Dalit Freedom Fighters

Abadi Bano Begum

Known mostly by her honorific Bi Amman , Abadi Bano Begum didn't let her conservative background stop her from supporting the Independence struggle. She observed strict purdah all her life, and didn't cower behind it when the time came to speak in protest of her jailed freedom fighter son in 1917. She stepped out of her house, and addressed a huge crowd in Lucknow, all from behind her burqa.

Abadi Bano Begum AKA Bi Amma: The Burqa Clad Freedom Fighter

By Nabeela Jamil

Abadi Bano Begum, popularly known as ‘Bi Amma’ set an exemplary precedent for all women in general and Muslim women in particular as she shattered the stereotypes associated with a traditional ‘orthodox’ Muslim woman. She is a lesser-known freedom fighter who left no stone unturned as she took part in the nation’s freedom struggle, contributed to ensure Hindu-Muslim unity, and participated in the Khilafat movement. She was also the mother of the great freedom fighters Muhamamd Ali Jauhar and Shaukat Ali popularly known as Ali Brothers.

Image Source: News Line

Early Life

Bi Amma was born in 1850 into a nationalist family of Rampur. She suffered the trauma of 1857 revolt which ignited a strong desire within her to see her country be free of the British rule. Bi Amma was a courageous and intelligent woman. Widowed at a young age, she shouldered the responsibility of raising her children with utmost sincerity and dignity.

An Advocate For Her Sons’ Education

In the book, Eight Lives: A Study of the Hindu-Muslim Encounter, Rajmohan Gandhi writes how the young widow dressed her children in humble material and raised them on simple food and the Prophet’s sayings. But she ensured the kids attended English-medium schools. When their uncle refused to shell money for their education stating that he would have no part in turning the boys into infidels, Bi Amma pawned her jewellery with the help of her neighbour’s maid.

Despite having no formal education, Bi Amma fought valiantly for her sons’ modern English education. Maulana Muhammad Ali, after completing his graduation from Aligarh Muslim University, went to Lincoln College Oxford, England, in 1898 to study Modern History. On his return, he joined the Baroda Civil Service and served there for seven years.

Bi Amma with her sons Maulana Muhammad Ali Johar and Maulana Shaukat Ali. Image Source: India Times

Her Role In The Freedom Struggle

She played an important part in fundraising for the Khilafat movement and the Indian independence movement. When both her sons were put in jail, she addressed a large gathering on their behalf and gave a moving speech. It was in fact the first time that a Muslim woman was recorded to have addressed a political gathering wearing a burqa. This bold woman toured the country and addressed large gatherings of people.

In 1917, she joined the agitation to help release Annie Besant and her two sons from prison. It was at this time that Mahatma Gandhi spoke to her about gathering the support of women in the freedom movement. Considering Gandhi’s advice, Bi Amma took active part in Khilafat movement and the freedom movement and encouraged many women to play greater participatory role in the freedom movement.

Once when the rumour spread that Mohammad Ali would be released from jail after amnesty, she said, “Mohammad Ali can’t even think about begging forgiveness from the British. If he does so then my old hands have enough strength to strangle him.”

Even as the struggle for Independence continued, the words that she once spoke to her son, Maulana Mohammad Ali, which he later penned, continued to resound across India.

“Boleen Amma Muhammad Ali se

Jaan Baita Khilafat Pai De do”

(So spoke the mother of Muhammad Ali

My son, lay down your life for the sake of Khilafat)

In Rakhahari Chatterji’s book, Gandhi and the Ali Brothers: Biography of a Friendship, Maulana Mohammad Jouhar talks about Bi Amma. He said, “Suffice it to say that, although she was practically illiterate, I have, in all experience, of men of all sorts of types, come across none that I could call wiser and certainly that was more truly godly and spiritual than our mother.”

Her Role In Khadi And Swadeshi

BI AMMA COLLECTED FUNDS AND ORGANISED MEETINGS OF INDIAN WOMEN TO TELL THEM ABOUT THE STRUGGLE AND THE IMPORTANCE OF SHUNNING THE FOREIGN GOODS.

During the Khilafat and Non-cooperation movement, Bi Amma collected funds and organised meetings of Indian women to tell them about the struggle and the importance of shunning the foreign goods. Along with Begum Hasrat Mohani, the wife of Maulana Hasrat Mohani, Sarala Devi Chaudhurani, Basanti Devi, and Sarojini Naidu as her main companions she continued contributing to the campaign. She addressed gatherings and encouraged people to donate for Tilak Swaraj Fund which was set up by Bal Gangadhar Tilak for the Indian freedom struggle.

Bi Amma once cautioned, “Countrymen! Give up the way of life of these foreigners. Stick to the traditional way of life of your ancestors. Serve not these foreigners, nor accept honours from them because these people are very crafty and fraudulent.”

Ammu Swaminathan

One of the arrogant inmates in the Vellore jail once called a sanitary worker “Shudrachi” (making her caste as her identity). Ammu, even though belonging to a Nair stood up against this and sternly replied to the inmate,

“I am Shudrachi too. Now say what do you want?”

Born: 1894, India

Died: 1978, Palakkad district

Ammu Swaminathan was an Indian social worker and political activist during the Indian independence movement and also a member of the Constituent Assembly of India.

Ammu never went to school. She received only a rudimentary education at home, to prepare her for married life. After her father’s death, through Sambandam System, she was later married to Dr. Subbarama Swaminadhan.

Under her husband's tutelage, her life transformed and blossomed. She studied, honed her skills and transformed to be one of the prominent faces in the pre-independence struggle of India.

Ammu was very conscious of the arrogance of the upper-caste. By all the means, she constantly tried to unsettle them by standing against it. She was also a member of the committee for drafting the Indian Constitution. ALong with numerous social work, she had a political career and went to Russia (erstwhile USSR), China, USA, and Ethiopia as a goodwill ambassador. She also served as the President of the Bharat Scouts and Guides from 1960 to 1965.

Ammu Swaminathan

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha) for Dindigul

In office

1951–1957

Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru

Preceded by None

Personal details

Born 1894

Palakkad, India

Died 1978

Palakkad, India

Nationality Indian

Political party Indian National Congress

Spouse(s) Subbarama Swaminathan

Profession Politician

Ammu Swaminathan or Ammukutty Swaminathan (22 April 1894 – 4 July 1978) was an Indian social worker and political activist during the Indian independence movement and a member of the Constituent Assembly of India.

Early life

Ammukutty Swaminadhan was born into the Vadakkath family of Anakkara in Palghat district, Kerala. Her father, Govinda Menon, was a minor local official. Both of Ammu's parents belonged to the Nair caste, and she was the youngest of their thirteen children, which included nine daughters. Ammu never went to school and received only a rudimentary education at home, which consisted of minimal reading and writing in Malayalam, cooking and keeping house, to prepare her for married life. She lost her father at a very young age, and her mother struggled to raise her children and arrange marriages for her many daughters. Dr. Swaminathan visited the family after he had established himself as a lawyer in Madras and offered to marry the young Ammu who was extremely precocious and said that she would marry him only if she was assured of complete freedom, a good education and life in a city. They did not enter into a sambandham as was the usual practice between a Brahmin male and Nair female but had a traditional Nair wedding which was boycotted by the Brahmins.

Married life

Subbarama Swaminathan, born into a middle-class Kerala Iyer family, had struggled hard in his early life to gain an education and rise above his situation. He had studied with scholarships at the universities of Edinburgh and London. His extended stay abroad and financial situation had prevented him from marrying until he was in his mid-30s. The arrival of the very young and sheltered Ammu fulfilled deep emotional needs for Subbarama and he devoted a large part of his life to nurturing her development in every way. Indeed, he formally married Ammu at a registry office in London at a later point. This was necessary because Sambandam relationships, while traditionally acknowledged, did not constitute marriage and the children of such a union belonged only to the family of their mother and not their father. Even the registered marriage in London did not change people's attitudes, or the way the family was received in society: both of Ammu's daughters were to recount in their memoirs that while their father's family acknowledged them (as was traditional) by including them at family events such as weddings, they would be served their food separately from other family members, and subtle distinctions would be evident in the way they were treated.

The legally valid wedding in the London registry office did have one definite result: the abandonment of the matrilineal Marumakkathayam system to which Ammu and her parents had belonged. Henceforth, she and her children would be known by the name of their husband/father. Thus, the family came to be known by the name Swaminathan.

Career

Ammu's life was transformed and blossomed under the tutelage of her husband. Subbarama Swaminathan both indulged and nurtured his much younger wife and encouraged her talents. He appointed tutors to teach her English and other subjects at home, and thus rectify to the extent possible the fact that she was uneducated. She soon became fluent in English, and the confidence which her husband's support gave her meant that she also developed a forceful and willful personality. It was under her husband's influence that Ammu became a follower of Mahatma Gandhi and took part in India's struggle for independence. After independence, she served as a member of the Constituent Assembly of India. It is definitely true that her main qualifications for this honour were her English language skills and the fact that she was a woman with a forceful, outspoken personality, at a time when few Indian women had even remote engagement with politics, but she did read out a few formal speeches and even intervened in some debates.

In 1952, Ammu Swaminadhan was elected a member of the Rajya Sabha from Madras State. She was associated with several cultural and social organizations, and served as President of the Bharat Scouts and Guides from November 1960 to March 1965. She was also selected as 'Mother of The Year' in 1975 on the inauguration of International Women's Year.

Children and family

Swaminadhan and Ammu had four children:

Govind Swaminadhan, the elder son, a barrister at the Madras High Court. His wife was the daughter of Pundit Santhanam, founder of Lakshmi Insurance Company of Lahore

Subbaram, the younger son,an executive with Mahindras. His first wife Anasuya was the daughter of Pt. Santhanam of Lahore and his second wife, Nuru Swaminathan, was the sister of M. C. Chagla, sometime Chief Justice of the Mumbai High Court.

Captain Lakshmi Swaminadhan (1914-2012). She married twice. Her first husband, who she met as a college student, was P.K.N. Rao, a pilot with Tata Airways but the marriage fell apart in a matter of months. Divorce was more or less impossible in India in those days, so Lakshmi left her husband and went back to Madras. She then joined the Azad Hind Fauj and went to Singapore. Here she met and later married Captain [[Prem Sehgal after her divorce from Rao. Sahgal was a prominent member of the INA who was brought to trial in the Red Fort along with Shahnawaz and Dhillon. This was a famous trial and many believe that its tremendous repercussions influenced the British decision to quit India. They became the parents of 2 daughters, Anisa Puri and Subhashini Ali, a feminist and a member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist).

Mrinalini Sarabhai, a Bharatanatyam dancer and wife of Vikram Sarabhai, a renowned scientist. They are the parents of Mallika Sarabhai, a dancer and former Gujarati film actress.

Alluri Sitarama Raju

Alluri Sitarama Raju was an Indian revolutionary involved in the Indian independence movement. After the passing of the 1882 Madras Forest Act, its restrictions on the free movement of tribal peoples in the forest prevented them from engaging in their traditional podu agricultural system, which involved shifting cultivation. Raju led the Rampa Rebellion of 1922–24, during which a band of tribal leaders and other sympathisers fought against the British Raj, which had passed the law. He was referred to as "Manyam Veerudu" ("Hero of the Jungles") by the local people. Raju led a protest movement in the border areas of the East Godavari and Visakhapatnam regions of Madras Presidency, in present-day Andhra Pradesh.

Inspired by the patriotic zeal of revolutionaries in Bengal, Raju raided police stations in and around Chintapalle, Rampachodavaram, Dammanapalli, Krishna Devi Peta, Rajavommangi, Addateegala, Narsipatnam and Annavaram. With his followers, he stole guns and ammunition and killed several British army officers, including Scott Coward near Dammanapalli. Raju was eventually trapped by the British in the forests of Chintapalli, then tied to a tree and was executed by gunfire in Kayyuru village. His tomb is in Krishna Devi Peta village.

Life

Details of Alluri Sitarama Raju's early life vary. An official report suggests that he was born in 1898 in Bhimunipatnam taluk, Visakhapatnam district. The young Raju lived mainly in Mogallu.

Rampa Rebellion of 1922

After the passing of the 1882 Madras Forest Act, its restrictions on the free movement of tribal peoples in the forest prevented them from engaging in their traditional podu agricultural system, which involved shifting cultivation. Raju led a protest movement in the border areas of the East Godavari and Visakhapatnam districts of Andhra Pradesh. Inspired by the patriotic zeal of revolutionaries in Bengal, Raju raided police stations in and around Chintapalle, Rampachodavaram, Dammanapalli, Krishna Devi Peta, Rajavommangi, Addateegala, Narsipatnam and Annavaram. Raju and his followers stole guns and ammunition and killed several British army officers, including Scott Coward near Dammanapalli.

In December 1922, the British deployed a company of Assam Rifles, near Pegadapalle under the leadership of Saunders. Raju, who had by then gone underground, resurfaced after about four months and continued the fight, strengthened by tribal volunteers using bows and arrows under the leadership of Gam Mallu Dora and Gantam Dora.

Death

Following a raid led by Raju on the Annavaram police outpost on 18 September 1923, Gam Mallu Dora was arrested. The Government entrusted the task of containing Raju's activities to the District Collector of Visakhapatnam district, Rutherford, who fired the first salvo when his forces arrested Surya Narayana Raju Pericherla, popularly known as Aggiraju, a devoted follower of Raju. The British campaign lasted for nearly a year from December 1922.

Raju was eventually trapped by the British in the forests of Chintapalli then tied to a tree and shot dead in Kayyuru village.

Raju's tomb is in Krishna Devi Peta village.

In popular culture

Alluri Statue at Beach road in Visakhapatnam

In 1986 the Indian Postal Department issued a commemorative stamp featuring Raju in the series 'India's struggle for freedom'.

The Telugu-language movie Alluri Seetharama Raju, featuring actor Krishna, depicted Raju's life

Andhra Pradesh is to celebrate his birthday, 4 July, annually as a state festival.

Alluri Sitarama Raju Cricket Stadium in Eluru is named after him.

On 9 October 2017, at the request of Members of Parliament, Thota Narasimham and V. Vijayasai Reddy, the Government of India decided to install a statue of Raju at the precincts of the Parliament of India in recognition of his work as a freedom fighter, and for the welfare of the tribal people.

Azizun Bai

Wikipedia from the free encyclopedia

Ajijan bai

Ajijanbai was originally a professional dancer who was full of patriotic spirit. He had removed Ghungru to break the shackles of slavery . The palaces of the Rasikas started sitting with the decorating Ajijan revolutionaries.

Introduction

On June 1, 1857, the revolutionaries held a meeting in Kanpur , attended by Subedar Tika Singh, Shamsuddin Khan and Azimullah Khan along with Nana Saheb , Tatya Tope , and Ajijan Bai. Here, taking Gangajal as a witness, they all resolved to uproot the British rule.

It was only in June 1857 that these people won a fierce battle against the British and declared Nana Saheb as the independent ruler of Bithoor . But this happiness did not last long. On 16 August, there was another fierce battle with the British at Bithoor in which the revolutionaries were defeated.

In both these wars, Ajijan's role was very important. He formed a group of young women who were masculine. They all rode horses and took swords in their hands and invited the youth to participate in this war of independence. She would treat the wounded soldiers, dressing their wounds. Used to distribute fruits, confectionery and food and try to overcome their suffering with her charming smile.

The milder they were for the patriots, the more disgusted they would be with the harshness of those who ran away from war. The heroes would get the prize of love, while the cowards would get shunned. Instead of being humiliated by the sharp words of such beauties and the daggers of neglected eyes, soldiers thought it better to give up fighting while fighting in the battlefield.

While praising Ajijan, Savarkar wrote, 'Ajijan was a dancer but the soldiers loved him a lot. Ajijan's love did not sell for money in the ordinary market. His love award was given to a person who loved the country. The smile of Ajijan's beautiful face filled the warring soldiers with inspiration. Bhukruti's tension on his face used to send the coward soldiers who had fled from the war to the battlefield again.

During the wars, Ajijan proved that he was not a Varangana but a Veerangana. After being defeated in the battle at Bithoor, Nana Saheb and Tatya Tope had to run away but Ajijan was caught. According to historians, he was presented to General Havlak as a war bandini.

British officers were enchanted by her unmatched beauty. The General proposes to her that if she accepts her mistakes and apologizes to the British, she will be forgiven and she can again punish the world of Ras-Rang. Otherwise, be prepared to face severe punishment. Ajijan refused to apologize.

Not only this, the lioness also shouted and said that the British should apologize, who have done so much oppression on the Indians. She will never forgive him for his inhuman act. He also knew the consequences of saying this, but the freedom addict did not care.

On hearing such an answer from a dancer, the British officer went to Tillamila and was ordered to die. British soldiers riddled his body with bullets.

अजीजन बाई :1857 के संग्राम की एक नायिका

तबला बोला बोली मृदंग,बोले सितार के तार-तार,

महफिल में कितने लोग मरे,कुछ मिला नहीं इसका शुमार।

रंग गई रक्त से रंगभूमि,हाथों में राज फिरंगी के,

इसलिए भैरवी गाते थे,स्वर आज अजीजन बाई के।

(कवि सुदर्शन चक्र की कविता से..)

संदीप कुमार मिश्र : कानपुर की मशहूर खूबसूरत तबायफ (नर्तकी) अजीजन बाई ने सन 1857 की पहली जंगे आजादी में हिस्सा लेकर अपने प्यारे वतन के लिए अपनी जान की कुर्बानी दी थी, और अपने बदनाम पेशे (तबायफ) के दाग को अपनी शहादत के खून से धो डाला था ।

दरअसल अजीजन कुलीन क्षत्रीय खानदान की लड़की थी । बचपन में अजीजन अपनी सहेलियों के साथ मेला देखने गई थी । मेले से वापस लौटते वक्त रास्ते में अंग्रेज सैनिकों के चंगुल में फंस गई । शराब के नशे में चूर अंग्रेज अजीजन और उसकी सहेली को जबरन बैलगाड़ी में बैठाकर अपने डेरे पर ले जा रहे थे । मौका मिलते ही दोनों पुल के ऊपर से यमुना जी में कूंद पड़ती हैं । साथ की लड़की मर जाती है लेकिन भाग्य की धनी अजीजन बच जाती हैं।मुसलमान पहलवान इस लड़की को उठा ले जाता है और 500 रूपए में कानपुर के एक तबायफ खाने में बेच देता है । यहीं पर उस लड़की का नामकरण होता है और एक क्षत्राणी अजीजन बाई बन जाती है । समय अपनी गति से आगे बढ़ता है । अजीजन की खूबसूरती , नृत्य और गायन की ख्याती दूर दूर तक फैलती है और अम्मीजान की दुकान (तवायफ खाना) पर चहल-पहल बढ़ जाती है ।

अम्मीजान ने कानपुर के रईस नवाब शमशुद्दीन से अजीजन की मिस्सी (सगाई) करा दी । बड़ी धूमधाम से मिस्सी की रस्म मनाई गई । पूरे कानपुर को इस मिस्सी रस्म में आमंत्रित किया गया । दूर दूर की तवायफें इस महफिल में शरीक हुईं । अजीजन की नवाब शमशुद्दीन के साथ सिर्फ मिस्सी हुई थी और निकाह बाकी था । लेकिन दोनों एक दूसरे से सच्ची मोहब्बत करते थे ।

नाना साहब , तात्या टोपे, टीका सिंह, अजीमुल्ला खां और नवाब शमशुद्दीन की एक क्रान्तिकारी पार्टी थी जो विद्रोह कर अंग्रेजी शासन से भारत को मुक्त करा लेने के लिेए गठित की गई थीं । नाना साहब बिठुर तथा कानपुर के राजा थे । नवाब शमशुद्दीन ने अपने साथियों की सलाह से अजीजन को भी अपने क्रांतीकारी पार्टी में शामिल कर लिया । अजीजन के सुपुर्द ये काम किया गया कि वो गाना गाकर, अपना नाच दिखाकर अंग्रेजी पक्ष के भारतीय सैनिकों को बहला फुसलाकर नाना साहब के पक्ष में करे, अंग्रेजी सेना की तैयारी और इरादों की गुप्त जानकारी प्राप्त करे और भारतीय मूल के सैनिकों में देशभक्ति की भावना भरें।

अजीजन ने इस चुनौती को सहर्ष स्वीकार किया । सेनापति तात्या टोपे ,अजीमुल्ला खां , टीका सिंह , नाना साहब भी अजीजन से मिलकर बड़े प्रभावित हुए । जब नाना साहब को पता चलता है कि अजीजन मजबूरी में नर्तकी बनी वैसे वो कुलीन क्षत्रीय जाती की लड़की है तो उन्होंने उसे अपनी बहन बना लिया ।उसे एक तलवार भेंट की और उससे अपने हाथ में बंधवा ली । अजीजन अंग्रेजों से अपने अपमान का बदला लेना चाहती थी। जब उसे क्रांतिकारी पार्टी का सहयोग मिल गया तो उसका उत्साह उसके मन में चल रही प्रतिशोध की आग और भड़क उठी ।

नवाब शमशुद्दीन की मदद और नाना साहब के आशिर्वाद से अजीजन ने अपनी एक टोली बना ली, जिसमें 25 नर्तियों ( तवायफ) थी । इस टोली का नाम मस्तानी टोली रखा जाता है । इस टोली को विधवत शस्त्र शिक्षा,घुड़सवारी,दरिया में तैरने व अन्य सभी प्रकार के लड़कू तरीकों से अवगत कराया गया और प्रशिक्षण दिया गया ।इस मस्तानी टोली ने कानपुर में तहलका मचा दिया । इस टोली में बड़े बड़े बहादुरी के कार्य किए । इस टोली के कारण ही अंग्रेजी फौज के बहुत से सिपाही नाना साहब की फौज में आ मिले और अंग्रेजी सेना विद्रोही बन गई । अजीजन की मस्तानी टोली ने हजारों अंग्रेजों को मौत के घाट उतार दिया । इस मस्तानी टोली ने वीवी घर ( लाल बंगला) में रहने वाले तमाम अंग्रेजों को कत्ल कर दिया ।

इन क्रांतिकारियों के शोर्य और पराक्रम से एक बार तो पूरे कानपुर से ही अंग्रेजों को भगा दिया गया था । इस घटना से अंग्रेज बौखला गए थे । फिरंगी अपनी इस हार को सहर्ष स्वीकार करने वाले न थे । अंग्रेज एक बड़ी फौज लेकर आए और चारों तरफ से कानपुर को घेर लिया और कानपुर के किले पर कब्जा कर लिया । भयानक लड़ाई हुई । विजय अंग्रेजों को मिली । क्रूर अंग्रेजों ने सैकड़ो भारतीयों को फांसी पर लटका दिया था और अनगिनत को गोली से उड़ा दिया था । इस भयंकर लड़ाई में अंग्रेज जीत तो गए लेकिन वीर क्रांतिकारियों ने स्वतंत्रता पाने की जो ललक,आम भारतियों के दिलो मे जो आग लगा दी वो निरंतर चलती रही ।

अंतत: एक बदनाम पेश में रहते हुए भी अजीजन बाई ने एक ऐसी मिसाल बना दी कि हर भारतीय नारी में देशभक्ति की भावना भर गई । और आजादी की तरफ अग्रसर बढ़ते कदम आखिरकार हमें आज़ादी पाने से नही रोक पाए । निश्चित ही वीरांगना, नृत्यांगना वीरगति को प्राप्त अजीजन बाई की शहादत को स्वतंत्र भारत के लोग कभी नही भुला पाएंगे और उनकी शहादत को शीश झुकाकर नमन करते रहेंगे ।

पुजारी है वही जो राष्ट्र का गुणगान करते हैं,

जलाकर देह औरों के लिए दिनमान करते है।

वहां पर टेकने मत्था स्वंय भगवान नित आते,

जहां पर वीर माता के लिए बलिदान करते हैं।

(http://sandeepaspmishra.blogspot.com/2015/12/1857.html)

Annie Mascarene

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Annie Mascarene (6 June 1902 - 19 July 1963) was an Indian freedom fighter and Member of Parliament from Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala.

Annie Mascarene

Member, Travancore State Assembly (1948)

Personal details

Born 6 June 1902

Travancore State old kerala

Died 19 July 1963

Nationality Indian

Political party Indian National Congress

Education Maharajas College, Ernakulam

Family and education

Mascarene was born into a Latin Catholic family. Her father Gabriel Mascarene was a government official of the Travancore State. She did a double MA in history and economics in 1925 from Maharaja'S College Travancore and then went on to earn a degree in law following her return from a teaching stint in Ceylon at the Maharaja's Colleges for Arts and Law, Trivandrum.

Role as freedom fighter

Mascarene was one of the first women to join the Travancore State Congress and became the first woman to be part of the Travancore State Congress Working Committee. Along with Akkamma Cherian and Pattom Thanu Pillai, she was one of the leaders of the movements for independence and integration with the Indian nation in the Travancore State. For her political activism she was imprisoned for various periods from 1939—47. Annie Mascarene: Freedom fighter, nation builder, guardian of democracy and Kerala’s first MP

GenderAnd: Annie Mascarene’s experiences in the politics of her state, and her fight to push Travancore to become a part of Independent India helped shape her views.

Written by Priya Ravichandran

Popular narratives of history have led us to believe that men alone were architects of the Indian Constitution. Among the 299 members of the Constituent Assembly, 15 were women. Very little is known about them. They came from different walks of life—lawyers, freedom fighters, politicians, and suffragettes. Led by Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar they discussed, debated and put forth their opinions while defining the principles that would guide the then recently Independent India. Annie Mascarene was in many ways a singular character amongst the women in the Constituent Assembly.

On February 21, 1946 Mahatma Gandhi wrote to a political worker regarding a speech the person had delivered in Bombay. Gandhi wrote, “Even otherwise, I know that you have no control over your tongue and when you stand up to speak, you blab anything that comes to your mind. This speech also is quite a specimen, if the newspaper report is correct. I have sent the report to Bhai Thanu Pillai. You can read it. Such indiscreet talk can do good neither to you nor to the poor people of Travancore. Besides, by your act you put the whole fair sex to shame.”

The letter was addressed to Annie Mascarene. Gandhi had also written to Pattom Thanu Pillai, member of the Travancore State Congress and colleague of Annie, asking him to reconsider her role as co-minister in the Kerala Legislative Assembly.

Annie Mascarene, GenderAnd, Women Constituent Assembly members, Annie Mascarene biography, Express Gender Series, Gender And series Indian Express, Women in Constituent Assembly Popular narratives of history have led us to believe that men alone were architects of the Indian Constitution. Among the 299 members of the Constituent Assembly, 15 were women. Very little is known about them. Gandhi’s admonishment notwithstanding, Annie Mascarene had already established herself as an intrepid fighter and leader in Travancore’s emerging political scene. She along with Accamma Cherian and Rosamma Punnose were the first women to join the Travancore State Congress. A brilliant orator, she went on to lead Travancore’s prolonged fight against its dewan to seek a place as a state in newly independent India. She was repeatedly arrested for her activities. Her record includes 18 months in 1938 on charges of sedition; two years in 1942 for inflammatory speech, and six months in 1946 for spreading rumors that incite people to acts of violence.

Born in 1902 in Trivandrum, Annie graduated with a double MA in history and economics from Maharaja’s College in Thiruvananthapuram before moving to Sri Lanka to serve as a lecturer. She also completed her LLB degree from Thiruvananthapuram on her return.

Travancore, as a princely state, was undergoing a metamorphosis aided by movements calling for greater participation of people from across castes and religions, and for a more responsible government representative. In 1932, the Travancore regent signed a legislative reform bringing to life its first bicameral legislative assembly. It did not go far enough in establishing a just participation for all communities. This alongside the repeated undermining of minority communities in the princely state led to a coming together of various religious and caste organisations. The joint political conference went a long way in giving a platform for those opposed to government policies. It eventually led to the formation of the Travancore State Congress in 1938 with the idea of establishing a responsible government on the basis of universal adult franchise.

P.T. Haridas, in his paper “Genesis of the Travancore State Congress”, points out that this party ran on the platform of accession to Independent India. Annie Mascarene went on to become one of its more vocal presidents’. The dewan C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer was determined to see Travancore established as an independent state post 1947. Mascarene’s appetite for politics, politicking and policy making were honed during her time in the state congress. The dewan and the ruling government saw her as a threat and her work amongst the Travancore citizens as an impediment to his ambitions for the princely state. M. Sumathy in her work “Emergence of Travancore State Congress and Early Activities of the Party” points out that in April 1938, there were repeated attacks on her life and property, and assaults on other members. Continual complaints yielded very little results. Mascarene went on to publish a pamphlet detailing the assaults much to the chagrin of the local police.

Annie Mascarene, GenderAnd, Women Constituent Assembly members, Annie Mascarene biography, Express Gender Series, Gender And series Indian Express, Women in Constituent Assembly Annie Mascarene’s arguments in the Constitution Hall were based on her beliefs that while centralisation of power was necessary for a successful democracy, too much centralisation could alter the very nature of democratic institutions. Annie Mascarene went on to serve as a member of the Travancore-Cochin Legislative Assembly from 1948-1952, and briefly from 1949-1950 as a Minister in charge of Health and Power, the first time a woman had held a ministerial post in the Travancore legislative assembly. She also earned the distinction of being the first and only women amongst 10 people elected to the first Lok Sabha as an independent candidate from Thiruvananthapuram in India’s first general election in 1951. She went on to represent Travancore-Cochin in the constituent assembly.

Annie Mascarene’s arguments in the Constitution Hall were tinted with the same principles and fervour that coloured her career in the princely state of Travancore. She firmly believed that while centralisation of power was necessary for a successful democracy, too much centralisation could alter the very nature of democratic institutions. She argued that provincial autonomy and more importantly provincial elections, and legislatures need to maintain their independence, and the Centre cannot assume the role of “custodian of justice”. She struck down K.M. Munshi’s argument of expediency and reality as reasons for Article 289 – the appointment of an election commission by pointing, “We are here laying down principles – rudimentary principles – of democracy, not for the coming election but for days to come, for generations, for the nation. Therefore principles of ethics are more suitable to be considered now than principles of expediency. I am a believer in politics as nothing but ethics writ large.”

Parliamentary career

Mascarene was elected to the First Lok Sabha as an independent candidate from the Thiruvananthapuram Lok Sabha constituency in the 1951 Indian general election. She was the first woman MP from Kerala and one of only 10 elected to Parliament in those elections. Prior to her election to Parliament, Mascarene had been member of the Travancore-Cochin Legislative Assembly from 1948—52 and had served briefly as Minister in Charge of Health and Power in the Parur T K Narayana Pillai Ministry during 1949-1950. She was also one of the members of the Constituent Assembly of India and served on its select committee that looked into the Hindu Code Bill. In the second General Elections of 1957, she was defeated in Thiruvananthapuram by S Easwaran, coming fourth in a contest that also featured her erstwhile colleague in the Travancore Congress, Pattom Thanu Pillai.

Death

Annie Mascarene died in 1963 and her grave lies at the Pattoor cemetery in Thiruvananthapuram.

Commemoration

A bronze statue of Annie Mascarene was built at the Annie Mascarene Square at Vazhuthacaud in Thiruvananthapuram and it was unveiled by Vice President Hamid Ansari in September 2013.

Asaf ali

Wikipedia from the free encyclopedia

Asaf Ali

Asaf ali

Governor of Odisha

Post reinstated

18 July 1951 - 6 June 1952

Previous notice VP Menon

Successor Fazal Ali

Post reinstated

21 June 1948 - 5 May 1951

Previous notice Kailash Nath Katju

Successor VP Menon

Birth 11 May 1888

Sehara Uttar Pradesh , India

The death 1 April 1953 (age 64) Bern ,Switzerland

the nationality Indian

Life partner Aruna Asaf Ali (Aruna Ganguly) (1928–1953)

Academic affiliation St. Stephen's College , Delhi

The business Advocate, Indian Freedom Activist,Freedom Fighter , FirstAmbassador from India to USA, Railways and Transport Incharge

Asaf Ali ; Asaf Ali: (11 May 1888 - 1 April 1953) was an Indian freedom fighter and famous Indian lawyer. He was the first ambassador of the United States from India . He also served as the Governor of Odisha, Asaf Ali was born on 11 May 1888 AD in Sihara, Uttar Pradesh , British India

Indian National Movement

In 1914, the Indian Muslim community had a major impact on the British Empire. Asaf Ali supported the Turkish Khilafat side and resigned from the Privy Council. He saw this as an act of non-cooperation and returned to India in December 1914. After returning to India, Asaf Ali joined the nationalist movement as an agitator. Opposed the British Government by joining the Khilafat Movement of 1919. Played an active role in the non-cooperation movement run by Gandhiji during 1920-21. On 8 April 1928, Bhagat Singh and Batukeshwar Dutt were arrested for throwing a bomb in the Delhi Central Assembly, their defense lawyer Asif Ali became and advocated their case. He was elected to the Central Legislative Assembly in 1935 as a member of the Muslim Nationalist Party. The Muslim LeagueWas re-elected as a Congress candidate against the candidate of K and was elected as the Vice-President. In 1942, joined the Quit India movement on Gandhiji's call.

Marriage

In 1928, he married Aruna Asaf Ali , aged 21 , (Asaf Ali was a Muslim, while Aruna was a Hindu). He is widely remembered for hoisting the Indian National Congress flag at the Gowalia Tank Grounds in Mumbai during the Quit India Movement, 1942.

Political career

Asaf Ali was in charge of Railways and Transport in the Interim Government of India headed by Jawaharlal Nehru from 2 September 1946. He served as India's first ambassador to the United States from February 1947 to February 1949 to 1949.

Death

On 1 April 1953 AD, at the age of 64 , while serving as Ambassador of India to Switzerland , Bern died in the Embassy office. In 1989, India Post issued a stamp in his honor. His wife Aruna Asaf Ali was awarded India's highest civilian award - Bharat Ratna.

Ashutosh Kuila

Revolutionary

Birth : 1924

Death : 29 September 1942 (Mahishadal)

BIOGRAPHY

Childhood and educational life Ashutosh Quila was born in Madhabpur in East Midnapore district. His father's name is Jeevan Chandra Quila. He was member of revotulanary group called Bidyut Bahini. He joined the Quit India Movement (1942) while studying in tenth grade at the Kalyan Gauramohan Institution. He was martyred when he was just eighteen. He participated in the attack on the Mahishadal police station on 29 Sep 1942. He received bullet wound in firing and died on the same day.

Amar Sheed Zenab 

Accamma Cherian

“Shoot me first”: Accamma Cherian’s bold voice of freedom

In 1951, when she married Varkey Mannamplakkal—another freedom fighter and member of the Travancore Legislative Assembly—Accamma was proving the spirit of nationalism and freedom ingrained in every Christian of India.

By Joe Palathunkal

“Not hundreds but tens of thousands wearing white Khaddar Jubbahs and still whiter Gandhi caps were surging forward in massive waves… Akkamma Cherian was leading that white sea, standing in an open jeep, dressed in khaddar and a Gandhi cap, like Goddess Durga crushing beneath her feet evil and injustice; her hair played in the wind like black flags hoisted against autocracy…”

I don’t know whether there is a better description of India’s most vocal, woman freedom fighter Accamma Cherian’s first march towards freedom in 1938, against the oppressive rule of the King and Dewan of Travancore. This imagery from the great story teller of Malayalam, E. M. Kovoor (Iype Mathew) from Thiruvalla, says all about our bold voice of freedom born into the Karippapparambil Catholic family of Kanjirappally, Kerala, on February 14, 1909, to Thomman Cherian and Annamma.

After completing her education in Catholic schools and colleges, Accamma became a teacher for a period of six years and when the State Congress was formed in 1938, she gave up her teaching and plunged into the turbulent waters of freedom struggle. But the protest march against the king to Kowadiyar Palace did cost the Congress dearly and the organization was banned on August 26, 1938, India’s freedom month.

