayya Swami Thiruvadikal was the Guru of
Ayya Vaikundan, Sri Narayana Guru , Chattampi Swamikal and Ayyankali.
He was the First and the Greatest social reformer of Kerala.
He was a Yogi cum Family man. Ayya Swamikal started "Panthbhojanam" (inte-dining) in Kerala during 19th century even before Mahatma Gandhi thought of it.
He argued that any Yogi could install idols in temples, that inspired Sreenarayan Guru to install idols of Siva.
"Oru jathy, oru matham ,oru Daivom" is the Malayalam translation of Ayyaswamy’s teaching . Sri Narayan Guru popularized the slogan.
The Thycaud Ayyaswami Trust & Temples are made in memory of this
Great Guru of Guru.
The original name of Ayya Swamikal was Subbarayan.
He lived during the period of 1814-1909.
His parents were Sri. Muthukumaran (Nakalapuram-TN) and Smty .Rugmini Ammal (Kollam). He was Manager of Thycaud Residency.
His disciples
Resident McGregor
Chempazhanthy Nanu (Sree NarayanaGuru,
Kollur Kunjan Pillai (Chattampi Swamikal
Swayam Prakasa Yogini Amma Kollathamma
Ayyan Kali
A.R.Raja Raja Varma,
Chithramezhuthu
RaviVarma
Appavu Vakil
Thottahil Raman Kaniyar
Manakkattu Bhavani
Petta Fernandez
Thakkala Peer Mohammad
Velutheri Kesavan Vaidhyar
Makkadi Labba etc.etc ( more than 50 )
His works
Brahmothara Khandom
Ulloor amarntha Guhan
Ramayanam Bala khandom
Ente Kasi yathraPazhani vybhavom
Hanuman pamalai Ramayanam pattu
Ujjayani mahakali pancharatnam
Thiruvaroor murukan
Kumarakovil murukan
The Doctrine he propagated
"Intha ulakathile orae oru jathy than, Orae oru matham than, orae oru kadavul than”
References:
1.Sivara- jayogi Thycaud Ayyaswami Thuruvadikal- (1960) A.C.Raja
2.Brhamasree Thycaud Ayyaswamikal-Ayyamission(1974)- Thiruvananthapuram
3.Sree Narayana Guru Sathavarshika Smaraka Grantham(1954)
4.Upahara Mala (1950)-Salkavi P.K.Kesavan
5.Sree Narayan Gurudevan(1971)-P.Parameswaran-
6.Guru (1996)-K.surendran
7.Thiruvit- hamkoorile Mahanmar(1121)-Sooranadu Kunjan Pillai
8.Albutha Sidhan Sree Narayana Parama Guru(1974)-VidhvanK.E.Neelakon- dan
9.Vivekodayam (1084 Karkidakom)-Kesari BalaKrishna Pillai
10.upahara Malika( 20.4.1950)-Kesari Bala Krishna Pillai
11.Ayyankali-T.P.H.Che- ntharassery
12.Chattampi swamikalum Navothanavum-K.G.neelakandan Nair
13.Sree Narayan Paramahamsan-Pandit K.K.Panicker
14.Narayana guru (1978)-Prof.M.K.Sanu
Dr. Umakant
An Interview with Dr. Umakant By Gomathi Kumar & Sanjay Kabir Dr. Umakant (b. 1970) is a well known Dalit activist and scholar and has represented Dalit cause at various levels. After his schooling in home state Bihar, Dr Umakant joined Delhi University and later Jawaharlal Nehru University for higher education. In the year 2000, he was awarded doctorate for his thesis ‘Human Rights of Dalits: A Case Study of Bihar (1977-1997)’. In JNU, he was one of the founder members of a Dalit student platform UDSF and later has worked with National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR), Indian Institute of Dalit Studies (IIDS) and International Dalit Solidarity Network (IDSN). He also co-edited a book titled ‘Caste, Race and Discrimination: Discourses in International Context’ (2004).
An Interview with Dr. Umakant
By Gomathi Kumar & Sanjay Kabir Dr.
Umakant (b. 1970) is a well known Dalit activist and scholar and has represented Dalit cause at various levels. After his schooling in home state Bihar, Dr Umakant joined Delhi University and later Jawaharlal Nehru University for higher education. In the year 2000, he was awarded doctorate for his thesis ‘Human Rights of Dalits: A Case Study of Bihar (1977-1997)’. In JNU, he was one of the founder members of a Dalit student platform UDSF and later has worked with National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR), Indian Institute of Dalit Studies (IIDS) and International Dalit Solidarity Network (IDSN). He also co-edited a book titled ‘Caste, Race and Discrimination: Discourses in International Context’ (2004).
Insight Young Voices Blog
For almost two decades now, you have been participating in the Dalit movement, first as a student activist and later as representing our cause at many national and international fora together with leading various campaigns for Dalit rights, how did you first get exposed to the Dalit movement and when?
My exposure to the Dalit movement started quite early. I got introduced to the Ambedkarite movement and philosophy at home itself thanks to my father who was very passionate for the cause. He introduced me to the literature published by BAMCEF, DS4 and BSP in my school days itself. However, my direct participation in the movement started in 1988, from my graduation days, when I came to Delhi and joined the Department of Political Science, Hindu college for my BA (Honours).
At that time our students were scattered and had no organisation or forum to come together, even informally. I started interacting with the Dalit students and tried to organize them, not by forming any separate organisation, but by bringing them together on certain issues. However, my participation increased in 1990 when the anti-Mandal agitation against OBC reservation took place and Delhi University became its main centre.
What was the impact of anti-OBC reservation agitation of 1990 on the Dalit students? Being a conscious Dalit student what was your response?
Lot of problems started cropping up for our students during that period. Though the Mandal commission recommendations were aimed at OBCs but it was the Dalit students who were being targeted by ‘upper’ castes. Our students were being victimised, ridiculed and things really became very difficult for us in the campus. The prejudices against us were always there but this agitation gave the ‘upper’ caste students an opportunity to display them quite openly.
It was very difficult to be a Dalit student in Delhi University during that period. Therefore I felt the need of meeting all our students not only from SC and ST backgrounds but also the OBCs, to instill a sense of self-respect and not to feel demoralized due to ‘upper’ caste students’ castiest behaviour. Soon we were able to form a small group and started interacting with our students telling them not to get provoked unnecessarily but whenever there was a need, to give a befitting reply to the anti-reservationists and if they resort to physical violence, to get united and defend themselves.
During this agitation we came across many cases of violence against Dalit students carried out mainly by lumpen caste-Hindu students belonging to feudal backgrounds from UP and Bihar. Thankfully in our college nothing of that sort happened but the whole situation during anti-Mandal agitation taught me the urgency of organizing Dalit students. In 1991, I joined Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi for my master’s programme and became much more active in the movement.
You spent almost a decade in JNU as a student right from your post-graduation to doctorate. This campus has a wonderful history of Dalit student activism. What was your experience there and how did it shape your post-student life?
When I joined JNU, Dalit students here also were trying to organize themselves. I immediately teamed up with them and as a result United Dalit Students’ Forum (UDSF) came into existence in 1991. I was one of its founding members and that is where my real involvement with the Dalit student’s issues began and we got enough opportunities to sharpen ourselves, to become articulative and develop leadership skills. However, the best thing with UDSF was the concept of collective leadership in the sense that it was run by a central committee consisting of 6-10 members. No single person was allowed to take the credit. There is always a central committee and collective responsibility that actually lends much credit to an organization like UDSF. Also it helps to develop leadership qualities among our students.
UDSF was the best platform I had. I could become Dalit activist and do international advocacy at different United Nations (UN) bodies only because of my initial training as a member of UDSF. I feel happy that in such a short period I have contributed something for our cause and the entire credit goes to UDSF.
A Dalit student platform is notably absent in majority of Indian campuses. As a frontrunner and a possible role model, what were the main activities of UDSF?
In UDSF, we did many things right from writing pamphlets, making posters on Dalit issues, to writing memorandums, organizing public meetings and building campaigns on different issues both in JNU and outside. We ran study circle classes and organised public talks by inviting noted scholars like Eleanor Zelliot, Gail Omvedt and Owen Lynch - scholars who have done extensive work on Dalits. Then we had our scholars like Prof Kancha Ilaiah, Prof S.K. Thorat, Prof Jogdand and Dr. Ramaiah as our regular speakers. We had regular organisational meetings and used to participate in other public meetings also to raise our issues. Through these activities, we forced other political groups to take up our issues too.
The common perception is that students should not involve themselves in any activities other than studies. For Dalit students the dangers are much more given their weak socio-economic background. What are your thoughts on this?
I disagree. People don’t have an iota of idea about the need and importance of platforms like UDSF in all Indian campuses. Let me tell you very categorically, all active members of UDSF from my batch are more successful professionally than those who chose to remain confined in their rooms. They are now in academics, in bureaucracy; some of them have even become full time activists. You can check this yourself.
They are successful because of the work they did in UDSF and the training they received there. It benefited them a lot in terms of exposure on different issues of our community and to develop interpersonal skills. Working for UDSF gave them a very confident public persona that is prerequisite for one’s professional success. Given the prejudices and hostile campus environment such platforms are the only source for Dalit students to express themselves, have access to information, draw support from each other and become socially conscious members of the community.
Most of the Dalit students who were active in UDSF in their JNU days are still contributing to the movement in different ways. That is the real success of our organisation. It not only helps you in your career but also makes you grounded with Ambedkarite philosophy so that wherever you go, you are aware of your duties towards the community. We need such Dalit student platform in each and every Indian campus and then you will see how things change rapidly in this country.
What are the major achievements of UDSF while you were in JNU that you cherish?
One achievement of UDSF, which I really cherish the most, happened in the year 2000 and had country-wide implications. In that particular year, University Grant Commission (UGC) came out with the decision that there would be no reservations for SC and ST students in Mphil and PhD programmes in the Central Universities.
That was an arbitrary decision, clearly aimed to curb any chance of our students for pursuing higher education. Given the level of caste-prejudices and weak socio-economic status, it is almost impossible for a student from SC/ST background to get admission in these premier institutions without reservation. UDSF immediately took up this issue and started lobbying with different students’ groups and organizing Dalit students in the JNU campus. We met various cabinet ministers, members of parliament including HRD Minister Murali Manohar Joshi. We also tried to contact Dalit students from all over the country. The efforts of UDSF were remarkable in the sense that not many were aware of such decision and if UGC was allowed to go ahead, then it was the end of the road for SC/ST students for long time to come.
Due to our constant agitation and lobbying, the matter was taken up in the Cabinet meeting. There Ram Vilas Paswan (then a cabinet minister), with whom we lobbied hard, played a major role in putting the issue in right perspective. Within a week of our agitation and lobbying we got the order cancelled. I believe this is the biggest victory for UDSF till date. We fought really hard and won, benefiting thousands of Dalit students across the country.
Another important incident of my UDSF days dates back to 1994, when JNU was celebrating its Silver Jubilee after completing 25 years of its formation and having established its credentials as the bastion of progressive thoughts and ideology. We chose this particular occasion to highlight the hollowness of such claims.
What were the exact concerns raised by UDSF on this occasion?
UDSF initiated a campaign titled ‘what JNU has given to Dalit and Adivasis in the last 25 years’. We prepared the fact-sheet about how many SC and ST teachers have been appointed, how many students admitted and what percentage of SC/ST reservation has been fulfilled in JNU admissions in this period. As expected, despite all its progressive pretensions, JNU was woefully short of fulfilling its constitutional and social obligations.
We prepared posters with these facts and figures and posted in the entire campus. The then President Shankar Dayal Sharma was to inaugurate the function. We went there with black flags, posters, banners saying that JNU has not done justice to us. It created huge flutter and the programme got cancelled. Later, if you see, many teaching positions that were lying vacant were filled up with SC/ST candidates. Such was the impact of our campaign.
Apart from raising Dalit students’ issues in the campus and outside, how did UDSF involve itself with the concerns of larger Dalit community?