Prominent Congress leaders like Pattom Thanu Pillai and others were arrested and put in prison which forced the organization to change its method of protest, and they even chose a new name, 'Strikers’ Union', and Accamma was nominated its autonomous, all powerful president, about which she wrote later: “I was aware of the seriousness of the assignment and knew what the consequences could be, yet I volunteered to do the job.”

Taking upon herself the mandate given by Jesus in Luke 4: 18, “He has sent me to proclaim liberty to the captives”, when she marched with 20,000 people to remove the yoke of suppression, the British ordered to fire at the crowd and then came the boldest roar from this 29 year old lioness of Kerala: "I am the leader; shoot me first before you kill others".

When the news reached Mahatma Gandhi, he called Accamma Cherian ‘the Jhansi Rani of Travancore’, an epithet she proved correct through the later events. In October 1938, she formed the women’s organization, 'Desasevika Sangh', to instil the spirit of nationalism and freedom, in the women of India. And this was a powerful invitation for the women to come out of the confines of kitchen to the public domain.

When the first annual conference of the State Congress was held at Vattiyurkavu on 22nd and 23rd of December 1938, Accamma and other Congress leaders were arrested on the next day, and they were imprisoned for a year for violating the ban orders. In jail, they were insulted and abused which Dewan C. P. Ramaswamy Aiyar later denied.

After the release from jail, in 1942, Accamma Cherian became the Acting President of State Congress and welcomed the Quit India Resolution, passed at the Bombay session of the Indian National Congress on August 8, 1942. She was arrested and imprisoned for revolting against the government.

When C. P. Ramaswamy Aiyar demanded independent statehood for Tranvancore, Accamma sensed it as a ploy against the Indian nationalistic spirit, and she raised her bold voice for which she was again arrested in 1947. After Independence, she was elected unopposed to the Travancore Legislative Assembly.

In 1951, when she married Varkey Mannamplakkal—another freedom fighter and member of the Travancore Legislative Assembly—Accamma was proving the spirit of nationalism and freedom ingrained in every Christian of India. When she died on May 5, 1982, India not only lost a freedom fighter but also a powerful icon of Indian women’s liberation from every shackle they are chained to, and Christianity in India lost a dynamic witness of nationalism which is doubted by some people for political motives.

When Dr. Ambrose Pinto SJ wrote as a response to such people the following, he was indeed reminding us about Accamma Cherian: “The Church of course was as nationalist as any other progressive groups and had aligned with all progressive elements. They were surely not a part of the colonial conspiracy. In fact, right from the beginning Christianity did not take the believers out of their national moorings but the religion provided the followers an altruistic philosophy to work for the poor and the deprived.”

(Joe Palathunkal is Associate Editor, Living in Faith)

https://www.livingfaith.in/news/shoot-me-first-accamma-cherians-bold-voice-of-freedom/2074/

Abdul Qaiyum Ansari

From Wikipedia

Abdul Qaiyum Ansari

Born 1 July 1905

Dehri-on-Sone, Bihar

Died 18 January 1973

Amiawar, Bihar

Organization Momin Movement

Movement Indian independence movement

Abdul Qaiyum Ansari (1 July 1905 – 18 January 1973) was a participant in the freedom struggle of India. He was known for his commitment to national integration, secularism and communal harmony. He was a leader who worked against the demand of Muslim league for creation of a separate Muslim nation from India as an independent state.

Birth and education

He was born on 1 July 1905 at Dehri-on-Sone, Bihar. He was born in a wealthy Momin/Ansari family. After studying at Sasaram and Dehri-on-Sone High Schools, he went on to attend Aligarh Muslim University, Calcutta University, and Allahabad University, though his education was interrupted from time to time due to his active involvement in the struggle for India’s freedom.

Participation in freedom struggle of India and pre-independence period works

He was involved in the freedom struggle of India at a very early age and as a part of the same he left the government run school at his home town. He established a national school for the students who had boycotted government schools in response to the call of the Indian National Congress. For this he was arrested and imprisoned at the young age of 16 since it amounted to participation in Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements.

He worked closely with the Indian National Congress throughout as a youth leader and even took part in the students' agitation against the Simon Commission during its visit to Calcutta in 1928.

Abdul Qaiyum Ansari was also an accomplished journalist, writer and poet. He was editor of Urdu weekly "Al-Islah" (The Reform) and an Urdu monthly "Musawat" (Equality) in the preindependence days.

Opposition to Muslim League and formation of Momin Movement

He opposed the communal policies of the Muslim League. Abdul Ansari was against the demand of Muslim League for creation of Pakistan by dividing India. To counter the demand of the Muslim League for a separate Muslim nation he started the Momin Movement. Under this banner he worked for the social, political, and also economic emancipation and upliftment of the backward Momin community which was at least half of India’s Muslim population then. Abdul Qaiyum Ansari remained President of All India Momin conference throughout his life.

Momin movement supported the Indian National Congress Party which he perceived to be fighting for freedom for a united India, and for the establishment and development of social equality, secularism and democracy. He also worked for the welfare of artisan and weavers communities, and for the development of the handloom sector in the textile industry of the country.

His party fought the general elections of 1946 held on the basis of separate electorates and managed to win six seats in the Bihar Provincial Assembly against the Muslim League. Thus he became the first Momin to become a Minister of Bihar in the cabinet of Bihar Kesari Sri Krishna Singh and as a young minister earned the praise of both stalwarts Bihar Kesari Shri Babu and Bihar Vibhuti Anugraha Babu. Eventually he dissolved the Momin Conference as a political body, and made it a social and economic organization. He was a Minister in the Bihar Cabinet for about seventeen years and held various important portfolios and discharged his responsibilities most ably, building up a reputation for selfless service and integrity.

Post-independence efforts

During the aggression of Pakistan on Kashmir in October 1947, he came forward as the first Muslim Leader of India to condemn the same and strenuously worked to rouse the Muslim masses to counter such aggressions as true citizens of India. As an aftermath of this he founded the Indian Muslim Youth Kashmir Front in 1957 to "liberate" Azad Kashmir. Later on, he exhorted the Indian Muslims to support the Government of India in the anti-Indian uprising of the Razakars in Hyderabad during September 1948.

A champion of the poor and downtrodden, Abdul Qaiyum Ansari worked for the spread of education and literacy and the first All India Backward Classes Commission was appointed by the Government of India in 1953 largely at his initiative.

Death

Abdul Qaiyum Ansari died on 18 January 1973, at village Amiawar of Bihar, while inspecting damages caused to the village by the collapse of the Dehri-Arrah canal and organizing relief to its homeless people.

Praised by government

On 1 July 2005, the Government of India (Or India Post) released a Postage Stamp to commemorate him.

Abbas Tyabji

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Abbas Tyabji

Abbas Tyabji and Mahatma Gandhi in 1934

Born 1 February 1854

Baroda state, Bombay Presidency, British India

Died 9 June 1936 (aged 82)

Mussoorie, United Provinces, Indian Empire

Other names Grand Old Man of Gujarat

Political party Indian National Congress

Abbas Tyabji (1 February 1854 – 9 June 1936) was an Indian freedom fighter from Gujarat, and an associate of Mahatma Gandhi. He also served as the Chief Justice of Baroda State. His grandson is the eminent historian Professor Irfan Habib.

Family and background

Abbas Tyabji was born to an extremely wealthy Sulaimani Bohra Muslim family of Cambay in Gujarat. He was the son of Shamsuddin Tyabji and grandson of Mullah Tyab Ali, an immensely successful merchant. His father's elder brother was Badruddin Tyabji, first Indian to become a Barrister later on a judge of the Bombay High Court and an early, loyalist president of the Indian National Congress.

Early life

Abbas Tyabji was born in Baroda State, where his father was in the service of the Gaekwad Maharaja. He was educated in England, where he lived for eleven years. He returned, a cultivated Brown Sahib, very loyal to the Raj, devoted to western ways, and with a contempt for the customs and traditions of India. As his nephew, the ornithologist Salim Ali, says in his autobiography,

(Abbas Tyabji), though a moderate nationalist at heart, would stand no adverse criticism of the British as a people, or of the Raj, and even a mildly disparaging remark about the King-Emperor or the royal family was anathema to him. . . If he had any strong sentiments about Swadeshi, he certainly didn't show it by precept or example. . . This being so, he naturally disagreed vehemently with Gandhiji and his methods of political mass agitation. . . In other respects, his moderate but simmering nationalism and his absolute integrity and fairness as a judge were widely recognized and lauded, even by leftist Congressmen and anti-British extremists.

As an England-educated barrister, Tyabji landed a job as judge in the court of Baroda State as a matter of course. With a generous salary added to his sizable family inheritance, and the respectability of a high-government appointment, the family was ensconced in the higher echelons of elite, westernized society, as compradors of the British Raj. For the entirety of his career, Tyabji remained a staunch loyalist of the Raj. He raised his children in a westernized manner, sending his children to England for higher education, and In time, he rose in the judiciary to become Chief Justice of the High Court of Baroda State and retired.

He was an early proponent of women's rights, supporting women's education and social reform. He broke with the prevailing custom of the times by disregarding purdah restrictions and sending his daughters to school. His daughter, Sohaila, was the mother of the eminent historian Irfan Habib.

Indian Independence Movement

Abbas Tyabji attended, along with Mahatma Gandhi, the Social Conference held at Godhra in 1917. At the time, he was seen as a model of Britishness, leading a Western lifestyle and wearing impeccably tailored English suits. All of that changed after the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in 1919, when he was appointed by the Indian National Congress as chairman of an independent fact-finding committee. He cross-examined hundreds of eyewitnesses and victims of the atrocities committed by Reginald Dyer, reacting with "nausea and revulsion." That experience drove him to become a loyal follower of Gandhi, giving strong support to the cause of the Indian National Congress.

Leaving his Western style aristocratic life behind, he adopted many of the symbols of the Gandhi movement, burning his English clothes and spinning and wearing khadi. He traveled around the country in third-class railway carriages, staying in simple dharamsalas and ashrams, sleeping on the ground and walking miles preaching non-violent disobedience against the British Indian government. He continued this new lifestyle well past the age of seventy, including several years in British jails. In 1928, he supported Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel in the Bardoli Satyagraha, which included a boycott of British cloth and goods. Tyabji's daughter, Sohaila, remembered loading a bullock cart with the family's foreign garments, onto which were loaded all her mother's "best Irish linen, bedspreads, table covers... ", her father's "angarkha, chowghas and English suits" and Sohaila's own "favourite caps of silk and velvet", all given to be burnt.

Salt satyagraha

In early 1930, the Indian National Congress declared Purna Swaraj, or independence from the British Raj. As their first act of civil disobedience, or satyagraha, Mahatma Gandhi chose a nationwide non-violent protest against the British salt tax. Congress officials were convinced that Gandhi would quickly be arrested, and chose Tyabji as Gandhi's immediate successor to lead the Salt Satyagraha in case of Gandhi's arrest. On 4 May 1930, after the Salt March to Dandi, Gandhi was arrested and Tyabji placed in charge of the next phase of the Salt Satyagraha, a raid on the Dharasana Salt Works in Gujarat.

On 7 May 1930 Tyabji launched the Dharasana Satyagraha, addressing a meeting of the satyagrahis, and beginning the march with Gandhi's wife Kasturba at his side. An eyewitness remarked "It was a most solemn spectacle to see this Grand Old Man with his flowing snow-white beard marching at the head of the column and keeping pace in spite of his three score and sixteen years." On 12 May, before reaching Dharasana, Tyabji and 58 satyagrahis were arrested by the British. At that point, Sarojini Naidu was appointed to lead the Dharasana Satyagraha, which ended with the beating of hundreds of satyagrahis, an event that attracted worldwide attention to India's independence movement.

Mahatma Gandhi appointed Tyabji, at age seventy-six, to replace him as leader of the Salt Satyagraha in May 1930 after Gandhi's arrest. Tyabji was arrested soon afterward and imprisoned by the British Indian Government. Gandhi and others respectfully called Tyabji the "Grand Old Man of Gujarat".

Death

Abbas Tyabji died in Mussoorie, (now in Uttarakhand) on 9 June 1936. After his death, Gandhi wrote an article in the Harijan newspaper titled "G. O. M. of Gujarat" (Grand Old Man of Gujarat), including the following praise for Tyabji:

At his age and for one who had never known hardships of life it was no joke to suffer imprisonments. But his faith conquered every obstacle… He was a rare servant of humanity. He was a servant of India because he was a servant of humanity. He believed in God as Daridranarayana. He believed that God was to be found in the humblest cottages and among the depressed of the earth. Abbas Mian is not dead, though his body rests in the grave. His life is an inspiration for us all. 

Begum Royeka

“Had God Himself intended women to be inferior, He would have ordained it so that mothers would have given birth to daughters at the end of the fifth month of pregnancy. The supply of mother’s milk would naturally have been half of that in case of a son. But that is not the case. How can it be? Is not God just and most merciful?”

Born: 9 December 1880, Rangpur District, Bangladesh

Died: 9 December 1932, Kolkata

This great lady was perhaps the first amongst the other female freedom fighters, who fiercely fought for the gender equality, back in that time when the freedom was only a dream. She wrote novels, poems, short stories, science fiction, satires, treatises, and essays where she advocated that both men and women should be treated equally. She also emphasized the lack of education and claimed it, being the main reason for women's lagging behind.

ब्रिगेडियर मोहम्मद उस्मान

ब्रिगेडियर मोहम्मद उस्मान जंग में शहीद होने वाले आज़ाद भारत के पहले सेना अधिकारी थे जो ब्रिगेडियर की पोस्ट पर रहते हुए इसी महीने 3 जुलाई 1948 को कश्मीर के नोशेरा में शहीद हुए थे। इतनी ऊंचे ओहदे पर उस वक़्त तक कोई अधिकारी शहीद नही हुआ था। लेकिन आज मीडिया और न ही कोई नेता उनकी शहादत पर उन्हें याद करता है।

ब्रिगेडियर उस्मान आजमगढ़ में पैदा हुए और बनारस के हरिश्चन्द्र कॉलेज से पढ़ाई पूरी की। रॉयल मिलिट्री एकेडमी का एग्जाम क़वालीफाई कर के सेना में बलूच रेजिमेंट के अधिकारी बने। भारत पाकिस्तान बंटवारे के बाद बलूच रेजिमेंट पाकिस्तान के हिस्से में गयी जिस वजह से जिन्ना ने ब्रिगेडियर उस्मान को पाकिस्तान सेना में सेना प्रमुख का पद ऑफर किया लेकिन उस्मान ने जिन्ना के ऑफर को ठुकरा कर भारत की सेना को चुना।

1948 को भारत पाकिस्तान की जंग में कश्मीर में नोशेरा की हिफाज़त करते हुए शहीद हो गए। उन्हें जामिया मिल्लिया के परिसर में उन्हें सुपुर्द ए खाक़ किया गया। बाद में उन्हें महावीर चक्र से नवाज़ा गया। मऊ के मुख़्तार अंसारी परिवार ब्रिगेडियर उस्मान को अपना रिश्तेदार बताते है।

Bhogeswari Phukanani

Bhogeswari Phukanani was a simple housewife whose love for her country earned her the title of the '60-year-old martyr'. She was the mother of 8 children who not only led several rebellions but also encouraged her children to do the same

Shweta Ganjoo

The story of Indian freedom struggle is a saga of repression, of a common cause uniting people of diversities, of countless sacrifices and of lost lives. It is a tale of bravery, of leadership, of endurance, of collective strength and of people from all walks of life including children and housewives coming together to fight for a cause they believed in – the Independence of their country.

While the rebellion at the centre was led by prominent names like Mahatma Gandhi, Raj Guru, and Bhagat Singh, it was leaders in the small towns and cities who ensured that the nation was united against the Britishers and that every nook and corner of the country participated in the rebellions against the British Raj.

One such name in the Indian freedom struggle was that of Bhogeswari Phukanani who led the rebellion from the north-eastern state of Assam.

A revolutionary housewife

Bhogeswari Phukanani, renowned as the ’60-year-old martyr’, was born in 1885 in Barhampur area of Assam’s Nagoan district. She was a simple housewife and had a family of eight children — six sons and two daughters, besides her husband Bhogeswar Phukan. She was a Phoenix whose love for her country prompted her to lead massive rebellions in an area that was afire with the nationwide movements and reform movements. At a time when women were supposed to be caretakers of the family, Phukanani actively participated in the local protests against the British authorities as well as in women organisations in the area. She even encouraged her children to participate in the freedom movement.

Bhogeswari Phukkani (Photo: Facebook)

A fearless leader

The Berhampur office of the Indian National Congress (INC) had been seized by the Britisher authorities. In September 1942, the revolutionaries took back control of the office and decided to celebrate their feat with a feast. This, however, did not go down well with the authorities who sent military forces under Captain Finish to take revenge. The joyous atmosphere of the feast soon turned grim and the echo of ‘Vande Mataram’ spread all throughout the area.

Bhogeswari Phukanani along with Ratanmala led the mob. As soon as they confronted Captain Finish, he snatched the flag from Ratanmala’s hand, who fell down on earth. Furious by the disrespect to the national flag, Phukanani snatched the flag from his hand and hit his head with the pole of the flag.

Enraged by her actions, Captain Finish pulled out his revolver and fired at Bhogeswari Phukanani, who fell down to the ground. She succumbed to her injuries and died on September 20, 1942.

As India celebrates 70 years of independence, we bring you stories of women who were part of the Indian Independence Struggle. You might have heard about some of them but most do not find a mention in our history books or popular memory. These were ordinary women from all walks of life who managed to make extraordinary contributions to the cause of freedom. This series is our tribute to these women and their exemplary work. We bring you 70 stories of courage and valour over the next one week leading up to 15th August 2017.

Write to us, if you have any names to add to this list. Email: inuthsocial@indianexpress.com

SHAHEED BHOGESWARI PHUKANANI

RARE PHOTO OF SHAHEED BHOGESWARI PHUKANANI

Bhogeswari was born on December, 1885 and got married to Bhogeswar Phukan. He was also severely wounded by police firing while participating in a peace rally at Barhampur on 19 September’1942. For the lack of aid, she died next day on 20 September

BABURAO SEDMAKE

ADIVASI HERO OF 1857

Amit Bhagat

May 10th 2019

The Revolt of 1857 was a turning point in the history of India, shaking the foundation of British rule on the sub-continent. The tinderbox of the Revolt was Meerut, where in 10th May 1857, Indian sepoys in the British-India Army violently and openly rebelled against the British East India Company.

The rebellion spread, and in time, martyrs and leaders of the Revolt came to be revered as pioneers of India’s struggle for freedom. While names like Rani Lakshmibai of Jhansi, Nanasaheb Peshwa, Tatya Tope and Begum Hazrat Mahal are celebrated across India, there were others whose names have slipped into obscurity.

The truth is that while we think of North India as the theatre of the Revolt, the uprising reached the remotest of tribal areas in Maharashtra and Chhatisgarh.

This is the story of Baburao Sedmake, who led the revolt of the Gonds in 1857, in present-day Chandrapur and Gadchiroli districts of Maharashtra. Then known as ‘Chanda’ district in the British-ruled Central Province, the region was brought under the British in 1854, through Lord Dalhousie’s infamous ‘Doctrine of Lapse’, when the Raja of Nagpur died without an heir.

The British assumed charge of Chanda in March 1854 and R S Ellis of the Madras Civil Service became the first District Collector of Chanda. There were several zamindaris (a grouping of villages under the Zamindari System) in the district that were owned by Raj-Gond families. These even predated the arrival of the Marathas in the 18th century. Naturally, these families greatly resented the British, especially the usurping of their land.

Map of the Central Provinces

One such zamindari was that of Molampalli, which comprised 24 villages in present-day Chandrapur district. Baburao Sedmake, the Zamindar of Mollampalli, was a young man of 25. He was born in Kishtapur village in Aheri tehsil of Gadchiroli district on 12th March 1833 but not much is known about his family or his early life.

In early March 1858, Sedmake assembled a force of 500 tribal youth, from the Gond, Maria and Rohilla (formerly in the Nizam’s service) tribes in adjoining regions and prepared an exceptionally fearless army. With this force, he was able to capture the entire Rajgad parganaof Chanda district.

When news reached Chandrapur, the District Collector, Mr Chrichton, deputed a unit of the British army to quell the rebellion. British forces met Sedmake’s army near Nandgaon-Ghosari on 13th March 1858. A decisive battle was fought between them, where Sedmake emerged victorious. He completely routed the British army, while inflicting serious losses of men and equipment.

Sedmake was soon joined by Vyankat Rao, Zamindar of Adpalli and Ghot. The two leaders then openly declared war against the British and, collecting a mixed force of over 1,200 Rohillas and Gonds, faced off against the troops sent to counter them.

Their combined forces marched northward towards Gadhi Surla fortress and brought the area under their direct control.

When Chrichton learnt of this, he sent another unit, which surrounded the hillock. But Sedmake’s army was not fazed. His men pelted stones at the troops, and didn’t let up till the troops retreated with heavy losses!

Chandrapur fort |British Library

Crichton then sent in reinforcements which were commanded by Lieutenant John Nuttall, Commanding Detachment (Adjutant) of the 2nd Regiment Nagpur Irregular Infantry. Both these forces clashed again, first at Saganapur on 19th April 1858 and then at Bamanpet on 27th April 1858. The two sides battled it out bitterly and, again, Sedmake and his men emerged victorious.

Buoyed by his success, Sedmake, on the night of the 29th April 1858, attacked the telegraph camp at Chinchgundi on the Pranhita River in the Aheri zamindari. To the tribals of the region, these endless telegraph wires running across the countryside appeared to be a diabolical device to bind the people in slavery. The British force pursued them but suffered defeat for the third consecutive time, on 10th May 1858.

Crichton then decided to switch tactics. He told Rani Lakshmibai, the Zamindarini of Aheri, that if she failed to apprehend Sedmake, she would be prosecuted for harbouring and assisting the rebels, and her zamindari would also be usurped.

The threat had the desired effect and Lakshmibai readily offered her help.

In July 1858, Lakshmibai’s troops succeeded in capturing Sedmake at Bhopalpatnam

Representation of the revolt at the memorial |Amit Bhagat

But while he was being taken to Aheri in fetters, he managed to escape, assisted by his guards, who were Rohillas. Thereafter, Sedmake continuously plundered territories under British control and posed a formidable threat to them. Lakshmibai’s forces were able to recapture Sedmake, on 18th September 1858, and handed him over to Crichton.

Sedmake was arrested and brought to Chanda. A case was filed against him and serious charges levelled. On 21st October 1858, the following verdict was announced:

1. From the evidence produced, the prisoner (Baburao) is found guilty of the rebellion against the British Govt, of having collected armed men and opposed the troops of the Government at the villages of Ghot on the 10th of May 1858 and at Bamanpeth on the 27th of April 1858, of having caused his armed followers to make prisoners of two troopers in the service of the British Government, and after they were brought before him, robbing and keeping them as prisoners for about 12 days, of having caused his armed followers to attack the camp of Mr Gartland & Hall at Chunchgundi on the 29th of April 1858 and receiving the stolen property of the above Gartland & Hall, well knowing that it had been acquired by the murders of both Gartland & Hall.

2. The court, having found the prisoner guilty as above and taking into consideration he was the leader of the disturbances in the district and that he had no cause for acting as he did, proceeds to trap in him the following sentence.

3. That you, Baboorao, son of Poolaisur Bapu, be hanged by the noose until you are dead and the execution thereof is ordered to take place this afternoon at 4 o’clock in the gallows, in front of the jail at Chandah.

4. The whole of his estates or property of whatever description is hereby ordered to be confiscated by W H Chrichton off. Dy Commissioner & Commissioner of the District, Chandah, under Act XIV of 1857.

Pipal tree on which Baburao is believed to have been hanged |Amit Bhagat

On the same day, at 4.30 pm, Sedmake was hanged in Chandrapur Jail. His fellow companions had also been tried by the court and various verdicts pronounced against them. Some were hanged to death, while others were sentenced to life imprisonment.

According to local folklore, Sedmake had shamanic powers, due to which when hanged, he managed to break the noose four times.

Therefore, he was finally immersed in quick lime and killed. Another popular and widely accepted belief claims that Sedmake was tortured and hanged from a pipal tree in the open space outside Chandrapur Jail.

Meanwhile, Sedmake’s associate, Vyankat Rao, escaped and sought asylum in the Kingdom of Bastar, where he tried to assemble a force against the British. He was captured by the Raja of Bastar and handed over to the British. He was tried at Chandrapur and sentenced to life imprisonment with forfeiture of all property, due to the successful mediation of his mother Nagabai in 1860. This marked the end of the revolt in the region.

Lakshmibai of Aheri was splendidly rewarded for her timely help. The Zamindari of Adpalli and Ghot, consisting of 67 villages, was handed over to her. Crichton, for the services he rendered, was given the title ‘Companion of the Bath’.

Today, a small memorial stands at the site where Baburao Sedmake was hanged in Chandrapur. While the Revolt of 1857 in Chandrapur and surrounding regions has been all but forgotten in the rest of India, it lives on through tribal folktales and songs among the locals, who proudly recount the bravery of Baburao Sedmake.

Stamp issued in honour of Baburao Sedmake

ABOUT AUTHOR

Amit Bhagat is an independent researcher. He is currently working on the Megalithic and Stone Age culture of the Vidarbha region in Maharastra

https://www.livehistoryindia.com/snapshort-histories/2019/05/10/baburao-sedmake-adivasi-hero-of-1857

Bishnuram Medhi

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Bishnuram Medhi

Medhi on a 1989 stamp of India

5th Governor of Madras State

In office

24 January 1958 – 4 May 1964

Chief Minister K. Kamaraj

M. Bhaktavatsalam

Preceded by Pakala Venkata Rajamannar

Succeeded by Jayachamarajendra Wadiyar

2nd Chief Minister of Assam

In office

9 August 1950 – 27 December 1957

Governor Jairamdas Daulatram

Fazal Ali

Preceded by Gopinath Bordoloi

Succeeded by Bimala Prasad Chaliha

Personal details

Born 24 April 1888

Hajo, Assam, British India

Died 21 January 1981 (aged 92)

Political party Indian National Congress

Bishnuram Medhi (24 April 1888 – 21 January 1981) was an Indian politician and freedom-fighter who served as the Chief Minister of Assam from 1950 to 1957 and Governor of Madras State from January 1958 till May 1964.

Early life

Bishnuram Medhi was born to poor Assamese peasants, Sonaram and Alehi, of Hajo, near Gauhati, on 24 April 1888. He was a very bright student. Bishnuram studied at Cotton Collegiate School in Gauhati (now Guwahati) and completed his matriculation in 1905. Forefathers of Bishnuram settled in Hajo in early eighteenth century from the erstwhile Koch Kingdom, Cooch Beher via Barpeta and was given the charge of "Medhi" in the famous Hayagreeva Madhav Temple of Hajo. One prominent person of Hajo, late Holiram Medhi, became an Extra Assistant Commissioner under British Rule after studying at Gauripur, in the English School run by the Jaminder of Gauripur as there was no other school in Assam, at that time, imparting modern English education. Perseverance for education of Late Holiram Medhi perhaps enthused child Bishnuram to dream big and pursue for higher studies himself which was very uncommon in those days. On completion of his schooling, he joined Presidency College, then affiliated with the University of Calcutta, and completed his post graduation in organic chemistry from Dhaka University in 1911. His close friend was famous Bengali industrialist, founder of Power Tools And Appliances Co. Ltd. Nagendra Nath Das. Bishnuram pursued his studies in law and was called to the bar in 1914.

Indian Independence Movement

Bishnuram joined the Indian National Congress in the 1920s and participated in the Non-Cooperation Movement. In 1926, he was appointed Joint-Secretary of the Reception Committee of the Pandu session of the Indian National Congress. In 1930, Bishnuram was elected President of the Assam Provincial Congress.

Bishnuram Medhi assisted and played crucial role with Gopinath Bordoloi in securing Assam for India and preventing from being a part of East Pakistan under grouping during India's Independence.

Post-independence politics

When provincial autonomy was introduced in 1935, Bishnuram served as a minister in Gopinath Bordoloi's cabinet. In 1950, Bishnuram was elected Chief Minister of Assam and served from 1950 to 1957. As the Chief Minister, Medhi understood the gravity of the illegal influx from Bangladesh posing serious threat to the local population. He took stern action against illegal settlers which made him unpopular amongst few powerful members of his own party who considered the settlers as prominent vote bank.

Medhi also advocated for strong action against the rebelling Nagas. He was a Teetotaller and strict disciplinarian as an individual and also in public life. During his time, Naga insurgency was gaining momentum under Angami Zapu Phizo. It is believed that initiative to divide the Naga leaders by the Government machineries led to the killing of another charismatic Naga leader Sakhrie in 1956 by Phizo group. It was also rumoured that Bishnuram's personal dislike for some of the tribal customs added fuel to the rebellion in the hilly areas of Assam. Certainly, Bishnuram disapproved activities of the communists, publicly deplored them and announced award of Ten Thousand on Bishnu Prasad Rabha, another legendary son of Assam and rebel leader of the communist movement in Assam. He was equally suspicious on the activities of the Christian Missionaries and their role in fermenting secessionist activities in the hill districts of undivided Assam.

Bishnuram's political adversaries, including many luminaries of Assam, labelled charges against him to the High Command anticipating erosion of political support for his hard measures against illegal settlers and Naga Rebellion. His relation with late Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed and other leaders slowly turned sour and eventually Bishnuram Medhi was taken out from Assam as the Governor of Madras in spite of being a popular public leader. His dedication, simplicity, honesty and love for Assam and India was legendary. He is known as the Iron Man of Assam.

Its no wonder that after departure of Bishnuram from the political scenario of Assam, rampant illegal influx from Bangladesh took place on political patronage for which Bishnuram was a stumbling block. It took considerable time for the successor of Bishnuram, Late B P Chaliha, to appreciate the influx problem and take some steps during his third stint as Chief Minister. After his return from Madras, Bishnuram again became member of Legislative Assembly, yet he was not considered by his party for any sensitive post. Perhaps his love for his state and no nonsense approach became a misfit in the changed political equation.[6] From 1958 to 1964, Bishnuram served as the Governor of Madras.

Death

Bishnuram Medhi had a long eventful life which came to an end on 21 January 1981 at the age of 92. He did not have any children. As per his wish, his home at Hajo was converted into Shishu Kalyan Kendra (children welfare centre) while the other house in Latasil, Guwahati, was made a children library under Bishnu Nirmala Trust. His wife, Nirmala Medhi, was a devoted and pious lady. It is said that Nirmala Medhi, an expert weaver herself, took hand weaving tools to Madras Rajbhawan. One Tamil gentleman saw the Late Nirmala Medhi weaving the traditional Assamese Gamocha and appreciating the tremendous business potential, started producing Gamocha in Madras in large scale and thus Gamocha from Madras (Tamil Nadu) started selling in Assam.

Bhima Nayak

From Wikipedia

Bhima Nayak

Born

Barwani district, Madhya Pradesh

Died 29 December 1876

Port Blair

Nationality Indian

Known for Role in Indian freedom struggle

Bhima Nayak or Bheema Nayak (death 29 December 1876) was an Indian revolutionary. He fought against the British in the Indian Rebellion of 1857. When Bhima was convicted by the British government, he was kept in Port Blair and Nicobar.

Nayak was hanged in Port Blair on December 29, 1876. He was also known as Nimad's Robin Hood.

A government scheme, Shaheed Bhima Nayak Pariyojna in Madhya Pradesh is named after him. CM Shivraj Singh Chauhan dedicated a Bhima Nayak Memorial at village Dhaba Bawdi of Badwani district on January 21, 2017.

Birsa Munda

Birsa Munda (15 November 1875 – 9 June 1900) was an iconic Indian tribal leader, folk hero, and freedom fighter from the Munda community in the Chota Nagpur Plateau (present-day Jharkhand). Revered as "Bhagwan" (God) by his followers, he led the Millenarian Ulgulan ("Great Tumult") movement against British colonial rule and exploitative landlords in the late 19th century. His legacy symbolizes indigenous resistance, land rights, and cultural revival.

Early Life and Birth

Born: 15 November 1875

Birthplace: Ulihatu village, Khunti district (then part of Bengal Presidency, now Jharkhand)

Parents:

Father: Sugana Munda (a farmer and laborer)

Mother: Karmi Hatu

Original Name: The family initially named him Birsa, meaning "the one who brings prosperity."

Caste/Tribe: Munda – an Austroasiatic-speaking Adivasi (indigenous) tribe known for the khuntkatti system of communal land ownership.

He was born into extreme poverty during a time of severe exploitation under British land revenue policies and missionary influence.

Education and Early Influences

Attended a missionary school in Burju run by German Lutheran missionaries.

Converted to Christianity as a child and was renamed "Birsa David" or "Daud".

Later studied at Chaibasa under Jaipal Nag but was expelled for participating in anti-missionary and anti-British protests.

Came under the influence of Anand Panre, a local Vaishnavite, who taught him Hindu scriptures and anti-colonial ideas.

He rejected Christianity in his teens, returned to tribal traditions, and began criticizing both British rule and Christian missionaries.

Rise as a Leader: The "Birsa Movement"

Birsa emerged as a charismatic spiritual and political leader in the 1890s. He proclaimed himself a prophet and messenger of Singbonga (the supreme deity of the Mundas).

Key Beliefs and Teachings:

One God (Singbonga) – Monotheism rooted in Munda cosmology.

Abolition of landlordism (Zamindari) – Return land to tribal owners.

End of forced labor (Beth Begari).

Revival of tribal identity – Rejection of outsider religions and customs.

Self-rule (Swaraj) – A vision of an independent Munda Raj.

He mobilized thousands with the slogan:

"Abua Raj ete Jana, Maharani Raj tundu Jana" (Let our kingdom be established, let the Queen’s rule end)

The Ulgulan (1899–1900): The Great Revolt

Trigger: Severe famine (1897), high land taxes, and displacement by dikus (outsiders – mainly Hindu and Muslim moneylenders and landlords).

Start of Revolt: 24 December 1899

Birsaites attacked police stations, churches, and symbols of colonial authority.

Used guerrilla tactics with bows, arrows, and axes.

Targeted khutkatti land records to destroy evidence of land alienation.

Major Events:

24 Dec 1899 Attack on Sail Rakab Church

5 Jan 1900 Battle of Dombari Hill – Birsaites defeated British forces temporarily

9 Jan 1900 Battle of Tanga River – British used Maxim guns; heavy tribal casualties

Arrest, Trial, and Death

Arrested: 3 February 1900 at Jamkopai forest, Chakradharpur, while asleep.

Imprisoned: Ranchi Jail

Trial: Charged with sedition and rioting

Death: 9 June 1900 (aged 24)

Official Cause: Cholera

Suspicion: Many believe he was poisoned by British authorities.

His death sparked widespread mourning and turned him into a martyr.

Legacy and Recognition

Bhagat Movement: Continued by his followers post-death.

Jharkhand State Formation: His struggle inspired the creation of Jharkhand in 2000.

National Recognition:

Birth Anniversary (15 November) declared Janjatiya Gaurav Divas (Tribal Pride Day) by the Government of India in 2021.

Birsa Munda Airport, Ranchi named after him.

Statues, museums, and universities (e.g., Birsa Munda Tribal University, Gujarat) honor him.

Cultural Impact:

Songs, folk tales, and films (e.g., Ulgulan-Ek Kranti, Birsa Munda – The Black Iron Man)

Symbol of Adivasi pride and anti-colonial resistance.

Quotes Attributed to Birsa Munda

"We will drive out the British and the dikus. Our land, our rule." "Singbonga has sent me to save you. Follow me, and we shall have our own kingdom."

Timeline Summary

YearEvent1875 Born in Ulihatu

1886–1890 Attended missionary schools

1894 Began preaching against colonialism

1895 Declared himself prophet; formed Birsa Raj

1897–98 Famine intensifies unrest

Dec 1899 Ulgulan begins

Jan 1900 Major battles at Dombari and Tanga

Feb 1900 Arrested

9 June 1900 Died in Ranchi Jail

Fun Fact

Birsa Munda is one of the youngest freedom fighters to lead an armed uprising against the British. His movement predates the 1857 Revolt in tribal memory and is considered a precursor to modern environmental and land rights movements.