Our students were always very keen on raising the issue of caste-based violence. UDSF itself came into existence due to Tsunduru Dalit massacre (Andhra Pradesh, 1991), where 8 Dalits were hacked to death. Then Dalit students felt the need of a platform to show their solidarity to the larger Dalit community as well as to put pressure on the government to punish the perpetrators.
If you notice, 1990s’ was the decade with maximum violence against Dalit community, especially in the rural areas. Almost every year there were incidents where Dalits were massacred for asserting themselves. UDSF, within its limitation, responded by organizing protests in and out of the campus, by sending fact-finding teams, organizing relief to the victims and sensitizing the campus through public talks and meetings.
Here I will like to mention one such incident. In 1998, 61 Dalits were brutally killed by the ‘upper’ caste landlords in Lakshmanpur Bathe, Bihar. I was preparing for my civil services exams together with one of my batch mates Ravindra Kumar (at present faculty in IGNOU, New Delhi). We came to know about this incident on our last day of UPSC Mains exams. That whole night we spent organizing our students from one hostel to another.
On the very next day we held big demonstration inside the campus against the killings and took UDSF delegation to various government authorities in Delhi. Then our team went to Lakshmanpur Bathe and later published a fact-finding report and sent it to the President, Prime Minister together with other concerned authorities demanding severe punishment for the killers. Through our campaign, we tried to highlight the gravity of the crime and applying pressure on the authorities to provide justice. Again it was Ram Vilas Paswan (cabinet minister in then I.K. Gujaral government) who responded very well and undertook maximum efforts to bring relief to the community.
1990s was also the period of political assertion by Dalits. Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) was on ascendancy and for the first time Dalits were entering into electoral politics as independent players rather than puppets in the hands of the dominant castes. JNU has vibrant student politics and its students’ union elections are keenly watched. Did Dalit students tried to enter into electoral politics there?
UDSF is a non-political platform in the sense that it does not contest students’ union elections. During its formation, we deemed necessary that it should be like this only as we needed a common platform to raise our issues. We wanted to have participation of each and every Dalit students on our platform, irrespective of his/her political leanings.
But we were aware of the importance of electoral politics too and were much influenced and inspired by the political gains made by BSP. So we started Bahujan Student Front (BSF) in 1994. It was separate from UDSF but many of us worked for both. The idea behind the formation of BSF was that JNU student elections are the best platform to bring concerns and issues of our community in open. As you pointed out rightly that JNUSU elections are covered in media through out the country and has some resonance outside the campus, therefore we formed BSF and contested elections.
I contested, in 1995, for the post of general secretary as BSF candidate. Though we lost the election, which was expected, but we were able to set the agenda of the elections. The whole students’ union election was fought around Dalit issues and for the first time our issues and concerns were debated in JNU campus. We had wonderful speakers like our presidential candidate Dr. M.P. Rana (presently a full time activist) who were able to catapult Dalit issues in the mainstream.
It was such an important event in JNU history and the best part was that we did this on our own, without any external support unlike other students groups who could maintain their presence because of their mentors outside. Though we lost the elections but the entire student community was very charged up and we received lots of encouragement from the students from marginalized sections.
BSF stood in JNUSU elections for 2-3 more years but as you know electoral politic has its own compulsion and many of us were also reaching to a point where academic accomplishment becomes an important factor. Given our weak socio-economic backgrounds we have to be very conscious of this fact and can’t take many liberties as for not only our immediate family but for many others we are the only hope for their better future.
Thanks so much for enlightening us and we are sure that your experience in JNU campus as a student activist will inspire many. But when we look at the larger picture, we get hugely disappointed. The Dalit movement has, so far, not emerged at the national level as a force to reckon with. What are the challenges towards that?
It is quite natural. Like the fragmentation in Indian society, Dalits are also divided into different groups. Like you, I also wish for pan-India Dalit movement and have been quite agitated for the lack of it. Once, I asked Prof Eleanor Zelliot, who is a well known authority on Dalit issues, about why there is no pan-India Dalit organisation or movement. I will like to quote her exact answer here.
She said, “India is like Europe. Every region has its own culture, own language. Most of these regions have very strong local Dalit movements but the problem is that these movements are not able to transcend their local barriers, regional barriers. So you will find that in Tamilnadu, or in some parts of Tamilnadu there is a strong movement but the people of neighbouring states like Karnataka, Kerala and Andhra are not aware of it at all. Even in these states there might be grassroots or even state level movements but they have no linkages with their counterparts in Tamilnadu. That is how Dalit movement has remained fragmented region wise, language wise and it is so difficult to bring them all on one national platform without transcending these barriers.”
Ideally our people should have been very well organised after 60 years of independence and our intelligentsia developed enough to play a larger role in mainstreaming our issues. There is huge disappointment in terms of our political leadership too. Instead of having one strong political platform we have many with huge differences among each other. Even in terms of our social organisations and NGOs, we seem not to have one network through which their work could be coordinated, at least on similar issues.
But 60 years is lot of time for a movement to emerge at national level?
Perhaps for country like India, working for 20, 30 and even 40 years is not enough to bring pan-India change or even to have a pan-Indian identity for one organisation. Because of the diversity in the language, culture; it is very difficult to bring people together on one platform. Then Dalits themselves are not a homogeneous group and are divided in hundreds of castes themselves. It further complicates the matter.
It is not that attempts have not been made in this direction. In fact, in last 30 years, there have been various efforts for a pan-India Dalit organisation. The role of Kanshiram Saheb in organizing Dalits and other disadvantaged communities on one political platform was momentous. Today BSP is a party to reckon with and has presence in many states along with clear majority in one of the biggest and most populous state of the country. But you see the amount of hard work it required for Kanshiram Saheb to bring BSP up to this level. He gave his whole life for it.
We do not have very strong economic background and also lack social and cultural capital in terms of generating financial resources to run our organisations. To have a successful all India organisations you need crores of rupees. From where will you get this much money? Who will give you?
It is now that you will hear few Dalit NGOs getting decent fundings for their activities from the funding agencies. After 20-25 years of long struggle these NGOs are able to come up and locate some funding opportunities and many of them are doing commendable work at different levels.
Do you see any role of Dalit students’ activism, like that of UDSF, towards creating a pan-India Dalit movement?
There is strong need of some genuine efforts to create a pan-India Dalit movement. It will not happen automatically and that is where the Dalit students’ activism at premier institutions like JNU becomes important as these institutions have students from different states and through organisations like UDSF that represents all Dalit students, one can learn to transcend regional barriers.
However, it is also important to keep in mind that student life in campuses like JNU might not reflect the ground realities in totality and our training remains incomplete till we go out and work in the larger society. It is very important for a Dalit student activist to understand this fact because the idealism that fires your imagination, your spirit might not match with the ground realities. You might not find strong Dalit organisations at different levels or unity among our people.
But if you are really sincere towards the cause, you can make whole lot of difference. You have to take initiatives. Either you take up issues in your own way or become a full time activist by either joining any social or political platform or NGOs working on our issues and contribute there with your best intentions. You will have to sacrifice a lot because fighting for Dalit rights is not an easy job. It might not pay you politically, socially or economically. If you are determined to work for your people, nothing will stop you from raising the issue, getting justice for our community. What is needed is a team of dedicated young people with good professional background and good training. With only rhetorics we will not go very far.
After completing studies, you have been associated with organisations working for our cause and participated in various campaigns for Dalit rights both at national and international level. One of them was Durban Conference, held in 2001. This conference is often credited for bringing global attention, for the first time, to the issue of caste-discrimination in India. You participated in this conference along with many other Dalit activists. What had been your experience there?
The World Conference against Racism (WCAR) at Durban, in my opinion, was the first ever international event where Dalit activists could successfully participate and bring international attention to the caste discrimination. Creating visibility on the issue was our only goal and we had fair success in doing so. If the Dalits activists had not participated there in large numbers our issues would never have appeared at the international level as prominently as they appear now.
National Campaign for Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) worked as a catalyst for this campaign. It not only mobilized Dalit activists from across the country but took the campaign to different levels simultaneously – from grassroots to international forums. While we were lobbying at Durban, we were also organizing rallies, yatras in different states inside the country demanding Dalit human rights.
In Durban, we were almost at par with African and Palestinian groups in organizing and highlighting our issues. The leader of our Dalit group was even invited to address 12 heads of states that included prominent politicians like Yasar Arafat, Fidel Castro and Thabo Mbeki.
It was a remarkable achievement given the complete lack of exposure of Dalit activists in international advocacy and campaigns. It is an important milestone in the Dalit movement as it brought global attention to caste discrimination. Now we are able to intervene in different UN bodies as well on various Dalit issues. Before Durban, UN bodies never paid attention to our problem. Just after Durban, Committee on Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) organised a thematic discussion on descent based discrimination. There, for the first time, any UN document mentioned the word ‘caste’! That’s how we could make a difference.
Highlighting the issue and making every one aware about caste discrimination at global level is very well but no international forum can directly intervene as caste is an ‘internal matter’ of the country. In such scenario, how beneficial international advocacy would be to the Dalits living in this country?
On the face of it, all these exercises may seem useless and to certain extent it is true. Going to UN and raising issue at international fora do not help you much, we know this. We never said that the participation in Durban conference will solve all your problems. But it certainly helps in creating conditions where you can demand accountability from the Indian state.
At the Durban conference our strategy was to create visibility on our issues and we did that quite successfully. After the conference, we tried to consolidate on the gains made at international level by taking up advocacy on Dalit issues at various other international fora. Also we never limited ourselves to international advocacy but are working at different levels. The unwritten motto of NCDHR is ‘we will work from village panchayats to UN level’.
So along with international advocacy we stated working on strategies to capacitate young Dalit activists to work at grassroots level. More than seventeen hundred young Dalit activists from all over the country were given trainings to fight against cases of caste atrocities. They are trained for monitoring atrocity cases, compiling data, preparing the fact finding reports on such cases and then support Dalit victims through legal interventions. Through these activists we are also able to create a big data bank on the number of atrocities and its various forms which later could be used to demand for Dalit rights and to lobby for strong intervention from both the state and international bodies. The grassroots information has helped us in raising the issue in most effective way.
After Durban Conference, what have been the other achievements in international advocacy?
I will like to mention here about the appointment of two Special Rapporteurs, in 2005, by the UN to study caste discrimination and to prepare guidelines for tackling it. Unfortunately the UN body that appointed them got abolished during the restructuring of UN and the Rapporteurs have yet to present their reports, which are now hanging somewhere in the UN building in Geneva. We are lobbying hard to get them published so that we can at least use them as a tool to address our issues.
Then there was a conference organised in Geneva by Human Rights Council on April 10, 2008 where Indian government had to face international censure for not dealing effectively with caste discrimination. Here we submitted our report on caste discrimination and lobbied with the delegations from different countries to raise questions on the status of Dalits in the conference. In just two days, we met and presented our case to missions from about twenty countries.
You know how many of them raised our issue? Eleven of them. Indian government had to take notice and to reiterate its commitment to protect Dalit rights at the conference. This happened not because of two days of lobbying but due to our regular interventions at international levels. After Durban conference, we have used every opportunity to raise various issues on international fora - atrocities on Dalit women, untouchability, manual scavenging, lack of equal opportunities, poverty, discrimination in natural disaster relief and rehabilitations etc. Thus, most of the countries who value human rights are well aware of the caste problem and are willing to support us in pressuring Indian government to implement strict measures to empower Dalits.
Prior to the Durban Conference, were there any similar attempts to draw the global attention towards the problems faced by the Dalits?
It seems, in 1945, Babasaheb Ambedkar tried to take caste issue at international level. There is a reference in Babasaheb’s writings (Writings and Speeches Vol. 17) but what actually happened, we are not aware. Perhaps there was a conspiracy to stop Babasaheb to go to UN.
In 1945 when the League of Nations was preparing for the formal establishment of UN, there were many marginalized groups from different part of the world that were trying to submit memorandums so that their concerns also get reflected in Universal Declaration of Human rights and in other international treaties that were coming up. At Durban, we got to know that there were exchange of letters between Babasaheb Ambedkar and prominent Afro-American leader W. E. B. Du Bois. The Black leader wrote in his biography that, “I received a letter from Dr Ambedkar, leader of untouchables from India to coordinate together to submit a memorandum”.