Birsa Munda lives on as a symbol of courage, dignity, and the unbreakable spirit of India’s indigenous people. His cry of "Ulgulan!" still echoes in the forests of Jharkhand.

Bhai Balmukund

Jivani.org

भाई बालमुकुन्द (१८८९ - ११ मई १९१५) भारत के स्वतंत्रता संग्राम के क्रांतिकारी थे। सन 1912 में दिल्ली के चांदनी चौक में हुए लॉर्ड हार्डिग बम कांड में मास्टर अमीरचंद, भाई बालमुकुंद और मास्टर अवध बिहारी को 8 मई 1915 को ही फांसी पर लटका दिया गया, जबकि अगले दिन यानी 9 मई को अंबाला में वसंत कुमार विश्वास को फांसी दी गई। वे महान क्रान्तिकारी भाई परमानन्द के चचेरे भाई थे।

सभी पर आरोप था कि इन्होंने 1912 में चांदनी चौक में लार्ड हार्डिग पर बम फेंका था। हालांकि इनके खिलाफ जुर्म साबित नहीं हुआ, लेकिन अंग्रेज हुकूमत ने शक के आधार पर इन्हें फांसी की सजा सुना दी। जिस स्थान पर इन्हें फांसी दी गई, वहां शहीद स्मारक बना दिया गया है जो दिल्ली गेट स्थित

भाई बालमुकुंद का विवाह एक साल पहले ही हुआ था। आजादी की लड़ाई में जुटे होने के कारण वे कुछ समय ही पत्नी के साथ रह सके। उनकी पत्नी का नाम रामरखी था। उनकी इच्छा थी कि भाई बालमुकुंद का शव उन्हें सौंप दिया जाए, लेकिन अंग्रेज हुकूमत ने उन्हें शव नहीं दिया। उसी दिन से रामरखी ने भोजन व पानी त्याग दिया और अठारहवें दिन उनकी भी मृत्यु हो गई।

बाबा तपसीराम का प्रभाव

बचपन से ही बालमुकुंद की रुची व्यापक थी। भाई परमानंद और वह, दोनों गाँव के अन्य बालकों से भिन्न थे। पास ही एक नाला था, जिसे बनह्वा कहते थे। वर्षा के दिनों में यह नदी का रूप धारण कर लेता था और उसको पार करना कुशल तैराक का ही काम होता था। उसी नाले के किनारे तपसीराम नाम के साधु रहते थे, जो आम साधुओं से भिन्न थे। तपसीराम अच्छे ज़मींदार घराने के थे। वह उसी नाले के किनारे पर गुफा में रहते थे। गाँव में जब कभी कोई झगड़ा होता, वह फौरन वहाँ पहुंचते और न्यायपक्ष में बोलते। इससे वह 'महाराज' नाम से मशहूर हो गये थे। महाराज अंग्रेज़ी राज्य के विरुद्ध थे। उन्होंने एक अखाड़ा खोल रखा था, जहाँ शारीरिक क्षमता बढ़ाने के लिए व्यायाम और खेलकूदों का बाकायदा अभ्यास चलता था। इस वातावरण में अग्रेंज़ी-विरोधी महाराज का दोनों भाइयों पर काफ़ी प्रभाव पड़ा।

बाद में इस प्रभाव को गाढ़ा होने का मौका तब मिला, जब भाई बालमुकुंद की भेंट मास्टर अमीरचंद, लाला हरदयाल और रासबिहारी बोस से हुई और वह क्रांतिकारी बन गये। इस बीच उन्होंने नौकरी कर ली थी, पर उन्होंने नौकरी छोड़ दी। तब उनके बड़े भाई जयरामदास को चिंता हुई और उन्होंने बालमुकुंद विवाह करवा दिया। विवाह हो जाने पर भाई बालमुकुंद का मन क्रांति से नहीं फिरा, बल्कि अवधबिहारी और भाई बालमुकुंद ने क्रांतिकारी साहित्य डट कर तैयार किया और सर्वत्र बांटा। साथ ही वह बम बनाने की भी शिक्षा लेते रहे।

पहले जीवन

भाई बालमुकुंड का जन्म 18 9 8 में झेलम जिले के गांव करियाला में (अब पाकिस्तान में) एक सिख परिवार में हुआ था। उनके पिता का नाम भाई मथुरा दास था। उनके परिवार ने सिख इतिहास के एक प्रसिद्ध शहीद भाई मती दास से स्वागत किया, जिनसे उन्होंने अपने नाम के भाई भाई को नाम दिया। राष्ट्रीय छात्रवृत्ति में बाल्मुकुंड की दिलचस्पी जब छात्र थी स्नातक स्तर की पढ़ाई के बाद, उन्होंने शिक्षण का व्यवसाय किया, लेकिन राष्ट्रीय आंदोलन के लिए उनके अनुलग्नक ने उन्हें एक प्रबल राष्ट्रवादी बना दिया.

क्रांतिकारी गतिविधियों

23 दिसंबर 1 9 12 को, जब भगवान हार्डिंगी एक राज्य में चांदनी चौक, दिल्ली के माध्यम से चल रहे थे, उस पर एक बम फेंका गया था। वाइसरॉय ने केवल मामूली चोट लगीं, लेकिन उनके परिचर को मार दिया गया। एक और बम लॉरेंस गार्डन, लाहौर में कुछ माह में 17 मई 1 9 13 को कुछ महीने बाद फेंक दिया गया। जांच के बाद, बाल्मुकुंड को जोधपुर से गिरफ्तार किया गया था, जहां वह जोधपुर महाराज के पुत्रों के शिक्षक के रूप में काम कर रहे थे

वीरांगना पत्नी 'रामरखी'

भाई बालमुकुंद की कहानी कई दृष्टियों से बड़ी रोमांचकारी है। वह स्वयं तो वीर थे ही, उनकी पत्नी भी आदर्श वीरांगना थीं। पति के गिरफ्तार होने के दिन से ही श्रीमती रामरखी दुबली होने लगीं। उनको कुछ आभास-सा हो गया था कि बस अब सब कुछ समाप्त होने को है। उन्हें बड़ी मुश्किल से जेल में पति से मिलने की इजाजत मिली। रामरखी ने पति से पूछा था- "खाना कैसा मिलता है?" भाई बालमुकुंद ने हँसकर कहा- "मिट्टी मिली रोटी।" रामरखी अपने आटे में भी मिट्टी मिलाने लगीं। दुबारा जब वह मिलने गयीं तो पूछा कि सोते कहाँ हैं। इसके उत्तर में भाई बालमुकुंद ने बताया कि- "अधेंरी कोठरी में दो कंबलों पर"। बस, उस दिन से श्रीमती रामरखी ग्रीष्म ऋतु में भी कंबल पर लेटने लगीं। जिस दिन भाई जी को फ़ाँसी हुई, उस दिन सवेरे उठकर रामरखी ने वस्त्र-आभूषण धारण किये और जाकर एक चबूतरे पर बैठ गयीं। उनके चेहरे पर दु:ख का कोई चिह्न था। किंतु वह जो बैठ गयीं तो फिर उठी नहीं। श्रीमती रामरखी ने न तो ज़हर खाया था और ना ही कोई ऐसी अन्य बात की थी। पती-पत्नी दोनों की चिता एक साथ जलायी गयी

मौत

बम विस्फोटों की जांच के बाद दिल्ली में एक परीक्षण किया गया और 5 अक्टूबर 1 9 14 को उनके साथी मास्टर अमीर चंद, अवध बिहारी और बसंत कुमार बिस्वास के साथ बाल्मुकुंड की सजा सुनाई गई। उन्हें 8 मई 1 9 15 को अंबाला केंद्रीय जेल में फांसी दी गई थी। 32 वर्ष की उम्र में

Bhai Balmukund

From Wikipedia

Bhai Balmukund (1889 – 11 May 1915) was an Indian revolutionary freedom fighter. He was sentenced to death and hanged by the British Raj for his role in Delhi conspiracy case. He was a cousin of another revolutionary Bhai Parmanand, who was a founder member of Ghadar Party.

Earlier life

Bhai Balmukund was born in a Sikh family on 1889 at village Kariala in Jhelum district (now in Pakistan). His father's name was Bhai Mathura Das. His family hailed from a famous martyr of Sikh history Bhai Mati Das from whom they attached the epithet Bhai to their names. Balmukund's interest in national movement aroused when he was a student. After graduation, he took the profession of teaching, but his attachments to the national movement made him an ardent nationalist.

Revolutionary activities

On 23 December 1912, when Lord Hardinge was marching in a state through the Chandni Chowk, Delhi, a bomb was thrown on him. The Viceroy received minor injuries only, but his attendant was killed. Another bomb was thrown at some Europeans at Lawrence Garden, Lahore five months later on 17 May 1913. Following investigations, Balmukund was arrested from Jodhpur, where he was working as a tutor of the Jodhpur Maharaja's sons.

Death

A trial was held at Delhi after the investigations of the bombings and Balmukund was sentenced to death along with his companions Master Amir Chand, Awadh Behari, and Basant Kumar Biswas on 5 October 1914. He was hanged in the Ambala Central Jail on 8 May 1915 at the age of 32.

Bhura Singh Valmiki

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Bhura Singh Valmiki was an Indian freedom fighter and commander-in-chief of the army of princely state of Ballabhgarh. He led the army of Ballabhgarh state in the Indian Rebellion of 1857 and was hanged on 9 January 1858 in Delhi's Chandni Chowk along with two other leaders of the mutiny. 

9 जनवरी 1858 को राजा नहर सिंह जी के साथ उनके अज़ीज़ साथी भूरा सिंह वाल्मीकि, गुलाब सिंह सैनी व खुशहाल सिंह को एक साथ फाँसी दी गयी थी।

भूरा बापा परमार

गुजरात कच्छ-माली समाज के भूरा बापा परमार

आज के समाज के लिए संदेश हमारे पूर्वज जिनके लिए हमें स्वयं पर गर्व है भुराभाई सवरामभाई सणवा माली समाज में, पूर्वजों ने ऐसा जीवन जीया है। यदि हम बड़ों से उनकी बातें सुनते हैं, तो हमें गर्व होता है। ई,स,1960 से पहले का समय बहुत कठिन था। जीवन बारिश पर आधारित था मेहनत से कुओं के पानी से खेती की जाती थी उस समय, बंदूक और घोड़े के साथ घोड़े पर कोई और नहीं आ रहा था भूराभाई सवरामभाई परमार हैं भूरा बापा, जिन्होंने माली समाज को गर्व दिया, वट से लेकर मरने तक जीवित रहे "यदि आप साहस के साथ मरते हैं, तो भगवान आपकी मदद करेगा" उसका आदर्श वाक्य था .. यदि आप सुनने के लिए बाजार गए थे, तो आपको एक बहदुर आदमी की छाप मिलेगी।हम उसे माली समाज का सेवक कह सकते हैं। उनकी हिम्मत,गंभीर, बड़प्पन और वीरता को हमेशा याद रखा जाएगा..मर्द की कोमलता मन के रूप में मजबूत होती है..हम सभी के दुख में भाग लेने के लिए हमेशा तैयार रहें..हमारे समाज के महान व्यक्ति को धन्यवाद दें याद करें इन शब्दों को हमारे कवि श्री शामजीभाई गोपालभाई चौहान ने व्यवस्थित किया हैअखिल माली समाज ट्रस्ट प्रमुख श्री नानजीभाई खिमजीभाई चौहान महासचिव पेथाभाई भूराभाई चौहान ये माली समाज के फोलादी यौधा थे ईनके जीवन की विचार धारा अपने अंदर जागृत करें तो जीवन में कभी भी दुख की छाया नहीं पड़ती है माली आदि युग से कमजोर नहीं था आज भी कमजोर नहीं हैं पर एकता की कमी एक जुटता की कमी एक विचार मिलाने की जरूरत है पैसा है एजुकेशन है कमी आध्यात्मिक विचारों की है एकता आध्यात्मिक विचारों में होती है समाज के गुरु जी के चरणो में अपने मन बुद्धि को समर्पित करने से एक त्याग की भावना जीवन में उभरती है तभी से समाज के प्रति सद्भावना विचारधारा जागरूकता होने की उम्मीदें बढ़ जाती है जय लिखमा जी री ये मेसेज भेजने के लिए परमार परीवार आभार व्यक्त करता है जीससे माली समाज गर्व पाये, वेसे विर सपुत परमार परिवार के अनमोल रत्न भुराबापा के कुल में हमारा जन्म हुआ वो हमारा सौभाग्य है, मनुष्य जन्म से ही विरोध, सपुत, खानदानी,या दातार नहीं होता, नाही किसी के बना ने से बनते हैं,वो उनके कर्म और खुद से होतें है महापुरुष, बहादुर, खानदानी सपुत ऐसे हमारे वंसज भुराबापा सवरामभाई परमार को परमार सहपरिवार लाख लाख वंदन करता है उनके चरणों में पुष्पांजलि अर्पित करते हैं परमार परिवार मानसंगभाई भुराभाई परमार।मोहनभाई गोपालभाई परमार निलेशभाई देवशीभाइ परमार निलेशभाई रामजीभाई परमार अशोकभाई देवशीभाई परमार कच्छ गुजरात

बाँके चमार

सब जानते हैं की आज़ादी की लड़ाई की शुरुआत 1857 में मंगल पाण्डे से शुरू हुई । हालांकी मंगल पाण्डे को अंग्रेजो से बगावत करने की प्रेरणा मातादीन वाल्मीकि से मिली।

यहां आपको मैं बताऊंगा की आज़ादी की प्रथम लड़ाई 1857 में मंगल पाण्डे द्वारा नहीं लड़ी गई थी ,बल्कि, आज़ादी की लड़ाई 1804 में ही शुरू हो गई थी । और यह लड़ाई लड़ी गई थी छतरी के नबाब द्वारा, छतरी के नबाब का अंग्रेजो से लड़ने वाला परमवीर योद्धा था "ऊदैया चमार" ,जिसने सैंकड़ो अंग्रेजो को मौत के घाट उतार दिया था । उसकी वीरता के चर्चे अलीगढ़ के आस-पास के क्षेत्रो में आज भी सुनाई देते हैं, उसको 1807 में अंग्रेजो द्वारा फाँसी दे दी गई थी ।

उसके बाद आता है बाँके चमार, बाँके जौनपुर जिले के मछली तहसील के गाँव कुँवरपुर के निवासी थे , उनकी अंग्रेजो में इतनी दहशत थी की सन 1857 के समय उनके ऊपर 50 हजार का इनाम रखा था अंग्रेजो ने ।

अब आप सोचिये कि, जब "2 पैसे" की इतनी कीमत थी की उस से बैल ख़रीदा जा सकता था तो उस समय "50 हजार" का इनाम कितना बड़ा होगा ।

Banke Chamar

.Banke Chamar was a freedom fighter who died for his actions in the Indian Rebellion of 1857. He was from Kuarpur village, Machhali Shahar, Jaunpur Janpad. After the failure of the rebellion, Chamar and his 18 associates were declared baghis. Chamar was hanged after being arrested. This Brave Revolutionary laid down his life for the country and was hanged by britishers for his active role in freedom struggle of 1857.

भवान सिंह धानक

आजादी की लड़ाई में धानक का अहम योगदान

जैंती (अल्मोड़ा)। स्वतंत्रता संग्राम सेनानी भवान सिंह धानक का जन्म दिन उनके पैतृक गांव बरम चौकुना में धूमधाम से मनाया गया। इस मौके पर वक्ताओं ने कहा कि आजादी की लड़ाई में स्व. धानक का अहम योगदान रहा है। उन्होंने कहा कि उनके बताए मार्ग पर चलना ही उन्हें सच्ची श्रद्धांजलि होगी।

वक्ताओं ने कहा कि आजादी के छह दशक बाद भी स्वतंत्रता संग्राम सेनानी भवान सिंह धानक का गांव बरम चौकुना मोटर मार्ग से नहीं जुड़ सका है। एक तरफ सरकार शहीदों के गांवों को सम्मान देने की बात कहती हैं वही दूसरी तरफ स्वतंत्रता संग्राम सेनानियों के गावों की उपेक्षा की जा रही है। बरम चौकुना में सड़क नहीं पहुंचने से ग्रामीणों को आज भी पांच किमी पैदल चलना पड़ता है। उन्होंने कहा कि आजादी की लड़ाई में स्व. धानक का अहम योगदान रहा है। उनके गांव को शीघ्र सड़क से जोड़ा जाना चाहिए।

इससे पूर्व स्व. धानक के चित्र पर माल्यार्पण पर उन्हें याद किया गया। अध्यक्षता धरम सिंह ने तथा संचालन गंगा सिंह ने किया। इस मौके पर जीत सिंह धानक, नैन सिंह, खड़क सिंह, मोहन सिंह, पान सिंह, देव सिंह, जगत सिंह, राम सिंह, बची राम, चंदन राम, केशर सिंह, जीत सिंह आदि मौजूद थे।

The Dhanakas were always respectable Kshatrias and fighters as Dhanushdhari since ancient times upto Chandergupt Maurya period, after that Dhanakas fought many wars for Kings and Princes in Gupta period – Harshwardhana – Vikramaditya, Shakas, Kanishkas and Rajpoot kings. 100s of wars were fought. During this period countless of Dhanak warriors lost their lives – their houses properties were ruined.

Dhanaka warriors migrated from one place to another to save their lives. The Dhanakas migrated from Rajasthan to other parts, from Punjab to Jammu and Kashmir and from Haryana to Delhi and from Central India to Bihar and from Madhya Bharat (Central India) to West India (Gujrat – Maharashtra) etc. The Dhanakas suffered untold sufferings during this period. Dhanak Kshatria warrior lost everything and they came to be known as suppressed and depressed.

Dhanaka lost their ancient identity during the period of 2000 years of turmoil. They suffered inhumane treatment from the victor and the high society. The Dhanakas were financialy ruined and they became homeless with no livelihood. Therefore during this period the Dhanakas were Degraded to lower castes and were known as Shudras - Harijans later on. The Dhanakas to make their both ends meet and to maintain their livelihood adopted different profession at different places, hence they were known by different names in different states.

Present

The Dhanak samaj in the present day forms major group of the scheduled castes. The estimated population of the Dhanak castes is more then 500 lacs, spread over in the 18 states of India – Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pardesh, Chandigarh , Punjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, Delhi, Uttranchal, Uttar Pardesh, Madhaya Pradesh, Chhatisgarh, Jharkhand, Bihar, West Bengal, Assam, Andhara Pradesh, Maharastra and Gujrat etc. The Dhanak communities are known by different names in various states, such as Dhanak, Dhanuk, Dhanaka, Dhanakia , Julaha, Kabeerpanthi, Bhagat, Barar, Banskar, Bhasod, Bansfod, Bargi, Bagri, Sais, Bunkar, Vankar , Raut, Tadavi, Tateria , Katheria, Halpati etc. The Dhanak castes and communities always had clean and noble occupation. The Dhanak samaj are known as 52 roopi castes. Their occupations have been such as weaving of clothes, rearing of sheeps-goats-camels-horses, masonary works, shelling of food grains, band-baja, making of durries, jute and cane furniture, chatai, art and craft, bamboo art works, musical arts and classical instruments, interior decorators, flower making , flower decorations, auto workshops and agriculture and agriculture related jobs etc. and it is now changing by the times and making inroads in to the modern engineering, technological and in the professional courses.

Future

Your future is now in your hands , if you want to Fight for your rights and want your lost share and want happiness in your family life. You will have to fight & Unite all together and raise your voice in front of the Indian Governments. One of the other SC community got all our share from the Government and now they are enjoying all the benefits of schedule castes. They are now Ministers in Central Govt.

Banta Singh

Great Freedom Fighter from Punjab

Banta Singh

He was born in 1890 at village Sanghowal, District Jalandhar and was an important leader of the Ghadar Party. His father, Buta Singh, was a prosperous and respected man in the village. After passing his matriculation he decided to go abroad. On reaching Canada he found his countrymen deeply involved in a national movement aimed at expulsion of the British from India. 

He started working for the Ghadar Party. He returned to India in December,1912 and started working on a well-thought-out programme of winning over Indian soldiers in military cantonments to the national cause. His house was visited by important revolutionaries like Harnam Singh Tundilat, Kartar Singh Sarabha, Munsha Singh Dukhi and Rash Bihari Bose. He was involved in tempering with railway lines and cutting telephone wires near the Suranasi Railway Station and committed a political dacoity in village Alawalpur.He escaped arrest but his father Buta Singh, his brother Santa Singh and two close relatives of his were detained. 

Later on, his father was released but his brother was sentenced to 14 years and the two relatives to 7 years imprisonment each. He once went to Lahore to forcibly get hold of some arms where he was detected and two policemen attempted to arrest him and his companion Sajjan Singh. He hit back and killed one of them. He boarded a train and again escaped. Soon after, with the help of a few other revolutionaries he made a raid on the police post at Mananwala and seized all their firearms. On being chased all but Banta Singh were arrested. Undaunted by what had happened, Banta Singh continued his work as usual. He was declared an absconder and a prize of two squares of land and two thousand rupees was announced for anyone catching him. His own close relative betrayed him into the hands of the authorities on 15th June, 1915. He was tried under Martial Law in the Central Jail Lahore and sentenced to death. He was hanged on 12th August, 1915.

Basanta Kumar Biswas

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Basanta Kumar Biswas

File photo of Basanta Kumar Biswas

Born 6 February 1895

Poragachha, Nadia, West Bengal, British India

Died 11 May 1915 (aged 20)

Ambala, Punjab, British India

Organization Jugantar

Movement Indian Independence movement

Basanta Kumar Biswas (6 February 1895 – 11 May 1915) was an Indian pro-independence activist involved in the Jugantar group who, in December 1912, is believed to have bombed the Viceroy's Parade in what came to be known as the Delhi-Lahore Conspiracy. He was initiated into revolutionary movement by Jugantar leaders Amarendranath Chattopadhyaya and Rash Behari Bose.

Early life: 1895-1915

Basanta Kumar Biswas was born on 6 February 1895 at Poragacha in Nadia district of West Bengal, to Matilal and Kunjabala Biswas. He belongs to the family of freedom fighter Digamabar Biswas, an active leader of the Indigo revolt(or Nil Bidroha) and freedom fighter Manmathnath Biswas. He started his schooling at his village and then he moved to M. I. School in nearby village Madhavpur with his cousin Manmathnath Biswas. M. I school was established by social reformer and freedom fighter Gagan Chadra Biswas. In 1906, Basanta was moved to Muragacha school. Khirodh Chandra Ganguly was principal in Muragacha school. Under his guidance Basanta started his journey of freedom fight. Later he was recruited by Rash Behari Bose and trained in arms and bombs. Rash Behari Bose often called him Bishe Das.

Memorial of Basanta Kumar Biswas beside his house at Poragacha village of Nadia district in West Bengal.

Revolutionary activities

1912 assassination attempt on Lord Hardinge

On 23 December 1912, Biswas, disguised as a woman, threw a bomb at Charles Hardinge, who was riding with his wife on an elephant during a procession at Chandni Chawak, Delhi. Hardinge escaped with flesh wounds, but the servant behind him holding his parasol was killed. The authors of the deed remained obscure for many months despite the state's intense investigation, and lucrative reward. Biswas was arrested on 26 February 1914 in Poragachha, Nadia while he went to perform the last rites for his father. The trial, which came to be called the Delhi-Lahore Conspiracy Case, began on 23 May 1914 in Delhi, and Basanta was found guilty on 5 October and sentenced to life imprisonment. Three other men were condemned to death at the same trial: Amir Charid, Abadh Behari, and Balmokand.

An appeal was formulated at Lahore High Court. The Crown won its appeal and Biswas was sentenced to be hanged.

Basanta Kumar Biswas was hanged on 11 May 1915 at Ambala Central Jail in Punjab aged twenty and became one of the youngest people to be executed during the Indian revolutionary struggles during the 20th century.

Legacy

There is a statue of Basanta Biswas established by Rasbihari Basu in a park of Tokyo, Japan. Another statue is situated in front of Rabindra Bhawan, Krishnanagar, Nadia. A school in civil lines, Delhi was named "Shaheed Basant Kumar Biswas Sarvodaya Vidhyalaya" in his memory. Although it was later renamed to Rajkiya Pratibha Vikas Vidhyalaya. On the request of Sankariswar Dutta of Gobrapota Subhendu Memorial Seva Pratisthan the Loka Sabha Speaker Meera Kumar has installed a photo of Basanta Kumar at the Museum of the Indian Parliament. Ujjal Biswas, an Indian politician and the present Minister for Technical Education in the Government of West Bengal belongs to the family of Basanta Biswas.

बुधु भगत 

जन्म

बुधु भगत का जन्म 17 फरवरी 1792 में रांची, झारखंड में हुआ.

शिक्षा

उनके शिक्षा के बारे में ज्यादा जानकारी नहीं मिल पाई है लेकिन वह घंटों अकेले बैठकर तलवार चलाने और धनुर्विद्या में निपुणता हासिल किया करते थे. कुछ लोग तो उन्हें देवी शक्तियों के स्वामी के नाम से भी बुलाते थे क्योंकि उनके प्रतीक स्वरूप वह कुल्हाड़ी अपने साथ सदा रखा करते थे.

योगदान

बुधु भगत के द्वारा अंग्रेजों और साहूकारों के विरूद्ध उनके अन्याय के लिए कई आंदोलन किए गए थे. जिसमें से लरका आंदोलन एक ऐतिहासिक आंदोलन है. छोटा नागपुर के आदिवासी इलाकों में अंग्रेज हुकूमत के दौरान बहुत ही निर्दयता से लोगों की हत्या कर दिया करते थे, जिसकी वजह से मुंडा जाति ने जमीदार और साहूकारों के विरुद्ध अपना विद्रोह शुरू कर दिया था. इसके अलावा उरांव जनजाति ने भी अपने बागी तेवर अपना लिए थे.

बुधु भगत बचपन से ही जमीदारों और अंग्रेजी सेना की निर्दयता को देखते आ रहे थे, जिसकी वजह से बुधु भगत कोयल नदी के पास बैठकर घंटों तक अंग्रेजों और जमींदारों को भगाने के बारे में सोचते रहते थे. बुधु भगत को देवदूत समझ कर आदिवासियों ने उनको अन्याय के विरुद्ध लड़ने के लिए आह्वान किया, और सभी लोग उनके साथ तीर, धनुष, तलवार, कुल्हाड़ी इत्यादि लेकर खड़े हो गए. इस दौरान कैप्टन द्वारा बंदी बनाए गए सैकड़ों ग्रामीणों को उन्होंने लड़कर छुड़वा लिया और इसके अलावा बुधु भगत ने गुरिल्ला युद्ध के लिए अपने दस्ते को प्रशिक्षित किया

आदिवासियों के सभी नेताओं में बुधू भगत सबसे श्रेष्ठ एव शीर्षथ थे। छोटा नागपुर के प्रथम क्रांतिकारी थे जिन्हें पकड़ने के लिए अंग्रेजों ने ₹1000 पुरस्कार की की घोषणा की थी, परंतु कोई भी इस पुरस्कार के लालच में आकर उन्हें पकड़वाने को तैयार नहीं था। 1828-32 केला का विद्रोह में अपने नेतृत्व का परिचय दिया था। यह विद्रोह है अंग्रेजी हुकूमत और शोषण अत्याचार के विरुद्ध किया गया पहला स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन का हिस्सा था। इस विद्रोह के बाद अंग्रेजों को घुटने टेक देने पड़े ।

मृत्यु

13 फरवरी 1832 में बुधू अपने साथियों के साथ कैप्टन एमपी के द्वारा सिलागांई गांव में घेर लिए गए. उस समय बुधु आत्मसमर्पण करना चाहते थे जिससे कि निर्दोष लोगों की जाने ना जाए. लेकिन बुधू के भक्तों उनके चारों ओर घेरा डालकर खड़े हो गए और कैप्टन के चेतावनी के अनुसार वहां पर अंधाधुंध गोलियां चला दी, जिसकी वजह से करीबन 300 से अधिक ग्रामीण मारे गए. इसके साथ बुधु भगत और उनके बेटे हलधर और गिरधर भी अंग्रेजों के साथ लड़ाई करते हुए शहीद हो गए.

https://jivanihindi.com/budhu-bhagat-ki-jivani/

Chakali Ilamma

Chakali Ilamma, also known as Chityala Ilamma or Chakali Ailamma, was a prominent Indian revolutionary and freedom fighter who played a pivotal role in the Telangana Peasant Armed Struggle (1946–1951). Born into a marginalized washerman (Rajaka or Chakali) caste family, she became a symbol of resistance against feudal landlords, forced labor (vetti chakiri), and the oppressive rule of the Nizam of Hyderabad. Her defiance as a poor, lower-caste woman inspired widespread peasant uprisings, particularly among women and oppressed communities, contributing to land reforms and the broader fight for social justice in Telangana. She was affiliated with the Andhra Mahasabha and the Communist Party of India (CPI), and her actions helped ignite guerrilla warfare against exploitative zamindars and the Razakars (the Nizam's paramilitary force). Her birth is often commemorated on September 26, born in 1985.

Early Life

Ilamma was born around 1895 (though some accounts erroneously list 1919) as the fourth child of Oruganti Mallamma and Oruganti Sayilu in Krishnapuram (or Kistapuram) village, located in what was then Warangal district (previously part of Nalgonda district) in present-day Telangana, India. Her family belonged to the Rajaka community, traditionally involved in washing clothes, and faced severe socioeconomic hardships under the feudal system of the Hyderabad State. This system divided rural areas into samsthanams controlled by brutal landlords (Doras from Reddy and Velama castes or Deshmukhs), who enforced bonded labor, high taxes, and exploitation with little oversight from the Nizam.

Married at the age of 11 to Chityala Narsaiah (also spelled Narasimha or Narasayya), a fellow washerman, Ilamma had several children—accounts vary from four sons and one daughter to five sons and two daughters, or six children total. Her family initially earned a living by washing clothes for upper castes and performing vetti chakiri, but financial struggles led them to lease about four acres of wetland for farming from a local landlord, Uttamaraju Kondalrao, the Maktedar of Mallampalli. This shift allowed them to stop providing free labor, but it also invited backlash from dominant caste landlords who viewed her assertiveness as a threat.

The Spark of Rebellion

Ilamma's transformation into a revolutionary began in the early 1940s amid growing unrest against feudal oppression. In 1944–1946, she defied the powerful zamindar Visnoor Ramachandra Reddy (also known as Visnoor Deshmukh or Rapaka Ramachandra Reddy), who controlled vast lands and collaborated with the Nizam's regime. When she refused to perform vetti chakiri for Palakurthi Patel Seshagiri Rao, another landlord, he complained to Reddy, leading to her arrest on fabricated charges of communist activities. Ilamma fought the case in court and won, but Reddy forged documents claiming her leased land and sent goons to seize her harvested crops.

Supported by Andhra Mahasabha activists like Bheemreddy Narsimha Reddy, Arutla Ramchandra Reddy, and Chakilam Yadagiri, Ilamma and her family resisted. The activists harvested her crops and brought them to her home, but Reddy's men, aided by Razakars, retaliated by burning her house, looting grains and belongings, assaulting her daughter Soma Narsamma, and beating her husband and sons. Undeterred, Ilamma famously grabbed a rokali (pestle) and thrashed the attackers, declaring, "What more can the Dora and his stooges do to me?" She then marched to Reddy's home to challenge him openly, inspiring lower-caste peasants to revolt. This incident, often seen as a precursor to the full armed struggle, marked her as a tenant farmer fighting for "land to the tiller."

Role in the Telangana Armed Struggle

By 1946, Ilamma had joined the Andhra Mahasabha and the CPI, turning her home into a safe haven for communist leaders like DV Rao, Arutla Ramchandra Reddy, and Bheemreddy Narsimha Reddy. She led her village's sangham (organization), uniting people across castes against the Nizam's rule, which included terror by Razakars—burning villages, massacres, and banning Telugu literacy. Ilamma trained villagers in self-defense using sticks (Gutpala Sangham) and participated in the guerrilla warfare that followed Doddi Komaraiah's martyrdom on July 4, 1946.

The struggle, which she helped pioneer alongside figures like Shaik Bandagi, Doddi Mallaiah, and Doddi Komaraiah, led to significant gains: occupation and redistribution of 10 lakh acres of land, establishment of 3,000 gram rajyas (village soviets) with democratic elections (including women's representation, predating India's 1952 elections), and people's courts for fair trials, especially on crimes against women. Her efforts focused on ending feudal anarchy, advocating for women's rights, and land reform.

Family Involvement

Ilamma's family suffered immensely: Her husband and sons were repeatedly jailed in Nalgonda, one son was killed during the conflict, and her daughter was raped by attackers. Despite this, they supported her activism, with her home serving as a revolutionary hub. Her sons participated in the resistance, enduring beatings and imprisonment.

Death

After India's independence and the integration of Hyderabad State in 1948, Ilamma received little official recognition. She lived in poverty in Palakurthi, denied a freedom fighter's pension despite her contributions. She passed away on September 10, 1985, at age 89–90 due to illness.

Legacy

Today, Ilamma is celebrated as a veeranari (brave woman) and icon of anti-feudal and anti-caste resistance, particularly for Dalit-Bahujan communities. Statues depicting her with a pestle symbolize women's empowerment and are erected across Telangana. The Telangana government named a women's university after her in 2024 and appointed her granddaughter Sweta to the Telangana Women’s Commission. Her birth anniversary (September 26) and death anniversary are marked with events like dance dramas at Ravindra Bharati, Hyderabad. She was featured in the Indian government's Azadi ka Amrit Mahotsav project, though some narratives have been criticized for distortion. Her story continues to inspire through books like DV Rao's "Heroic Struggles of Jangaon People" and cultural tributes, highlighting her as a communist pioneer in the fight for land and equality.

Chandraprabha Saikiani

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

(Redirected from Chandraprava Saikiani)

Chandraprava Saikiani

চন্দ্ৰপ্ৰভা শইকীয়ানী

Born

Chandrapriya Das

16 March 1901

Daisingari, Assam, India

Died 16 March 1972 (aged 71)

Daisingari, Kamrup district, Assam, India

Other names Chandraprabha Saikiani

Occupation Social reformer, writer

Years active 1918-1972

Known for All Assam Pradeshik Mahila Samiti

Partner(s) Dandinath Kalita

Children Atul Saikia

Parent(s) Ratiram Mazumdar

Gangapriya

Awards Padma Shri

Chandraprabha Saikiani (16 March 1901 – 16 March 1972) or Chandraprava Saikiani was an Assamese freedom fighter, activist, writer and social reformer considered to be the pioneer of the feminist movement in Assam. She was the founder of The All Assam Pradeshik Mahila Samiti, a non governmental organization working for the welfare of the women of Assam and was a recipient of the fourth highest Indian civilian award of Padma Shri for the year 1972 from the Government of India. Three decades later, the Indian government issued a commemorative stamp on Saikiani under the series, Social Reformers, in 2002.

She also took proactive role in the Civil Disobedience Movement of 1932 and Non Cooperation Movement of 1920- 21. Contesting elections for the Legislative Assembly, she became the first woman to foray in politics in Independent India. Saikiani was also a noted poet and prolific writer.

Early life

She was born as "Chandrapriya Mazumdar" (Chandrapriya Das) on 16 March 1901 to Ratiram Mazumdar (a village headman) and Gangapriya Mazumdar at Doisingari village of the Kamrup district in the Northeast Indian state of Assam. She was the seventh of eleven children and choose the name "Chandraprabha Saikiani" for herself.

Accompanied by her sister Rajaniprabha Saikiani (who later on became the first woman doctor of Assam), they waded through waist deep mud to attend a boys school (there was no girl's school) several kilometers away. Their endeavour impressed Nilkanta Barua, a school sub-inspector, and she was awarded a scholarship to the Nagao Mission School. At Nagao Mission School, she protested against the school authorities who did not allow a girl to stay at hostel after rejecting a proposal to convert to Christianity. She finally saw the result of her protest: the authorities admitted induct the girl into the hostel.

After school, she gathered local illiterate girls and taught them what she learnt at school at a makeshift shed near the school. Her social activism started here when she protested against the allegedly discriminatory treatment meted out to Hindu students by the hostel superintendent.

She refused to honour her parents' commitment to marry her off to an elderly person and got engaged to Dandinath Kalita, an Assamese writer. The relationship resulted in Saikiani becoming a mother out of marriage and she remained a spinster for life after Kalita married another woman. She was reported to have faced strong opposition from the conservative society in bringing up her son as a single mother but her life in Tezpur brought her opportunities to meet and interact with social and cultural leaders such as Chandranath Sharma, Omeo Kumar Das, Jyotiprasad Agarwalla and Lakhidhar Sarma.

Social and political life

Saikiani started her career as a teacher at a primary school in Nagaon and later, became the headmistress of the Girls’ M. E. School, Tezpur.

During her stay at Tezpur she associated with luminaries like Jyotiprasad Agarwala, Omeo Kumar Das, Chandra Nath Sarma, Lakhidhar Sarma. In 1918, at Tezpur session of Asom Chhatra Sanmilan, she was the only female delegate and addressed a huge throng on the harmful effects of opium eating and asked for its ban. It was the first event where an Assamese woman spoke in front of a large gathering.

Affected by the rise of nationalism in 1921, she joined the non co-operation movement of Mahatma Gandhi and worked to spread the message among women of Tezpur. She was an invited speaker at the Nagaon session of the Assam Sahitya Sabha in 1925 where she called upon the women attendees who were seated in a separate enclosure to break the barriers and the women heeded her call to come out to the open area. Returning to her village, she joined Kaljirapara school as a teacher but resigned her job when she was denied permission to attend the Guwahati session of the Indian National Congress. She continued her social activism and founded Assam Pradeshik Mahila Samiti in 1926 to act against child marriage, polygamy and the discrimination of women at the temples and to take up issues like women's education and self-employment. Her efforts were reported in getting the Hayagriva Madhava Temple, Hajo, near Guwahati opened to women Her involvement with the civil disobedience movement landed her in jail in 1930 and later in 1943, she was jailed again while participating in the non co-operation movement.

After the Indian independence, she joined the Socialist Party but returned to the Indian National Congress and unsuccessfully contested in the 1957 Assam Legislative Assembly, becoming the first Assamese woman to contest an election. Her son, Atul Saikia, is a politician and a former member of Assam Legislative Assembly.

Literary activities, awards and recognitions

Saikiani published her first short story in a local magazine, Bahi, in 1918 at age of 17 followed by several novels such as Pitribhitha (The Paternal Home) (1937), Sipahi Bidrohat (Sepoy Mutiny), Dillir Sinhasan (Throne of Delhi) and Kavi Anav Ghosh. She served as the editor of Mahila Samiti's Assamese journal Abhijatri for a period of seven years and also headed the Al India Assam Peasants' Conference.

Chandraprabha Saikiani was a noted poet and a prolific writer. She also published a novel titled Pitribhita in 1937. The Government of India honoured her with Padmashree in 1972 shortly after her death. Again in 2002, the Government of India released a commemorative stamp in her honour.

Death and legacy

Saikiani died on her 72nd birthday on 16 March 1972 succumbing to cancer. A couple of months before her death, the Government of India awarded her the civilian honour of Padma Shri in 1972. She was honoured again in 2002 by the government when a commemorative postage stamp was issued by the Department of Posts in 2002 under the series, social reformers. The government polytechnic in Kamrup, Guwahati is named after her and the Tezpur University established a women's centre in her name, Chandraprabha Saikiani Center for Women’s Studies (CSCWS) in 2009 for promoting women's education in the Northeast India.

Her life has been documented in four biographies:

Agnisnata Chandraprabha (1998) by Pushpalata Das,

Chandraprabha Saikiani (2001) by Achyut Kumar Sharma,

Muktixongrami Chandraprabha (2002) by Hironmoyi Devi and

Chandraprabha [2011] by Anjali Sarma.

Abhiyatri: One Life Many Rivers, a novel by Nirupama Borgohain, renowned Assamese novelist and wife of Homen Borgohain,is a fictionalised account of Saikiani's life and the novel went on to win the Sahitya Akademi award in 1996. Later on Prodipto Borgohain translated Abhijatri into English and won the Sahitya Akademi Award.

Chandi Mahto

Chandi Mahto: Resident of v. Chorgaon, p.s. Tarapur, distt. Munger, Bihar.

He actively participated in the Civil Disobedience movement of 1930.

He was a part of the 4000 strong crowd which had assembled around Tarapur Thana with the object of hoisting the Congress flag over it on 15 February 1932 (since this day was declared the ëJhanda Satyagrah Diwasí by the local Congress Committee). The police first warned the crowd to disperse and then opened indiscriminate fire on it. He was critically injured in the firing and died on the spot on the same day. [Poll/Special (Confd.), F. No. 24 (II)/ 1932, 1932, BSAP; BMSAI, 2, p. 443; WWIM, I, p. 202]

Chutia Kingdom

Chutia people

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Chutia peopleChutia (pronounced as Sutia)

Women of Chutia tribe preparing pithas during Bihu/Bisu.

Total population

2 – 2.5 million

Regions with significant populations

Predominantly in Upper, North Bank and Central Assam; urban areas across Assam, India; 7,000 - 9,000 settled across India and abroad

Languages

Assamese(Predominant)

Religion

Hinduism

Ekasarana Dharma

Shaktism

Bon

Related ethnic groups

Deoris, Sonowal Kacharis, Morans, Bodo people, Bodo-Kachari, Tibeto-Burman

They are an ethnic group of East Asianappearance and make one of the major and earliest section of the plain inhabitants of Assam to have migrated from Southern China, predominantly from the present Tibet and Sichuan along with the other Bodo-Kacharigroups. The seat of the Chutias when they were in the ascendant, appears to have been about Lakhimpur and the back of the Subansiri River. They hold all the countries to the north of the Brahmaputra as far down as Sonitpur with the Dikarai and the Ghiladhari rivers as the western borders of their kingdom. On the south bank, they were spread till the Disang river. They spoke a language of Tibeto-Burman origin but over time, started speaking Assamese language and adopted Hinduism.

The Chutia community are recognized as an Other Backward Class by the Government of India and are an ethnic Assamese-speaking group.Today, most of them reside in Upper Assam districts and a fair amount are found in Lower Assam and Barak valley. The 2011 census report estimated their population as 2,600,000 (26 lakhs).

Etymology

There are many views to the etymology of the word "Chutia".

According to writers like Bishnuprasad Rabha, W.B. Brown and Paban Chandra Saikia(in "The Dibongiyas"), the word Chu-ti-ya is originally derived from the Deori-Chutiya language which means natives who live near pure waters. Chu meaning for pure/good, Timeaning water and Ya meaning for natives of the land. It is essentially similar to the way the terms for the Deori clans(Dibangiya, Tengaponiya or Borgoiya) have originated which means residents(denoted by suffix "Ya") living near Dibang, Tengapani and Bornoi rivers.

The Deodhai Buranji mentions the Chutias as Chutika instead. There is a sloka in the Buranji which reads,

“Sadiya Korjaku-Desha Chutika-Bansha Bhirmuka

Dhatu Dravya Tu Lebhe Na Hatwa Janpadanaya”

— Deodhai Buranji

The term Chutika is also of Deori-Chutia origins. Chu means good/pure and Tika stands for lineage/origins. Thus, Chu-tika could mean People of good origins. On the other hand, Chualso means pig in the same language and this would link the Chutias(pig origin) to the Varaha lineage as adopted by the Kamarupa kings. It is very possible that the origin word Chutikalater shortened over time to Chutia.

R.M. Nath in his book "Background of Assamese culture" claims that the term is derived from chut or "mountain top", their original place of habitation (after arriving from Sinchuan), before settling down in the plains of Upper Assam. But, this is cannot be true as the term "Chut" doesn't belong to Deori-Chutia language or any other Bodo dialects.

Origin

The Chutiyas are semi-Hinduised people who had a large kingdom in upper Assam. They are generally believed from their language to be closely related to Kacharis. Some of them seem to have largely intermarried with the Ahoms, so that the latter have a subdivision called 'Chutiya'. The Chutiyas also have sections calling themselves 'Ahoms'. They are now chiefly found in the upper Assam districts side by side with the Ahoms.

Chutiya rule (1187-1673)

A 15th century statue of a Chutiya warrior.

The Chutiya Kingdom was established by Birpal in 1187 on the northern bank of the river Brahmaputra. The kingdom absorbed the ancient Pal dynasty and reigned for over 400 years in northeastern Assam and areas of present-day Arunachal Pradesh, with the capital at Sadiya. The kingdom controlled the entire region of present Assam districts of Lakhimpur, Dhemaji, Tinsukia and parts of Jorhat, Dibrugarh, Sonitpur.

It was the dominant kingdom in upper Assam till the 16th century in which it expanded from Parshuram Kund in the east to Vishwanath in the west and had absorbed many local communities and tribes. Most illustrious of the Chutiya kings was Gaurinarayan (Ratnadhwajpal), son of Birpal. He brought many other Chutiya groups into his kingdom. In 1224 Ratnadhwajpal defeated Bhadrasena, the king of Swetagiri. Then he went on to subjugate Nyayapal and marched toward Kamatapur, where he formed an alliance with the Kamata ruler by marrying a princess. Then he marched to Dhaka, and made friends with the Gauda ruler.

The hostilities with the Ahoms began when the Chutiya Kingdom expanded to the south and during which Ahom king, Sutuphaa, was killed by the Chutiya king during a friendly negotiation.This conflict triggered a number of battles between the two sides, which saw great lost of men and money. The simmering dispute often flared till 1523 when the Ahoms struck the Chutiya Kingdom in its weakest state, they finally took Sadiya and killed the then king Nityapal. The Ahoms established their rule by instituting the position of Sadiyakhowa Gohain, the governor in charge of Sadiya. But the Chutiya had dispersed to frontier regions, and continued raids against the Ahoms. It finally ended in 1673, when the Chutiyas fall under the domination of the Ahoms.

Chutia Kekura Dola(Palaquin) donated by king Satyanarayan to the Gharmora Satra.

Language

The original language of the Chutias belong to the Tibeto-Burman Bodo-Garo languages group, also known by the same name i.e. Chutiya. Although, the language is no longer spoken by majority of Chutias, it is well preserved by the Deori people or the priestly section of the group. According to W.B.Brown, the Chutia language was the original language of Upper Assam. According to PRT Gurdon(1903), the Deori-Chutia language is very similar to the Moran dialect of Assamese and it can well be stated that the Moran language was nothing but a transitionary language between Chutia and Assamese language for the Chutias, Morans, and a section of Deoris(Tengaponia, Borgoya).

As per the linguist H.A.Gleason, if two languages share around 66% of words, it indicates that the languages have been separated for 1000 years; and if they have 44% common words, it denotes 2000 years of separation. The Boro and Chutia languages share around 55–60% of words which indicates that the two tribes must have separated 1200–1500 years ago.

After the advent of Prakrit in the Brahmaputra valley, the language of the Chutias evolved and assimilated with the Prakrit language. This was probably the time when the first form of Assamese originated in Upper Assam. The old Chutiya language was preserved by the Deori priestly section.

When the Ahoms arrived in the 13th century, they found the Chutiya language to be a version of localised Prakrit with a Prakrit script. According to Ahom buranjis, this form of Assamese along with the original Chutiya language were the only languages to have a writing script when they arrived.

This form of Assamese was then adopted by the Ahom courts and spread throughout the kingdom. They used this form combined with Tai influence to form the Gargayan Assamese used in later Buranjis. The modern written form of Assamese is mostly influenced by the Gargaya branch of Assamese.

Religion

In the early medieval period, the Chutiyas followed a form of tribal tantric religion closely related to Buddhism i.e. Bon before adopting Hinduism. During the rule of the Chutiya dynasty, they worshipped various forms of Kali with the help of their tribal priests, Deuris. Their favourite form of worshipping this deity was that of Kesai Khaiti. A crude form of Hinduism became the state religion at a very early time and influence of tantric form of Shaktism was felt in the royal court. Human sacrifices of criminals was offered to tutelary Goddess, Khesai Khatiand pilgrims from region far more remote i.e. Tibet and China brought their offerings as a token of faith for Tantricism.

Chutia Dharma Husori performed in Borgaon, Tinsukia

In modern times, the majority of Chutiyas are followers of Hinduism and Ekasarana Dharma, a pantheistic religion founded and propagated by Srimanta Sankardeva during the 15th century in Assam.

Subdivisions

Clans

Chutiyas are originally divided into different clans/bangshas which were based on descendants of a common ancestor. These Bangshas were divided into Khels which were professional classes like Now-Holiya, Jaapi-hojiya, Lahing, Bebejia, etc. Khels were further divided into Foids.

Some of the major clans/Bangshas among Chutiyas are:

1)Buruk, 2)Bihiya, 3)Borahi, 4)Lofai, 5)Lahual, 6)Lajum 7)Fesuwal, 8)Lalung, 9) Uta, 10)Har, 11)Chawrok, 12)Bosha, 13)Khas, 14)Lekang, 15)Changsa, 16)Melleng, 17)Laopiya, 18)Kantok, 19)Doisung, 20)Diha.

Some of the Khels are:

1)Rupawal, 2)Lahing, 3)Deori, 4)Kari, 5)Sonowal, 6)Tiruwal, 7)Luholiya, 8)Barisuwa, 9)Komar, 10)Kumar, 11)Gospuriya, 12)Pangiriyal, 13)Dahotiya, 14)Moliya, 15)Rupsokoliya, 16)Khanikar, 17) Naoholiya, 18)Khatowal, 19)Jaapihojiya, 20)Bebejia, 21)Hiloidhari, 22)Dhekial, 23)Baruwati, 24)Dolakasharia.

Historical divisions

After the fall of the Chutiya kingdom, the Chutia people were divided into different groups due to circumstances based on either religious inclinations or associations with other communities. Over time, Chutiyas divided into five important groups:

Hindu Chutiya

Ahom Chutiya

Borahi Chutiya

Miri Chutiya

Deori Chutiya

The Hindu Chutiyas represented a large section of the population. These are the Chutiyas who were initiated by Vaishnavite saints like Shankardev, Madhavdev into Vaishnavism sect of Hinduism. They are popularly termed as Kesa-ponthi as they have been imposed certain restrictions like use of animal meat and alcohols in their rites by the Vaishnavite community. The other group Poka-ponthi have retained their tribal customs in their original form. Among the Pokaponthis, the Ahom Chutiyas formed the major sub-division. They were termed as such as they intermarried with the Ahoms and held different position in administration of the Ahom kingdom as seen with Momai Tamuli Borbarua and Lachit Borphukan.

The Borahi Chutiyas are a sub-group of Chutiyas who had certain religious rites different from other Chutiyas. Presently they are found in the Dhemaji, Golaghat and Sibsagar districts. Miri Chutiyas were the Chutiyas who lived in the bordering villages of the northern bank of Brahmapurtra and fled to the Miri hills during the Ahom invasions. They intermarried with the Miris and were subsequently absorbed by the later. They chiefly belonged to the Bihia, Buruk(Medok) and Bebejia clans. Deori Chutiyas were originally the priests of the Chutiya people. They were retained in Sadiya by the Ahoms after the Ahom-Chutia wars. Thus, they separated from the others and later took the identity of a different tribe

C. P. Sadashivaiah

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Born 9 January 1931

Tumkur, Karnataka

Died 2 June 2007

Nationality Indian

Other names Babuji

Citizenship Indian

Occupation Industrialist, Indian freedom fighter, Inventor

Organization Shiva Industries

Spouse(s) Rathna Sadashivaiah

Awards WIPO Gold Medal, Deshasnehi award, Krishi Pandit, NRDC National award

C. P. Sadashivaiah (Chikkanayakanahalli Prabhanna Sadashivaiah) (9 January 1931 – 2 June 2007) was an Indian freedom fighter who later became an industrialist, philanthropist and inventor. He has to his credit several designs of agricultural equipments and implements, some of which he himself designed, while many he improved. His latest invention was Tractor mounted Deep trencher for which he was awarded the NRDC National award and WIPO Gold Medal 

Chet Ram Jatav

Symbolic image: Not real

Chetram Jatav was a freedom fighter who participated in the Indian Rebellion of 1857. He joined the mutiny on 26 May 1857 in the Soro region of Eta district, North-Western Provinces (now Uttar Pradesh). He was tied to a tree and shot.

The circumstances of Jatav's death have been highlighted by Badri Narayan Tiwari, a Subaltern historian from the G. B. Pant Institute of Social Sciences in Allahabad, but his life appears to be lost to history. Other sources have repeated Tiwari's research, which was taken from Swatantrata Sangram Mein Achhuton Ka Yogdan, a 1990 work written by D. C. Dinkar.

The Bahujan Samaj Party has adopted Jatav and some others who died as a result of the 1857 rebellion as icons of Dalit heroism. Tiwari says that:

Dalit intellectuals supported by BSP, which is trying to mobilise grassroot Dalits using local heroes, histories, myths and legends found a wealth of resources in the oral history of the regions of [Uttar Pradesh] centering around the 1857 rebellion. The political strategy of the party is to tell and retell the stories of these heroes, build memorials and organize celebrations around their stories repeatedly to build a collective memory in the psyche of the people. The stories are narrated in such a manner that the Dalits imagine the story of the making of this nation in which they played a significant role.

दलितों का स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में योगदान

स्पेशलः आजादी की लड़ाई के दलित नायक

By

दलित दस्तक न्यूज़

चौरी-चौरा का इतिहास

5 फरवरी 1922 को गोरखपुर के गांव चौरी-चौरा में दलित समाज की एक सभा चल रही थी. इस सभा में स्वराज पर ही मंथन चल रहा था. तभी वहां से गुजर रहे एक सिपाही ने जोशीला भाषण कर रहे रामपति (दलित) पर अपमान सूचक शब्दों की बौछार कर दी. सिपाही के दुर्व्यवहार से लोग उत्तेजितहो गए और देखते ही देखते ब्रिटिश हुकूमत के खिलाफ नारे लगाने लगे. पुलिसवालों ने नारेबाजी कर रहे लोगों के साथ दुर्व्यवहार किया जिससे नाराजलोगों ने पुलिस पर हमला बोल दिया और सिपाहियों को भाग कर थाने में छुपना पड़ा. क्रांतिकारियों ने पुलिस चौकी में ही आग लगा दी और जो सिपाही बाहर निकला उसे भी मार डाला और आग के हवाले कर दिया. इस काण्ड में कुल 22 पुलिसवाले मारे गए. दलित समाज के कई लोगों की गिरफ्तारियां हुईं, मुकदमें चले जिसमें से 15 लोगों को फांसी दे दी गई. 14 लोगों को कालापानी की सजा और बाकी लोगों को आठ-आठ साल और पांच-पांच साल के कठोर कारावास की सजा सुनाई गई. इस क्रांति ने ब्रिटिश साम्राज्य की नींव हिला दी थी.

जिस समय चौरी-चौरा काण्ड हुआ उस समय देश में असहयोग आंदोलन चल रहा था. तब मोहनदास गांधी ने 12 फरवरी 1922 को आंदोलन समाप्त करने की घोषणा की थी. इस संबंध में गांधीजी का तर्क था कि चौरी-चौरा काण्ड उनके अहिंसक सिद्धांत के विरुद्ध था. गांधीजी के असहयोग आंदोलन में भी दलित वर्गों के देशभक्तों ने बढ़-चढ़ कर हिस्सा लिया और पूरे देश में अपनी गिरफ्तारियां दी. इन देश भक्तों में गोरखपुर का मिठाई, ठेलू, गजाधर,और कल्लू. सीतापुर के दुर्जन और चौधरी परागी लाल, आजमगढ़ के राम प्रताप, सुल्तानपुर के सूरज नारायण और लखनऊ के सीताराम और जोधा प्रमुख थे.

नमक सत्याग्रह का आंदोलन

स्वतंत्रता संग्राम के नमक सत्याग्रह आंदोलन में दलित वर्ग के लोगों ने अपना महत्वपूर्ण योगदान दिया. यह आंदोलन गांधीजी ने 12 मार्च 1930 को साबरमती आश्रम से शुरू किया था. इस आंदोलन में दलित वर्ग से भी तमाम लोग शामिल हुए. इसमें मुख्य रूप से बलदेव प्रसाद कुरील थे, जिन्होंने कोतवाली में 1932 में धरना दिया. धरना देने पर पुलिस ने उनपर गोली चला दी और वे शहीद हो गए. इसके अलावा लाल कुआं लखनऊ के रहने वाले सुचित राम को भी धरना देने की वजह से पुलिसवालों ने गोली मार कर मौत के घाट उतार दिया. नमक सत्याग्रह आंदोलन में ही 103 दलितों पर सजा के साथ आर्थिक दंड लगाया गया. 8 अगस्त 1942 को अखिल भारतीय कांग्रेस कमेटी ने अंग्रेजों भारत छोड़ों का प्रस्ताव पास किया. 9 अगस्त 1942 की सुबह गांधी समेत कई कांग्रेसी नेताओं को गिरफ्तार कर लिया गया. गिरफ्तार लोगों में जवाहर लाल नेहरू, बाबू जगजीवन राम, जय प्रकाश नारायण भी शामिल रहे. अंग्रेजों की इस दमनकारी नीति से लोगों में आक्रोश पैदा हुआ. आंदोलन उग्ररूप अख्तियार करने लगा. अंग्रेजों ने दमकारी नीति के तहत कई जगह गोलियां और लाठियां चलाईं. इस आंदोलन में अमर शहीद और क्रांतिवीरों में अछूत समाज के लोगों की संख्या सबसे अधिक थी. यूपी के कईजिलों से 93 दलितों ने अपनी कुर्बानी दी. जिनका नाम व पतद्ग आज भी सरकारी अभिलेखों में दर्ज है.

नेता जी के साथ चमार रेजीमेंट

ब्रिटिश सरकार को खदेडऩे के लिए नेता जी सुभाष चंद बोस ने 26 जनवरी 1942 को आजाद हिन्द फौज बनाई. उन्होंने जनता से अपील करते हुए कहा कि तुम मुझे खून दो मैं तुम्हें आजादी दुंगा. इस अपील से हजारों की संख्या में भारतीय सैनिक देश की आजादी के लिए आजाद हिन्द फौज में भर्ती हो गए. इस फौज में कैप्टन मोहन लाल कुरील की अगुवाई में हजारों दलित भी फौज में शामिल हो गए. यहां तक की चमार रेजीमेंट पूरी तरह आजाद हिन्द फौज में विलीन हो गई. चमार रेजीमेंट ब्रिटिश भारतीय सेना की महत्वपूर्ण रेजीमेंट थी. दलित परिवार के हजारों युवा देश की आजादी के लिए इस फौज में शामिल हो कर अंग्रेजों से संघर्ष करते हुए शहीद हुए.

शिड्यूल्ड कॉस्ट फेडरेशन की भूमिका

बाबासाहेब डॉ. भीमराव अंबेडकर की भूमिका का जिक्र करना भी जरूरी होगा. सन 1940 में डॉ. अम्बेडकर ने शिड्यूल्ड कॉस्ट फेडरेशन की स्थापना की थी. इस फेडरेशन का मुख्य उद्देश्य अछूतों की सामाजिक, आर्थिक, धार्मिक और राजनैतिक शोषण, अन्याय व अत्याचार के खिलाफ संघर्ष करना था. यह फेडरेशन अछूतों की सुरक्षा एवं अधिकार मात्र के लिए नहीं थी, बल्कि आजादी के लिए मर मिटने को भी तैयार थी. इस फेडरेशन ने 1946-47में देश व्यापी आंदोलन छेड़ा. इस आंदोलन का नारा था, “अधिकारों के लिए लडऩा होगा…जीना है तो मरना होगा”. देश भर की जेलों में लगभग 25हजार दलित सत्याग्रही जेल गए. जिसमें अमर शहीद दोजीराम जाटव भी थे जो हाथरस के निवासी थे. देश की आजादी के लिए हजारों लाखों लोग शहीद हो गए. लेकिन कुछ लोगों का नाम ही इतिहास के पन्नों में प्रमुखता से दर्ज हो पाया बाकी हाशिए पर चले गए. इसी तरह दलित/आदिवासी समाज के तमाम और यक हैं, जिनके बलिदान को इस देश ने भुला दिया. सभी दलित/आदिवासी/मूलनिवासी शहीदों को दलित दस्तक का नमन।

1857 के स्वाधीनता संग्राम में दलितों की भूमिका-बद्रीनारायण

आंदोलनों का एक बेहतर परिणाम यह हुआ है कि साहित्य और संस्कृति में दलितों की भूमिका को हम अब धीरे-धीरे मानने को तैयार हो रहे हैं, लेकिन इतिहास में उनकी भूमिका को स्वीकारने में हमें अभी भी कठिनाई हो रही है। इसका मुख्य कारण है कि हमने अपने अंत:मन और ज्ञान-जगत में दलितों की एक छवि बना रखी है, जिसमें हम उन्हें निरीह, निम्न और निष्क्रिय रूप में देखते हैं। हम मानते रहे हैं कि ये सिर्फ प्रताड़ित होने वाले समुदाय हैं, इनमें प्रतिरोध की चेतना रही ही नहीं है, अगर रही भी है तो अपने मालिकों के साथ प्रतिरोध की नकल करने, उनका अनुसरण करने और उनका साथ देने के रूप में रही है। इस संदर्भ में दीपांकर गुप्ता द्वारा संपादित पुस्तक कास्ट इन क्वेस्ट में प्रकाशित जी. के. कारंत के आलेख 'रिप्लिकेशन ऑर डिसेंट' में देखा जा सकता है जिसमें उन्होंने कर्नाटक की अछूत दलित जातियों के अध्ययन के माध्यम से यह साबित करने की कोशिश की है कि किस प्रकार अनुकृति भी निम्न समुदाय के लिए प्रतिरोध का ही एक रूप है। दलित सेनानियों द्वारा अपने मालिक के उपनिवेशवाद विरोधी संघर्ष में शामिल होना कहीं से भी उनकी लड़ाई को सिर्फ मालिकों के लिए की जाने वाली लड़ाई के रूप में देखना उचित नहीं होगा।

इसका कारण यह है कि हम यह मानते हैं कि इतिहास की गति स्वार्थों की टकराहट से ही संचालित होती है। तभी तो 1857 के संघर्ष को हम सिर्फ सामंतों और राजाओं के व्यक्तिगत हितों के अंगरेजों से हुए टकराव के रूप में देखते हैं। यह एक डिटर्मिनेटिव एप्रोच है जिनमें हम यह भूल जाते हैं कि मानव-मन हितों और स्वार्थों से इतर भी कुछ होता है। अगर दलितों का स्वार्थ अंगरेजों से टकरा रहा था तो उन्हें कुछ नहीं करना था, ऐसा मानते हैं। हम यह भी भूल जाते हैं कि दलितों के दिल में भी भाव होता है, उच्छ्वास होता है। वे अपने से ही नहीं, अपने आसपास से भी संचालित होते हैं।

चूंकि हमने पहले ही मान लिया है कि दलित समाज निरीह रहा है तो वह संघर्ष कैसे कर सकता है। जबकि हम भूल जाते हैं कि इतिहास के विभिन्न कालखंड दलित नायकों के संघर्ष-कालखंड रहे हैं। आठवीं शताब्दी से लगभग बारहवीं, तेरहवीं शताब्दी तक प्राचीन काल का राजत्व कमजोर हो रहा था और मध्यकाल की राजशाही वजूद में पूरी तरह आ नहीं पाई थी, यह एक संक्रमण का दौर था। इस दौर में दलित जाति के अनेक दुस्साहसिक नायक हमारी लोकगाथाओं के नायक बने। कुंवर विजयमल जो जाति का दुसाध माना जाता है, दीनाभद्री मुसहर लड़ाके थे, चुहरमल, सहलेश इत्यादि भी दलित जाति के नायक थे। इन लोकगाथाओं को पढ़ें तो जाहिर होता है कि इन जातियों में वीर और दुस्साहसी लोग थे जिन्होंने अपने राज तक कायम किए। नृतत्ववैज्ञानिक कुमार सुरेश सिंह ने लिखा है कि तेरहवीं शताब्दी में अयोध्या का राजा निम्न जाति का था, शायद डोम जाति का, मध्य उत्तर प्रदेश और अवध के पासी राजाओंडालदेव, बलदेव, बिजली पासी, सुहेलदेव इत्यादि के बारे में अंगरेज नृतत्वशास्त्रियों के लेखन और सेंसस गजेटियर्स में भी जिक्र आते हैं। कर्नल नील जिन्होंने 1857 के विद्रोह के आसपास एक दमनकारी सैन्य अधिकारी के रूप में छवि बनाई थी, ने अपने अत्यंत रोचक संस्मरण में लिखा है कि किस प्रकार उस समय अंगरेजी सेना के लिए पासी वीर एक चुनौती बन गए थे, यह ठीक है कि अंगरेज अधिकारी अपनी शब्दावली में नायक न कहकर अपराधी ही कहेगा, लेकिन हमें ऐसी व्याख्याओं से निकलना ही चाहिए। इस आलेख में यह भूमिका मैं इसलिए बना रहा हूं कि दलितों के बारे में बन गई रूढ़ हो चुकी छवि को तोड़ना चाहता हूं। कोल्फ इच डर्क एक डच इतिहासकार हैं जिन्होंने बताया कि उत्तर भारत में किस प्रकार मध्यकाल और प्रारंभिक उपनिवेशिक काल में सैन्य कर्म न केवल सवर्ण जातियों में बल्कि निम्न जातियों में एक प्रमुख नौकरी के रूप में उभरा था। न केवल यादव, क्षत्रिय जैसी धनी सामंती जातियां बल्कि पासी, दुसाध, डोम, मेहतर, मुसहर, कहार, नीची जातियों के लोग भी खाली समय में सैन्य अभ्यास करके, कुश्ती-पहलवानी करके तत्कालीन बिखरी हुई और केंद्रीयकृत राजसत्ताओं की सेना के लिए अपने को तैयार रखते थे जो पूरे भोजपुर और अवध में नौकरी का महत्वपूर्ण माध्यम था, ऐसा अनेक ऐतिहासिक साक्ष्यों से साबित हुआ है। अगर हम कोल्फ की बात मान लें तो हमें यह मानने में कोई हिचक नहीं होनी चाहिए कि 'नौकरनुमा निरीह जातियों' के मध्य भी एक नौकरीशुदा सैनिक वर्ग था जो 1857 के विद्रोह में शिरकत कर सकता था। एक दूसरे इतिहासकार निकोलस डर्कस ने अपनी नई पुस्तक में जातियों के बारे में लिखा है कि भारत में अंगरेजी सत्ता के मजबूत होने के पहले जातीय स्मृतियां काफी कुछ लचीली थीं। 1861 में 1857 के विद्रोह के बाद जब अंग्रेजों ने महसूस किया कि भारतीय समाज में बड़ा तबका उनके खिलाफ लड़ा है तो उनकी सूची बनाने, उनकी प्रवृत्तियों को जानने व समझने के लिए कोलोनियल डिटरमिनेशन प्रोजेक्ट शुरू किया गया जिसके अंतर्गत सेंसर और गजेटियर का निर्माण हुआ जिसके आधार पर इन जातियों को नियंत्रित करने के लिए अनेक एक्ट बनाए गए। कोलोनियल डिटरमिनेशन प्रोजेक्ट का एक असर यह हुआ है कि अब जातीय स्मृतियां निश्चित हो गईं, वे एक बार लिखित होकर प्रिंट में छप गईं। क्रिमिनल ट्राई पैक्ट इन्हीं प्रक्रियाओं का परिणाम था। इसके तहत 198 दलित जातियों को चिह्नित किया गया, इन्हें तीन नाम दिए गएएक्स क्रिमिनल ट्राइब्स, डीनोटिफाइड ट्राइब्स, नोमेडिक ट्राइब्स। 1860 में इसे इंडियन पैनल कोड में बदल दिया गया 1857 के संघर्ष के बाद जहां ऊंची जातियों के अनेक लोग राय साहब, राय जमींदार, महाराजा, राजा, जागीरदार की उपाधि लेने में व्यस्त थे वहीं दलितों के ऊपर क्रिमिनल ट्राइब एक्ट लगाया जा रहा था। यह एक्ट उपनिवेशिक इतिहास के विभिन्न कालखंडों में लागू किया गया जो इस प्रकार है : 1871, 1896, 1901-02, 1909, 1911, 1913-14, 1919 और 1924। यह जानना बहुत रोचक है कि 1857 के तुरंत बाद क्रिमिनल एक्ट बनाने की क्या आवश्यकता पड़ी और इन दलित जातियों को चिह्नित करने की क्या जरूरत पड़ी? वस्तुत: 1857 के विद्रोह के बाद अंगरेजी शासन ने अपनी गवर्नेंस और कंट्रोल एक्टिविटीस की कमियों को पहचाना था और भारतीय समाज में इस विद्रोह से सबक लेकर इसे नियंत्रित करने के लिए नई रणनीति बनाई और उन्हें क्रिमिनल जाति बना दिया जो उनके प्रशासन के लिए चुनौती थे। ये वे लोग थे जो औपनिवेशिक नियमों को नहीं मानते थे और उन्हें बार-बार तोड़ते थे।

यूं भी 1857 का विद्रोह मात्र सेनाओं, सैनिकों, राजाओं का विद्रोह नहीं था। रुद्रांग्शु मुखर्जी, गौतमभद्र, पिंच जैसे अनेक इतिहासकार मानते हैं कि इस विद्रोह में किसानों ने बड़े पैमाने पर शिरकत की, जिन गांवों के सैनिक जिनकी संख्या लाखों में थी, शहीद हुए थे, वे गांव इस विद्रोह से जुड़ गए। डच इतिहासकार डच कोल्फ की बात मानें तो अनेक निचली जातियों का भी साहसी सैनिकनुमा संवर्ग इस विद्रोह से जुड़ा हुआ था।

आज दलित इतिहासकार अपने नायकों की पहचान कर रहे हैं जिनका संबंध 1857 के स्वतंत्रता संघर्ष से रहा था। इस प्ररिप्रेक्ष्य में मातादीन भंगी का उल्लेख मिलता है जिन्होंने अपने मन-मस्तिष्क में उपजे सवालों से 10 मई 1857 को मेरठ छावनी में सैनिक विद्रोह का बिगुल बजाया। वस्तुत: इतिहास में चर्चित नायकों के प्रेरणास्रोत बने ये दलित नायक। राष्ट्रभक्ति और देशभक्ति की भावना के अतिरिक्त यह ऐसा आंदोलन था जिसमें जनमानस की भागीदारी रही। यह संघर्ष ऐसे समय में हुआ जब तत्कालीन नरेश अपनी सिंहासन रक्षा हेतु संघर्षरत थे। दलित सर्वहारा किसान का किसी नरेश से कोई सरोकार न था, ऐसे में मातादीन भंगी ने पानी पीने के लिए दो नंबर पल्टन के सिपाही मंगल पांडे से पीतल का लोटा मांगा, इस दुस्साहसिक कार्य हेतु मंगल पांडे की फटकार पर मातादीन भंगी ने चिढ़ाते हुए कहा कि 'बहुत जल्द ही तुम्हारी पंडिताई (ब्राह्मणपना) निकल जाएगी, जब तुम दांत से सुअर और गाय की चर्बी से बने कारतूस काटकर बंदूक में भरकर चलाओगे।' इस घटना के बारे में कैप्टन राइट ने एक पत्र मेजर बोन्टीन के नाम 22 जनवरी 1857 को लिखा था। मातादीन नए कारतूस बनाने वाली दमदम की फैक्ट्री में नौकर था इसलिए उसकी बात मान ली गई। यह बात आग की तरह फैल गई। तत्कालीन परिस्थितियों में जब एक अछूत जाति की आवाज भी भोजन करते समय एक ब्राह्मण पसंद नहीं करता था, ऐसे समय में उससे पानी पीने के लिए लोटा मांगना एक साहसिक कार्य था। इस घटना के पश्चात अंगरेज अफसर ने मातादीन भंगी को फांसी पर लटका दिया। 1857 के स्वतंत्रता संग्राम का सेहरा भले ही मंगल पांडेय और रानी लक्ष्मीबाई को दिया गया हो लेकिन उनके पीछे प्रेरणास्रोत बने मातादीन भंगी और झलकारी बाई।