After the death of Babasaheb few brave attempts were made to lobby international support against caste discrimination in the country. The efforts of Dr. Laxmi Berwa (USA), Advocate Bhagwan Das (Delhi) and Henry Thayagraj (Chennai) must be highly appreciated by all of us in this regard. However, these were at best individual efforts and it is for the first time, in Durban Conference, caste issues were raised in a very systematic way in UN bodies.
After Durban Conference and getting exposed on caste issues at international level, what have been the responses of Government of India?
At least the Government of India now has started admitting the problem that yes there is some thing called caste-discrimination. Earlier they were not even doing that and kept on reiterating that caste problem is now our past. Now they are saying that we will take up the issue seriously and we will get things done inside the country. The problem is these pronouncements should also reflect in the implementation which still is not happening. For us it is going to be a long battle so that state is held accountable for all the atrocities that are committed on us.
Despite having an egalitarian Constitution and wonderful set of anti-discriminatory laws why the state is unable to implement them?
The problem lies at the way things are done at Government level. Babasaheb used to say that Manu is still alive in this country. People who are at the helm of affairs are still following manu-wad. That is why our people are having a miserable life even after 60 years of independence. Anti-discriminatory Laws and progressive constitutional provisions do not operate in vacuum. These are operating within a caste-society that does not recognize the Indian Constitution. The brahmanical social order does not recognize it. This social order decides the behaviour of dominant caste groups in our country – be it caste-Hindus, casteMuslims, or caste-Christians.
And when such people constitute majority of those who are at helm of affairs of this country, how can there be any socio-economic change? That is why it is important for us to create a space in the decision making process and in governance of the country. One or two Dalit persons can never bring change. With one chairperson of some government body, one planning commission member or one member in the cabinet here and there, things are not going to happen. We need to mainstream Dalit rights and concerns every where, in every sector.
You have almost two decades of activism behind you starting right from your student life to representing the Dalit cause at various fora. What are your expectations from the Dalit students now?
We need people who are willing to work for liberating our community. We do not need people who have problems in identifying themselves as Dalits. Every person who has benefited from the reservation policy has the moral duty to pay back to the society. Don’t take benefit of reservations if you can’t pay back. You are being immoral otherwise. If there was no reservation, we would not have been here, talking to each other. You have also no rights to take reservation benefits if you are unable to defend the policy. Let’s be clear and honest to ourselves.
I feel proud to say that I am a product of reservation policy. It would not have been possible for me to get such a good education without it. Without good education, it would have been impossible for me to become an advocate of Dalit rights. My father was the first beneficiary of reservation and he struggled much to provide education not only to his children but to other relatives too. This is what every first generation beneficiary has done.
If you see around carefully, you will realize that most of educated Dalits from our parent’s generation had helped so many people, not just their own families. Every one who has benefited has paid back more than what they were supposed to. They have done their best, they have paid back to the community and it is now our responsibility to pay back.
[Gomathi Kumar and Sanjay Kabir did their Masters of Social Work (MSW) from Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS), Mumbai in the session 2007-09]
V.Arumai Nathan Ramesh Nathan
General Secretary, National Dalit Movement For Justice-NCDHR
V.Arumai Nathan’s Profile
Artices by Nathan
The National Coalition for Strengthening Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act (NCSPA)—a platform of more than 500 Dalit and Adivasi civil society organisations, communities, leaders and activists —expresses serious concern over the Supreme Court judgment that diluted provisions related to anticipatory bail and immediate arrest, under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989.
The ruling dilutes the very purpose of the progressive legislation, meant to protect the marginalised communities from caste-based atrocities and discrimination. The judgment, dated 20 March 2018, has not looked at the reasons for the high number of increase in atrocities against Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), the low conviction and high acquittal rates, and has not analysed the reasons for the same. Some of the well-known hurdles in this regard are shoddy investigation, incorrect and biased recording of victim and witness statements during investigation, filing of improper charge sheets, and undue delay in filing of charge sheets. Other hurdles include inappropriate support mechanisms available to the victims and witnesses by the investigating officers and public prosecutors, and even by the trial court.
Vincent Manoharan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Vincent Manoharan is an Indian human rights activist, he is known mostly for creating the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR), and organization that focuses on stemming the discrimination still present within India's caste system.
Biography
Manoharan grew up in a Christian mission compount in India, being a member of the Dalitcaste, he has witnessed the human rights discrimination first hand; " Being an Untouchable (Dalit) and a grass root activist for the last 30 years, I am familiar with the life experience – the pathos and sufferings, hopes and faith - of the discriminated and oppressed." Through this experience he became motivated to participate in the Indian Human Rights struggle, he founded the NCDHR in 1998 with the hope of increasing exposure to the discrimination still present in India.
Human rights activism
Manoharan founded the NCDHR in 1998 with several other human rights activists, with the goal of raising visibility on the issue of caste discrimination. A total of 78 Dalit activists collaborated in forming NCDHR; they were upset that even after 50 years of independence of British rule, and a national constitution with statutes aimed at stopping caste discrimination, there was not a significant decrease in incidents relating to discrimination against Dalits across India and Asia.
To combat these issues, the group decided on a three phase strategy. The first phase is to raise the visibility of specific events taking place in the region where Dalits have been discriminated against, mostly at the local, state and national levels. Phase 2 is to bring awareness of these Human Rights issues to the international stage. The third phase is to hold the Judiciary system accountable for enforcing the laws stipulated in the constitution.
Recently the plight of the Dalit people has become more internationally known and confronted. In 2002, the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination condemned caste discrimination. In December 2006 Prime Minister Manmohan Singh stated that "‘untouchability’ is not just social discrimination. It is a blot on humanity.". In 2009, a deceleration was made that discrimination against a group of people (Dalits) is a human rights violation was a huge success for Manoharan and the NCDHR.
He also helped in the founding a group that fights caste discrimination on a global level.
In 2007 the Manoharan and the NCDHR won the Thorolf Rafto Memorial Prize for their work in the field of Human Rights.
विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे
विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे (अंग्रेज़ी: Vitthal Ramji Shinde, जन्म- 23 अप्रैल, 1873; मृत्यु- 2 जनवरी, 1944) महाराष्ट्र के प्रसिद्ध और बड़े समाज सुधारकों में से एक थे। उनका सबसे बड़ा योगदान अस्पृश्यता को मिटाना तथा दलित वर्ग को बराबरी पर लाना था। विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे ही वह वजह थे, जिसके कारण लोकमान्य बाल गंगाधर तिलक जैसे कट्टर हिन्दू नेता को अस्पृश्यता के विरुध्द बोलने के लिए मंच पर खड़े होना पड़ा था। ये विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे ही थे, जिनके प्रयास से अखिल भारतीय कांग्रेस कमेटी को अस्पृश्यता के प्रश्न को अपने राष्ट्रीय एजेंडे में शामिल करना पड़ा था।
जन्म व शिक्षा
विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे का जन्म 23 अप्रॅल सन 1873 को जामखंडी, कर्नाटक में हुआ था। उनके पिता रामजी बसवंत शिंदे, जामखंडी स्टेट में नौकरी किया करते थे। विट्ठल रामजी का विवाह 9 वर्ष की उम्र में हुआ। तब उनकी पत्नी की उम्र मुश्किल से एक वर्ष रही होगी। मेट्रिक पास करने के बाद विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे ने पूना में आकर फर्ग्युशन कालेज से बी.ए. और सन 1898 में एलएलबी किया। इस दौरान उन्हें पूना के प्रसिद्ध एडव्होकेट गंगाराम भाऊ और समाज सुधारक बडौदा के महाराजा सयाजीराव गायकवाड़ से आर्थिक सहायता मिली। शुरू में विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे प्रार्थना समाज के सम्पर्क में आये। प्रार्थना समाज द्वारा प्राप्त आर्थिक सहायता से वे उच्च विद्या-अध्ययन हेतु इंग्लैण्ड गए, इस शर्त के साथ कि वापिस आकर वे संस्था का काम करेंगे। इंग्लैण्ड स्थित ऑक्सफोर्ड यूनिवर्सिटी के मेनचेस्टर कालेज में शिंदे ने विभिन्न धर्मों, खासकर बौद्ध धर्म और पाली भाषा का गहन अध्ययन किया।
विभिन्न संस्थाओं की स्थापना
सन 1903 में इंग्लैण्ड से लौटने के बाद मुम्बई में विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे ने 'यंग थीइस्ट यूनियन' संस्था स्थापित की। संस्था के सदस्यों के लिए उन्होंने शर्तें रखीं थी कि वे मूर्तिपूजा और जाति-पांति की घृणा में विश्वास कभी नहीं करेंगे। वे सन 1913 तक प्रार्थना समाज में रहे। यद्यपि, बाद के दिनों में उनके कार्यों का उन्हीं के लोग विरोध करने लगे थे। विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे ने वर्ष 1905 में पूना के मिठनगंज पेठ में अछूतों के लिए रात्रि-स्कूल खोला था। इसी प्रकार 14 मार्च, 1907 को अछूत जातियों के सामाजिक-धार्मिक सुधार के निमित्त 'सोमवंशीय मित्र समाज' की स्थापना की। प्रार्थना समाज की ओर से 18 अक्टूबर, 1906 को डिप्रेस्ड क्लासेस मिशन की स्थापना की गयी थी। विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे इसके महासचिव थे। सन 1912 तक डिप्रेस्ड क्लासेस मिशन के पास विभिन्न 4 राज्यों में करीब 23 स्कूल और 5 छात्रावास थे। विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे ने कई रचनात्मक कार्य किये। मुम्बई और सी.पी. बरार में उन्होंने अस्पृश्यों के लिए कई आश्रम, स्कूल और पुस्तकालय खोले थे। सन 1917 को उन्होंने अखिल भारतीय निराश्रित अस्पृश्यता निवारक संघ की स्थापना की।
सन 1917 में मांटेग्यु-चैम्सफ़ोर्ड के चुनाव सुधार की घोषणा के साथ ही देश की राजनैतिक परिस्थितियां तेज़ीसे बदल रही थीं। सीटों के रिजर्वेशन के कारण पिछड़ी जातियों का ध्रुवीकरण हो रहा था। स्थिति को भांपते हुए विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे ने 'मराठा राष्ट्रीय संघ' की स्थापना की और 1917 में एक विशाल अधिवेशन कर सन 1916 के कांग्रेस के 'लखनऊ पेक्ट' को भारी समर्थन दिया। अस्पृश्यता के प्रश्न को अखिल भारतीय स्तर पर उठाने के लिए विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे लगातार प्रयास कर रहे थे। उन दिनों जहाँ कांग्रेस की सभा होती थी, शिंदे वहीं 'डिप्रेस्ड क्लास मिशन' का अधिवेशन आयोजित करते थे। अंतत: शिंदे के प्रयासों से सन 1917 में कलकत्ता के अधिवेशन में कांग्रेस ने पहली बार अस्पृश्यता के विरुद्ध प्रस्ताव रखा था। वह भी शायद इसलिए संभव हो पाया क्योंकि अधिवेशन की अध्यक्षता अंग्रेज़ महिला ऐनी बेसन्ट साहिबा कर रही थीं।
स्त्री शिक्षा के समर्थक
दांडी मार्च के दौरान विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे के दो अनुयायियों, पाताड़े और गाडगे ने गाँधीजी का जमकर विरोध किया। उनका कहना था कि गाँधीजी को और किसी मार्च के पहले अस्पृश्यता के विरोध के लिए सत्याग्रह करना चाहिए। 1919 में पूना म्यूनिसपैलटी के लड़के और लड़कियों के लिए शिक्षा की अनिवार्यता के प्रस्ताव का बाल गंगाधर तिलक के अनुयायियों ने विरोध किया था। वे लड़कियों के लिए शिक्षा की अनिवार्यता के विरुद्ध थे। विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे स्त्री शिक्षा के जबरदस्त समर्थक थे। उनके एक दूसरे अधिवेशन में जब बाल गंगाधर तिलक स्त्री शिक्षा पर भाषण दे रहे थे, तब लोगों ने भारी गुस्सा जाहिर किया था। यहाँ तक कि विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे को उन्हें अपनी सुरक्षा में लेकर अधिवेशन के बाहर निकालने में मदद करनी पड़ी थी।
लेखन कार्य
रचनात्मक कार्यों के साथ विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे लेखन विधा से भी अपने विचारों का आदान-प्रदान करते थे। 'उपासना' और 'सुबोध चन्द्रिका' जैसी मासिक/साप्ताहिक पत्रिकाओं में सामाजिक सुधार के मुद्दों पर उनके लेख प्रकाशित होते रहते थे। सन 1933 में उनके द्वारा प्रकाशित 'बहिष्कृत भारत' और 'भातीय अस्प्रेश्यताचे प्रश्न' अस्पृश्यता के प्रश्न पर ही केन्द्रित पत्रिकाओं के अंक थे। हालेंड के विश्व धर्म सम्मेलन में उनका पढ़ा गया एक लेख 'हिन्दुस्तानातिल उदार धर्म' काफी प्रसिद्ध हुआ था। 'आठवणी आणि अनुभव' नामक शिंदे ने अपनी आत्मकथा लिखी थी।
सामाजिक कुरीतियों हेतु जनचेतना कार्य
सती प्रथा के निर्मूलन के लिए विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे ने जबरदस्त काम किया था। इसके विरुद्ध जनचेतना जाग्रत करने हेतु महाराष्ट्र में एक सर्वधर्मी संस्था बनायीं गयी थी, जिसके सेक्रेटरी विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे थे। 1924 के दौर में शिंदे ने केरल के वैकम मन्दिर प्रवेश आन्दोलन में भाग लिया, परन्तु उनका यह कार्य उनके 'ब्रहमो समाज' के लोगों को पसंद नहीं आया। निराश होकर विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे पूना लौट आये। विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे का ध्यान अब बौद्ध धर्म की तरफ गया। उन्होंने 'धम्मपद' आदि ग्रंथों का गहन अध्ययन किया। इसी अध्ययन के सिलसिले में सन 1927 में उन्होंने बर्मा की यात्रा की थी।
अंतिम समय
विट्ठल रामजी शिंदे का अन्तिम समय निराशजनक था। समाज सुधार के प्रति उनके मन में जो पीड़ा थी और जिसके लिए वे ताउम्र अपने लोगों से संघर्ष करते रहे थे। 2 जनवरी, 1944 को वह इस दुनिया से अलविदा हो गए।
Vagbhatananda
Vagbhatananda (27 April 1885 – 29 October 1939) was a social reformer in British India. He was the founder of the Atmavidya Sangham, which was fundamentally a group of professionals and intellectuals who sought change, and also the [Uralungal Labour Contract Co-operative Society.