जी.डब्ल्यू. फारेस्ट ने अपनी पुस्तक में लिखा है कि सिपाहियों के स्वैच्छिक विद्रोह और झांसी पर पूर्ण विजय के बाद जब अधिकांश सेना दिल्ली की ओर चली गई तब रानी लक्ष्मीबाई सैनिकों के इस काम में स्वेच्छा से शामिल नहीं थीं। इस दौरान लक्ष्मीबाई अंगरेजों से दूरस्थ संबंध रखती थीं और अपने हक के लिए समझौते का प्रयास कर रही थीं। इस समय विद्रोही सैनिक के रूप में झलकारी बाई के पति पूरन कोरी और भाऊबक्शी कोरियों की सेना लेकर अंगरेजों का संहार कर रहे थे। संघर्ष की विशालता को देखते हुए रानी लक्ष्मीबाई अंगरेजों के संपर्क में आ रही थीं। लेकिन झलकारी बाई और उनके पति चिंतित थे कि कहीं रानी अंगरेजों की गिरफ्त में न आ जाएं। ऐसी नाजुक स्थिति में झलकारी बाई ने सूझबूझ का परिचय देते हुए अपने विश्वसनीय सैनिकों के साथ रानी लक्ष्मीबाई को असुरक्षित किले से बाहर निकालकर सुरक्षित स्थान पर भेजने में मदद की। युध्द के समय में झलकारी बाई ने बड़ी सूझबूझ का परिचय देते हुए स्वयं भंडारी गेट से उन्नाव गेट तक युध्द का संचालन किया। उनके पति पूरन कोरी और भाऊबक्शी भी युध्द में व्यस्त थे। झलकारी बाई का चेहरा और व्यक्तित्व काफी कुछ रानी लक्ष्मीबाई से मिलता था। इसका फायदा उठाकर किले में वह रानी लक्ष्मीबाई बनकर युध्द करती रही ताकि वे दूर सुरक्षित स्थान पर पहुंच जाएं। उनके पति पूरन कोरी अपनी मातृभूति की रक्षा करते हुए शहीद हो गए। यह पता चलते ही झलकारी बाई और भी बहादुरी से लड़ने लगी और अंगरेजों सेना के पैर उखाड़ दिए। महारानी लक्ष्मीबाई के प्रति सच्ची मित्रता, देशप्रेम और प्रथम स्वतंत्रता संग्राम के लिए अपने कर्तव्य का पालन करते हुए वह शहीद हो गई। त्याग और बलिदान के लिए एक अनुकरणीय उदाहरण प्रस्तुत कर अपने को अमर कर गई।

लोचन मल्लाह की कानपुर में 1857 के संग्राम में अहम भूमिका रही। यहां अंग्रेज अफसर नाना साहब को अपनी हितैषी समझते थे। कानपुर के कलेक्टर भी नाना साहब को अपना मित्र ही मानते थे। नाना साहब अपने को भी पत्रों द्वारा अंगरेजी सेना के हितैषी ही साबित कर रहे थे। यहां तक कि माफी मांगते हुए महारानी विक्टोरिया और अंगरेज अफसरों को पत्र भी लिखा था ताकि वे उनके विश्वासपात्र बने रहें। नाना साहब 26 जून 1857 को रातभर उनके घेरे में रहे। रात में 3 बजे अंग्रेज गंगा तट पर लोचन मल्लाह की व्यवस्था देखने गए। लोचन मल्लाह ने 40 नावों की व्यवस्था की थी ताकि अंगेजों को इलाहाबाद पहुंचाया जा सके। नाना साहब की देखरेख में अनेक अफसरों और उनकी पत्नियों को गंगा तट पर लाया गया। ईवार्ट सैन्य अधिकारी पालकी में बैठकर आ रहा था

लेकिन विद्रोही सैनिकों को इसकी भनक लग गई और उन्होंने पालकी से खींचकर उसकी हत्या कर दी। विद्रोही सैनिक इस दौरान कानपुर आ चुके थे। गंगा घाट पर कानुपर क्रांति के सेनानायक टीकासिंह, अजीमुल्लाह और तात्या टोपे सभी खड़े थे। इसी दौरान नाना साहब का एक घुड़सवार आया और उसने व्हीलर को विदाई के लिए नाना साहब का संदेश दिया। इशारा पाकर लोचन मल्लाह ने अपने साथियों से नाव छोड़ देने को कहा। सभी मल्लाह गंगा में कूद गए। अंगरेजों ने उन पर गोलियां चलाईं। पुन: लोचन मल्लाह ने दूसरी नाव पर क्रांतिकारियों को लेकर अंगरेजों का पीछा किया। इस दौरान लोचन की मदद से 80 अंगरेज स्त्री, पुरुष और बच्चे कानपुर लाए गए। बच्चों और स्त्रियों को अलग कर क्रांतिकारियों ने 14 अंगरेजों को फांसी पर लटका दिया।

डी.सी. डिंकर ने अपनी पुस्तक स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में अछूतों का योगदान' में वीरांगना महाबीरी देवी का उल्लेख किया है। यह भंगी जाति की तेज-तर्रार महिला थी। महाबीरी ने अपनी जाति की महिलाओं को एकत्र कर संगठन बनाया और मुजफ्फरनगर में अंग्रेजों से मोर्चा लिया। 22 महिलाओं को टोली में बल्लम-गड़ासों से लैस होकर अंगरेजों पर हमला कर उन्हें मौत के घाट उतार दिया। अपने ऊपर अचानक अनपढ़ और निम्न जाति समाज की महिलाओं द्वारा हमला किए जाने पर अंगरेज अफसर हतप्रभ रहे, क्योंकि यह विद्रोह किसी राजा के नेतृत्व में नहीं था बल्कि यह आम जनता का विद्रोह था। ये सभी महिलाएं आंदोलन में शहीद हो गईं।

नन्हीबाई का योगदान भी स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन में स्मरणीय है, क्योंकि वह जिस समाज से थी उस समाज से हम स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन में संघर्ष के लिए सोच भी नहीं सकते थे। भक्तन जाति के लोग वैष्णव संप्रदाय को मानने वाले थे। पर उनकी कन्याओं की शादी नहीं होती थी। उनकी शादी किसी साधु के साथ करकर उन्हें वेश्यावृत्ति में उतार दिया जाता था। यह समाज भी ब्राह्मणी व्यवस्था का शिकार था। नन्हीबाई ने भी इसी भगतन परिवार में एक वेश्या की कोख से जन्म लिया। महर्षि दयानंद सरस्वती ने भी नन्हीबाई को जोधपुर के राजा के साथ देखकर यह टिप्पणी की कि 'सिहों के सिंहासन पर इन कुतियों से कुत्ते ही पैदा होंगे' सुनकर अपमान और क्रोध का घूंट पीकर रह गई। कालांतर में नन्हीबाई ने समाज-सेवा का व्रत लिया और अपनी अपार धन-संपदा को देश की सेवा में लगा दिया। हालांकि नन्हीबाई पर दयांनद सरस्वती को मारने का आरोप लगा था। नन्हीबाई ने लेडी हार्डिंग मेडिकल कालेज के साथ-साथ अनेक संस्थानों को अपनी संपत्ति बेचकर दान दिया, अंगरेजों से उनकी बहस होती ही रहती थी। वे क्रांतिकारियों को मदद करना अपना धर्म समझती थीं क्योंकि एक वेश्या होने के नाते स्वतंत्रता के मायने बखूबी जानती थीं। यहां उत्तर प्रदेश के जौनपुर जनपद के मछली शहर में रहने वाले बांके चमार का उल्लेख करना भी नितांत आवश्यक है। इन्होंने प्रमुख बागी नेता हरिपाल सिंह के साथ रहकर स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन में अनेक अफसरों को मौत के घाट उतारकर दलित समाज में वीरता और बहादुरी और दलित क्रांतिकारी होने का सबूत पेश किया। इन पर अंगरेजों ने पांच हजार रुपए का पुरस्कार घोषित किया था। अंततोगत्वा इन्हें भी फांसी पर लटकाया गया।

इतिहास की खोज, इतिहास रचना और इतिहास का निर्माण एक सतत विकासमान प्रक्रिया है। अंबेडकर के समय अर्थात 1920 से 1956 तक राष्ट्र की मुक्ति के संग्राम में दलितों की मुक्ति की बात होती थी, यह वहीं तक सीमित नहीं थी। नए शोधों, अभिलेखीय दस्तावेजों के नए पाठ, औपनिवेशक दस्तावेजों के उच्छेदवादी पुनर्पाठ से इतिहास में दलितों का प्रवेश कर दरवाजा चौड़ा ही हुआ है। अंबेडकर के समय सन् 1857 के बाद का जो दलितवादी मूल्यांकन रहा था वह आज काफी कुछ बदल चुका है। अगर अंबेडकर आज जीवित होते तो इतिहास में दलितों की भूमिका पर वैसा ही पाठ करते जैसा कि डी.सी. डिंकर, एम.आर. विद्रोही, एस. संजीवन नाथ, के. नाथ जैसे दलित लेखक कर रहे हैं। न व्यवस्थाएं रुकती हैं न समाज रुका रहता है और न इतिहास। अत: आज जो लोग अंबेडकरवादी आग्रहों से दलितों की भूमिका का मूल्यांकन करना चाह रहे हैं, उन्हें इन नए पाठों को भी देखना चाहिए। और सन 1857 के उस संग्राम में जिसमें उत्तर भारत में अनेक गांव शामिल थे, जिसकी तरफ इशारा अत्यंत पुरानी इतिहास पुस्तक में सुंदरलाल ने किया है और बताया है कि किस प्रकार फूल और चपाती गांव-गांव में घुमाकर यह साबित किया जाता था कि यह गांव स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में शामिल है। उन लोगों में रहने वाले शोषित दलितों के उन स्वतंत्र क्षणों को समझा जाए जहां उन्होंने अनेक बार अपने खुद की पहल पर स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में भाग लिया। ऐसा नहीं था कि राजा विद्रोह करे तभी प्रजा करे, प्रजा विद्रोह में राजा से आगे चली जाती है। इतिहास यूं ही कार्यकारण संबंधों के डिटर्मिनिस्टिक आग्रहों से नहीं चलता। इसमें अनेक स्वर होते हैं, अनेक गतिविधियां, अनेक अनुगूंजें, सिर्फ उन्हें देखने, सुनने, समझने की संवेदनशीलता होनी चाहिए।

https://jagadishwarchaturvedi.blogspot.com/2011/04/1857_19.html

दलितों का स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में योगदान

1857 में ही राजा बेनी माधव (खलीलाबाद) अंग्रेजो द्वारा कैद किये जाने पर उन्हें छुड़ाने वाला अछूत वीरा पासी थ।

इसके अलावा कुछ और दलित क्रान्तिकारियो के नाम आप लोगो को बताना चाहता हूँ जो गोरखपुर अभिलेखों में दर्ज हैं ।

1- आज़ादी की लड़ाई में चौरा-चौरी काण्ड एक मील का पत्थर है , इसी चौरा-चौरी कांड के नायक थे "रमापति चमार" , इन्ही की सरपस्ति में हजारो दलितों की भीड़ ने चौरा-चौरी थाने में आग लगा दी थी जिससे 23 अंग्रेज सिपाहियों की जलने से मौत हो गई थी । इतिहासकार श्री. डी सी दिनकर ने अपनी पुस्तक "स्वतंत्रता संग्राम" में 'अछूतों का योगदान' में उल्लेख किया है की- "अंग्रेजो ने इस काण्ड में सैंकड़ो दलितों को गिरफ्तार किया । 228 दलितों पर सेशन सुपुर्द कर अभियोग चला । निचली अदालत ने 172 दलितों को फाँसी की सजा सुनाई।

इस निर्णय की ऊपरी अदालत में अपील की गई , ऊपरी अदालत ने 19 को फाँसी, 14 को आजीवन कारवास , शेष को आठ से पांच साल की जेल हुई ।

2 जुलाई 1923 को 18 अन्य दलितों के साथ चौरा-चौरी कांड के नायक रमापति को फांसी के फंदे पर लटका दिया गया ।

चौरा-चौरी कांड में फाँसी तथा जेल की सजा पाने वाले क्रन्तिकारी दलितों के नाम थे-

1- सम्पति चमार- थाना- चौरा, गोरखपुर, धारा 302 के तहत

1923 में फांसी,

2- अयोध्या प्रसाद पुत्र महंगी पासी- ग्राम - मोती पाकड़, जिला

चौरा, गोरखपुर , सजा - फाँसी

3- कल्लू चमार, सुपुत्र सुमन - गाँव गोगरा, थाना-झगहा, जिला

गोरखपुर, सजा - 8 साल की कैद

4- गरीब दास , पुत्र महंगी पासी - सजा धारा 302 के तहत

आजीवन कारावास

5- नोहरदास, पुत्र देवीदीन- ग्राम - रेबती बाजार, थाना चौरा-चौरी, गोरखपुर, आजीवन कारवास

6-श्री फलई , पुत्र घासी प्रसाद- गाँव- थाना चौरा-चौरी , 8

साल की कठोर कारवास,

7- बिरजा, पुत्र धवल चमार- गाँव - डुमरी, थाना चौरा, धारा 302

के तहत 1924 में आजीवन कारावास

8- श्री. मेढ़ाइ, पुत्र बुधई- थाना चौरा, गोरखपुर, आजीवन कारवास....

इसके अलावा 1942 के भारत छ़ोडो आंदोलन में मारने वाले और भाग लेने वाले दलितों की संख्या हजारो में हैं जिसमें से कुछ प्रमुख हैं -

1-मेंकुलाल ,पुत्र पन्ना लाल, जिला सीतापुर यह बहादुर दलित 1932 के मोतीबाग कांड में शहीद हुआ ।

2- शिवदान ,पुत्र दुबर - निवासी ग्राम - पहाड़ीपुर, मधुबन आजमगढ़ , इन्होंने 1942 के 15 अगस्त को मधुबन थाना के प्रात: 10 बजे अंग्रेजो पर हल्ला बोला , अंग्रेजो की गोली से शहीद हुए ।

इसके अलावा दलित अमर शहिदों का भारत अभिलेख से प्राप्त

परिचय -

मुंडा, मालदेव, सांठे, सिंहराम, सुखराम, सवराउ, आदि बिहार प्रान्त से ।

आंध्र प्रदेश से 100 से ऊपर दलित नेता व् कार्यकर्ता बंदी ।

बंगाल से 45 दलित नेता बलिदान हुए आजादी की लड़ाई में...

ऐसे ही देश के अन्य राज्यो में भी दलितों ने आज़ादी के संग्राम में अपनी क़ुरबानी दी । अरे हाँ.... !! सबसे महत्वपूर्ण नाम लेना तो भूल ही गया , जलियाँवाला बाग का बदला लेने वाले और लन्दन जा के माइकल आडेवयार को गोलियों से भून देने वाले दलित "शहीद ऊधम सिंह...." जिसका नाम सुनते ही अंग्रेजो में डर की लहर दौड़ जाती थी ।

ये सब दलित "स्वतंत्रता सेनानी" और हजारो ऐसे ही गुमनाम शहीद जो 'दलित' होने के नाते कभी भी मुख्य पंक्ति में नहीं आ पाये ।

Avtar , Ayodhya Chamaar, Ayodhya Babu, Babadin Kori (Mohanlal Ganj), Baiju, Basant Lal, Chhibnu Chamar, Devi, Dulare, Gangadeen, Gaziram Chamar, Gokul Passi, Haria, Chamar - Meerut, Jagnath, Jwahir Chamar -- Hardoi, Jiau, Kallu Chamar, Mahavir, Maikulal - Hazipur, Mazsingh Azad, Magal Mochi, Nandi, Nathu Ram, Ramkhilak, Ram Pati Chamaar, Ramshankar, Sajawar, Sampati Chamar, Santaram Jatav, Medhai Chamar, Sukhdev, Sumer Ram, Teekaram, Tulsi, Baldev Prasad Kureel (Derapur , Kanpur), Suchit Ram Jaiswar- Lal Kua Luckow, Narayan Das Chamar, Maikulal Chamar(Sitapur), Shivdhan Chamar (Azamgarh), Hari Chamar ( Ballia), Inderjit Harijan, Vindeswari -Gorakhpur, Chotu Passi, Ramsaran Passi, Alghu Passi (Chauri-Chaura episode 1923),

Veera Passi, Ramchadra Bhagi (movemet Agaist ,1918 Rowlatt Act)

Nathu Dhobi ( ivolve in Jalliawala bagh 1919 episode)

Duli Dhobi, Govardhan Passi, Keshav, Sadashiv Mehre , Nepal Mallah, Siddu Kanu, Sahid Chamru - Odisha, Sahid Narsingh - Odisha , Maldev, Singh Ram, Sukhram, Savroy

चौरी-चौरा का इतिहास

5 फरवरी 1922 को गोरखपुर के गांव चौरी-चौरा में दलित समाज की एक सभा चल रही थी. इस सभा में स्वराज पर ही मंथन चल रहा था. तभी वहां से गुजर रहे एक सिपाही ने जोशीला भाषण कर रहे रामपति (दलित) पर अपमान सूचक शब्दों की बौछार कर दी. सिपाही के दुर्व्यवहार से लोग उत्तेजितहो गए और देखते ही देखते ब्रिटिश हुकूमत के खिलाफ नारे लगाने लगे. पुलिसवालों ने नारेबाजी कर रहे लोगों के साथ दुर्व्यवहार किया जिससे नाराजलोगों ने पुलिस पर हमला बोल दिया और सिपाहियों को भाग कर थाने में छुपना पड़ा. क्रांतिकारियों ने पुलिस चौकी में ही आग लगा दी और जो सिपाही बाहर निकला उसे भी मार डाला और आग के हवाले कर दिया. इस काण्ड में ल 22 पुलिसवाले मारे गए. दलित समाज के कई लोगों की गिरफ्तारियां हुईं, मुकदमें चले जिसमें से 15 लोगों को फांसी दे दी गई. 14 लोगों को कालापानी की सजा और बाकी लोगों को आठ-आठ साल और पांच-पांच साल के कठोर कारावास की सजा सुनाई गई. इस क्रांति ने ब्रिटिश साम्राज्य की नींव हिला दी थी.

जिस समय चौरी-चौरा काण्ड हुआ उस समय देश में असहयोग आंदोलन चल रहा था. तब मोहनदास गांधी ने 12 फरवरी 1922 को आंदोलन समाप्त करने की घोषणा की थी. इस संबंध में गांधीजी का तर्क था कि चौरी-चौरा काण्ड उनके अहिंसक सिद्धांत के विरुद्ध था. गांधीजी के असहयोग आंदोलन में भी दलित वर्गों के देशभक्तों ने बढ़-चढ़ कर हिस्सा लिया और पूरे देश में अपनी गिरफ्तारियां दी. इन देश भक्तों में गोरखपुर का मिठाई, ठेलू, गजाधर,और कल्लू. सीतापुर के दुर्जन और चौधरी परागी लाल, आजमगढ़ के राम प्रताप, सुल्तानपुर के सूरज नारायण और लखनऊ के सीताराम और जोधा प्रमुख थे.

by– Shadab Saharai

१९४७ में आज़ादी प्राप्ति के पश्चात शासन, प्रशासन का पूरा तंत्र ब्रहमण मनुवादियों के आधीन हो जाने के कारण चाहे वह कांग्रेस की सरकार रही हो या RSS की राजनितिक शाखा BJP की, इतिहास के नाम पर वही लिखा गया जो ये मनुवादी या ब्रहमणवादी चाहते थे ! इनको ये सफ़लता मिलने का मुख्य कारण था , हज़ारों साल इनके ही द्वारा पीडित , आत्याचार भोगी ,निर्धन और अशिक्छित मूलनिवासी ,दलित समाज जिस्के लिये इन ब्रहमण मनुवादियों ने ६००० वर्षों पहले ही से शिक्छा की प्रप्ति वर्जित कर दी थी ! यहां तक कि वेदों का एक श्लोक सुनने के जुर्म में कानों मे गर्म सीसा पिलाने और उन्ही श्लोको के पढने के जुर्म में ज़ुबान काट लेने का फ़तवा दे रखा था ! ऐसे में दलितों को अपने आप को ही हीन भावना से देखने की मान्सिक्ता का बनना अपरिहार्य था ! वो शारीरिक ही नही मान्सिक गुलाम बन चुके थे ! हर कोइ सोच सकता है कि एक कुत्ता को अपने साथ रखने से ये मनुवादी पवित्र थे किन्तु अछूतों का मात्र साया भी पड जाने से अपवित्र हो जाते थे ! ऐसी स्थिति में वही हुआ जो होना था दलित समुदाय ने ये हार्दिक और मान्सिक तौर पर स्वीकार कर लिया था की हमारे जनम मरण का उद्देश्य ही इन मनुवादियों की दासता है ! इतिहास क्या है ,? भूगोल या सभ्यता या स्वाभिमान किस चिडिया का नाम है ? ये कुछ नही जानते थे और जान ने की चेष्टा पर मनुवादियों के घोर यातना से भयभीत थे ! फ़ल स्वरूप इतिहास के नाम पर वही लिखा गया जो ये मनुवादी चाहते थे , इस बीच दलित समाज में जो भी महापुरूष हुये जैसे महिसा सुर , रावण , शम्बोक ,एकलव्य , हिरण कस्प ,ज्योतिबा फ़ुले या रैदास जिन्में से कुछ को इन मनुवादियॊं ने असुर या रक्छस का घिर्णित नाम दिया ,किसी को गयान पाने के प्रयत्न और पूजा करने के गुनाह में गर्दन उडावा दिया ! या किसी दूसरे कुंठित षणयंत्र से उनकी जीवन लीला ही समाप्त कर दी गयी इस प्रकार उन दलित महा पुरुषों की आवाज दबा दी गयी ! मनुवादियों का भय और डर का निशान, दलित समुदाय के दिलों में और गहरा होता गया ! इन मनुवादियों को मन मानी छूट पाने में सफ़लता मिलती रही ! दलितों दवारा किया गया कोइ भी कार्य इतिहास के पन्नों में नही आने दिया गया ! प्रस्तुत है १९९७ में छपने वाली एक Booklet ‘ Sepoy Mutiny 1957-58 and Indian Perfidy (बेइमानी) जिसके प्रीफ़ेस में एक बंगाली दलित IAS अधिकारी लिखता है ” भारतिय इतिहास को भारतिय उच्च वर्ग के शिक्छित लोगों ने बिल्कुल एक नया मोड दे दिया है जिसमें सत्य को कालीन के नीचे सुला दिया गया है कि वह कभी रोशनी या प्रकाश में न आसके ! उच्च वर्ग के ज़मीदारों की पूरी सहानुभूति अंग्रेज़ों के साथ थी ”

जबकि ’दलित फ़्रीडम फ़ाइटर ’ का लेखक पन्ना क्रमांक ३६ पर स्वीकार करता है कि ” ये सत्य है कि निम्न समुदाय के बहुत सारे लोगों ने असहयोग ,अंग्रेज़ों भारत छोडो , इत्यादि आंदोलनों में अपना अभूतपुर्व सहयोग दिया और जान गंवाइ , किन्तु यश और प्रसिद्धि उच्च वर्ग के हिस्से में आयी क्युं कि वही लोग इन आंदोलनों के संगठन करता थे !” ऐसे बहुत से बुद्धजीवियों के कथन, उदाहरण में प्रस्तुत किये जा सकते है !

जो भी हो, इतिहास का बदलना भी प्रकिर्ति का एक अटल नियम है ! दलितों में भी एक युग पुरुष ,महामानव का अवतार हुआ जिस के बिना दलित समुदाय ही नही भारत का इतिहास अधूरा है, संसार उसे डा० बाबा साहेब भीम राव अंबेडकर के नाम से जानता है जिन्होंने इतिहास बदल डाला और अपने अथक प्रयास व लगन से दलित समुदाय को नयी जाग्रिति , चेतना के साथ स्वाभिमान की नयी ज़िंदगी दी ! शिक्छा के क्छेत्र में आगे बढता हुआ दलित समाज , शासन ,प्रशासन में जब अपने अधिकारों और भागीदारी का प्रश्न उठाया तो मनुवादियॊं के सीने पर सांप लोटने लगा ! उन्होने अज़ादी प्राप्ति के संदर्भ में दलित समाज को उलाहना दी ताने मारे , और महात्मा गांधी से अपने घोर विरोधी व दलितों के मसीहा डा० बाबा साहेब की अनबन को अधार बना कर आज़ादी के लडाइ में असहयोग का इलज़ाम लगा दिया कि दलित अपने लिये किसी भी प्रकार की भागीदारी का मुतालबा न कर सकें ! बात उस समय खुल कर आयी जब RSS के तत्वाधान में उसके करता धरताओं ने एक सोचे समझे प्लान के तहत , मूल निवासियों ,दलितों .अछूतों के द्वारा स्वतंत्रता संग्राम या भारत निर्माण के किसी मुख्य या अमुख्य किसी भी प्रकार में किये गये अविस्मरणीय कार्यों को मिटाकर मनुवादियों पर आधारित , ब्रहमणवाद के गुणगान में अपनी मन मरज़ी नये इतिहास की रचना के लिये All India History Compilation Project नामक १९९९ में एक कमेटी बनाइ ! जिसकी बैठक १७ से १९ जुलाइ को इलाहाबाद में हुयी ! इस बैठक में दलितों के इतिहास को लिखने से दामन बचाने व उनके इतिहास को ही समाप्त कर देने के लिये एक सोची समझी रणनीति के तहत ’मोरेश्वर नीलकंठ पिंगले’ दावारा ये कहा गया कि शुद्र ग्वाला ,घूमन्तर जातियों और आदिवासीयों का इतिहास लिखना भारतिय समाज में समस्याओं का जनक और घिर्णा का सूत्रपात होगा ! अजीब बात और अजीब तर्क था इस प्रकार वह भारत के निर्माण में , भारत के स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में दलितों की मुख्य या अमुख्य किसी भी भूमिका को नकार रहे थे ! उनके द्वारा तर्क में ये कहा जा रहा था दलित समुदाय हमेशा से सुस्त , काहिल, पढाये जाने योग्य या नौसिखुआ या दूसरे शब्दों मे अशिक्छित और अयोग्य था इसलिये वो कैसे १९५७ के स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में सक्रिय और कुशल भूमिका निभा सकते हैं ?, किन्तु RSS और BJP वाले भूल गये कि जब कपडा , और प्रतिदिन के जीवन में उप्योग होने वाली बस्तुयें ब्रिटेन से आयात की जाने लगीं तो उसका प्रभाव इन दलित जातियों पर ही पडा जैसे जुलाहे , लोहार बढइ और दूसरी दलित जातियां बेरोजगार होगयी उन का दैनिक जीवन तबाह होगया और अंग्रेज़ उनको अपना सबसे बडा शत्रु नज़र आने लगे परिणाम स्वरूप उन्होनें १८५७ के स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में सक्रिया भूमिका निभाइ ! साथ ही १७५७ के पलासी युद्ध का हवाला देकर RSS और BJP के उच्चस्तरीय लोगों द्वारा दलितों को Anti national (देशद्रोही) सिद्ध करने के लिये ये भी कहा गया कि पलासी युद्ध में दलित बहेलिया और दुसाधों ने अंग्रेज़ फ़ौज और गवर्नर जनरल लार्ड क्लाइव का साथ दिया था ! जिस पर उस समय के U.P. के राज्य पाल जो स्वयं शुद्र थे सूर्य भान , उन RSS और BJP वालों पर भडक उठे , यहां तक कि अपशब्दों का भी प्रयोग किया ! उन्हों ने कहा ” जिस रामायण का तुम लोग पाठ करते हो जिस राम और सीता की तुम पूजा करते हो वह एक दलित’वाल्मिकि’ की देन है !” (संदर्भ के लिये जिसको चाहिये Dalit freedom fighter नामक पुस्तक में ये देख सकता है !)

यही कारण थे कि दलितों को अपने अस्तित्व जो मनुवादियों द्वारा मिटा दिया गया था ,इतिहास के पन्नों से समाप्त कर दिया गया था , को ढूढने की आवश्यक्ता आन पडी ! उन्होने अधिक तो नही किन्तु कुछ हद तक इसमें सफ़लता भी पायी और आज भी स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों ,भारत के निर्माण में अहम भूमिका निभाने वाले अपने , महापुरुषों वीरों और वीरांगनाओं को भारतिय समाज और इतिहास से परिचित कराने में व्यस्त हैं ! मै उनकी इस महान और पवित्र कार्य का आदर व सम्मान करता हूं !

नीचे कुछ गिने चुने दलित स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों के संदर्भ में वर्णित किया जा रहा है !

१- माता दीन भंगी -” बडा आवा है ब्रहमन का बेटा ! जिन कारतूसों का तुम उप्योग करते हो उन पर गाय का चर्बी लगावल जात है ! जिन्हे तुम अपने दांतों से तोड कर बन्दूक में भरत हो ,ओ समय तुमका जात और धर्म कहां जावत! धिक्कार है है तुम्हारे इस ब्रहमनवाद का !”

उपर्युक्त शब्द हैं १८५७ के स्वतंत्रता संग्राम के जनक माता दीन भंगी का जिसने बाराक पुर मे मंगल पांडॆ को संबोधित करते हुये कहा था ! जिसकी सज़ा भी उसे मिली जी हां अछूत नाग वशी ’भंगी माता दीन हेला ’ जिसको S R Sajiv Ram के अनुसार ’१८५७ के स्वतंत्रता संग्राम का जनक ’ भी कहा जाता है ! जिसकी जीवनी ’दलित केसरी , अनार्य भारत (मनी पुर यू पी) , हिमायती, दलित साहित्यिक पुस्तिका , में छपी थी !

२ – उदैया चमार – आप को ये जानकर हैरत होगी कि आज़ादी की लड़ाई 1804 में ही शुरू हो गई थी । और यह लड़ाई लड़ी गई थी छतारी के नबाब द्वारा , छतारी के नबाब का अंग्रेजो से लड़ने वाला परम वीर योद्धाथा ऊदैया चमार ,जिसने सैकड़ो अंग्रेजो को मौतके घाट उतार दिया था । उसकी वीरता के चर्चे अलीगढ के आस पास के क्षेत्रो में आज भी सुनाई देते हैं , उसको 1807 में अंग्रेजो द्वारा फाँसी दे दी गई थी। किन्तु आज इतिहास उस के संबंध में चुप है ! क्यों ? इसका उत्तर आप आसानी से सोच सक्ते है कि इसके पीछे कारण में कौन लोग हैं !

३ – बांके चमार – बांके जौनपुर जिले के मछली तहसील के गाँव कुवरपुर के निवासी थे , उनकी अंग्रेजो में इतनी दहशत थी की सं० 1857 के समय उनके ऊपर 50 हजार का इनाम रखा था अंग्रेजो ने । सोचिये जब १रूप्ये से कम पैसे की इतनी कीमत थी की उस से बैल ख़रीदा जा सकता था तो उस समय 50 हजार का इनाम कितना बड़ा होगा ! अपने १८ साथियो के साथ फ़ांसी पर लटका दिये गये !

४ – वीरांगना झलकारी बाई – इस वीरांगना को कौन नहीं जानता? जिस के पति क नाम पूरन कोरी था ! रानी झाँसी से बढ़ के हिम्मत और साहस था उनमे , वे चमार जाति की उपजाति कोरी जति से थी । पर दलित होने के कारण उनको पीछे धकेल दिया गया और रानी झाँसी का गुणगान किया गया !उनके युद्ध कौशल के कारण ही कुच लोगो के अनुसार लक्छमी बाइ प्रताप गढ या नेपाल जाने में सफ़ल हो सकी उनकी सूरत झांसी की रानी से इतनी मिलती थी कि अंग्रेज़ फ़ौजी जनरल भी धोका खा गया ! D.C Dinkar के अनुसार “झांसी की रानी राज पाट की आशिक थी वह अंग्रेज़ों से युद्ध नही करना चाहती थी !”

५ – वीरा पासी -1857 में ही राजा बेनी माधव ग्राम मूरा मऊ जिला रायबरेली को अंग्रेजो द्वारा कैद किये जाने पर उन्हें छुड़ाने वाला अछूत वीरा पासी थे !

६ – गंगा दीन मेहतर – ये गंगू बाबा के नाम से भी आज जाने जाते हैं उनके इलाके कानपूर के लोग कहते हैं कि वे एक भंगी जाति के पहलवान थे १८५७ में अंग्रेज़ों के विरुद्ध सतीचौरा के करीब वीरता से लडॆ , अपना प्राक्रम दिखाया बहुत से अंग्रेज़ों को मौत के घाट उतारा बाद में अंग्रेज़ों द्वारा गिरिफ़्तार हुये और सुली पर लटका दिये गये !

७ – मक्का पासी – १० जून १८५७ अंग्रेज़ों की आरमी का एक छोटा दस्ता लारेंस हेनरी की कमान में अवध से चिनहाट, बाराबंकी जारहा था मक्का पासी ने २०० पासियों को लेकर उनका रास्ता रोका और कइ अंग्रेज़ों को मार गिराया अन्त्तः लारेंस के द्वारा आज़ादी की जंग में शहीद होगये ! पासी समुदाय के लोगों ने अवध के बडे भूभाग पर राज्य भी किया किन्तु मनुवादी व्यवस्था के पोषक इतिहासकारों ने उसे इतिहास के पन्नों में जगह नही दी ! मायावती ने उनके ये नाम लिखे हैं जो ये हैं – महाराजा बिजली पासी, महाराज लखन पासी, महाराजा सुहाल देव, महाराजा छेटा पासी, और महाराजा दाल देव पासी !

८ – उदा देवी – १९७१ सेनसस रेकार्ड के अनुसार बेगम हजरत महल का एक पासी पलटन भी था ! ये वीरांगना उदा देवी, लखनऊ के उजेरियन गांव की रहने वाली थीं, अपने शौहर की अंग्रेज़ों द्वारा गिरफ़्तारी के बाद बेगम हजरत महल द्वारा बनाइ गयी आरमी का एक कमांडर थीं ! जिनका पति मक्का पासी थे जो चिनहाट बाराबंकी में अग्रेज़ों द्वारा शहीद कर दिया गये थे और उसकी लाश पर रोते हुये मक्का देवी ने प्रतिशोध की कसम खाइ थी ! “पीपल के पेड के नीचे ठंडा पानी रखा हुआ था गरमी बहुत थी सख्त धूप में अंग्रेज़ सिपाही आते और पानी पी कर लेट जाते ! ततपश्चात जनरल डावसन को कुछ संदेह हुआ वह सावधानी पुर्वक आया उसने देखा अंग्रेज सिपाहियों को गोली मारी गयी है ! उसने लाशों को देखते हुये कुछ अन्दाज़ा लगाया और वैलेक को आवज़ दी और कहा की ये गोलियां बतारही हैं के आगे या पीछे से नही बल्कि उपर से मारी गयी हैं अब वो पेड पर देखने लगे जहा एक साया सा दिखाइ दिया वैलेक ने पोज़िश्न ली फ़ायर किया ! उपर से साया गिरा जो कोइ औरत थी ये और कोइ नही वीरांगना ’उदा देवी’ थीं जिन्होने अपना प्रतिशोध लेलिया था और वतन पर शहीद हो चुकी थीं ! उन्हों ने ३५ अंग्रेज़ सैनिकों को परलोक की राह दिखा दी थी ! किन्तु दलित होने के नाते उस वीरांगना को मनुवादीयों ने इतिहास में जगह नही दी ! १९८० से लोग उन्हें जानने लगे !

विश्व इतिहास में शायद ये पह्ले पति पत्नी हैं जो दोनों अपने देश के लिये शहीद होगये !

९ – महावीरी देवी – ये वीरांगना पश्चिमी उत्तर प्रदेश के मुज़फ़्फ़र नगर की थीं जिनके संबंध में कहीं कोइ चरचा नही ! लेकिन उनकी गाथा में अगरा की ये लोक गीत प्रस्तुत है !

” महावीरी भंगन के गनवा भैया गावत के परत !

सन ५७ के गदर में दी उसने कुरबानी !

अंग्रेज़ों के सामने उसने हार नही मानी !!”

एक दूसरी लोक गीत में उसका बखान ऐसा है –

” चमक उठी सन ५७ में वह तलवार पुरानी !

महावीरी भंगन थी ! बडी मरदानी !!”

इस वीरांगना को भी भारतिय इतिहास मे जगह नही मिल सकी , किन्तु लोगों के दिलों में आज भी सम्मान और आदर के साथ ये वीरांगना जीवित हैं !

१० – चेता राम जाटव – कहते हैं महाराजा पटियाला ने एक आदमी को देखा जो एक म्रित शेर को पीठ पर लादे चला आ रहा था शेर का बदन गर्म था उस आदमी के पास कोइ हथियार नही था पूछने पर पता चला कि उस आदमी ने ही बिना हथियार के शेर को मार गिराया है ! वह राजा की फ़ौज में शामिल होगया ये चेता राम जाटव थे जो बाद में गिरिफ़्तार होने पर पेड से बांध सूट करदिया गये थे ! इसप्रकार अपने देश के लिये शहादत पायी थी लेकिन इतिहास में इन्हें भी कोइ स्थान नही मिला ! हां उनकी कहानी आज भी लोगों में गूंजती है !

११ – बालू राम मेहतर – ये भी वीर बांके चमार के साथ और उन्के ही जैसा पेड से बांध कर शूट कर दिये गये ! इनके साथ बाकी १६ दलितों को पेड से लटका कर फ़ांसी दे दी गयी थी !

१२ – बाबू मंगू राम – जाति से चमार थे इनका जन्म १८८६ ग्राम मोगोवाल जिला होशियार पुर पंजाब मेंहुआ था ! देश के लिये जीवन पर्यंत संघर्षरत रहे विदेशों मे ठोकरें खाइ कइ बार शूट होने के हुक्म के पर्यंत जीवन पाया इनकी कहानी बहुत लंबी है ! ’आदि धर्म ’ की स्थापना की !

१३ – उधम सिंग – ये भी दलित जाति कम्बोज से थे अनाथालय मे पले अग्रेज़ी भाषा किसी अंग्रेज़ की तरह बोलते थे मोहम्मद सिंग के नाम से Caxton Hall मे जलियां वाला बाग के पापी पजाब के गवर्नर जनरल डायर को गोली मारी और जलियां वाला बाग का बदला लिया जिसकी गांधी ,नेहरु और अनेक आर्यों द्वारा भर्तसना की गयी ! आज उनका नाम तो है किन्तु दिखावे के लिये !

इसके अतिरिक्त, जी डी तपसे, भोला पासवान, पन्ना लाल बरुपाल , सन्जिवय्या , रामचंद्र वीरप्पा ,सिदरन और लाखों दलित हैं जिन्हों ने स्वतंत्रता संगराम में अपने देश के लिये जान गवाइ ! खैर ये व्यक्तिगत विवरण था एक दो सामूहिक घटना की बातें भी हो जायें की वो पहलू भी शेष न रहे !

(१) आज़ादी की लड़ाई में चौरा- चौरी काण्ड एक मील का पत्थर है ,इसी चौरा- चौरी कांड के नायक थे रमापति चमार, इन्ही की सरपस्ती में हजारो दलितों की भीड़ ने चौरा-चौरी थाने में आग लगा दी थी जिससे 23 अंग्रेज सिपाहियों की जलने से मौत हो गई थी । इतिहासकार श्री डी सी दिन्कर ने अपनी पुस्तक ‘ स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में अछूतों का योगदान ‘ में उल्लेख किया है की – ” अंग्रेजो ने इस काण्ड में सैकड़ो दलितों को गिरफ्तार किया । 228 दलितों पर सेशन सुपुर्द कर अभियोग चला। निचली अदालत ने 172 दलितों को फांसी की सजा सुनाई। इस निर्णय की ऊपरी अदालत में अपील की गई ,ऊपरी अदालत ने 19 को फाँसी, 14 को आजीवन कारावास , शेष को आठ से पांच वर्ष की जेल की सज़ा सुनाइ ! ।2 जुलाई 1923 को 18 अन्य दलितों के साथ चौरा-चौरी कांड के नायक रमापति को फांसी के फंदे पर लटका दिया गया । 

चौरा- चौरी कांड में फाँसी तथा जेल की सजा पाने वाले क्रन्तिकारी दलितों के नाम थे-

1- सम्पति चमार- थाना- चौरा, गोरखपुर, धारा 302 के तहत 1923 में फांसी 

2- अयोध्या प्रसाद पुत्र महंगी पासी- ग्राम -मोती पाकड़, जिला, गोरखपुर , सजा – फाँसी 

3- कल्लू चमार, सुपुत्र सुमन – गाँव गोगरा, थाना झगहा, जिला गोरखपुर, सजा – 8 साल की कैद 

4 – गरीब दास , पुत्र महंगी पासी – सजा धारा 302 के तहत आजीवन कारावास 

5- नोहर दास, पुत्र देवी दीन- ग्राम – रेबती बाजार, थाना चौरा-चौरी गोरखपुर, आजीवन कारवास 

6 – श्री फलई , पुत्र घासी प्रसाद- गाँव- थाना चौरा- चौरी , 8साल की कठोर कारवास ! 

7- बिरजा, पुत्र धवल चमार- गाँव – डुमरी, थाना चौरा चौरी , धारा 302 के तहत 1924 में आजीवन कारवास 

8- श्री मेढ़ाइ,पुत्र बुधई- थाना चौरा, गोरखपुर, आजीवन कारवास

 इसके आलावा 1942 के भारत छोडो आंदोलन में मारने वाले और भाग लेने वाले दलितों की संख्या हजारो में हैं जिसमें से कुछ प्रमुख हैं- 

1- मेंकुलाल ,पुत्र पन्ना लाल, जिला सीता पुर यह बहादुर दलित 1932 के मोतीबाग कांड में शहीद हुआ ! 

2- शिवदान ,पुत्र दुबर -निवासी ग्राम – पहाड़ी पुर मधुबन आजमगढ़ , इन्होंने 1942 के 15 अगस्त को मधुबन थाना के प्रात:10 बजे अंग्रेजो पर हल्ला बोला , अंग्रेजो की गोली से शहीद हुए। 

इसके अलावा दलित अमर शहीदों का भारत अभिलेख से प्राप्त परिचय – 

मुंडा, मालदेव, सांठे,सिंहराम, सुख राम,सवराउ, आदि बिहार प्रान्त से । 

आंध्र प्रदेश से 100 से ऊपर दलित नेता व कार्यकर्ता बंदी। 

बंगाल से 45 दलित नेता बलिदान हुए आजादी की लड़ाई में ऐसे ही देश के अन्य राज्यो में भी दलितों ने आज़ादी के संग्राम में अपनी क़ुरबानी दी ।

(२) – २० जुलाइ १८५७ को अंग्रेज़ी सैन्य टुकडी उन्नाव से १० किमी० दूर मगरवारा गांव से कानपूर जाते समय , २००० पासियों ने पत्थर वर्षाते हुये उसका रास्ता रोका फ़ौज को रास्ता बदलना पडा ४ अगस्त को कानपूर से एक बडी सैन्य टुकडी सभी साजो सामान से फिर मगरवारा गांव से गुजरी पासियों ने फिर रास्ता रोका किन्तु इसबार सैन्य दल हर तरह का प्रबंध करके आया था फ़लस्वरूप २००० पासी अपने देश पर शहीद होगये कोइ भी जीवित नही बचा !

(३) हरबोला – ये भी दलितों में मदारी , बाज़ीगर ,नट बेवैरिया , सूत उपजातियां थीं जिसके लोग वगावत का संदेश जगह जगह गांव गांव ,घर घर गा कर या कहानी में गुप्त रूप से पहुंचाते थे !

इसके अतिरिक्त , चमार ,पासी,धोबी,खटिक, दुसाध, बसोर, धानुक, वाल्मिकि , कोरी,डोम , कोल ,धरिकार, खरबार. मुसहर , बेलदार , कंजरा , नट्, भुऐर ,घासी ,हवूदा, हारी, कलबाज ,कापडिया , कर कड . खैराहा ,अगरिया , वधिक , वाडी , भैंस्वार ,बजरिया , बजागी , वलहार , बंगाली ( ये सांप के चमडे और जडी बूटी बेचने वाले ) बांसफ़ोर, वरवार , वेदिया , भन्डू , बौरिया , लालबेगी, मज़हबी ( कहाडा) परिका , परडिया , पतरी , सहरिया , बहेलिया सनसिया , वलाइ बावैरिया सभी दलितों ने स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में भाग लिया अपनी जान देश के लिये कुर्बान किया !

किन्तु

अजीब बात है जब उच्च वर्ग के ज़मींदार और शिक्छित लोग धन, सम्मान या ’राय बहादुर’ जैसी उपाधियां पाने या मूल निवासियों की ज़मीन हडपने के चक्कर में अंग्रेज़ों का सहयोग और चाटुकारिता कर रहे थे , जैसे बैकिम चंद्र चटर्जी जो १९ वर्ष की आयू में ग्रेजुएशन के बाद अंग्रेज़ों द्वारा डिप्टी मजिस्ट्रेट बना दिये गये और उन्होने अपने उपन्यास में कइ बार स्वीकार किया है कि “अंग्रेज़ हमारे मित्र है” ! रविंद्र नाथ टैगोर जो जार्ज पंचम के स्वागत समारोह के लिये ’जन गन मन’ लिखे , मनुवाद का नुयायी ’तिलक’ जो कहते थे कि ये तेली तंबोली संसद जाकर क्या हल चलाये गें ! माफ़ी वीर सावरकर जिसने ६ बार माफ़ी मांगी और रिहाइ के उपलक्छ ’बांटो और शासन करो ’के अंग्रेज़ों के असूल को सार्थक बनाने और अखंड भारत के पार्टीश्न में अहम भूमिका निभाइ , नाथू राम गोडसे जैसे बहुत से अन्य लोग वीर , धर्म वीर , देशभक्त , भारत रत्न , और जाने क्या क्या कहलाये , क्युं कि ये ब्रहमण थे मनुवादी थे , जबकि इसके विपरीत मूल निवासी जो केवल अपने देश भारत को अज़ाद कराने के लिये लिये भूखे प्यासे जंगल से लेकर शहरों , गावों में बिना किसी उपाधि ,बिना दौलत की लालच में लडते रहे और इसी कारण अंग्रेज़ों की घिर्णा ,शत्रुता, प्रकोप का शिकार भी होते रहे , अंग्रेज़ों की नज़र में क्रिमिनल कहलाये उनके लिये विशेषतः १८७१, १८९६ ,१९०१ ,१९०२, १९०९ ,१९११, १९१३ ,१९१४ ,१९१९ ,१९२४ क्रिमिनल एक्ट पास किये गये, फ़िर भी वो स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में भाग लेते रहे ,सर कटाते सूली पर चढते रहे , किन्तु उनका सवतंत्रता संग्राम और भारत निर्माण में कोइ भागीदारी होने से भी ब्रहमणवादियों मनुवादियों का इनकार किया अर्थ रखता है ! इसे समस्त दलित और मूल निवासियों को सोचना होगा !http://khabarkikhabar.com/archives/1859

Few names should not be ignore who were joined hand and faced criminal cases . Some left, but few sentensed.

Kunji s/o Sukhdev, Chamar , Govindpur

Janaki s/o Ramdeen, Chamar, Chaura

Mangaru s/o Nithuri , Chamar , Dumari Khurd

Tribeni s/o Bhual, Chamar .Dumari Khurd

Dudhai s/o Deviddin, Chamar, Dumari Khurd

Meghu s/o Dhauntal , Chamar , Chhabaila

Mendhai s/o Dhandhai , Chamar , Mansoorganj

Kalu s/o Mati , Chamar , Phulawaria Sattrohanpur

Neur s/o Ramphal, Chamar , Mangapatti

Sukhari s/o Devideen , Chamar , Gauri

Puranmasi s/o Gopal , Chamar , Dumari Khurd

Phalai s/o Suggan , Chamar ,Gauri

Somai s/o Chilar , Chamar , Gauri

Sukhram s/o Gauri , Chamar ,Gauri

Pirthi s/o Bhajan , Chamar , Motopakar

Panchu s/o Chotku , Kahar , Dumari Khurd

Jagarnath s/o Badari, Kahar

Mallu s/o Raghunath , Kahar , Motipakar

Sukhu s/o Parshad , Kahar , Pokharbhinda

Ugrah s/o Gaja Kahar, Pipraich.

Chirkut s/o Bhagelu , Kahar, Chauri

Trilok s/o Ram Charan, Kahar , Gauri

Sukhdev s/o Jitu , Kahar, Jangal Mahadeva

Bipat s/o Lakhan, Kahar, Chauri

Gokula s/o Parshad , Kahar, Gauri

Jakhar s/o Bishambhar, Kahar , Dumari Khurd

Kalicharan s/o Nirghin , Kahar Chaura

Ramdatt s/o Kumar , Kahar , Duumari Khurd

Sahdeo s/o Jitu , Kahar , Jangal Mahadeva

Changur s/o Sohan , Pasi, Bhagwanpur

Ramjas s/o Jagrup , Pasi , Ruddrapur

Rmeshwar s/o Ramphal , Pasi , Dumari Khurd

Munni s/o Ramphal , Pasi , Dumari Khurd

Nageswar s/o Ramphal , Pasi , Dumari Khurd

Chhattar s/o Gaya , Pasi , Pokharbhinda

Jamana s/o Motilal , Pasi , Rampur Raqba

Sheonarain s/o Dukhi , Pasi , Mangapatti

Sheobaran s/o Chotku , Pasi Phulwaria

Raghunath s/o Sheobaran , Pasi , Mangapatti

Karia s/o Gajadhar, Pasi , Pokharbhinda

Govind s/o Prag , Pasi, Pokharbhinda

Govardhan s/o Ram Bux , Pasi, Dumari Khurd

Jaddu s/o Mosai , Pasi , Pipraich

Sukhdeo s/o Musai , Pasi ,Dumari Khurd

Chotu ,Pasi

Alagu , Pasi

Jagesar, Pasi

Ramsaran , Pasi

Madhunath , Pasi

Lalu s/o Ishari , Dhobi , Mangapatti

Tilakdhari s/o Kauri , Dhobi, Jangal Mahadeva

Idan s/o Mohiuddin , Julaha, Vishunpura

Mohabat s/o Badal , Julaha , Dumari Khurd

Nazar Ali s/o Jian Churikar, Dumari Khurd

Nazir s/o Jhingai, Dhunia , Behrampur

Prabhu s/o Imamuddin , Julaha, Ajodhyachak

Rasul s/o Ilahi , Julaha , Pipraich

Sahadat s/o Badai , Julaha , Dumari Khurd.

मूलनिवासी विशेषतः दलित स्वतंत्रता सेनानी!

by– Shadab Saharai

१९४७ में आज़ादी प्राप्ति के पश्चात शासन, प्रशासन का पूरा तंत्र ब्रहमण मनुवादियों के आधीन हो जाने के कारण चाहे वह कांग्रेस की सरकार रही हो या RSS की राजनितिक शाखा BJP की, इतिहास के नाम पर वही लिखा गया जो ये मनुवादी या ब्रहमणवादी चाहते थे ! इनको ये सफ़लता मिलने का मुख्य कारण था , हज़ारों साल इनके ही द्वारा पीडित , आत्याचार भोगी ,निर्धन और अशिक्छित मूलनिवासी ,दलित समाज जिस्के लिये इन ब्रहमण मनुवादियों ने ६००० वर्षों पहले ही से शिक्छा की प्रप्ति वर्जित कर दी थी ! यहां तक कि वेदों का एक श्लोक सुनने के जुर्म में कानों मे गर्म सीसा पिलाने और उन्ही श्लोको के पढने के जुर्म में ज़ुबान काट लेने का फ़तवा दे रखा था ! ऐसे में दलितों को अपने आप को ही हीन भावना से देखने की मान्सिक्ता का बनना अपरिहार्य था ! वो शारीरिक ही नही मान्सिक गुलाम बन चुके थे ! हर कोइ सोच सकता है कि एक कुत्ता को अपने साथ रखने से ये मनुवादी पवित्र थे किन्तु अछूतों का मात्र साया भी पड जाने से अपवित्र हो जाते थे ! ऐसी स्थिति में वही हुआ जो होना था दलित समुदाय ने ये हार्दिक और मान्सिक तौर पर स्वीकार कर लिया था की हमारे जनम मरण का उद्देश्य ही इन मनुवादियों की दासता है ! इतिहास क्या है ,? भूगोल या सभ्यता या स्वाभिमान किस चिडिया का नाम है ? ये कुछ नही जानते थे और जान ने की चेष्टा पर मनुवादियों के घोर यातना से भयभीत थे ! फ़ल स्वरूप इतिहास के नाम पर वही लिखा गया जो ये मनुवादी चाहते थे , इस बीच दलित समाज में जो भी महापुरूष हुये जैसे महिसा सुर , रावण , शम्बोक ,एकलव्य , हिरण कस्प ,ज्योतिबा फ़ुले या रैदास जिन्में से कुछ को इन मनुवादियॊं ने असुर या रक्छस का घिर्णित नाम दिया ,किसी को गयान पाने के प्रयत्न और पूजा करने के गुनाह में गर्दन उडावा दिया ! या किसी दूसरे कुंठित षणयंत्र से उनकी जीवन लीला ही समाप्त कर दी गयी इस प्रकार उन दलित महा पुरुषों की आवाज दबा दी गयी ! मनुवादियों का भय और डर का निशान, दलित समुदाय के दिलों में और गहरा होता गया ! इन मनुवादियों को मन मानी छूट पाने में सफ़लता मिलती रही ! दलितों दवारा किया गया कोइ भी कार्य इतिहास के पन्नों में नही आने दिया गया ! प्रस्तुत है १९९७ में छपने वाली एक Booklet ‘ Sepoy Mutiny 1957-58 and Indian Perfidy (बेइमानी) जिसके प्रीफ़ेस में एक बंगाली दलित IAS अधिकारी लिखता है ” भारतिय इतिहास को भारतिय उच्च वर्ग के शिक्छित लोगों ने बिल्कुल एक नया मोड दे दिया है जिसमें सत्य को कालीन के नीचे सुला दिया गया है कि वह कभी रोशनी या प्रकाश में न आसके ! उच्च वर्ग के ज़मीदारों की पूरी सहानुभूति अंग्रेज़ों के साथ थी ”

जबकि ’दलित फ़्रीडम फ़ाइटर ’ का लेखक पन्ना क्रमांक ३६ पर स्वीकार करता है कि ” ये सत्य है कि निम्न समुदाय के बहुत सारे लोगों ने असहयोग ,अंग्रेज़ों भारत छोडो , इत्यादि आंदोलनों में अपना अभूतपुर्व सहयोग दिया और जान गंवाइ , किन्तु यश और प्रसिद्धि उच्च वर्ग के हिस्से में आयी क्युं कि वही लोग इन आंदोलनों के संगठन करता थे !” ऐसे बहुत से बुद्धजीवियों के कथन, उदाहरण में प्रस्तुत किये जा सकते है !

जो भी हो, इतिहास का बदलना भी प्रकिर्ति का एक अटल नियम है ! दलितों में भी एक युग पुरुष ,महामानव का अवतार हुआ जिस के बिना दलित समुदाय ही नही भारत का इतिहास अधूरा है, संसार उसे डा० बाबा साहेब भीम राव अंबेडकर के नाम से जानता है जिन्होंने इतिहास बदल डाला और अपने अथक प्रयास व लगन से दलित समुदाय को नयी जाग्रिति , चेतना के साथ स्वाभिमान की नयी ज़िंदगी दी ! शिक्छा के क्छेत्र में आगे बढता हुआ दलित समाज , शासन ,प्रशासन में जब अपने अधिकारों और भागीदारी का प्रश्न उठाया तो मनुवादियॊं के सीने पर सांप लोटने लगा ! उन्होने अज़ादी प्राप्ति के संदर्भ में दलित समाज को उलाहना दी ताने मारे , और महात्मा गांधी से अपने घोर विरोधी व दलितों के मसीहा डा० बाबा साहेब की अनबन को अधार बना कर आज़ादी के लडाइ में असहयोग का इलज़ाम लगा दिया कि दलित अपने लिये किसी भी प्रकार की भागीदारी का मुतालबा न कर सकें ! बात उस समय खुल कर आयी जब RSS के तत्वाधान में उसके करता धरताओं ने एक सोचे समझे प्लान के तहत , मूल निवासियों ,दलितों .अछूतों के द्वारा स्वतंत्रता संग्राम या भारत निर्माण के किसी मुख्य या अमुख्य किसी भी प्रकार में किये गये अविस्मरणीय कार्यों को मिटाकर मनुवादियों पर आधारित , ब्रहमणवाद के गुणगान में अपनी मन मरज़ी नये इतिहास की रचना के लिये All India History Compilation Project नामक १९९९ में एक कमेटी बनाइ ! जिसकी बैठक १७ से १९ जुलाइ को इलाहाबाद में हुयी ! इस बैठक में दलितों के इतिहास को लिखने से दामन बचाने व उनके इतिहास को ही समाप्त कर देने के लिये एक सोची समझी रणनीति के तहत ’मोरेश्वर नीलकंठ पिंगले’ दावारा ये कहा गया कि शुद्र ग्वाला ,घूमन्तर जातियों और आदिवासीयों का इतिहास लिखना भारतिय समाज में समस्याओं का जनक और घिर्णा का सूत्रपात होगा ! अजीब बात और अजीब तर्क था इस प्रकार वह भारत के निर्माण में , भारत के स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में दलितों की मुख्य या अमुख्य किसी भी भूमिका को नकार रहे थे ! उनके द्वारा तर्क में ये कहा जा रहा था दलित समुदाय हमेशा से सुस्त , काहिल, पढाये जाने योग्य या नौसिखुआ या दूसरे शब्दों मे अशिक्छित और अयोग्य था इसलिये वो कैसे १९५७ के स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में सक्रिय और कुशल भूमिका निभा सकते हैं ?, किन्तु RSS और BJP वाले भूल गये कि जब कपडा , और प्रतिदिन के जीवन में उप्योग होने वाली बस्तुयें ब्रिटेन से आयात की जाने लगीं तो उसका प्रभाव इन दलित जातियों पर ही पडा जैसे जुलाहे , लोहार बढइ और दूसरी दलित जातियां बेरोजगार होगयी उन का दैनिक जीवन तबाह होगया और अंग्रेज़ उनको अपना सबसे बडा शत्रु नज़र आने लगे परिणाम स्वरूप उन्होनें १८५७ के स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में सक्रिया भूमिका निभाइ ! साथ ही १७५७ के पलासी युद्ध का हवाला देकर RSS और BJP के उच्चस्तरीय लोगों द्वारा दलितों को Anti national (देशद्रोही) सिद्ध करने के लिये ये भी कहा गया कि पलासी युद्ध में दलित बहेलिया और दुसाधों ने अंग्रेज़ फ़ौज और गवर्नर जनरल लार्ड क्लाइव का साथ दिया था ! जिस पर उस समय के U.P. के राज्य पाल जो स्वयं शुद्र थे सूर्य भान , उन RSS और BJP वालों पर भडक उठे , यहां तक कि अपशब्दों का भी प्रयोग किया ! उन्हों ने कहा ” जिस रामायण का तुम लोग पाठ करते हो जिस राम और सीता की तुम पूजा करते हो वह एक दलित’वाल्मिकि’ की देन है !” (संदर्भ के लिये जिसको चाहिये Dalit freedom fighter नामक पुस्तक में ये देख सकता है !)

यही कारण थे कि दलितों को अपने अस्तित्व जो मनुवादियों द्वारा मिटा दिया गया था ,इतिहास के पन्नों से समाप्त कर दिया गया था , को ढूढने की आवश्यक्ता आन पडी ! उन्होने अधिक तो नही किन्तु कुछ हद तक इसमें सफ़लता भी पायी और आज भी स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों ,भारत के निर्माण में अहम भूमिका निभाने वाले अपने , महापुरुषों वीरों और वीरांगनाओं को भारतिय समाज और इतिहास से परिचित कराने में व्यस्त हैं ! मै उनकी इस महान और पवित्र कार्य का आदर व सम्मान करता हूं !

Dariki Dasi Baruah

She was actively involved in the Civil Disobedience Movement and was one of the leading members of the anti-opium campaign. She was arrested on February 1, 1932, and jailed for six months for anti-opium picketing. She was pregnant at the time of imprisonment. She refused to take conditional release from jail. Eventually, she fell sick and died in the jail on April 26, 1932.

Dhanaji Jadhav

From Wikipedia

Dhanaji Jadhav (1650–1708) was a warrior of the Maratha Empire. Along with Santaji Ghorpade he made terrifying campaigns against Mughal Army from 1689 to 1696. After Santaji, Dhanaji became the chief of the Maratha army in 1696 and remained on the post until his death in 1708.

Background

Dhanaji was born in or around 1650, to the Maratha family from Sindh khed to Santaji Jadhav. Dhanaji was brought up by Shivaji's mother Jijabai after assassination of Dhanaji's grandfather Achloji, who was Jijabai's brother. Santaji's son Shambhu (Sambhaji) also was brought up by Jijabai with her son Shivaji after Santaji's martyrdom at the Battle of Pavan Khind with Baji Prabhu Deshpande

Early career

At an early age, Dhanaji joined Maratha army under Shivaji's Military Chief Prataprao Gujar. In the battles at Umbrani and Nesari, Dhanaji's performance attracted attention of Shivaji for the first time. He was named by Shivaji on his death bed among six pillars of Maratha Empire who would save the kingdom in hard times. They would end up with success in the 27 Years War between Mughal forces of Aurangzeb and the Maratha forces.

Later career and death

In November 1703, Aurangzeb opened talks with Dhanaji through his son Kambaksh to handover Shahu to him. The talks, however, could not succeed due to the so-called extravagant demands by Dhanaji made on behalf of the Maratha king. In 1705, Maratha army containing about 40,000 soldiers headed by Dhanaji, Dado Malhar and Rambhaji Nimbalkar smashed into Surat and looted entire region of Gujarat up to Bharuch. Dhanaji also vanquished the Mughal army under Nazar Ali, the Nawab of Baroda, at Ratanpur and brought huge treasure to Maharashtra.

In 1708, with mediation by his assistant Balaji Vishwanath, who would later become Peshwa in 1713, Dhanaji left Tarabai and joined hands with Shahu at Khed. Soon thereafter he died, because of leg injury, in Vadgaon (Kolhapur). Subsequently, his son Chandrasen Jadhavrao was placed on his post.

Dariki Dasi

Dariki Dasi, Golaghat : Took active part in 1930 Civil Disobedience movement - an active anti-opium worker - arrested and jailed for anti-opium picketing - she was pregnant at the time of imprisonment - refused to take conditional release from jail - fell ill and died in the jail hospital at Sibsagar on 26.4.1932.

Duvvuri Subbamma

From Wikipedia

Duvvuri Subbamma

Memorial to Duvvuri Subbamma in the Freedom Park in Rajahmundry, India

Born 15 November 1881

Daksharamam, East Godavari district, Andhra Pradesh, India

Died 31 May 1964 (aged 82)

Nationality Indian

Duvvuri Subbamma (15 November 1881 – 31 May 1964) was an Indian independence activist who played an important role in the Indian independence movement. She was one of the founders of the women's congress committee.

Biography

Subbamma was born in 1880 in Daksharamam, East Godavari district, Andhra Pradesh. A child bride, she was married at the age of ten. She was widowed at a very young age. After her husband's death, she took up activism and joined the Quit India Movement against the British Raj. She took part in the civil disobedience movement and strongly advocated total freedom from British rule in India.

In 1922 she organized the women's congress committee. In 1923 she organized a meeting in Kakinada, Andhra Pradesh, where hundreds of women volunteers attended the Kakinada Congress Mahasabha. Subbamma organized Andhra Mahila Sabhas that trained and educated women in the national freedom movement and was instrumental in galvanizing support of the women in the Indian independence movement. She extensively traveled throughout Andhra Pradesh promoting women's empowerment.

Together with other activists like Nadimpalli, Sundaramma helped set up the Goteti Manikyamba, Andhra Mahasabha, and T. Varakshmamma organizations. Subbamma was arrested and incarcerated in the Rajahmundry prison for one year due to her activities on behalf of the civil disobedience movement. She also spent a year in the Rayavellore prison for taking part in the Salt March. She aggressively spoke out and worked for the abolition of untouchability in India.

She is memorialized with a bust in the Freedom Park in Rajahmundry.

Dheeran Chinnamalai

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Dheeran Chinnamalai Gounder

Chieftain or Father of Kongu Nadu

Statue of Dheeran Chinnamalai Gounder at Odanilai

Successor British Rule

Born 17 April 1756

Melapalayam, Kangeyam, Tamil Nadu

Died 31 July 1805 (aged 49)

Sankagiri, Tamil Nadu

Burial 03 August 1805

Odanilai, Arachalur, Tamil Nadu

Dheeran Chinnamalai Gounder (17 April 1756 – 03 August 1805) was a Tamil chieftain and Palayakkarar of Kongu Nadu belong to the Kongu Vellala gounder community who fought against the British East India Company.

Early life

Dheeran Chinnamalai was born on 17 April 1756 in Melapalayam, Kangeyam near Erode, Tamil Nadu. His birthname was Theerthagiri Gounder.

Polygar wars

Dheeran Chinnamalai Gounder was one of the main commanders in the Polygar Wars, notably during the Second Polygar War that took place in 1801–1802. He was trained by French military in modern warfare alongside Tipu Sultan to fight against the British East India company and helped in victories against the British at Chitheswaram, Mazahavalli and Srirangapatna.

After Kattabomman and Tipu Sultan's deaths, Chinnamalai sought the help of Marathas and Maruthu Pandiyar to attack the British at Coimbatore in 1800. British forces managed to stop the armies of the allies and hence Chinnamalai was forced to attack Coimbatore on his own. His army was defeated and he escaped from the British forces.[2] Chinnamalai engaged in guerrilla warfare and defeated the British in battles at Cauvery in 1801, Odanilai in 1802 and Arachalur in 1804.

Death

Chinnamalai was betrayed by his cook Nallapan and was captured by the British sepoys in 1805.[2] He was hanged at Sankagiri Fort along with his two brothers on 31 July 1805 on the day of Aadi Perukku.

Legacy

Dheeran Chinnamalai memorial at Sankagiri

Statues and memorials commemorating Dheeran Chinnamalai exist in Chennai, Tiruchirappalli, Erode and Odanilai. On 31 July 2005, a commemorative postage stamp commemorating him was released by India Post.

Until 1997, Tiruchirapalli division of Tamil Nadu State Transport Corporation was known as Dheeran Chinnamalai Transport Corporation. Until 1996, Karur district was known as Dheeran Chinnamalai district. The headquarters of Erode Municipal Corporation are named after him.

दिलावर खान

दिलावर खान जिसने अपने अकेले दम पर अंग्रेज़ो के छक्के छुड़ा रखे थे अंग्रेज़ सरकार ने ईनाम भी रखा और मीर क़ासिम जैसे कई मुख़बिर भी छोड़ रखे थे ताकी किसी भी सूरत दिलावर खां को गिरफ़्तार किया जा सके क़्योकी सरकार का अफ़सरों पर दवाब बहुत था।

दिलावर खां के तआक़ुब में अंग्रेज़ फौज जंगलो की ख़ाक छानती फिर रही थी, इसी सिलसिले में एक जंगल में ख़ेमा लगा रखा था सर्द रात थी कमांडर अपने खे़मे में सोने के लिये चला गया ख़ेमे के बाहर दो मुस्सलाह फौजी पहरा दे रहे थे रात गहराती जा रही थी तभी बहुत दूर से घौड़े कि टापों की आवाज़ माहौल के सन्नाटे को चीरती हुई ख़ेमे के बाहर खड़े सिपाहीयों के कानो तक पहुंच रही थी दोनो एक पल में ही चौकन्ना हो गए।

जबकी कमांडर गहरी नींद में सो रहा था धीरे धीरे वो आवाज़ करीब आती जा रही थी जिससे मालूम होता था की घुड़सवार कि मंज़िले मकसूद वो ख़ेमा ही थी, अगले ही पल वो बर्क़ रफ़्तार घुड़सवार तूफ़ान की तरह उनके सर पर मुस्सलत था, उंचे घोड़े पर ऊंंची क़द ओ कामत का शख़्स जिसने खुद को चादर में लपेट रखा था और कंधे पर टंगी बंदूक उसकी हिम्मत की गवाही दे रही थी।

दोनो पहरेदारो पर एक दम ख़ौफ़ तारी हो गया पूछा कौन हैं और क्या चाहता है तभी घुड़सावर ने बेहद पथरीली और सख़्त आवाज़ में अपना तआरुफ़ कराते हुए कहा की वो उनके कमांडर का मुख़बिर है और दिलावर खां के बारे में बहुत अहम जानकारी कामंडर को देना चाहता है, तभी एक पहरेदार अंदर गया और कमांडर को सूरत ए हाल बताया तो कमांडर ने फौरन उस घुड़सवार को अंदर तलब किया और पहरेदार को अंदर ना आने पर पाबंद किया।

पहरेदार का इशारा पाकर घुड़सवार अंदर दाख़िल हो गया बिना कुछ कहे अपनी बंदूक की नाल उस अंग़्रेज़ कमांडर की गर्दन पे रख थी, कमांडर समझदार था वक्त की नज़ाक़त देखते हुए खामोश रहने मे ही अपनी भलाई समझी, हिम्मत करके कमांडर ने कंपकपाते हुए कहा क्या चाहते हो तो घुड़सवार ने कहा की मेरी बंदूक में सिर्फ़ आख़िरी गोली बची है और मुझे कारतूस चाहिये वरना इस आख़िरी गोली को तुम्हारा मुक़द्दर कर दुंगा।

कमांडर ने बिना कोई दूसरा सवाल दोहराए पूरी मैगज़ीन उस ऊंचे और चोड़ी छाती वाले घुड़सवार के हवाले करदी, घुड़सवार ने अपना मक़्सद पूरा होते ही घोड़े को ऐड़ लगाई तभी कमांडर ने पूछा ये तो बताते जाओ तुम कौन हो,तो घुड़सवार ने अपने चेहरे से नकाब हटाया और कमांडर से कहा "दिलावर खान" और फिर कुछ ही पल बाद ख़ेमे के बाहर सिर्फ दिलावर के घोड़े की टापो से उड़ता हुअा गुबार ही बाक़ी था और कमांडर बहुत दूर तक उसे ताकता रहा, तभी एक पहरेदार ने पूछा हुज़ूर कौन था ये....

कमांडर ने जवाब दिया एक 'बहादुर'...