Life
Born on 27.04.1885
Samadhi on 29.10.1939
Vagbhatananda was born in 1885 near to Tellicherri in Kerala, India. He was given the name V. K. Gurukkal and was of the Thiyya community. He was educated in the traditional gurukkal system, through which he gained a proficiency in scriptures and philosophy. Following this, according to the historian K. K. N. Kurup, he travelled widely to propagate "the teachings of universal non-duality for a better and egalitarian society." His oratorical abilities led to him being given the name of Vagbhatananda by a swami named brahmananda sivayogi
At some time after 1898, Vagbhatananda founded Thatwaprakashika Sanskrit school teaching Sanskrit in Calicut, where he also took interest in the work of the Brahma Samaj that had been founded there that year by Ayyathan Gopalan.
In 1920, Vagbhatananda founded the Atmavidya Sangham, whose principles he outlined in an Advaita treatise titled Atmavidya. Unlike the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana (SNDP), which had been established by Narayana Guru and was significant around the same time, the Atmavidya Sangham comprised mostly professional and intellectual people and it had a more secular approach to reform. It was instrumental in advancing the development of class organisation among peasants of the region, spreading Marxist–Leninist ideas as a counter to the overbearing feudal and religiously orthodox establishment. Vagbhatananda himself criticised both economic exploitation and the role of foreign governments in supporting it.
Vagbhatananda, who was married, died in October 1939. Kurup has described him as a "good combination of an erudite scholar, reformer, organiser, journalist and nationalist. ...
His authority was the ancient wisdom of Hinduism, not the dogmatism of theology." The significance of the Atmavidya Sangham declined after his death, being superseded by other secular-oriented reform groups such as the Karshaka Sangham that adopted its agenda. However, it was still active in the 1980s
VAGBHATANANDA GURU AND ATMA VIDYA SANGHAM
Vagbhatananda Guru
Birth and childhood :- Vagbhatananda was born on 27th April, 1885 in Patyam village that lies between Kuthuparamba and Thalassery, in Kannur District. The village looked rich with inner vibrations of Kerala’s cultural tradition as well as with natural beauty.
Gurudeva was the eldest son of Vayaleri Cheeru Amma and Thenankandi Koran Gurukkal. The baby looked brilliant and was aptly named Kunhikannan. Kunhikannan had his childhood education under his own father who was a scholar in Sanskrit and in Medicine. He was progressive in thinking and was against wrong customs. Besides learning from his father Sanskrit poems and plays, the clever boy gained from him, his unique vision in spiritual matters. Kunhikannan who showed keen intelligence and extra ordinary remembering power from childhood itself, started helping his father in Sanskrit teaching when he was aged twelve. Several disciples of Kunhikannan were older than himself. This boy who reminded the saying “Vriddho Sishya: Guroryuva” became famous as V.K. Gurukkal. There were in those days a good number of Sanskrit scholars in North Malabar. Meloott Kannan Gurukkal, Parambath Rairu Nair, Katathanatt Krishna Varyar, Kannan Gurukkal (also known as Vayatha Swami) and M.K Gurukkal were some of them. Kunhikannan developed by his own effort, his skill in composing poems as well as other literary tendencies that had passed into him from his own father. Parambath Rairu Nair, Malayalam Professor at Victoria College, Palghat was his Guru. Impressed by the boy’s rare intelligence Rairu Nair once exclaimed, ‘Kunhikannan has nothing new to learn, he simply has to remember’. Sreenarayana Guru too made the same remark about Kunhikannan in later days. Neither of them had any doubt about the boy’s fruitful future. Kunhikannan was dissatisfied with his insufficient knowledge in Logic. So he approached Marakkatteri Koran Gurukkal (also known as M.K. Gurukkal), then language teacher in Thalassery Brennen High School and gained deep knowledge in the subject from him. For Gurukkal Sanskrit education was not merely a linguistic exercise, but a golden means for mastering valuable philosophies along with Vedas and Itihasas. Gurudeva had already learned from his father who was a monotheist, by the time he was fifteen years old, the basic principles of epics, ie Ramayana and Mahabharata, and those of Puranas. His deep knowledge in Sanskrit made entry into Vedas and Upanishads easier. He considered Sanskrit the tongue of Hindu Philosophy.
It was at the age of sixteen that he started questioning anything that was not in conformity with reason. He also challenged all wrong customs that were rooted both in human mind and in society. He aimed at social change and fought against baseless traditions built by the conservative. All great men in history who fought against injustice for bringing about healthy social order were considered ‘impudent’ by the orthodox. Some of those who come in the list are Sreebuddha, Adisankara, Jesus Christ, Prophet Muhammad, Socrates and Karl Marx. Hence it is not surprising that Gurudeva had to face strong opposition from the enemies of enlightenment.
Even during the early years of stay in his native place he had irresistible thirst for wider and deeper knowledge. If he happened to get a book his mind would absorb the whole content of it in the same way as a thirsty person would drink all the water in the pot that he fortunately received. For him one reading in full was sufficient to learn by heart everything in the book. He read Vedas, Ithihasas and Upanishads with all seriousness. He travelled a lot to collect books as well as ensured receipt of books from distant places. During his travels for books he could come into contact with many persons from different walks of life. At this time he conducted classes in Sanskrit at neighbouring places of Panoor like Pathayakkunnu and Mokeri. Inspired by this Gurukkal established a Sanskrit School at Karaparamba, Kozhikode which bore the name “Tatwaprakasika”. Several activities along with talks against superstitions, baseless conventions and liquour made Gurukkal very famous throughout North Malabar.
Later in 1906 Gurukkal shifted to Karaparamba and made it the centre of his work. It so happened that some visitors who came from Kozhikode to Patyam were highly impressed by the scholarship as well as oratory of Gurudeva. They invited him to Kozhikode and this incident became a turning point in the cultural history of Kerala. On reaching Kozhikode Gurudeva started interpreting one of the meditation slokas in the Bhagavad Gita namely ‘Parthaya pratibodhitam’. It was the loving compulsion of his hosts in Karaparamba that led him to the founding of TATWAPRAKASIKA the foresaid Sanskrit school. The enthusiastic propagation of Arshadharma was thus begun and the school later became Sanskrit education centre of Thiru- Kochi areas too.
By the time Gurudeva started his services in Karaparamba the social reform activities of Brahmasamajam founded by Raja Ram Mohan Roy had begun in Kozhikode. It was at Kozhikode that the first Brahma Samajam in Kerala was formed. It was initiated by Dr. Ayyathan Gopalan, a great man as well as the paternal uncle of late Sujanapal, the former MLA. It was Karat Govinda Menon, a famous Sanskrit scholar and a yogi who composed prayers based on monotheism, gave them to Gopalan and encouraged him in other ways too. Govinda Menon, attracted by the ideals of Brahma Samajam made talks opposing evils like casteism and idolatry. It was Dr. Gopalan who gave Govinda Menon, the name ‘Brahmananda Swamikal’. The unity among the three great men ie Dr. Gopalan, Brahmananda Swamikal and V.K. Gurukkal became a moving force for bringing about the great renaissance in Kerala. It was at Calicut Town Hall in 1910 that Gurukkal happened to hear Brahmananda Swami’s talk on Yogavidya. He was inspired and soon started a wide campaign for propagating Rajayoga siddhantha. The leadership of Brahmananda Swamikal was ensured throughout the campaign.
In 1911 the speeches done by Gurukkal at Kallayi after founding Raja Yogananda Kaumudi Yogasala there, attracted a large number of people who heard it. Following this a Jnanayajna based on Bhagavad Gita was conducted at Yogasala at Natakkavu and it lasted for three months. It was the first yajna in the history of talks on Meta Physics in Kerala. When Bagavad Gita was introduced as the essence of all Upanishads and was interpreted accordingly the conservative pandits came forward with counter arguments. Such pandits came from far away places too. But all of them were spell bound by Gurudeva’s oratory and by his unquestionable reasoning. They admitted their failure and returned. The talk series of Gurudeva about Ramayana and Mahabharata at West Hill and Cheruvannur in Calicut too gave people a new vision. In 1912 he made a series of speeches about Kottiyoor superstitions too. He spoke everywhere in Malabar, like Chavakkad, Ponnani, Vatakara and Kannur. It was so popular and was a coveted daily incident. In 1914, Brahmananda Swami, pleased with the victorious oratory of Gurukkal admired him giving him the name ‘Vagbhatananda’. The sloka of tribute that came from swamiji is as follows.
‘Saraswatee sadbhatanayi Vakkinal Sadassilanandamateeva cherkayal Suvagbhatananda Visesha samjnaye Sukhena Kaikolka jayikka mangalam’
Meaning: Being Saraswati’s good warrior you arouse joy in all those who assemble to hear you. Hence receive happily the special good name ‘Vagbhatananda’.
Vijay Anand
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Vijay Anand (Tbatore in Tamil Nadu, India. Anand formed the 5th Pillar organization whose goal is to fight corruption in Indian politics by fielding candidates who stand against corruption.amil: விஜய் ஆனந்த்: born 7 March 1969), is an anti-corruption activist from Coim
Vijay Anand
Born 7 March 1969
Coimbatore, India
Nationality Indian
Occupation activist
Known for 5th Pillar
Early life
Vijay Anand was born on 7 March 1969 in Coimbatore in Tamil Nadu. Anand went to the Government College of Technology (GCT) Coimbatore, India and later was employed as a software engineer.