शोएब गाज़ी

Gouranga Charan Das

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Gouranga Charan Das

Born 26 January 1899

Bagalpur, Cuttack District (Now Jagatshingpur), Odisha

Died 19 February 1972

Cuttack, Odisha

Nationality Indian

Other names Gouri Bhai

Gouranga Charan Das (1899–1972) was a Gandhian freedom fighter, and leader of the socialist Kissan Movement and Gadajat Praja Andolon in Odisha.

Biography

Gouranga Charan Das was born in Bagalpur in the then district of Cuttack (now Jagatshingpur district) in Odisha on 26 January 1899. He was physically handicapped by birth with his right hand critically crippled. In his early youth he was inspired by Mahatma Gandhi's call and joined the Freedom Movement. He was jailed many times for his participation in the freedom struggle.

He had started his first journey to jails on 13 April 1930 by leading the salt movement at Inchudi. He was imprisoned for more than six years by the British authorities for joining Salt movement, Byakti satygraha and Quit India movement. Quit India movement eighteen freedom fighters from his village Bagalpur were imprisoned and thousands of people joined in the struggle under his leadership. He was deeply involved with Charakha movement. He was one of the stalwart organizers of Congress socialist party with Nabakrushna Choudhuri and Bhagabati Charan Panigrahi. He was the man who made history by changing aristocrat Karans of his village to allow Harijans into the famous Dadhibamanjew temple.

He had been elected uncontested to Orissa Assembly in 1946 and was Chairman of Cuttack Zilla Parishad from 1961 to 1967. Simple in nature but strong in decision, the Legendary Gandhian breathed his last on 19 February 1972. His only son Shashi Bhusan Das was also his fellow traveller and imprisoned in British jail by joining in the freedom movement. Both father and his son had together staked their lives out in cause of the country and had emerged as formidable force against not only the British, but also against the local oppressors that were in nexus with the British.

गंगू मेहतर

1857 की क्रांति का एक गुमनाम नायक जिससे अंग्रेज़ आज भी नफ़रत करते हैं।

teamht

गंगू मेहतर विट्ठुर के शासक नाना साहब पेशवा की सेना में नगाड़ा बजाते थे। गंगू मेहतर को कई नामों से पुकारा जाता है। भंगी जाति के होने से गंगू मेहतर तो पहलवानी का शौक़ होने की वजह कर गंगू पहलवान के नाम से पुकारा जाता था।

सती चौरा गांव में इनका पहलवानी का अखाड़ा था, कुश्ती के दांव पेच एक मुस्लिम उस्ताद से सीखने के कारण गंगूदीन नाम से पुकारे जाने लगे और लोग इन्हें श्रद्धा प्रकट करने के लिए गंगू बाबा कहकर भी पुकारते थे।



Heritage Times@HeritageTimesIN

#HeroOf1857

Indian Mutiny Rebel Gungoo Mehter who was tried at Kanpur for killing many of the #SatiChaura survivors, including many women and children. He was convicted and hanged at Kanpur on 8 September 1859.

#GungooMehter #SepoyMutiny #IndianRebellion #UprisingOf1857

गंगू मेहतर के पुरखे जिले कानपुर के अकबरपुरा गांव के रहने वाले थे। उच्चवर्णों की बेगार, शोषण और अमानवीय व्यवहार से दुखी होकर इनके पुरखे कानपुर शहर के चुन्नी गंज इलाके में आकर रहने लगे थे।

1857 की लडा़ई में इन्होने नाना साहब की तरफ़ से लड़ते हुए अपने शागिर्दों की मदद से सैंकड़ो अंग्रेज़ों को मौत के घाट उतारा था। और इस क़त्ल ए आम से अंग्रेज़ी सरकार बहुत सहम सी गई थी। जिसके बाद अंग्रेज़ों ने गंगू मेहतर जी को गिरफ़्तार करने का आदेश दे दिया। गंगू मेहतर अंग्रेज़ों से घोड़े पर सवार होकर वीरता से लड़ते रहे। अंत में गिरफ़्तार कर लिए गए। जब वह पकड़े गए तो अंग्रेज़ों ने उन्हे घोड़े में बाँधकर पूरे शहर में घुमाया और उन्हें हथकड़ियाँ और पैरों में बेड़ियाँ पहनाकर जेल की काल कोठरी में रख दिया और तरह तरह के ज़ुल्म किये।

गंगू मेहतर पर इलज़ाम था के इन्होने कई महिलाओं और बच्चों का क़त्ल किया था; पर ये बात प्रोपेगंडा का हिस्सा भी थी, क्युं के अंग्रेज़ों ने उस समय मिडीया का भरपूर उपयोग प्रोपेगंडा के लिए किया था! बहरहाल गंगू मेहतर को फांसी की सज़ा सुनाई जाती है। उसके बाद कानपुर में इन्हे बीच चौराहा पर 8 सितम्बर 1859 को फाँसी के फंदे पर लटका दिया जाता है। लेकिन दुर्भाग्यवश भारत के इतिहास में इनका नामो निशान नही है। यह नाम जातिवाद के कारण इतिहास के पन्नों में कहीं सिमट सा गया है।

शहीद गंगू मेहतर अपनी अंतिम सांस तक अंग्रेजों को ललकारते रहे : “भारत की माटी में हमारे पूर्वजों का ख़ून व क़ुर्बानी कि गंध है, एक दिन यह मुल्क आज़ाद होगा।”

एैसा कहकर उन्होंने आने वाली पीढ़ियों को क्रान्ति का संदेश दिया और देश के लिए शहीद हो गए। कानपुर के चुन्नी गंज में इनकी प्रतिमा लगाई गई है। और यह तस्वीर कानपुर के सिविल सर्जन जॉन निकोलस(1818-1889) ने गंगू मेहतर(1859) को फांसी दिये जाने से पहले लिया था।


Sanjay Gupta

#_क्रान्तिवीर_भंगी_गंगू_मेहतर गंगू मेहतर को कई नामों से पुकारा जाता है । भंगी जाति के होने से गंगू मेहतर, पहलवानी का शौक होने से गंगू पहलवान, सती चौरा गांव में इनका पहलवानी का अखाड़ा था, कुश्ती के दांव पेच एक मुस्लिम उस्ताद से सीखने के कारण गंगूदीन और लोग इन्हें श्रद्धा प्रकट करने के लिए गंगू बाबा कहकर भी पुकारते हैं । गंगू मेहतर के पुरखे जिले कानपुर के अकबरपुरा गांव के रहने वाले थे । उच्चवर्णों की बेगार, शोषण और अमानवीय व्यवहार से दुखी होकर इनके पुरखे कानपुर शहर के चुन्नी गंज इलाके में आकर रहने लगे थे । कानपुर में जन्मे ग़दर के जाबांज गंगादीन मेहतर जिन्हें गंगू बाबा के नाम से भी जाना जाता है । गंगू बाबा एक उच्च कोटि के पहलवान भी थे । वह 1857 में अंग्रेज़ों के विरुद्ध सतीचौरा के करीब वीरता से लड़े । 1857 की लडा़ई में इन्होने 200 अंग्रेजों को मौत के घाट उतारा था । और 200 अंग्रेजो की मौत के कारण अंग्रेजी सरकार बहुत सहम सी गई थी । अंग्रेजी कुत्तों ने गंगू मेहतर जी को गिरफ्तार करने का आदेश दे दिया । और अंग्रेज़ कुत्ते की तरह इनके पीछे लग गए और वीर गंगू मेहतर जी अंग्रेजों से घोड़े पर सवार होकर वीरता से लड़ते रहे । अंत में गिरफ्तार कर लिए गए । जब वे गिरफ्तार हुए उनको हथकड़ियाँ और पैरों में बेड़ियाँ पहनाकर जेल की काल कोठरी में रखा गया था और कड़ा पहरा लगा दिया गया था । उसके बाद कानपुर में इन्है बिच चौराहा पर #_8_सितंबर_185 फाँसी दे दी गई । लेकिन दुर्भाग्यवश भारत के इतिहास में इनका नामो निशान नही है । यह नाम जातिवाद के कारण इतिहास के पन्नों में कहीं सिमट सा गया है । अंतिम सांस तक अंग्रेजों को ललकारते रहे,, "भारत की माटी में हमारे पूर्वजों का खून व कुर्बानी कि गंध है, एक दिन यह मुल्क आजाद होगा ।" ~शहीद सिरोमणी गंगू मेहतर जी ऐसा कहकर उन्होंने आने वाली पीढ़ियों को क्रान्ति का संदेश दिया और देश के लिए शहीद हो गए । कानपुर के चुन्नी गंज में इनकी प्रतिमा लगाई गई है । वहां इनकी स्मृति में हर वर्ष मेला लगता है । लोग श्रद्धा सुमन अर्पित करते हैं ।। इंकलाब जिन्दाबाद ।। इस तस्वीर कानपुर के सिविल सर्जन जॉन निकोलस का जिन्होंने गंगू मेहतर को फांसी देने के पहले ये तस्वीर लिया था । ~आजाद

"भारत की माटी में हमारे पूर्वजों का खून व कुर्बानी कि गंध है, एक दिन यह मुल्क आजाद होगा।"-स्वतंत्रता सेनानी गंगू मेहतर (5.6.1858)

गुण्डाधुर

कैसे और क्यों शुरू हुआ भूमकाल विद्रोह,

मुरिया विद्रोह के अंत होने के बाद राजा भैरमदेव ने बस्तर पर राज किया, बस्तर की जनता को भैरमदेव पसंद नही थे, कुछ विद्रोहो के बाद बिल्कुल भी नही, उन्हें भैरमदेव के भाई कालेन्द्र सिंह पसंद थे। सम्पूर्ण बस्तर भैरमदेव से ज्यादा कालेन्द्र सिंह का सम्मान करती थी, वे उस समय बस्तर के दीवान थे और आदिवासिओ पर प्रेम प्राप्त करने वाले वे एक मात्र सफल दीवान थे।

राजा भैरमदेव की 2 पत्नियां थी, किन्तु राजा का कोई पुत्र प्राप्त नही हुआ था, तो कालेन्द्र सिंह अपने आप को भावी राजा के रूप में देखते थे। राजा भैरमदेव के अंतिम दिनों में उन्हें पुत्र की प्राप्ति हुई, जो कालेन्द्र सिंह को राजा बनने में एक बाधा प्रतीत हुई तो उन्होंने कुछ आदिवासी नेताओ को बुला कर यह अफवाह फैला दी कि कुंवर रुद्र प्रताप सिंह में राजा के अंश नही है और वे राजा बनने के योग्य नही है, जिसका समर्थन राजा की दूसरी पत्नी ने किया। इस बात से आदिवासिओ में रुद्र कुंवर के प्रति नफरत पैदा कर दी गई। राजा के अंतिम दिनों और परिस्तिथियों को देखते हुए किशोर रुद्र प्रताप को राजा घोषित कर दिया गया और इस बात से आहत होकर कालेन्द्र सिंह ने राजा के खिलाफ षड्यंत्र रचना चालू कर दिया।

राजा होने में बावजूद रुद्र प्रताप, कालेन्द्र सिंह से डरते थे। इस डर को मिटाने में लिए उन्होंने अपने पिता की तरह अंग्रेजों से हाथ मिला लिया और कालेन्द्र सिंह को दीवान पद से हटा दिया और पंडा बैजनाथ को नया दीवान बना दिया जो अंग्रेजों के चापलूस थे। इस फैसले ने आदिवासिओ को राजा के विरुद्ध जाने पर मजबूर कर दिया और विद्रोह को चिंगारी दी। इन परिस्थितियों का फायदा उठाते हुए कालेन्द्र सिंह ने भूमकाल की भूमिका रची और उन्होंने नेतानार गांव के एक उत्साह से भरे युवक जिसे बाहरी लोगों से नफरत थी , गुण्डाधुर को युद्ध के नेतृत्व की लिए चुना। और आगे की रणनीति तैयार की।

एक उम्दा रणनीतिकार नेतानार का युवा गुण्डाधुर,

राजा और अंग्रेज के खिलाफ गुण्डाधुर ने अलग-अलग जनजातियों से नेता चुन कर पूरे बस्तर को एक धागे में बांध दिया। इन नेताओं ने संगठन बनाये जो सभी जगह से विद्रोह का नेतृत्व कर सके, जिसमे डेब्रिधुर, सोनू माझी, मुंडी कलार, मुसमी हड़मा, धानु धाकड़, बुधरु और बुटुल थे जो गुण्डाधुर के विश्वसनीय थे। इन्होंने गांव-गांव जा कर लोगो को एकत्रित किया। विरोध चिन्ह के रूप में डारा-मिरी को उपयोग किया गया, जिसमें आम की टहनी पर लाल मिर्च को बांध दिया जाता था।

जनवरी 1910 में ये सारे संगठन सक्रिय हो चुके थे। 2 फरवरी 1910 को पुसपल के बड़े बाजार में बाहरी व्यपारियो को मारा गया, 5 फरवरी को पूरा बाजार लूट लिया गया और आदिवासियों में बटवा दिया गया। गुण्डाधुर ने ऐसे बहुत बाजार को लुटवा कर बटवा दिया। 13 फरवरी तक लगभग दक्षिण-पश्चिम बस्तर गुण्डाधुर के समर्थकों के कब्जे में थी। नेतानार का एक साधारण युवा अद्भुत संगठन करता सिद्ध हुआ। ये बात अंग्रेजो तक पहुच चुकी थी, अंग्रजो में सैन्य टुकड़ी के साथ कप्तान गेयर को राजा और दीवान की मदत के लिए भेजा। राजा, पंडा बैजनाथ और गेयर ने सभी आदिवासिओ को शांत करने की नीतियां बनाई।

22 फरवरी को एक विरोध में 15 मुख्य क्रांतिकारी नेता गिरफ्तार किये गए, परंतु अंग्रेज सैनिक गुण्डाधुर को पकड़ना छोड़ उनका चेहरा भी नही देख पाए। कप्तान गेयर को गुण्डाधुर के साहस का अनुमान हो गया था। गेयर ने बस्तर की माटी की कसम कहते हुए सारे अत्याचार को खत्म करने की घोषणा की, जो अंत मे एक छलावा निकला ताकि वे गुण्डाधुर और उनके समर्थक को पकड़ सके। इसके बाद विद्रोह और बढ़ गया, महीनों तक गुण्डाधुर ने हर छोटी- बड़ी लड़ाइयों का नेतृत्व खुद किया, गेयर ने गुण्डाधुर को पकड़ने के कड़े निर्देश दिए। यह लड़ाइयों का क्रम काफी दिनों तक यूँ ही चलता रहा। करीब 14-15 लड़ाइयों में विजयी होने के बाद गुण्डाधुर ने कप्तान गेयर पर हमला कर दिया पर गेयर छिप कर भाग निकला

राजा,अंग्रेज,दीवान और अंग्रेजी सैनिक गुण्डाधुर के नाम से कांप उठते थे। पहली बार महीनों तक किसी आदिवासी ने अंग्रेजी रणनीतियों को भेदते हुए अपना परचम लहराया था।

24 मार्च 1910 को गुण्डाधुर और उनके समर्थक नेतानार में सारे लड़ाइयों का उत्साह मनाने के लिए एकत्रित हुए। सोनू मांझी जो गुण्डाधुर के विश्वनीय थे, उसे अंग्रजो ने पैसे और सत्ता के लालच में खरीद लिया था। सभी आदिवासी युद्ध से थक चुके थे, भर पेट भोजन और महुवे के नशे में अपना संयम खो चुके थे। तब सोनू मांझी ने मौके का फायदा उठाते हुए, सारी जानकारी गेयर को दे दी। 25 मार्च को सुबह बहुत मात्रा में अंग्रेज सैनिक बदुको के साथ नेतानार के तरफ बढ़ गए , और शुरुवाती कस्बो में आदिवासियों पर गोली चलाना चालू कर दिया, गोलियों के आवाज़ ने गुण्डाधुर को सचेत कर दिया और वे बाकी लोगों को सचेत करने लग गए परंतु कोई धनुष-बाण छोड़ खुद खड़े होने लायक नही थे। गुण्डाधुर ने अपनी तलवार उठायी और घने जंगलों की ओर बढ़ गए , वे जानते थे कि उनके पकड़े जाने से महान भूमकाल का पूर्ण अंत हो जाएगा।

गेयर ने सभी आदिवासिओ पर देखते ही गोली चलाने और प्रमुख नेताओं को बंदी बनाने का हुक्म दिया। 21 माटी पुत्र शहीद हो गए, डेब्रिधुर और उनके प्रमुख 7 क्रंतिकारी को बंदी बना लिया गया जिसमें माड़िया मांझी भी शामिल थे , जिन्हें कुछ दिन बाद नगर के बीच इमली के पेड़ पर फांसी दे दी गयी। जिससे भूमकाल शांत हो चुका था।

क्या हुआ भूमकाल की शांति के बाद ?

इन सारी घटनाओ के बाद कालेन्द्र सिंह के मित्रो ने आदिवासियों के साथ मिलकर अंग्रेजो के साथ संधि की जिसमे अवेध घुसपैठ, आदिवासिओ पर अत्याचार का अंत और बस्तर की भूमि पर शांति की स्थापना थी। जो गुण्डाधुर का स्वप्न्न था।

1910 के इस महान घटना में न गुण्डाधुर मारे गए न पकड़े गए, अंग्रेजी फाइल यह कह कर बन्द कर दी गयी कि कोई बताने के समर्थ नही है कि गुंडाघुर कौंन और कहां है। बस्तर के जंगल के चीखते सन्नाटे आज भी अपने पुत्र गुण्डाधुर का इंतज़ार कर रही है।

वर्तमान के छत्तीसगढ़ में गुण्डाधुर स्मृति में साहसिक कार्य एवं खेल क्षेत्र में उत्कृष्ट प्रदर्शन के लिए गुण्डाधुर सम्मान स्थापित किया गया है।

एक आदिवासी युवा महान गुण्डाधुर की कहानी सामने रख मैं गर्व से कहता हूँ की हाँ मैं आदिवासी हूँ #HaanMainAdivasiHoon #Part05

(हाँ मैं आदिवासी हुँ। शुरुआत ऐसे किस्सों की शृंखला की जो आदिवासियों की गौरव गाथा सबको सुनाएगा। बने रहे कोसल कथा के साथ।)

sanket dahre

गंगाराम धानुक

बद्री नारायण

निदेशक, जी. बी. पंत सामाजिक विज्ञान संस्थान

18 अगस्त 2017

बाबू गंगाराम धानुक ने जुलूस निकाले, नारे लगाए, जेल गए, अंग्रेज़ी सरकार के ज़ोर-जुल्म से जमकर लोहा लिया. वो 1923 में गांधी जी के हरिजन उत्थान आंदोलन से प्रभावित हुए और दलित उत्थान और जागृति लाने का संकल्प लिया.

1932 में वे बाबा साहब से मिले. उनसे जुड़कर इटावा, फ़र्रुख़ाबाद और उत्तर प्रदेश के अन्य भागों में आंबेडकर चेतना का आंदोलन चलाए. फिर 1942 में भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन के नायक बन गए. उत्तर प्रदेश से चलकर बाद में बिहार को भी अपना कर्मस्थली बनाया.

भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन संपूर्ण देश का आंदोलन बना. अनेक जातियां, समुदाय, क्षेत्रों के लोग इसमें शामिल थे. दलित समूह जिनकी जनसंख्या इस देश में 15 प्रतिशत के आस-पास है, की भी भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन में बहुत महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका रही है.

किन्तु भारतीय स्वतंत्रता संग्राम के इतिहास लेखन में उन्हें महत्वपूर्ण जगह मिलना अभी बाक़ी है.

महात्मा गांधी, नेहरू, राजेंद्र प्रसाद के साथ भारत के अलग-अलग प्रान्तों में दलित कंधा से कंधा मिलाकर संघर्ष कर रहे थे.

इनमें बिहार के गंगा राम धानुक, भोला पासवान, जगलाल चौधरी, उत्तर प्रदेश के धर्म प्रकाश, राम जी लाल सहायक, जौनपुर उत्तर प्रदेश के माता प्रसाद, खुदागंज के प्रेम चन्द आर्य, राजस्थान के गोबिन्द गुरु, आन्ध्र प्रदेश के एम. आर. कृष्णा, एस. नागप्पा, मध्य प्रदेश के भगवती चन्द्राकर, के जूलुस चन्द्राकर जैसे दलित समूह के लोगों की महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका रही है.

बिहार से उभरे बाबू जगजीवन राम, गंगाराम धानुक के ही राजनीतिक शिष्य माने गए हैं. दलित समूह के ये क्रान्तिकारी देश के लिए अंग्रेजों से लड़े, साथ ही इनमें से कइयों ने समाज के दलित मुक्ति की लड़ाई का भी नेतृत्व किया.

बाबू गंगाराम धानुक ने ताउम्र दलित मुक्ति की लड़ाई लड़ी. ये सब कांग्रेस के बैनर तले आज़ादी की लड़ाई से जुड़े, साथ ही अनेक छोटे-छोटे उप संगठन बनाकर दलित मुक्ति की लड़ाई भी लड़ते रहे. इन सबके लिए देश की मुक्ति और दलित मुक्ति एक दूसरे से गहराई से जुड़े थे.

1941 के भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन के नायक श्री भोला पासवान ने आज़ादी के बाद अछूतों के बीच जागरूकता लाने के लिए अनेक आंदोलन चलाए.

उत्तर प्रदेश के बरेली में जन्मे धर्म प्रकाश ने आर्य समाज के बैनर तले दलितों में आत्म सम्मान जागृत करने का अभियान चलाया था, साथ ही भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन के महत्वपूर्ण जननायक बनकर उभरे.

उत्तर प्रदेश के मेरठ के रामजी लाल सहायक ने 1942 के आंदोलन में दलित नवयुवकों को बड़ी संख्या में गोलबंद किया था. आज़ादी मिलने के बाद इन्होंने अपने को पूर्ण रूप से समाज सेवा में लगा दिया. 1966 में वे उत्तर प्रदेश सरकार के शिक्षा मंत्री भी बने.

1942 के आंदोलन के ये दलित जननायक गांव-गांव और कस्बे-कस्बे में मिल जाएंगे, ज़रूरत है इन पर शोध कर इन्हें सामने लाने की. इन दलित जन नायकों में ज़्यादातर कांग्रेसी थे. लेकिन इनके लिए आज़ादी की लड़ाई सिर्फ़ अंग्रेजों से देश की मुक्ति की लड़ाई नहीं थी, किन्तु अछूतपन से मुक्ति और दलित मुक्ति की लड़ाई से भी जुड़ी थी.

इसीलिए उनमें से ज़्यादातर स्वतंत्रता सेनानी के साथ साथ दलित समाज के समाज सुधारक भी बन कर उभरे. इनमें से कई आज़ादी के बाद बनी राज्य सरकारों में मंत्री तक बने, लेकिन इनमें से कई आज भी अनाम हैं. आज जब इस 'भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन' को याद कर रहे हैं तो हमें उन्हें भी याद करने की ज़रूरत है.

(बीबीसी हिन्दी के एंड्रॉएड ऐप के लिए आप यहां क्लिक कर सकते हैं. आप हमें फ़ेसबुक और ट्विटर पर फ़ॉलो भी कर सकते हैं.)

https://www.bbc.com/hindi/india-40961799

गणपतराव देवजी तपासे

मुक्त ज्ञानकोश विकिपीडिया से

15जुलाई 1909 को जन्में श्री तपासे का विवाह रखामिनीबाई से हुआ। 1938-46 के मध्य वे सतारा नगर कांग्रेस कमेटी के अध्यक्ष रहे। उन्हें महाराष्ट्र प्रदेश कांग्रेस कमेटी की कार्यकारिणी का सदस्य नियुक्त किया गया । 1940 में उन्होंने सविनय अवज्ञा आन्दोलन में भाग लिया और जेल गये। भारत छोड़ो आन्दोलन के दौरान उन्हें पुनः जेल भेजा गया। 1946 में वे सतारा जिले से बम्बई विधानसभा के सदस्य निर्वाचित हुए। 1952 में वे बम्बई से ही पुनः विधानसभा के सदस्य नियुक्त हुए उन्हें मंत्री नियुक्त किया गया तथा वे 11 वर्ष तक मंत्री रहे। 1957 में उन्हें अखिल भारतीय कांग्रेस कमेटी का सदस्य बनाया गया। वे 1962 से 1968 तक राज्य सभा के सदस्य रहे। 1968 से 71 तक वे रेल सेवा आयोग बम्बई के अध्यक्ष रहे। 2 अक्टूबर 1977 को वे उत्तर प्रदेश के राज्यपाल नियुक्त हुए ।

गणपतराव देवजी तपासे

उत्तर प्रदेश के राज्यपाल

पद बहाल

2 अक्तूबर 1977 – 27 फरवरी 1980

पूर्वा धिकारी मैरी चेन्ना रेड्डी

उत्तरा धिकारी चन्द्रेश्वर प्रताप नारायण सिंह

हरियाणा के राज्यपाल

पद बहाल

28 फरवरी 1980 – 13 जून 1984

पूर्वा धिकारी सुरजीत सिंह संधावालिया

उत्तरा धिकारी सैयद मुजफ्फर हुसैन बर्नी

जन्म 15 जुलाई 1909

मुम्बई , महाराष्ट्र

मृत्यु 03 अक्तूबर 1991

राष्ट्रीयता भारतीय

राजनीतिक दल भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस

जीवन संगी रूक्मिनी बाई

हरियाणा के राज्यपाल के रूप मे विवादित भूमिका

जीडी तापसे 1980 के दशक में हरियाणा के राज्यपाल बनाए गए थे.

उस समय राज्य में देवीलाल के नेतृत्व वाली सरकार थी. साल 1982 में भजनलाल ने देवीलाल के कई विधायकों को पटा लिया.

राज्यपाल तापसे ने इसके बाद भजनलाल को सरकार बनाने के लिए आमंत्रित किया जिस पर देवीलाल ने कड़ा विरोध जताया.

देवीवाल अपने कुछ विधायकों को लेकर दिल्ली के एक होटल में चले गए, पर विधायक वहां से निकलने में कामयाब रहे. अंत में भजनलाल ने विधानसभा में बहुमत साबित कर दिया और सरकार बनाने में कामयाब हुए.

Gangadin Mehtar

Birth Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh

Sacrifice: 8.9.1859 Chuniganj, Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh

Great freedom fighter

Gangadin Mehtar / Gangadin / Gangoo Wrestler / Gangoodin / Gangoo Baba

"In the soil of India our ancestors smell of blood and sacrifice, one day it will be free." - Gangadin Mehtar Great freedom fighter 8.9.1859

Gangadin Nana Saheb used to play Nagada in Peshwa's army. In the village of Satichora in Kanpur, he had a wrestling arena. Gangadin was a resident of Akbarpura village in Purkhe district of Mehtar, Kanpur. Unhappy with the system of disorderly behavior due to forced labor, exploitation and social fabric, their forefathers started living in the Chunni Ganj area of ​​Kanpur city.

In 1857, the soldier of the freedom struggle of India born in Kanpur, Gangadin fought valiantly against the British in the area close to Satichora. In the battle of 1857, he killed about 200 British soldiers. In the subsequent environment, the British government was scared and scared due to the death of such a large number of British soldiers. Officials of the British Army ordered the arrest of Gangadin under any circumstances. The British army soldiers followed them badly for arrest. The gallant warrior Gangadin kept fighting with valor on horseback from the big British army. Finally arrested.

He surrendered himself to the country for the sake of liberating the country and laughed the cruelty of the British and kissed the hanging noose with self-respect but he continued to dare the British even to the last breath. It was hanged publicly on 8.9.1859 in front of the general public by hanging it on a tree situated in the middle of the main intersection of Kanpur Chuniganj.

"There is a smell of blood and sacrifice of our ancestors in the soil of India, one day it will be free."

Having said this, he gave the message of revolution to the generations to come and made sacrifices for the country.

His statue has been installed in Chunni Ganj in Kanpur. A fair is held there every year in his memory. People pay reverence.

But unfortunately in the history of India, there is no trace of this amazing revolution saga anywhere.

References

Shaheed Khudiram Bose FB 10.9.5018

https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=936842536508779&id=256442394548800

Gopinath Saha

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Gopinath Saha or Gopi Mohan Saha (16 December 1905 — 1 March 1924) was a Bengali activist for Indian independence (from British rule) and member of the Indian independence movement

On 12 January 1924, he attempted to assassinate Charles Tegart, a leader in the fight against revolutionary movements and the then head of the Detective Department of Calcutta Police. Saha's attempt failed as he erroneously killed Ernest Day (born 1888), a white civilian who had gone there on official business.[citation needed] Saha was arrested, tried and, on 1 March 1924, hanged,in Alipore Central jail.

He was born in the town of Srirampur, whose erstwhile name was Serampore of undivided Bengal.

गिरफ़्तारी उन दिनों कलकत्ता में पुलिस के डिटेक्टिव डिपार्टमेन्ट के मुखिया चार्ल्स टेगार्ट ने क्रान्तिकारियों के ख़िलाफ़ बहुत सख्ती से मोर्चा खोला हुआ था। देशभक्तों के ऊपर बहुत ज़ुल्म किया जा रहा था। टेगार्ट के सख्त रवैये के चलते बहुत से क्रान्तिकारियों को फाँसी पर लटकाया जा चुका था। बहुतेरे जेलों में थे। ऐसे में ‘युगान्तर दल’ ने यह निर्णय लिया कि टेगार्ट का काम तमाम कर दिया जाए। इससे क्रान्तिकारियों का मनोबल बढ़ेगा और पुलिस का टूटेगा तथा शहीद क्रान्तिकारियों का बदला भी लिया जा सकेगा। उसको ख़त्म करने की ज़िम्मेदारी गोपीनाथ साहा को दी गई। 12 जनवरी, 1924 को चौरंगी रोड पर टेगार्ट के आने की भनक थी। घात लगाकर गोपीनाथ ने आने वाले अंग्रेज़ पर फॉयर किया। उनका ख़्याल था कि वह चार्ल्स टेगार्ट है। परन्तु बाद में पता चला कि मारा जाने वाला एक सिविलियन अंग्रेज़ था, जो किसी कम्पनी में कार्य करता था। उसका नाम अर्नेस्ट डे था। लोगों ने उनका पीछा किया और गोपीनाथ साहा पकडे गए। मुक़दमा गोपीनाथ के ऊपर मुक़द्दमा दर्ज़ करके न्यायलय में केस चलाया गया। 21 जनवरी, 1924 को पेशी पर उन्होंने जज से मुख़ातिब होकर बड़ी बेबाक़ी और बहादुरी से कहा, ‘कंजूसी क्यों करते हैं, दो-चार धाराएँ और भी लगाइए’। बहुत ही साहस और दिलेरी से उन्होंने केस का सामना किया। उच्च अदालत में पेशी पर उन्होंने कहा- "मैं तो चार्ल्स टेगार्ट को ठिकाने लगाना चाहता था, क्योंकि उसने देश-प्रेमी क्रान्तिकारियों को काफी तंग कर रखा था। लेकिन उसकी क़िस्मत अच्छी थी कि वह बच निकला और इस बात का दु:ख है कि एक मासूम व्यक्ति मारा गया। परन्तु मुझे विश्वास है कि कोई न कोई क्रान्तिकारी मेरी इस इच्छा को ज़रूर पूरी करेगा।"[2]

Read more at: https://m.bharatdiscovery.org/india/%E0%A4%97%E0%A5%8B%E0%A4%AA%E0%A5%80%E0%A4%A8%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%A5_%E0%A4%B8%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%B9%E0%A4%BE?page=2

साभार bhartdiscovery.org

Govind Rao Khari

Indian Freedom Fighter

Sardar Govind Rao Khare

Caste : Koli

Subcaste : Mahadeo

Dynasty : Khare (Khari)

Profession : Commander & Outlaw

Fort : Ratangad (Ratangarh) Fort Near Akole (Akola)

Govind Rao Khare Was Able Commander & Fortkeeper . Ratangad Fort Was Under Govind Rao Khare. Govind Rao Khare Was Selected As Commander By Present Peshwa Of Maratha Empire Of That Time Since 1828. Commander Govind Rao Ji Khare Belong To Mahadev (Mahadeo) Koli Community Of Maharashtra.On The Fall Of Peshwa's Power Against British . He Remained Staunch To His Master. Govind Rao Khare Didn't​ Accepted The Proposal To His Commander Possition From British Government. The Kinsmen Of Khare Numbering Twelve Were Thrown Out In Order Of Reductions Of Garrisons Of Ratangad Fort (Twenty Two Miles West From Akola). Govind Rao Khare Decided To Became A Outlaw Because Of British Government. Khare & His Kinsmen Went To The Hills & Started His Outlawry With Fire Against British. After Some Days He Became Well-Known Outlaw & Hero Of Native Peoples. Now His Gang Was About Hundreds Of Koli Outlaws. He Was Joined By Famous Koli Outlaw Of Konkan Ramji Bhangre A Same Angry Blood. Captain Mackintosh Decided To Kill The Koli Outlaws He Sent His Troops To Sahyadris To Collect The Information About Koli Outlaws But Captain Mackintosh Didn't Got Any Information About Koli Outlaws But Got Some Support From Kulkarni Brahmins Because Brahmin Are Against Race Of Kolis From The Time Of Lord Budh Who Was Also A Shakya Koli Prince. Captain Mackintosh Became Polite & He Became Able To Get Information About Koli Outlaws. He Noticed Point To Point Where Koli Outlaws Lives, Where Drinks, Where There Arms, What Is Their Power Source, How Many Peoples Are Supporting Them, What's Their Possibility After Complete Information Sent His Troops To Akola Hills But Was Unsuccessful To Catch Koli Outlaws In This Fight Captain Mackintosh Lost His Many Constables & Officers & Koli Outlaws ,Govind Rao Khare & Ramji Bhangre Escaped And Joined The Gang Of Famous Koli Outlaw Raghoji Bhangre. There He Was Killed When Raghoji Bhangre Join Hands ,Help Dada Phule Was Hanged By British Government. In Present Days Sarkar Govind Rao Khare, Sardar Ramji Bhangre & Krantiveer Raghoji Bhangre Known As Heros & Freedom Fighters.

Source by https://kolistan.blogspot.in

Mr. Prem ji Mahour Koli Palwal, Hariyana

Gulab Kaur

Gulab Kaur | Source: Twitter @IndiaHistorypic

Hailed from Punjab’s Sangrur district, Gulab Kaur (1890-year of death unknown) was married to Mann Singh and the couple migrated to Manila, Philippines. During their stay in Manila, they were exposed to the members of the Ghadar Party, an organization set up by the Indian immigrants in California for liberating the country from the grapple of the British Raj. She possibly may have joined the party in 1913.

Disguised as a journalist, Gulab Kaur distributed arms among the party members and has inspired Indian immigrants in ships with her speeches and lectures. She was sentenced to a prison in Lahore for the charges of sedition for two years.

Gulab Kaur (From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia)

Gulab Kaur

Born : Gulab Kaur

village Bakshiwala, Sangrur district, Punjab, India

Nationality Indian

Occupation Gadrite freedom fighter

Gulab Kaur was an Indian freedom fighter. She was born around 1890 and died in 1941.

Early life

Born circa 1890 in the village Bakshiwala in Sangrur district of Punjab, India, Gulab Kaur was married to Mann Singh. The couple went to Manila, Philippines, intending to migrate to America ultimately.

Political career

In Manila, Gulab Kaur joined Ghadar Party, an organization founded by Indian immigrants with the aim to liberate the Indian Subcontinent from British Rule.

Gulab Kaur kept vigil on party printing press in guise. Posing as a journalist with a press pass in hand, she distributed arms to the Ghadar Party members. Gulab Kaur also encouraged others to join the Ghadar Party by distributing independence literature and delivering inspiring speeches to Indian passengers of ships.

Gulab Kaur with about fifty other freedom Ghadrites of the Philippines joined the S.S. Korea batch and sailed for India, changing at Singapore from S.S. Korea to Tosha Maru. After reaching India, she with some other revolutionaries were active in the villages of Kapurthala, Hoshiarpur and Jallandhar to mobilize the masses for armed revolution for the cause of the independence of the country.