5th Pillar
Anand formed the 5th Pillar organization in 2006 to fight against corruption in Indian politics.[1] The organization's goal is to field candidates for the Parliament of India that take a stance against government corruption. The organization also plans to reach out to the segment of the population who abstain from voting due to the perceived lack of credible candidates.
Politics
Anand ran in the 2011 Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly election as a candidate for the Lok Satta Party from the Coimbatore South district.
Veerammal
Founder of All India Ambedkar Mission
The Self-Respect Movement led by Thanthai Periyar was probably one of the most radically feminist movements to have ever taken place in the subcontinent. Way ahead of their time, Self-respecters advocated for reproductive rights for women, equality in the workplace, equality in the home, paid housework and shared child rearing responsibilities. They openly criticised the Tamil value of chastity, imposed upon women. Dravidian Kazhagam schools still hang signs in that read “Chastity is the way women are kept within the structures of Chattel slavery.”
Periyar himself was a radical feminist authoring one of the first most comprehensive treatises against Patriarchy, “Why was the woman made a slave?” in 1942. Several women from several different castes featured prominently in the movement work. They included former sex workers, housewives, former devadasis (religious sex slaves), politicians and others.
However, one Dalit woman, Veerammal and the story of her disagreement with Periyar and split from the movement has since been lost. Veerammal, having exited an abusive marriage with an alcoholic, began her work with the Self-respect movement in the alcohol prohibition frontlines. Soon she became a friend and strategist along with Periyar and his wife, Maniammai. She would often call out Periyar for what she saw as his flawed ideology. When Periyar allowed the beating of the Dalit drum, Parai, she was upset. “It is an art Veerammal,” he has said. To which she replied, ” If it is an art, then where are the upper Castes trying to learn it? Why when one of theirs dies, do they run to the cheri (ghetto) and call for Pakkiri, Samban and Mookan (Dalit names)? ”
Periyar and her had a strong friendship based on respect and the values of the movement but it would seem that Veerammal was constantly challenging Periyar on the issues of the Scheduled Castes. ” Look Ayya, ” she would say, ” You ask for any number of reservations for the non-Brahmin Castes, but please don’t even try to move the 16% reserved for the Untouchables. That will be unacceptable!”
On one occasion, a disagreement drove them apart finally, In 1957, riots broke out between the Mukkalatthor (non-Brahmin) Castes and Dalits in which 42 Dalits and a beloved Dalit leader, Immanuel Sekaran was murdered. In the aftermath of this incident, Veerammal was dismayed at what she perceived as Periyar’s lacking condemnation of the non-brahmin castes and the role of the Congress Party. She wrote a long and emotional letter to Periyar, explaining her deep respect and gratitude to him but citing irreconcilable differences. On reading the letter, Periyar is said to have wept openly.
Veerammal definitively did not disappear into the backdrop after that. In fact, her real work began, inspired by Babasaheb Ambedkar, she worked to open and run several schools and hostels for SC/ST (Dalit/Adivasi) children and women. She established the Tamil Nadu Women’s Welfare Association in 1954 and the Tamil Nadu Scheduled Caste Welfare Association soon after. She was one of the founders of the All India- Ambedkar Mission. She continued to head the anti-liquor movement. Today in Dalit History we salute this powerhouse of a woman!
Vernon Gonsalves
Vernon Gonsalves is trade unionist, activist, an academic (former professor of business management in a college in Mumbai) and a writer, who writes extensively on Dalit and adivasi rights, the conditions of prisons in India and the routine violation of rights of prisoners. Birth 22 Apr.
Vernon Gonsalves’s career
He started as a management trainee at Siemens before becoming a social worker in Maharashtra’s Chandrapur area. He has taught business management and economics at various colleges in Mumbai, including Ruparel College, HR College of Commerce and Economics, and Akbar Peerbhoy College of Commerce and Economics.
Vernon Gonsalves’s Arrest
On 19 August 2007, the Maharashtra Anti-Terror Squad arrested Gonsalves from his residence in Mumbaii. They alleged that he was a “top-level” Naxalite, who possessed explosives, that he was an ex-central committee member and former secretary of Maharashtra State Rajya Committee of the Maoists. He was charged in 20 cases under the UAPA. On June 27, 2013, Gonsalves was released from prison. He was acquitted in 17 cases against him, discharged in one, with one underway trial, and convicted in one case for which he had already spent time in jail.
Unknown Facts About Vernon Gonsalves
Vernon Gonsalves was born to a Mangalorean Catholic couple, and grew up in a lower-middle class chawl in Byculla in south Mumbai.
Vernon Gonsalves is married to Susan Abraham, a lawyer who is also defending Advocate Surendra Gadling – one of the B-12 arrestees. They have a 23-year old son, Sagar.
Gonsalves, along with Arun Ferreira, writes regularly on prevailing law and order issues, and is critical of the establishment.
Vernon Gonsalves Biography
Name Vernon Gonsalves
Real Name Vernon Gonsalves
Nickname Vernon
Profession activist, writer
Religion Christian
Educational Qualification Graduated
Networth Under Review
Hobbies Yet to be updated
Hometown Mumbai, Maharashtra, India
Nationality Indian
Married Yes
Wife Name Susan Abraham
Current City Mumbai, Maharashtra, India
Vijayashanthi Murthy
Vijayashanthi Murthy is currently an Assistant Professor at St. Joseph’s College, Bengaluru. She has previously held teaching positions at Jain University and Baduku Community College, both in Bengaluru as well. Through her teaching career, she has attempted to keep her students sensitised and aware as to the atrocities the Dalit community is subjected to, keeping her classrooms open to discussion always. Born 24 June 1966.
In a discussion on caste-based violence against women conducted by SheThePeople, Murthy noted how the hierarchy works in such bureaucratic systems: “People from Dalit and other communities who get into these systems, more often than not get spaces in the lower ranks of the structure. The power rests in the hands of dominant castes. In the police for instance… it’s not a functional hierarchy; it’s an evident caste hierarchy. Or in the judiciary – How many High Court judges have been from the Dalit community? How many women have we had? Or media or academia.”
Viswanathan Manikan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Viswanathan Manikan
Born July 28, 1951
Nationality Indian
Alma mater Christ College, Irinjalakuda, Kerala, India
Awards Dubai Cares Award 2012, Masala! Awards 2014
Viswanathan Manikan (born July 28, 1951) is a community activist and key supporter of global anti-poverty movement. Addressing key issues of hunger, education, HIV/AIDS, and relief mobilization have been his core humanitarian objectives.
He has authored the book The Blu Ribbon Revolution: Co-creating a World Beyond Poverty that addresses global poverty and the role of alleviation efforts with an emphasis on CSR.
He is a recipient of the 2012 Dubai Cares Humanitarian Award and a resident of Trishur, Kerela.
Biography
Academic career
Viswanathan Manikan was born in Porathissery, a farming village of Irinjalakuda, a municipal town in the southern Indian state of Kerala. Both his parents were from the farming community.
He completed his formal education at National High School and Christ College, Irinjalakuda. He received his BA in Economics from Calicut University in Kerala.
Manikan is a member of the International Byron Society and was a special invitee to the 38th International Byron Society conference held at Notre Dame University, Lebanon.
Humanitarian and philanthropic work
Manikan moved to Dubai in 1985 and pursued his interest for social services alongside his professional commitments at a global corporation. Manikan’s primary efforts were in the areas of welfare of blue collar workers.
His area of work further expanded to environmental sustainability, poverty alleviation and relief and disaster management. He has travelled extensively to Africa, Europe, Asia and South America across 60 countries, largely those in LDCs (Least developed country). Manikan has been actively engaged in mobilization of pro-bono services and funds for NGOs that work to fight hunger and poverty.
Honourable distinctions
In 2012, he received the prestigious Dubai Cares Humanitarian Award from Sheikh Maktoum Bin Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum, Deputy Ruler of Dubai in recognition of his support for Dubai Cares global and local projects.
In 2014, Manikan received the award for Best Charity in the Individual category at the 7th Masala ! Awards. The award ceremony was held at the Madinat Jumeirah and he was felicitated for his outstanding contribution in the field of humanity.
Vattikota Alwar Swamy
(Wikipedia)
Vattikota Alwar Swamy (1 November 1915 – 5 February 1961) was a Telugu writer, human rights activist, communist leader, journalist and publisher. The first novelist in Telugu. He is an uncle of Dr. Dhasharathi Rangacharya.
Early life
He was born in cheruvu Madaram kalan(village)(shaligouraram mandal) village of Nalgonda district on 1 November 1915. His parents were Machavaram Simhadramma and Ramachandra Charyulu. As his father died when he was young, he completed his education while working as cook for his teacher Seetharama Rao.
Life
He was active in the library movement and the communist movement, and he fought against Nizam government. His activities angered Nizam and he was jailed. His book about his experience in Vattkota jail, Jailu Lopala (Inside Jail), was published. His other works include novels Prajala Manishi (People's Man) (1952) and Gangu (1940–45). He was also president of the Nalgonda district unit of Andhra Mahasabha for some time.
To inspire and educate Telangana, he established Deshoddaraka Granthamala and published 35 books. He also published a newspaper called Telangana.
He died on 5 February 1961.
V. Shantha Kumari
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
V. Shantha Kumari
16 June 2016, V. Shantha Kumari Addressed after released Kannada book ‘Seva Kshetrada Dheereyaru’ in Bengaluru (India)
Pramukh Sanchalika of Rashtra Sevika Samiti
In office
2013 – Incumbent
Preceded by Pramila tai Medhe
Personal details
Born
Shantha Kumari
5 February 1952
Nationality Indian
Parent(s) Shri Venkatramaiah/Venkatramaya, Shrimati Rajamma
Alma mater B. Sc.; M. Ed.
Occupation Pramukh Sanchalika (Chief of Rashtra Sevika Samiti)
Venkatramaiah Shantha Kumari (born 5 February 1952) popularly called "Shanthakka" is the current Chief (Sanskrit: Pramukh Sanchalika) of the Hindu nationalist women's organisation Rashtra Sevika Samiti. She took charge as Chief in 2013.
Early life
Hailing from Bengaluru, Karnataka, she grew up in a household which actively practiced giving and devotion to the cause of the nation. Her father was active in the Quit India Movement (1942), her homemaker mother gave away all her jewellery following the call of Mahatma Gandhi. In 1968, when she was 16, Shantha Kumari came in contact with Rashtra Sevika Samiti. By 1969, not only had she completed all required Rashtra Sevika Samiti training schedules, she was conducting a daily shakha at Wilson Garden, Bengaluru. Soon after, she was made the Chief Instructor. Within five years her devotion and ability led her to the office of Nagar Karyavahak (Town Chief/In-charge).
Career
In 1977, Bengaluru hosted an important Rashtra Sevika Samiti event where Shanthakka met the then Samiti Sarkaryavahika Vandaneeya Moushiji Lakshmi Bai Kelkar. Kelkar exhorted the young woman to devote more of her time and energy to Samiti activities. By 1978, Shanthakka had taken a decision-she would devote herself full-time to the Samiti, and will not marry. The same year saw her elevation to the office of Sahakaryavahika, Karnataka region. In those days Samiti activists were not encouraged to adopt the semi-renunciate life style adopted by RSS pracharaks and travel as active field workers. They were expected to live within their families and work for the Samiti in various capacities. Shanthakka threw herself headlong into Samiti activities. The Samiti office ran out of the home of Rukminiamma, principal of Malleswaram Ladies Association College, who inspired and encouraged the young activist. In 1991, V. Shantha Kumari became Sahakaryavahika, Southern region (Karnataka, Tamilnadu, Andhra Pradesh and Kerala). Her incessant hard work resulted in the Samiti's spread and greater visibility in southern India. She has been very dedicated to the cause of the Ramjanmabhoomi Temple. During the Ayodhya campaign in 1992, she was in the town accompanied by 200 Samiti activists from the southern states.
A teacher by profession, Shantha Kumari managed to strike a balance between professional goals and her dedication to the nation. While leaving for Ayodhya she wrote an unambiguous letter to her institution's management informing them of her active participation in the Ramjanmabhoomi movement; she told them to treat the letter as her resignation from her job in case they found her participation in the movement against the policies of the institution. On her return to Bengaluru she was pleasantly surprised by the warm welcome and public felicitation accorded to her by the institution. At the insistence of the management she decided to continue with her job.
In the early nineties Samiti members began to travel and work as field activists. In 1994, Shantha Kumari renounced home to live at the Samiti office at Bengaluru. In 1995, she resigned from her job and began to travel within Karnataka as a pracharika of the Samiti. 1996 onwards then Samiti Sarkaryavahika Pramila Tai Medhe took her under her wings. Her apprenticeship with Medhe gave her strong organizational skills. Her own facility for languages (English, Hindi, Kannada, Malayalam, Marathi, Tamil, Telugu) came in handy in communicating with varied audiences. The potential of her intensive campaign was noticed and she was made Sahakaryavahika in 1997.
Shantha Kumari holds a record of sorts-she has apprenticed with all her predecessors- Vandaneeya Moushiji Lakshmi Bai Kelkar, Saraswati Tai Apte, Usha Tai Chati and Pramila Tai Medhe. Her association with these pioneers exposed her to the accumulated wisdom of six decades in the context of the organization and training of a dedicated cadre of women activist, a challenge anywhere, more so in India.
Feminist views
Shantha Kumari said she believes the Rastra Sevika Samiti to be different from other women's organizations, specially those which take the western feminist approach. She says the Samiti aims to make women more strong physically, mentally and intellectually so they may realise their potential and use it to strengthen the nation, create and guide the power of good.
Her five years in office have resulted in greater visibility and diversification for the Samiti.
Vina Mazumdar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Vina Mazumdar
Mazumdar while a student of Asutosh College
Born 28 March 1927
Died 30 May 2013 (aged 86)
Nationality Indian
Education D. Phil.
Alma mater Oxford University
Occupation women studies academic and researcher
Organization Centre for Women's Development Studies, Delhi
Dr. Vina Mazumdar (28 March 1927 – 30 May 2013) was an Indian academic, left-wing activist and feminist. A pioneer in women's studies in India, she was a leading figure of the Indian women's movement. She was amongst the first women academics to combine activism with scholarly research in women's studies. She was secretary of the first Committee on the Status of Women in India that brought out the first report on the condition of women in the country, Towards Equality (1974). She was the founding Director of the Centre for Women's Development Studies (CWDS), an autonomous organisation established in 1980, under the Indian Council of Social Science Research (ICSSR). She was a National Research Professor at the Centre for Women's Development Studies, Delhi.
Early life and education
Vina Mazumdar was born in a middle-class Bengali household in Kolkata, the youngest of five children, three boys and two girls. Her father, Prakash Majumdar, was an engineer. Her uncle was the noted historian R.C. Majumdar (1888–1980). She did her schooling from St. John's Diocesan Girls' Higher Secondary School, Kolkata, then studied at Women's College, Banaras Hindu University, and subsequently at Asutosh College, the University of Calcutta, where she became the secretary of the Ashutosh College Girls Students Union. While at the college, she organised a meeting in the support of Rama Rao Committee which recommended expansion of the inheritance rights for daughters through crucial Hindu Law Reform. In 1947, just after independence, she went to St Hugh's College, Oxford, where she completed her graduation in 1951. She returned to Oxford University in 1960 and received her D.Phil. there in 1962.
Career
She started her career as a lecturer of Political Science in Patna University in 1951, soon becoming the first Secretary of the Patna University Teachers' Association. Later, she taught at Berhampur University, where she was appointed upon the recommendation of Professor Bidhu Bhusan Das, her friend from Oxford University, who was Director of Public Instruction, Odisha, at the time. Subsequently, she joined the University Grants Commission Secretariat, New Delhi as an Education Officer and became a Fellow of the Indian Institute of Advanced Studies, Shimla, for the research project, 'University Education and Social Change in India' (April 1970 – Dec. 1970).
She was Member Secretary for the Committee on the Status of Women in India (1971–74). The Committee, appointed by the Government of India in 1971, was reconstituted in 1973 with her, a late entrant, as Member Secretary. The report of the Committee, Towards Equality, highlighted the rise in poverty amongst women in the transition from agrarian to industrial society, as also the decline of sex ratio in India. Eventually, the report became a turning point both for Women's Studies and the women's movement in India. Later Mazumdar became Director, Programme of Women's Studies, Indian Council of Social Science Research from 1975 to 80. Mazumdar helped organise a meeting to support the recommendations of the Rama Rao Committee on Hindu Law Reform (to expand the inheritance rights of daughters.
In 1980, she co-founded the Centre for Women's Development Studies (CWDS), New Delhi and remained its founder-Director from 1980 till her retirement in 1991. CWDS initiated the concept of "action-research" as it organised landless peasant women in Bankura district of West Bengal. It soon became an influential institution which impacted the course of women's studies in India. Through her career, Mazumdar straddled both the scholarship and activism side of women's studies, which she referred as "women's studies movement". She was also a founding-member of the Indian Association of Women's Studies (IAWS, founded 1982). Thereafter she was Senior Fellow at CWDS and JP Naik National Fellow, ICSSR for two years. From 1996 to 2005 she was the Chairperson, Centre for Women's Development Studies, New Delhi.
She published her memoir, Memories of a Rolling Stone in 2010. [Reviews: Subhashini Ali: The third factor, Frontline, Volume 27 – Issue 15, 17–30 July 2010 ; Pamela Philipose: Vina Mazumdar's Rolling Story, 30 October 2010; Vina Mazumdar, the fighter, Times of India, 5 June 2010.
Vina Mazumdar in 2010
Personal life
She married musician Shankar Mazumdar in 1952, who she met while working in Patna. Upon her marriage, she changed the spelling of surname from Majumdar (her maiden name) to Mazumdar (her marital name). The couple had four children - three daughters and a son. One of her daughters was the first wife of Sitaram Yechuri, leader of Communist Party of India (Marxist). Dr. Mazumdar died at a hospital in Delhi on May 30, 2013, after a brief illness at the age of 86, and is survived by her children.
Bibliography
Education & social change: three studies on nineteenth century India. Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1972.
Role of rural women in development. University of Sussex. Institute of Development Studies. Allied Publishers, 1978.
Symbols of power: studies on the political status of women in India. Allied, 1979.
Women and rural transformation: two studies with Rekha Mehra, Kunjulekshmi Saradamoni. ICSSR. Centre for Women's Development Studies. Pub. Concept, 1983.
Emergence of the Women's Question in India and the Role of Women's Studies. Centre for Women's Development Studies, 1985.
Khadi and Village Industries Commission. Centre for Women's Development Studies. 1988.
Peasant Women Organise for Empowerment: The Bankura Experiment. Centre for Women's Development Studies. 1989.
Women workers in India: studies in employment and status, with Leela Kasturi, Sulabha Brahme, Renana Jhabvala. ICSSR. Chanakya Publications, 1990. ISBN 978-81-70010-73-9.
Legislative Measures and Policy Directions for Improving the Lot of Farm Women, with Kumud Sarma, Lotika Sarkar. Indian Council of Agricultural Research.
Women and Indian nationalism, with Leela Kasturi. Vikas Pub. House, 1994. ISBN 978-81-70010-73-9.
Changing Terms of Political Discourse: Women's Movement in India, 1970s–1990s, with Indu Agnihotri. Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. XXX No. 29, 4 March 1995
Political Ideology of the Women's Movement's Engagement with Law. Centre for Women's Development Studies, 2000.
Face to face with rural women: CWDS' search for new knowledge and an interventionist role. Centre for Women's Development Studies, 2002.
The Mind and the Medium. Explorations in the Evolution of British Imperial Policy in India. Three Essays Collective. 2010. ISBN 978-81-88789-64-1
Memories of a Rolling Stone. Zubaan Books. 2010. ISBN 978-81-89884-52-9.
Vasudev Balwant Phadke
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Vasudev Balwant Phadke
Bust of Phadke in Mumbai
Born 4 November 1845
Shirdhon village, Panvel taluka, Raigad district, British India
Died 17 February 1883 (aged 37)
Occupation Revolutionary and Indian independence activist
Vasudev Balwant Phadke (4 November 1845 – 17 February 1883) was an Indian independence activist and revolutionary who sought India's independence from the British Raj. Phadke was moved by the plight of the farming community and believed that Swaraj was the only remedy for their ills. With the help of the Koli, Bhil and Dhangar communities in the region, he formed a revolutionary group of the Ramoshi people. The group started an armed struggle to overthrow the British Raj, launching raids on rich English businessmen to obtain funds for the purpose. Phadke came to prominence when he got control of the city of Pune for a few days after catching British soldiers off-guard during one a surprise attack.
Early years
Vasudev Balwant Phadke house at Shirdhon village
Phadke was born on 4 November 1845 in Shirdhon village of Panvel taluka, now in Raigad district, Maharashtra. As a child, he preferred learning skills like wrestling, riding over high school education and dropped out of school. Eventually he moved to Pune and took the job as a clerk with military accounts department in Pune for 15 years. Krantiveer Lahuji Vastad Salve a then prominent social figure based in Pune was his mentor. Salve, an expert wrestler, operated a TALIM (training center for wrestling). Salve preached the importance of independence from British Raj. Salve belonged to the Mang community, an untouchable community, taught Phadke the importance of getting backward castes into mainstream freedom movement. It was during this period that Phadke began attending lectures by Mahadeo Govind Ranade which mainly focused on how the British Raj policies hurt the Indian economy. Phadke was deeply hurt by how this was leading to widespread suffering in the society. In 1870, he joined a public agitation in Pune that was aimed at addressing people's grievances. Phadke founded an institution, the Aikya Vardhini Sabha, to educate the youth. While working as clerk, he was not able to see his dying mother due to the delay in approval of his leave. This incident enraged Phadke and was to be the turning point in his life.
Co-founding of Maharashtra Education Society
Phadke was one the earliest person graduate from a British established institution in Bombay presidency.In 1860, along with fellow social reformers and revolutionaries Laxman Narhar Indapurkar and Waman Prabhakar Bhave, Phadke co-founded the Poona Native Institution (PNI) which was later renamed as the Maharashtra Education Society (MES). Through the PNI, he went on set up Bhave School in Pune. Today, the MES runs over 77 institutions in various parts of Maharashtra.
Rebellion
In 1875, after the then Gaekwad ruler of Baroda was deposed by the British, Phadke launched protest speeches against the government. Severe famine coupled with the evident apathy of the British administration propelled him to tour the Deccan region, urging people to strive for a free republic. Unable to get support from the educated classes, he gathered a band of people from the Ramoshi caste. People from the Kolis, Bhils and Dhangars were also included later. He taught himself to shoot, ride and fence. He organised around 300 men into an insurgent group that aimed at liberating India from British rule. Phadke intended to build an army of own but lacking funds they decided to break into government treasuries. The first raid was done in a village called Dhamari in Shirur taluka in Pune district. The income tax which was collected for British Raj was kept in the house of local business man Balchand Fojmal Sankla. They attacked the house and took the money for the benefit of famine stricken villagers. There they collected about four hundred rupees but this led to his being branded as a dacoit. To save himself Phadke had to flee from village to village, sheltered by his sympathisers and well-wishers, mostly the lower class of the society. Impressed by his zeal and determination, the villagers of Nanagaum offered him protection and cover in the local forest. The general plot would be to cut off all the communications of British forces and then raid the treasury. The main purpose of these raids was to feed famine-affected farmer communities. Phadke performed many such raids in areas near Shirur and Khed talukas in Pune.
Meanwhile, the leader of Ramoshi, Daulatrav Naik, who was the main supporter of Phadke, headed towards the Konkan area on the western coast. On 10–11 May 1879, they raided Palaspe and Chikhali, looting around 1.5 lakh rupees. While returning towards Ghat Matha, Major Daniel attacked Naik, who was shot dead. His death was a setback to Phadke's revolt: the loss of support forced him to move south to the Shri Shaila Mallikarjun shrine. Later, Phadke recruited about 500 Rohilas to begin a fresh fight.
Capture and death
Phadke's plans to organise several simultaneous attacks against the British Raj nationwide were met with very limited success. He once had a direct engagement with the British army in the village of Ghanur, whereafter the government offered a bounty for his capture. Not to be outdone, Phadke in turned offered a bounty for the capture of the Governor of Bombay, announced a reward for the killing of each European, and issued other threats to the government. He then fled to Hyderabad State to recruit Rohilla and Arabs into his organisation. A British Major, Henry William Daniell and Abdul Haque, Police Commissioner to the Nizam of Hyderabad, pursued the fleeing Phadke day and night. The British move to offer a bounty for his capture met with success: someone betrayed Phadke, and he was captured in a temple after a fierce fight at the district of Kaladgi on 20 July 1879 while he was on his way to Pandharpur.
From here he was taken to Pune for trial. Ganesh Vasudeo Joshi, also known as Sarvajanik Kaka, defended his case. Phadke and his comrades were housed in the district session court jail building, near Sangam bridge, which now happens to be the state C.I.D. building. His own diary provided evidence to have him sentenced for life. Phadke was transported to jail at Aden, but escaped from the prison by taking the door off from its hinges on 13 February 1883. He was soon recaptured and then went on a hunger strike, dying on 17 February 1883.
Recognition
Phadke on a 1984 stamp of India
Phadke became known as the father of the Indian armed rebellion in that he provided the inspiration for fellow freedom fighters. Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay's patriotic novel Anand Math incorporated various contemporary acts of patriotism performed by Phadke during his freedom struggle. As the British government did not like this, Bankim had to print up to five editions of the book to tone down these stories.
In 1984, the Indian Postal Service issued a 50 paise stamp in honour of Phadke. A chowk in South Mumbai near Metro Cinema is named in his honour.
Vasudev Balwant Phadke, a Marathi movie directed by Gajendra Ahire, was released in December 2007.
Yashica Dutt
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yashica_Dutt
Yashica Dutt
Born Yashica Dutt Nidaniya
5 February 1986
Nationality Indian
Citizenship India
Occupation Journalist and Author
Years active 2005 - Present
Works Coming Out as Dalit
Yashica Dutt is an Indian writer and journalist, who currently lives in New York City. Yashica has written on a broad range of topics including fashion, gender, identity, culture and caste. She was previously working as a Principal Correspondent with Brunch, Hindustan Times in New Delhi. She also worked with The Asian Age.
Early life and education
Yashica was born in a Valmiki (Dalit) family in Ajmer, Rajasthan on 5 February 1986. Her mother's name is Shashi Dutt. She completed her graduation in B.Sc from St. Stephen's College, Delhi in 2007. Yashica completed her Master's degree in Arts and Culture Journalism from Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism in 2015.
Career
As a freelance journalist, Yashica has worked with Hindustan Times, LiveMint, Scroll.in, The Wire and HuffPost India. During her stint at the Hindustan Times, she initiated the social media activities for Brunch, the Sunday magazine of Hindustan Times. Yashica writes on Dalit related social issues and is the founder of dalitdiscrimination.tumblr.com, a Tumblr blog portal. Yashica has reported from India, Nepal, Bhutan, Turkey and Hungary.
Book
Coming Out as Dalit is Yashica book published by Aleph Book Company. It is her memoir about growing up in a Dalit family. In the book, she describes how she felt compelled to hide her caste and pretend to be of another caste, all along terrified of her true identity being found out. Her decision to end the pretense of being an upper caste woman was triggered by Dalit student Rohith Vemula's last letter, which was made public following his suicide. The book details her journey of coming to terms with her true identity. The book is a social commentary woven with personal experiences.
A few days after Dalit PhD scholar Rohith Vemula died by suicide, New-York based journalist Yashica Dutt penned a note on Facebook that read “Today, I’m coming out as a Dalit.” His death shook her so much so that she decided to reveal her Dalit identity, something that she had hidden for her entire life.
Yashica has also written a memoir Coming Out As Dalit that speaks about her childhood years in a Dalit family, and why she was forced to hide her caste while many flaunted theirs.
An active voice on social media, she had shared her outrage on the Hathras case with a poignant tweet:
Yasoda Ekambaram
The story of Yasoda Ekambaram and her ongoing struggle against illicit liquor even in the face of personal losses.
S. VISWANATHAN
"MY sense of shame at being illiterate and my guilt at having failed to send my daughter to school are at the root of my evolution into a relentless fighter for women's rights," says Yasoda Ekambaram, who has won the Neerja Bhanot Award for 2001. For the 43-year-old Dalit woman from Tamil Nadu's Thiruvallur district, the award, given in appreciation of her service in the cause of women's development, has an added significance in that she won it in the Year of Women's Empowerment.
R. RAGU
Yasoda is no different from most Dalit women in rural India - socially oppressed, economically exploited and politically ignored. But what makes her stand apart is her ability to fight relentlessly for the causes she holds dear.
The Chandigarh-based Neerja Bhanot Pan Am Trust presents the award every year to a woman fighting for social justice. The award, comprising a cash prize of Rs.1.5 lakhs, a silver trophy, and a citation, was presented to Yasoda at a function in Chandigarh on September 6. The citation describes Yasoda as "a picture of courage and fortitude" and says that she is one of the 60 leaders of the Rural Women's Front (RWF), a wing of the Centre for Rural Women's Education for Liberation (CRWEL), a voluntary organisation. (The RWF functions in villages around Thiruvallur, about 80 km from Chennai.) Her life, the citation says, is one of "consistent and continuous struggle for the eradication of illicit liquor, rampant in the area." It makes a poignant reference to the heroic struggle she conducted on December 6, 2000, when her only daughter Indra (20) and a close relative Rathnammal (55) were murdered by the henchmen of bootleggers. "Yasoda is a source of inspiration for all women," the citation concludes.
Yasoda was nominated for the award by HEKS India, a Switzerland-based organisation that has been supporting the development initiatives of the CRWEL for the past nine years through its coordination office in Chennai. Yasoda's life with Ekambaram could in no way be described as happy. Both were agricultural workers. Like all other Dalits (belonging to about 125 families) in Beemanthoppu, a hamlet in Ramathandam village, they worked in the fields belonging to caste Hindus for wages (Rs.40 a day for men and Rs.20 for women) that were far below the minimum wages fixed by the government. They were employed for hardly 120 days in a year, and it was a struggle to make ends meet. Like almost all other men in the village, Ekambaram spent most of his earnings on liquor, leaving almost nothing for Yasoda, who had never been to school, to fulfil her dream of educating Indra. Ekambaram died 12 years ago. With her meagre earnings, Yasoda could not pull on. She had to send Indra, who was eight then, to work in the fields.
Dalits, she realised, could not make use of even the minimal facilities provided by the government - such as the public distribution system or the schools - largely because a substantial portion of their meagre earnings was wiped out by the menfolk's addiction to liquor.
Said Yasoda: "It is struggle every day. It is quarrel between drunken men and their wives every day. If women dare question their husbands, they are beaten up mercilessly. Or they are asked to go back to their parents in neighbouring villages. How long can they stay in their parents' places, where the situation is hardly different from that of their own homes? They return, and this is the routine in almost every home."
Illicit liquor, she said, robbed these families of their hard-earned money, which could otherwise be spent on children's education and other necessary things in life. "It causes unrest in families. Children who do not have the benefit of education get frustrated and many unpleasant things happen. At the same time, the manufacturers and vendors of illicit liquor educate their children and ensure that they are well-settled in life." Although Yasoda was not directly affected by illicit liquor after Ekambaram's death, she was moved by the sufferings of many other women in the village. She thought she could do something for these hapless women.
Yasoda was convinced that education was the key to the empowerment of women and that the greatest impediment to ensuring education was their menfolk's addiction to liquor. The only way out was to wipe out the illicit liquor trade from their village. But how to go about this? The answer, Yasoda said, came from the CRWEL. The CRWEL saw in Yasoda a potential leader who could be of immense help in its efforts to mobilise Dalits and women and empower them. A unit of the RWF was formed at Bheemanthoppu and Yasoda was appointed its coordinator. It was one of the 60 RWF units in Thiruvallur district.
Yasoda enrolled about 30 women in the RWF and spoke to them on the need to assert their rights. The women decided that they should muster strength to combat the menace of illicit liquor. Under the CRWEL's guidance, they staged peaceful demonstrations against the manufacture and sale of illicit liquor in the village. They passed on to the police information on the distillation of arrack in the surrounding areas and sought their assistance. Assistance did not come always. The illicit liquor menace, which subsided whenever the police intervened effectively, raised its head again when the bootleggers returned from jail. "Policemen," Yasoda said, "did not always respond to our requests. In fact, they got irritated. We had reasons to suspect a nexus between a section of the policemen and the bootleggers. We, therefore, had to think of a more effective way of resisting the illegal activities." Joining hands with the affected women from neighbouring villages, they organised "road rokos". After an agitation at Velliyur, the police swooped on a bootleggers' den and destroyed illicit arrack worth Rs.12 lakhs.
S.M. Annamalai, one of the founders of the CRWEL, said: "In 1997, in acknowledgement of the work done by motivated RWF groups headed by Yasoda and others for the elimination of illicit liquor, the CRWEL was given a district-level award." However, he said, the struggle against illicit liquor had to be a "continuous activity" because the convicted offenders regrouped and resumed operations after serving their jail terms. According to him, corruption in the police, particularly at the lower levels, and the absence of severe punishment for the offenders perpetuated the problem. The women's groups had to be alert always. "As demonstrations and agitations did not always ensure immediate police intervention, we had to look for better forms of agitation," said Yasoda. "We learnt by experience that militant action by RWF activists could be more effective," she said. Women's groups marched to the distillation spots and destroyed arrack stored in mud pots.
In December 2000, just when Yasoda and her friends thought Beemanthoppu had gained a respite from the menace, bootleggers from neighbouring areas started selling illicit liquor in the village. Some local people who had been involved in bootlegging asked the women why they alone should be penalised. On the evening of December 6, an agitated Yasoda, accompanied by the local panchayat president (also a woman), took a group of RWF members, including Indra and Rathnammal, to the spot where bootleggers from neighbouring villages had set up shop. Her efforts to stop their trade did not succeed. Yasoda swooned when their henchmen assaulted her. Indra, who came to her mother's rescue, was hacked to death. Rathnammal was also killed by the goondas. Several women and a few men of the village were injured in the attack.
Ten persons were arrested and a case was registered. The police were not very helpful initially. In the First Information Report (FIR), they sought to describe the incident as a consequence of "a family quarrel". They did not want to relate it to an offence under the prohibition law since they had been claiming that the district was "liquor-free". "Only after we insisted on it, they added in the FIR that the incident followed an agitation against illicit liquor," said Annamalai.
The murder of Indra and Rathnammal sparked protests by women's organisations. The government announced a solatium of Rs.1 lakh each to their families.
NINE months after the incident, illicit liquor continues to claim the lives of the poor. In early September, 13 people died after consuming the deadly brew at Menambedu in Ambattur, an industrial town in Thiruvallur district. The tragedy has signalled that Yasoda's battle against bootlegging is far from over.
Yasoda has not recovered from the grief over the loss of her only child. But she remains firm in her resolve to fight against illicit liquor. "In fact, she is now even more firm on ending the menace and vows to continue her fight for women's empowerment with greater vigour," said V. Tamil Selvi, Director, CRWEL.
With the cash prize of Rs.1.5 lakhs, Yasoda, who lives in a mud hut, has instituted an award (the Indra Rathna Award) in memory of Indra and Rathnammal. The award will be given every year to a woman for outstanding service in the cause of women's development. The CRWEL has donated Rs.2 lakhs to the Indra Rathna Award Fund and proposes to collect donations for the fund.
"I will spend the rest of my life working for the uplift of people around me, particularly women. If only all children of my village get education, which was denied to me and my child, my life would have served its purpose," said Yasoda. There was no sign of bitterness in her voice.
A profile of courage
Print edition : October 13, 2001
The story of Yasoda Ekambaram and her ongoing struggle against illicit liquor even in the face of personal losses.
"MY sense of shame at being illiterate and my guilt at having failed to send my daughter to school are at the root of my evolution into a relentless fighter for women's rights," says Yasoda Ekambaram, who has won the Neerja Bhanot Award for 2001. For the 43-year-old Dalit woman from Tamil Nadu's Thiruvallur district, the award, given in appreciation of her service in the cause of women's development, has an added significance in that she won it in the Year of Women's Empowerment.
Yasoda, with the photograph of her daughter Indra.-R. RAGU
Yasoda is no different from most Dalit women in rural India - socially oppressed, economically exploited and politically ignored. But what makes her stand apart is her ability to fight relentlessly for the causes she holds dear.
The Chandigarh-based Neerja Bhanot Pan Am Trust presents the award every year to a woman fighting for social justice. The award, comprising a cash prize of Rs.1.5 lakhs, a silver trophy, and a citation, was presented to Yasoda at a function in Chandigarh on September 6. The citation describes Yasoda as "a picture of courage and fortitude" and says that she is one of the 60 leaders of the Rural Women's Front (RWF), a wing of the Centre for Rural Women's Education for Liberation (CRWEL), a voluntary organisation. (The RWF functions in villages around Thiruvallur, about 80 km from Chennai.) Her life, the citation says, is one of "consistent and continuous struggle for the eradication of illicit liquor, rampant in the area." It makes a poignant reference to the heroic struggle she conducted on December 6, 2000, when her only daughter Indra (20) and a close relative Rathnammal (55) were murdered by the henchmen of bootleggers. "Yasoda is a source of inspiration for all women," the citation concludes.
Yasoda was nominated for the award by HEKS India, a Switzerland-based organisation that has been supporting the development initiatives of the CRWEL for the past nine years through its coordination office in Chennai. Yasoda's life with Ekambaram could in no way be described as happy. Both were agricultural workers. Like all other Dalits (belonging to about 125 families) in Beemanthoppu, a hamlet in Ramathandam village, they worked in the fields belonging to caste Hindus for wages (Rs.40 a day for men and Rs.20 for women) that were far below the minimum wages fixed by the government. They were employed for hardly 120 days in a year, and it was a struggle to make ends meet. Like almost all other men in the village, Ekambaram spent most of his earnings on liquor, leaving almost nothing for Yasoda, who had never been to school, to fulfil her dream of educating Indra. Ekambaram died 12 years ago. With her meagre earnings, Yasoda could not pull on. She had to send Indra, who was eight then, to work in the fields.
Dalits, she realised, could not make use of even the minimal facilities provided by the government - such as the public distribution system or the schools - largely because a substantial portion of their meagre earnings was wiped out by the menfolk's addiction to liquor.
Said Yasoda: "It is struggle every day. It is quarrel between drunken men and their wives every day. If women dare question their husbands, they are beaten up mercilessly. Or they are asked to go back to their parents in neighbouring villages. How long can they stay in their parents' places, where the situation is hardly different from that of their own homes? They return, and this is the routine in almost every home."
Illicit liquor, she said, robbed these families of their hard-earned money, which could otherwise be spent on children's education and other necessary things in life. "It causes unrest in families. Children who do not have the benefit of education get frustrated and many unpleasant things happen. At the same time, the manufacturers and vendors of illicit liquor educate their children and ensure that they are well-settled in life." Although Yasoda was not directly affected by illicit liquor after Ekambaram's death, she was moved by the sufferings of many other women in the village. She thought she could do something for these hapless women.
Yasoda was convinced that education was the key to the empowerment of women and that the greatest impediment to ensuring education was their menfolk's addiction to liquor. The only way out was to wipe out the illicit liquor trade from their village. But how to go about this? The answer, Yasoda said, came from the CRWEL. The CRWEL saw in Yasoda a potential leader who could be of immense help in its efforts to mobilise Dalits and women and empower them. A unit of the RWF was formed at Bheemanthoppu and Yasoda was appointed its coordinator. It was one of the 60 RWF units in Thiruvallur district.
Yasoda enrolled about 30 women in the RWF and spoke to them on the need to assert their rights. The women decided that they should muster strength to combat the menace of illicit liquor. Under the CRWEL's guidance, they staged peaceful demonstrations against the manufacture and sale of illicit liquor in the village. They passed on to the police information on the distillation of arrack in the surrounding areas and sought their assistance. Assistance did not come always. The illicit liquor menace, which subsided whenever the police intervened effectively, raised its head again when the bootleggers returned from jail. "Policemen," Yasoda said, "did not always respond to our requests. In fact, they got irritated. We had reasons to suspect a nexus between a section of the policemen and the bootleggers. We, therefore, had to think of a more effective way of resisting the illegal activities." Joining hands with the affected women from neighbouring villages, they organised "road rokos". After an agitation at Velliyur, the police swooped on a bootleggers' den and destroyed illicit arrack worth Rs.12 lakhs.
S.M. Annamalai, one of the founders of the CRWEL, said: "In 1997, in acknowledgement of the work done by motivated RWF groups headed by Yasoda and others for the elimination of illicit liquor, the CRWEL was given a district-level award." However, he said, the struggle against illicit liquor had to be a "continuous activity" because the convicted offenders regrouped and resumed operations after serving their jail terms. According to him, corruption in the police, particularly at the lower levels, and the absence of severe punishment for the offenders perpetuated the problem. The women's groups had to be alert always. "As demonstrations and agitations did not always ensure immediate police intervention, we had to look for better forms of agitation," said Yasoda. "We learnt by experience that militant action by RWF activists could be more effective," she said. Women's groups marched to the distillation spots and destroyed arrack stored in mud pots.
In December 2000, just when Yasoda and her friends thought Beemanthoppu had gained a respite from the menace, bootleggers from neighbouring areas started selling illicit liquor in the village. Some local people who had been involved in bootlegging asked the women why they alone should be penalised. On the evening of December 6, an agitated Yasoda, accompanied by the local panchayat president (also a woman), took a group of RWF members, including Indra and Rathnammal, to the spot where bootleggers from neighbouring villages had set up shop. Her efforts to stop their trade did not succeed. Yasoda swooned when their henchmen assaulted her. Indra, who came to her mother's rescue, was hacked to death. Rathnammal was also killed by the goondas. Several women and a few men of the village were injured in the attack.
Ten persons were arrested and a case was registered. The police were not very helpful initially. In the First Information Report (FIR), they sought to describe the incident as a consequence of "a family quarrel". They did not want to relate it to an offence under the prohibition law since they had been claiming that the district was "liquor-free". "Only after we insisted on it, they added in the FIR that the incident followed an agitation against illicit liquor," said Annamalai.
The murder of Indra and Rathnammal sparked protests by women's organisations. The government announced a solatium of Rs.1 lakh each to their families.
NINE months after the incident, illicit liquor continues to claim the lives of the poor. In early September, 13 people died after consuming the deadly brew at Menambedu in Ambattur, an industrial town in Thiruvallur district. The tragedy has signalled that Yasoda's battle against bootlegging is far from over.
Yasoda has not recovered from the grief over the loss of her only child. But she remains firm in her resolve to fight against illicit liquor. "In fact, she is now even more firm on ending the menace and vows to continue her fight for women's empowerment with greater vigour," said V. Tamil Selvi, Director, CRWEL.
With the cash prize of Rs.1.5 lakhs, Yasoda, who lives in a mud hut, has instituted an award (the Indra Rathna Award) in memory of Indra and Rathnammal. The award will be given every year to a woman for outstanding service in the cause of women's development. The CRWEL has donated Rs.2 lakhs to the Indra Rathna Award Fund and proposes to collect donations for the fund.
"I will spend the rest of my life working for the uplift of people around me, particularly women. If only all children of my village get education, which was denied to me and my child, my life would have served its purpose," said Yasoda. There was no sign of bitterness in her voice.
Yashwant Ambedkar
From Wikipedia
Yashwant Ambedkar
Yashawant Ambedkar
2nd president of the Buddhist Society of India
In office
27 June 1957 – 17 September 1977
Preceded by B. R. Ambedkar
Succeeded by Meera Ambedkar
Member of Maharashtra Legislative Council
In office
1960 – 1966
Editor of Janata
In office
1942 – 1956
Editor of Prabuddha Bharat
In office
1956 – 1977
Personal details
Born 12 December 1912
Died 17 September 1977 (aged 64)
Bombay, Maharashtra, India
Resting place Chaitya Bhoomi
Nationality Indian
Political party Scheduled Caste Federation
Spouse(s) Meera Ambedkar
Parents
Relatives see Ambedkar family
Profession Newspaper editor, politician, Buddhist activist, social worker
Nickname(s) Bhaiyasaheb Ambedkar
Yashwant Bhimrao Ambedkar (12 December 1912 - 17 September 1977), also known as Bhaiyasaheb Ambedkar, was an Indian socio-religious activist, newspaper editor, politician, and activist of Ambedkarite Buddhist movement. He was the first and only surviving child of Ramabai Ambedkar and Babasaheb Ambedkar, Indian polymath, human rights activist, and the father of the Constitution of India.[2] Yashwant devoted his life to Buddhism after the demise of his father and kept pace his father's struggle for social equality. He tried to keep the Ambedkarite community united and also took an active part in the Dalit Buddhist movement.
After his father passed away in 1956, he become the second president of the Buddhist Society of India and continued his father's struggle. In 1968, he organized an All India Buddhist Conference. After his death, his wife Mira became the president of the Buddhist Society of India. He had four children, including Prakash Yashwant Ambedkar.
He had been the editor of the "Janata" newspaper since 1942.
Personal life
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar with his son Yashwant (left) and Nephew Mukund (right)
Yashwant Ambedkar was born on 12 January 1912 in Bombay. On 19 April 1953, he married Meera Ambedkar in a Buddhist manner. They have four children - Prakash, Ramā, Bhimrao and Anandraj. His only daughter Rama is married to Anand Teltumbde.
Religious work
On 14 October 1956, he converted to Navayana Buddhism. After the death of his father Babasaheb Ambedkar On 6 December 1956, he became the second president of the Buddhist Society of India. This position he held until his death (1956-1977). In 1958, he represented India at the World Buddhist Conference in Bangkok, Thailand.
He erected many Buddhist temples and monuments of Babasaheb Ambedkar. On 2 August 1958, at Bhimnagar in Pune, he erected a full-sized bronze statue of Babasaheb Ambedkar.
Babasaheb Ambedkar's tomb Chaitya Bhoomi memorial work was completed by Yashwant Ambedkar's efforts.
He represented India at the World Buddhist Conference in Sri Lanka in 1972
Political work
Yashwant Ambedkar was the co-founder of the Republican Party of India, which has its roots in the Scheduled Castes Federation led by B. R. Ambedkar. On 30 September 1956, B. R. Ambedkar had announced the establishment of the "Republican Party of India" by dismissing the "Scheduled Castes Federation", but before the formation of the party, he died on 6 December 1956. After that, his followers and activists planned to form this party. A meeting of the Presidency was held in Nagpur on 1 October 1957 to establish the party. At this meeting, N. Sivaraj, Yashwant Ambedkar, P. T. Borale, A. G. Pawar, Datta Katti, D. A. Rupavate were present. The Republican Party of India was formed on 3 October 1957. N. Sivaraj was elected as the President of the party.
He was a member of the Maharashtra Legislative Council from 1960 to 1966.
RPI President N. Sivaraj elected Ambedkar as the Mumbai State President of RPI in 1964. RPI started agitation for landless people in 1959.
Death
He died on 17 September 1977. More than one million people attended his funeral. He was cremated in a Buddhist manner in Mumbai at the Dadar Cemetery (next to the Chaityabhoomi Stupa).
Books on Ambedkar
"Suryaputra Yashwantrao Ambedkar" (The son of sun: Yashwant Ambedkar) — writer: Phulchandra Khobragade; Sanket Prakashan, Nagpur, 2014
"Loknete Bhaiyasaheb Ambedkar" (The people's leader: Bhaiyasaheb Ambedkar) — writer: Prakash Janjal, Ramai Prakashan, 2019
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