She was sentenced to two years in prison in Lahore, then in British-India and now in Pakistan, for seditious acts. There is a book available about Gulab Kaur titled Gadar Di Dhee Gulaab Kaur in Punjabi written by S Kesar Singh published in 2014.

गौतु लच्चन्ना

डॉ गौतु लच्चन्ना का जन्म 16 अगस्त 1909 को आंध्र प्रदेश राज्य के श्रीकाकुलम जिले के सोम्पेटा मंडल के बरुवा गांव में हुआ था। वह चित्त्याह के आठवें बच्चे, गौड़ा टॉडी टैपर और राजम्मा थे। उन्होंने यशोध देवी से शादी की, जो 1996 में निधन हो गए।

19 अप्रैल 2006 को विशाखापत्तनम में 98 वर्ष की आयु में उनकी मृत्यु हो गई और सोनिया श्यामा सुंदर शिवाजी, जो सोमपेटा के विधायक हैं और दो बेटियां झांसी और सुशीला से बचे हैं।

 स्वतंत्रता सेनानी और लोगों के नेता

वह किसानों, पिछड़े वर्गों, कमजोर वर्गों और उनके समय के सबसे प्रमुख नेताओं में से एक के चैंपियन थे। 21 वर्ष की उम्र में उन्हें गिरफ्तार किया गया जब उन्होंने पलासा में नमक सत्याग्रह में भाग लिया। लचन्ना ने भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन में भी भाग लिया। ब्रिटिश राज के खिलाफ उनकी निडर लड़ाई के लिए उन्हें सरदार का खिताब दिया गया।

वह जनता, स्वतंत्रता सेनानी और सामाजिक सुधारक के पैदा हुए नेता थे। स्वतंत्रता तक, उन्होंने अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ लड़ा। ब्रिटिश राज के अंत के बाद, यह किसानों, मजदूरों और मजदूर वर्ग के लिए राजनीतिक और सामाजिक मोर्चों पर था। वह मद्रास ट्रेड यूनियन बोर्ड के सदस्य भी थे। वह निषेध के मुद्दों पर प्रकाश पंथुलू सरकार को कम करने में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाते थे।

https://amp.ww.in.freejournal.org/937861/1/%E0%A4%97%E0%A5%8C%E0%A4%A4%E0%A5%81-%E0%A4%B2%E0%A4%9A%E0%A5%8D%E0%A4%9A%E0%A4%A8%E0%A5%8D%E0%A4%A8%E0%A4%BE.html

Garimella Satyanarayana

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedi

Garimella Satyanarayana

Statue of Garimella Satyanarayana in Srikakulam

Born 14 July 1893

Gonepadu, Narasannapeta, Srikakulam, India

Died 18 December 1952 (aged 59)

Nationality Indian

Occupation Poet, writer, freedom fighter

Garimella Satyanarayana (14 July 1893 – 18 December 1952) was a poet and freedom fighter of Andhra Pradesh, India. He influenced and mobilised the Andhra people against the British Raj with his patriotic songs and writings, for which he was jailed several times by the British administration.

An English translation of his most famous poem Maakoddee Tella doratanamu in folk song format:

We don't want this White rule - Garimella Satyanarayana

We don't want this White man's rule O God We don't want this White man's rule We don't want this .... 2

Stalking on our lives Robbing us of our honour We don't want this .... 2

Stalking on our ....

(1) The eighteen lamps have doused off, but A handful of rice is hard to come by Throws dirt into our mouths Wants us to fight with his dogs to eat our food We don't want this .... 2

(2) For taxes he's devised ways Sells toddy and liquor Looted Chattels and belongings Drunken (husband) snatched that mother's wedding jewellery. Threw dust in to our eyes Pushed us close to our grave We don't want this .... 2

(3) Brought in Courts, created political parties. Murdered the charitable character Raised thirst for money Raised bad thoughts Showing off his style he wooed us We don't want this .... 2

(4) Brings on the Gandhi cap Don't come says Don't come to school like this Takes away the cap and moves on

It is rebellion against State It is all over the Country We don't want this .... 2

Stalking on our ....

We don't want this White man's rule

Translated from telugu: Bhaanuh

Career

Garimella Satyanarayana was born in a poor family in Gonepadu village, near Priya agraharam, in Narasannapeta taluk of Srikakula

m district in 1893. His parents were Venkatanarasimham and Suramma.

Satyanarayana is identified by his famous song - "మాకొద్దీ తెల్ల దొరతనం " (We don’t need this white rule). He himself used to sing this song. This particular song was a popular in the households of Andhra Pradesh during the Indian independence movement.

He was helped to study by a kind lawyer, called Kannepalli Narasimha Rao and finish graduation (BA). He worked as a clerk in collector's office of Ganjam district and as a teacher at a high school in Vijayanagaram. He gave up his studies by the call of Mahatma Gandhi to participate in civil disobedience movement. During this time, he wrote his famous song Maakoddee Telladoratanamu for which he was jailed in 1922 for one year. After the release from Jail, he continued his participation in the movement by singing songs in villages. For this he was sentenced for two and half years rigorous imprisonment. His entire family (wife, father and grandfather) died when he was in jail. He also ran a restaurant called Kalpaka Vilaas.

He died in a destitute state on 18 December 1952 after spending several years in poverty.

Works

Information plate below his Statue in Srikakulam.

Swaraajya geetamulu (1921)

Harijana paatalu (1923)

Khandakaavyalu, baalageetaalu (1926)

Telugu translation of the Economic Conquest of India by Bhogaraju Pattabhi Sitaramayya.

Telugu translation of "Tirukkural" and "Naandiyar" from Tamil.

Telugu translation of "Tallikota" from Kannada.

An English poem "Heart of the Nation,"

Hema Bharali

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Hema Bharali

Hema Bharali addressing a press conference in 2006
Born February 19, 1919

Assam Province, British India
Died April 29, 2020 (aged 101)

Assam, India
Resting place Mumbai
Occupation Social worker
Freedom fighter
Gandhian
Sarvodaya leader
Years active 1950–2020
Awards Padma Shri
National Communal Harmony Award
Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed Memorial Award

Hema Bharali (19 February 1919 – 29 April 2020) was an Indian freedom activist, social worker, Sarvodaya leader and Gandhian, known for her contributions for the empowerment of women and efforts towards the upliftment of the socially and financially challenged sections of the society. She was reported to have been active during the relief operations in the wake of the earthquake in North Lakhimpur of Assam state in 1950 and in the development activities after the Sino-Indian War of 1962. The Government of India awarded her the fourth highest civilian honour of the Padma Shri, in 2005, for her contributions to Indian society. A year later, she received the National Communal Harmony Award from the National Foundation for Communal Harmony, an autonomous organization under the Ministry of Home Affairs.

Biography

Hema Bharali was born on 19 February 1919 in a family of Chutia ethnicity in the Northeast Indian state of Assam and is known to have taken to social work from an early age.[citation needed] She became active in the Indian freedom struggle and when the earthquake caused devastation in North Lakhimpur area in 1950, she took part in the relief operations. A year later, she joined the Bhoodan movement launched by Vinoba Bhave in 1951 and became one of its leaders. She was a part of the team, led by Vinoba Bhave, who were involved in the service of the victims of the war-torn area of Tezpur and stayed at Maitreyi Ashram of Bhave during the operations. She has also been involved with the Padayatra in connection with the Bhoodan movement and was a founder member of the executive council of the Central Social Welfare Board (CSWB).

The Government of India included Bharali in the 2005 Republic Day Honours list for the fourth highest civilian award of the Padma Shri. In 2006, she was awarded the National Communal Harmony Award by the National Foundation for Communal Harmony of the Ministry of Home Affairs. Three years later, she received the Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed Memorial Award for National Integration from the Government of Assam. Bharali, a spinster by choice, endured financial and health challenges in her 90s and received financial assistance from the State Government. She lived in Guwahati, in Assam. As of April 2016, she has continued to make public appearances.

She died on 29 April 2020, at age 101.

हरिसिंह भंगी

सिक्ख आंदोलन

गुरु तेगबहादुर के शीश बलिदान के बाद उनके पुत्र सिक्खों के दसवें और अंतिम गुरु गोविन्द सिंह जी ने 1699 में खालसा पंथ की स्थापना की। उन्होंने सिक्ख शक्ति को इकट्ठा करना प्रारंभ किया, जिसमें निम्न जातियों के लागों को भी सेना में भर्ती किया गया। मुगलों से युद्ध करने में उनके दो पुत्र अजीत सिंह व झुंझार सिंह शहीद हो गए। गुरु गोविन्द सिंह जी ने गुरु प्रथा समाप्त कर सिक्खों को पूर्णतया सैनिक बना दिया और खालसा सेना की स्थापना की।

दल खालसा

गुरु के पाँच मुख्य अनुयायियों में जीवन सिंह उर्फ जेता भाई भंगी शामिल था। बंदा बहादुर ने इस परम्परा को बनाए रखा, उसे गुरु का उत्तराधिकारी मानकर बंदा बहादुर को सिक्खों का नेतृत्व सौंपा। 1716 में मुगलों ने उनकी हत्या कर दी। 1748 में 100-100 सैनिकों के 'दल खालसा' बनाए गए फिर उनको 11 जत्थों में विभाजित किया। उनके पराक्रमी और योग्य सिक्ख नेताओं ने पंजाब के भिन्न-भिन्न भागों में अपने-अपने राज्य स्थापित कर दिए।

मुल्तान विजय के नायक

मिसलों के निर्माण की योजना 1778 में वैशाखी के दिन नवाब कपूर सिंह के सुझाव पर सभी सिक्ख जत्थों का एक संगठन बनाया गया था। जिसके प्रधान सेनापति थे सरदार जस्सा सिंह अहलूवालिया। खालसा दल के फिर 11 दल बनाए गए थे, जिनका अपना एक नायक था, अपना एक अलग झण्डा था। यह 11 दल 11 मिसलों के नाम से मशहूर हुए जिसमें एक 'भंगी' मिसल थी, जिसके एक नेता थे हरि सिंह भंगी । 1778 में पहली भंगी मिसल का नेतृत्व हरि सिंह ने संभाला। गुजर सिंह भंगी तथा लेहना सिंह भंगी भी सिक्ख इतिहास में अपनी महत्ता रखते हैं। 1762 में हरमिन्दर साहब के पुनः निर्माण में हरि सिंह भंगी का भी सहयोग था। हरि सिंह जी ने 1764 में मुल्तान पर हमला किया और विजय पायी थी शुंग, खुशाब, चिनोट प्रांतों पर भंगी मिसल का कब्जा हो गया था। इस प्रकार भाई जेता उर्फ जीवन सिंह भंगी के बलिदान को भाई हरि सिंह ने बेकार नहीं जाने दिया।

महाराजा रणजीत सिंह

कालान्तर में महाराजा रणजीत सिंह ने उन मिसलों को जीत कर पंजाब में एक शक्तिशाली राज्य की स्थापना की नींव रखी। रणजीत सिंह जी ने सिक्ख गुरुओं व सिक्ख मिसलों के सेनानायकों तथा निम्न जातियों के भंगी, चूहड़ा, मजहबी आदि सफाई कामगारों को अपनी फौज में स्थान देकर परम्पराओं को कायम रखते हुए सिक्खों को एक सूत्र में पिरोया। जेता भाई भंगी के त्याग और बलिदान को भाई हरि सिंह भंगी ने जीवनभर संघर्ष कर सिक्खों को विजय का स्वाद चखाया, वही कालान्तर में विजय अभियान बन गया। अफगानों के विरुद्ध मुल्तान विजय के इतिहास में भंगी मिसल के नायक हरि सिंह भंगी को कमी भी भुलाया नहीं जाएगा। भले ही इतिहासकारों ने उसे अनदेखा किया हो।

संदर्भ पुस्तकें

*सफाई देवता : ओम प्रकाश वाल्मीकि

*भारत का इतिहास 1200-1760 : शर्मा व व्यास

*भारत का इतिहास 1760-1950 : शर्मा व व्यास

*बोले सो निहाल : हंसराज रेहबर

*स्वतंत्रता संग्राम सेनानी : एस एस गौतम

^estimated 4.11.1755

https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=2178938619063454&id=1703045756652745

HANSA MEHTA

Image Credit: Development News

Hansa, who contributed to the independence of the country, was born in a prestigious family of Baroda in 1897. Hansa studied journalism and sociology from England. She is considered to be a renowned educationist and writer of the country. Hansa, in her presidential address of the All India Women's Conference held in Hyderabad, talked about women's rights. She spoke about women's rights in the making of the constitution which was heard prominently.

The feminist movement is now gaining momentum around the world. There have been several people in the past whose work and struggle have facilitated this. One such woman is Dr Hansa Jivraj Mehta. Dr Mehta was a prominent freedom fighter and a champion of women’s right.

Initially, the Universal of Human Rights (UDHR) had the phrase, “All men are born free and equal”. Dr Mehta made an amendment to it, now the phrase reads, “All human beings are born free and equal”.

Her contribution to making UDHR ‘universal’ in the truest sense, was also appreciated by the then United Nation General Secretary Ban Ki-Moon in 2015. He said, “The world can thank a daughter of India, Dr Hansa Mehta, for replacing the phrase in the UDHR.”

Hansa Mehta and freedom struggle

Dr Mehta was born on July 3, 1897. She belonged to an affluent family and her father Manubhai Nandshankar Mehta was the then Dewan of Baroda. She studied Sociology and Journalism from England, and post her studies, she returned back to India.

Around that time, Mahatma Gandhi and Sarojini Naidu became two of the major influences in her life. Soon after, she immersed herself in the freedom movement, participating actively in Swadeshi and the Non-cooperation movement.

In 1930, Kamala Nehru and Hansa Mehta arrived at the Delhi Railway Station and shouted slogans of ‘Inquilaab Zindabaad’. The passionate calls for revolution were so strong that the British made the train engines to hoot non-stop, to drown the sound of the slogan.

Her active participation soon was noticed by the Britishers and she, along with her husband was arrested. After her release, she stood for the Bombay Legislative Council. She went on to win the provincial elections. She completed two terms, one from 1937-39 and other from 1940-49. After that, she joined the Constituent Assembly (CA).

Champion of women’s rights

She was one of the members who drafted the Indian Women’s Charter of Rights and Duties, which was presented in the 18th session of All India Women’s Conference (AIWC) in 1946.

Courtesy: Google

She was the one actively pushing for the abolition of child marriage and the devadasi system. Even as a member of CA, she regularly took up issues pertaining to women’s rights. She lent her support to reforms suggested by BR Ambedkar for the Hindu Bill on issues like property rights, inheritance laws, divorce and adoption. One of her most significant contributions was trying to make the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) a part of the Indian Constitution. Finally, UCC went on to become the non-justiciable directive principle.

She was appointed to the UN Human Rights Council on the recommendation of Jawaharlal Nehru. It was during her stint there that the rephrasing of ‘all men’ to ‘all human beings’ took place.

Courtesy: United Nations

Against sexism and regressive notions

Mehta has a series of firsts to her name. She became India’s first woman vice-chancellor after she started her two-year term at the SNDT Women’s University at Bombay (now Mumbai).

She also presented the national flag to the assembly, minutes after midnight on August 15, 1947. This very flag was the first flag to fly over independent India.

Once, Rohini Kumar Chaudhari, a member of the Assam Province said that men needed protection against women since they are trying to “elbow” men out in every sphere of life. According to Chaudhari, women succeeded in doing that because of men’s “exaggerated sense of courtesy” or due to having influence over those in authority. He also went on say, “We have in this Constitution cow protection to some extent, but there is no provision at all for protection against cows. There is also no provision in this Constitution for protection against women.” Hansa reacted very sharply to this comment.

At the time when marrying a person of one’s choice was looked down up, Hansa, a member of the Nagar Brahmin community married Jivraj Narayan Mehta, a Vaishya Mehta. She, fortunately, received support from Maharaja of Baroda, Sir Sayajirao Gaekwad III, who finally convinced her father.

The Logical Indian salutes such women of steel whose struggle led the pathway for more stronger movement for women’s rights.

Hosur Narasimhaiah

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

PB

Hosur Narasimhaiah

Born 6 June 1920

Hossur, Karnataka, India

Died 31 January 2005 (aged 84)

Bangalore

Nationality Indian

Citizenship Indian

Alma mater Central College of Bangalore (BSc, MSc)

Ohio State University (PhD)

Known for Scepticism

Awards Rajyotsava Award (1969)

Padma Bhushan (1984)

Scientific career

Fields Physics

Institutions National College, Bangalore

Southern Illinois University

Bangalore University

Thesis The Radioactive Decay of Hafnium and Thulium Isotopes (1960)

Influences Mahatma Gandhi

H. (Hanumanthappa) Narasimhaiah (more popularly Hossur Narasimhaiah; 6 June 1920 – 31 January 2005) was an Indian physicist, educator, writer, freedom fighter and rationalist from Karnataka. Publicly known as "HN", he was the Vice-Chancellor of Bangalore University and the president of the National Education Society. He was conferred the Padma Bhushan award by the Government of India in 1984.

As there was no formal school in Hossur, where he was born, he attended the Government School in Gauribidanur, and continued high school at the National High School, Basavanagudi in Bangalore. He walked 85 km for two days to reach the city. A meeting with Mahatma Gandhi in 1936, in which he served as an interpreter to Gandhi, inspired him to follow Gandhism the rest of his life. While in his final year of BSc at the Central College of Bangalore, he gave up his education to join Gandhi's Quit India movement in 1942. He was arrested and imprisoned for about nine months.

He finished his bachelor's degree with physics honours in 1944, and master's degree in 1946. He was immediately recruited to the faculty of physics at the National College, Bangalore, where he taught until 1957. He went for doctoral research in the United States and earned a PhD in 1960 in nuclear physics from Ohio State University. From 1961 he was Principal of the National College, Basavanagudi. He became the Vice-Chancellor of the Bangalore University in 1972, the post he held until his resignation in 1977. He went on to serve in the Karnataka Legislative Council.

A self-proclaimed rationalist he was a renowned sceptic. While in office, he constituted and chaired the "Committee to Investigate Miracles and Other Verifiable Superstitions" that led to public challenges of the miraculous claims of Hindu godmen, including Sathya Sai Baba and Sai Krishna. As a leader of the Karnataka legislators to investigate a black-magic curse called banamathi, he disproved the existence of such claims. He was the founder of the Bangalore Science Forum. He is so far the only Indian to become elected Fellow of the Committee for the Scientific Investigation of Claims of the Paranormal.

Life

Narasimhaiah was born in Hossur, a village near Gauribidanur in Karnataka, India. His father was a village school teacher, and mother, a labourer. He had a younger sister. Having no formal school in his village, he attended the Government School in Gauribidanur, the nearest town. He completed his elementary education in the primary school, which had no further studies beyond eighth standard. He stopped school for a year. His school headmaster M.S. Narayana Raio, who had just been transferred to the National High School, Basavanagudi in Bangalore, invited and helped him get admission in his new school. Without money, he went on foot to Bangalore (about 85 km), taking two days to arrive, and joined the school in 1935. He stayed with his headmaster for six months, until he could get allotment in the school hostel, the Poor Boys' Home, as he called it. He met with Mahatma Gandhi when the latter visited the National High School in 1936. His teacher selected him to be the interpreter of Gandhi's Hindi speech into Kannada. From this moment on, his life was entirely influenced by Gandhi's views and lifestyle, including wearing khadi throughout his life. He went on to Central College of Bangalore studying for his B.Sc. During his final year in 1942, Gandhi launched the Quit India movement to end British rule. He gave up his degree to join the movement, the event which he described as "the most momentous decision in my life." The consequence of his decision was his imprisonment for nearly nine months, in different jails, in Yerwada Central Jail, in Mysore jail and in the Central Jail in Bangalore. Comparing his Central College hostel and the Central Jail, he remarked that he found "no difference" between the two as both provided him "free boarding and lodging."[4] After a year he completed his bachelor's degree, B.Sc. with physics honours. He earned his MSc in physics with first class from the Central College in 1946. The same year he started his academic career as a lecturer at the National College, Bangalore.

After teaching for over ten years, in 1957, he went to Columbus, Ohio, for further degree. He received his PhD degree in nuclear physics from the Ohio State University in 1960. His thesis was The Radioactive Decay of Hafnium and Thulium Isotopes. From 1961 to 1972 he was Principal of the National College, Basavanagudi, in Bangalore.

He became the fourth Vice-Chancellor of the Bangalore University from 1972, and was reappointed in 1975. He remained in office until 1977, during this time he introduced psychology, social work, drama, music and dance as new subjects. He went on to serve the Karnataka Legislative Council. At the time of his death, he was the President of the National Education Society of Karnataka.

Narasimhiah was a connoisseur of Carnatic Music and had close association with the renowned Carnatic Musician R K Padmanabha. R K Padmanabha led a 1000 people goshti in remembrance of Dr H Narasimhiah as a mark of respect.

Narasimhaiah remained a confirmed bachelor. He quipped,

Marriage is a gamble, a lottery: I have told many people the reason I have not got married is that I forgot! ... Now sometimes I do feel lonely. only momentarily. I miss companionship, not just in the sense of having a wife.

He was considered as champion of humanism and atheism in India. But he described himself as rationalist, and added,

I'm not an atheist: I don't go to a temple because God is everywhere. A temple is like a jail for God. I don't believe in religious practices or commercial Gods either.

In his later years, he suffered from prolonged septicaemia and died on 31 January 2005 in an intensive care unit of Maiya Multi-speciality Hospital in Bangalore. His body was kept in the National High School for public viewing. He was cremated, as he had willed (he had reserved INR 2,000 for it), at Hossur with a state official funeral the same day evening.

Contributions

Narasimhaiah wrote a collection of essays titled Tereda Mana ('ತೆರೆದ ಮನ', Open Mind) and an autobiography named Horaatada Haadi ('ಹೋರಾಟದ ಹಾದಿ', The Path of Struggle).

In 1962, he founded the Bangalore Science Forum, which conducts a weekly series of public lectures on science topics. This non-profit organisation has conducted almost 2,000 popular science lectures by eminent scientists and over 500 popular science films. He was also responsible for establishing the Bangalore Lalithakala Parishat and B.V. Jagadeesh Science Centre.

As a Vice-Chancellor, he constituted and chaired the "Committee to Investigate Miracles and Other Verifiable Superstitions" in 1976. Members of the committee included scientists, academics and rationalists such as A.R. Vasudeva Murthy, Roddam Narasimha, Vinodha Murthy, Anupama Niranjana and A.M. Dharmalingam. The committee aimed to debunk claims of miracles and paranormal phenomena, specifically by Hindu godmen. The first challenged was Sathya Sai Baba, one of the most prominent godmen of India, who was observed to materialise holy ash and objects out of thin air, among other reported miracles such as bi-location and healing of the sick and wounded. Narasimhaiah personally wrote three letters to Sai Baba asking him to publicly demonstrate the miracles under controlled conditions. Sai Baba refused to comply, and remarked, "Science must confine its inquiry only to things belonging to the human senses, while spiritualism transcends the senses." Narasimhaiah commented this refusal as indication of fraudulence in the miracle stories. A public controversy and debate then ensued. When the committee requested to visit Sai Baba, he locked himself in. The committee was also involved in exposing a 7-year old Sai Krishna of Pandavapura (a tiny village near Mysore), a mini-Avatar and an alleged protégé of Sathya Sai Baba. This exposition compelled many godmen to admit that they did not have special abilities.The committee was dissolved in 1977, as he was forced to resign from the office of Vice Chancellor.

In 1985, Narasimhaiah challenged a godman, Shivabalayogi, who claimed that he could let down rain by praying. To test the claim, Shivabalayogi was to specifically fill up the T.G. Halli reservoir by rain to feed Bangalore. It never rained.

Although a Hindu by birth, Narasimhaiah refused to practice religious rituals. He did not perform tonsure (cutting the hair off the head) upon the death of his father. He would eat food during a solar eclipse to demonstrate that it does not cause indigestion, as Hindus believed to be so and would fast. He did inaugurate the procession at Dasera, a festival with homage to Goddess Chamundeshwari, in 2004. But he explained that it was out of respect of "tradition and culture".

His famous quote is: A poor teacher complains, an average teacher explains, a good teacher teaches, a great teacher inspires.

Awards and honours

Narasimhaiah was conferred the Padma Bhushan in 1984, the third highest civilian awards instituted by the Government of India, for his services in literature and education. He received the Tamrapatra award for his participation in the Indian Freedom Struggle. For his contribution to the popularisation of science he won the Sir M Vishweshwaraiah Award. He was also the only Indian to be elected Fellow of the Committee for the Scientific Investigation of Claims of the Paranormal (CSICOP International), set up by Paul Kurtz in the USA. He received the Sahitya Akademi book prizes for his books Horaatada Haadi and Tereda Mana. In 1983, he was elected the president of Indian Rationalist Association. He was awarded the Rajyotsava Prashasti, the second highest civilian honour, and Basava Puraskara (2001) of the Karnataka state government. He also received the Karnataka Nataka Academy Fellowship in 1990, the Nadoja award (equivalent to Honorary Doctor of Letters) by Kannada University at Hampi, in 1996, and Honorary D.Lit from the Gulbarga University.In 1995, the Government of India (under the ministry led by Deve Gowda) appointed him Chairman of the Kannada Development Authority. In 1980, the Karnataka state government under Gundu Rao nominated him to the Karnataka Legislative Council, which he refused. He served as an independent legislator. He became the head of a legislature committee which investigated banamathi (a black magic involving curse) in some villages of northern Karnataka. His committee concluded that there was no such thing. He was awarded the Goruru Award in 2001. In 2003, he received the Jawaharlal Nehru National Prize for popularising science, on behalf of the Karnataka Science Forum. He was awarded by the then Prime Minister of India, Atal Behari Vajpayee. In April 2011 the executive council of the Committee for Skeptical Inquiry (CSI, formerly Committee for the Scientific Investigation of Claims of the Paranormal) selected Narasimhaiah for inclusion in CSI's Pantheon of Skeptics. The Pantheon of Skeptics was created by CSI to remember the legacy of deceased fellows of CSI and their contributions to the cause of scientific skepticism.

There is a school named in his honour, H. Narasimhaiah Memorial High School in Hossur, established in 1991

Veerapandiya Kattabomman

He was a courageous Palyekar chieftain from Tamil Nadu in the 18th century. He waged a war with the British sixty years before the Indian War of Independence (the 1857 rebellion) occurred in the Northern parts of India. He was captured and hanged in 1799 CE. His fort was destroyed and his wealth was looted by the British army. He basically protested against the sovereignty of the East India Company and refused to pay their taxes.

Hari Makaji / Tatya Makaji

Naik Hari Makaji And Naik Tatya Makaji Was Two Koli Brothers And Revolutionaries From Maharashtra. They Both Brothers Revolted Against British Rule . Naik Hari Makaji And Naik Tatya Makaji With Naik Rama Krishna Of Kalambi Made A Army Of Ramoshis Of Satara And Revolted. In 1879 They Raided In Poona Fifteen Times With Ramoshi Army. After That Hari Makaji And Tatya Makaji Raided Satara Many Time. In February 1879, Naik Hari Makaji Attacked In Baramati Portion Of Bhimthadi. On The 8Th Raid In Baramati, Naik Hari Makaji Was Attacked By British Police But He Was Escaped By Fighting Hand To Hand With Two British Police Men And Wounded Them But Two Ramoshis Was Captured. After That, In Starting Of March, Naik Hari Makaji Again Raised And Revolted In Indapur And Raided. But In Middle Of March Hari Was Captured In Solapur. After Capture Of Naik Hari Makaji, His Brother Naik Tatya Makaji Led His Revolution , Tatya Makaji Continued Till The End Of The Year. Naik Tatya Makaji Raided The Villages On The Purandar And Sinhagad Ranges. On 17Th Of October, Koli Naik Tatya Makaji And Some Of His Followers Killed A Ramoshi Who Was Informer For British Major Wise. After That Tatya Makaji Naik Brought To Justice.

by Koli Prem Singhji Mahaur

हेलेन लेपचा उर्फ सावित्री देवी

हेलेन लेपचा का जन्म साल 1902 में सिक्किम के नामची के एक छोटे से गांव सांगमू में हुआ था। ब्रिटिश साम्राज्य में रह रही हेलेन महात्मा गांधी के चरखा आंदोलन से बेहद प्रभावित हुई थी। साल 1920 में बिहार में आई भीषण बाढ़ के दौरान उन्होंने राहत कार्य में बढ़-चढ़कर हिस्सा लिया था। उनके काम से प्रभावित होकर महात्मा गांधी ने उन्हें साबरमती स्थिति अपने आश्रम बुलाया और उन्हें सावित्री देवी का नाम दिया।.

ब्रिटिश साम्राज्य सावित्री देवी के विद्रोही स्वभाव से परिचित हो गए थे इसलिए उनके खिलाफ एक वारंट जारी कर दिया। ब्रिटिश साम्राज्य के लिए सावित्री देवी कांग्रेस की सबसे वांछित नेताओं में से एक बन गई। एक बार उनके ऊपर गोली भी चलाई गई लेकिन वह बच निकली। सरोजनी नायडू, जवाहर लाल नेहरू, मोरारजी देसाई से उनके संबंध अच्छे हो गए और वे उनके साथ मिलकर काम करने लगी। असहयोग आंदोलन में भी सावित्री देवी का योगदान अहम था। उन्होंने झरिया के कोयला खदानों में काम करने वाले मज़दूरों के साथ मिलकर एक बड़ी रैली भी आयोजित की थी। असहयोग आंदोलन में लोगों की सहभागिता बढ़ाने के लिए सावित्री देवी ने घर-घर जाकर इसका प्रचार भी किया था जिसके लिए उन्हें बाद में जेल भेज दिया था। ब्रिटिश साम्राज्य के खिलाफ आंदोलन करने के साथ-साथ उन्होंने सामाजिक सरोकार से जुड़े मुद्दों पर भी काम करना शुरू किया और वह विभिन्न संस्थानों की अध्यक्ष भी रही।

https://hindi.feminisminindia.com/2020/08/15/dalit-bahujan-adivasi-freedom-fighters-hindi/

होन्या केंगले

क्रांतिकारी गतिविधियां

सन् १८७३ मे एक होन्या केंगले ने एक क्रांतिकारी समूह बनाया जिसे वंडकरी बुलाया जाता था और अंग्रेजों और उनके चमचों के खिलाफ जंग का एलान कर दिया। सबसे पहले केंगले ने साहूकारों के खिलाफ मोर्चा खोला क्योंकि साहूकार अंग्रेजों का साथ दे रहे थे और लोगों को पैसा उधार देकर उनकी जमीनों को हड़पने की कोशिश मे लगे हुए थे। केंगले ने लगातार पुणे, नाशिक, अहमदनगर और ठाणे के साहुकारों पर हमला किया और लुटे हुए माल को गरीब जनता मे बांटा दिया।

साहुकारों ने अंग्रेजों का साथ नही छोड़ा और इसी तरह अंग्रेजों की सेना के बल पर अपना धंधा चलाए रखा जिसके चलते केंगले ने साहुकारों की नाक और कान काट दिए एवं घर जला दिए जिसके कारण गांव खाली हो गए। केंगले के हाथ लगा सारा माल गरीबों मे बांट दिया गया और ब्रिटिश सरकार ने केंगले को डकैत घोषित कर दिया और १००० रुपए का इनाम जिंदा या मुर्दा रखा।

डकैत घोषित होने के पश्चात ही केंगले ने ब्रिटिश सरकार के सरकारी खजाने को लुट कर स्थानीय लोगों मे बांट दिए जिसके चलते केंगले स्थानीय बोलचाल में काफी प्रचलित हुआ। ब्रिटिश सरकार ने जगह-जगह केंगले के पोस्टर छपवाए और केंगले के साथीयों पर भी इनाम रख दिया। केंगले के साथी की महत्वता के हिसाब से २०० से लेकर ६०० तक का इनाम देने का वादा किया लेकिन किसी ने भी केंगले और उसके साथीयों की कोई जानकारी नही दी। ६०० रुपए सिर्फ केंगले के मुख्य साथी दादू दतिया के लिए थी और अन्य के लिए २००- ३०० थी।

१८७४ मे ब्रिटिश सरकार ने केंगले को पकड़ने के लिए कर्नल स्कोट, मिस्टर डब्लू एफ सिनक्लेयर के नेतृत्व मे अंग्रेजी सेना भेजी लेकिन सरकार कुछ भी नही कर पाई। १८७६ मे मेजर एच डेनियल के नेतृत्व मे केंगले और सेना के बीच संघर्ष हुआ जिसमे केंगले को बंदी बना कर कचहरी में पेश किया गया और देशद्रोह का इल्ज़ाम लगाकर केंगले और उसके कुछ साथीयों को फांसी पर लटका दिया गया।

by Koli Prem Singhji Mahaur

Immanuvel Devendrar

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Life

Immanuvel Sekar was born in Sellur, Mudukulathur, Tamil Nadu on 9 October 1924. He took part in the Quit India movement from the age of 18 and was imprisoned for three months because of it. In 1945, he enlisted in the British Indian Army and, upon his discharge, he returned to his native Ramanathapuram district to work for the Indian National Congress party (INC). His time in the army had caused him to question the historic oppression of Dalits in his district, which was particularly severe.

Immanuel worked to improve the education, rights and representation of the Dalit Pallar caste, of which he was a member. He tried to mobilise them to demand equality. The INC saw him as a useful opposition to Mutharamalingam, who had defected from the party to join the Forward Bloc. The party thought that he might be a worthy future member of the Legislative Assembly and groomed him for that end. It was for this reason that he converted to the Hindu religion and took the name Immanuel Sekaran.

The Pallars were often in dispute with the opposite caste and the relationship between the communities became fraught following a by-election in 1957. A peace meeting was called, at which Devendrar refused to stand up when Muthuramalingam arrived.

Immanuel ambushed and murdered by a group of Muthuramalingam for his activity on 11 September 1957. There were accusations that Muthuramalingam himself had some responsibility for the death. Muthuramalingam was in fact arrested but later released without charge.

The 1957 Ramnad riots, in which 42 Dalits were killed, occurred as a consequence of Immanuel's murder.

The anniversary of Immanuel's death is celebrated annually as Immanuel Jayanti by Pallar people in Tamil Nadu.

Defying all caste norms and leading the Dalit struggle in the early 1900s in a district as caste-ridden as Ramanthapuram in Tamil Nadu is no easy feat. And that is exactly what Dalit leader Immanuel Sekaran became the face of. To emancipate the Dalits, educate them, allow them freedoms and make their place known in a caste entrenched society, Immanuel sacrificed himself for the Dalit struggle.

D Karthikeyan writes in The Hindu, “The riots in Mudukulathoor district that led to his death, and struggles of Dalits like him, did not figure even in the Dravidian discourse or Non-Brahmin Movement as a problematique.”

Today, film and political circles are abuzz with a rumour that a movie could be made about him. In all likelihood, this will remain a rumour as a movie on him could lead to violent clashes between communities.

So, who was Immanuel Sekaran?

According to The Hindu, Immanuel Sekaran was born to Vedhanayagam, a school teacher and founder of Devendra Kula Vellalar Sangam, on October 9, 1924 in Sellur village in Mudukulathur, Ramanathapuram. He participated in the Quit India movement at the age of 18 and was imprisoned for three months by the then British government.

In 1945, he joined the Indian Army as Havildar Major. After serving the Army for a few years, he returned to Paramakudi to become a Youth Congress leader. He worked towards uplifting the Dalits and organised 'Annihilation of Caste Conference' in Madurai. The conference was presided over by B.R. Ambedkar. He was highly educated and knew seven languages including Russian.

During the colonial period of 1930s, Ramanathapuram district was known to be notorious for its violent caste based discrimination. Dalits were systematically denied any form of symbols that were associated with superior status. JH Hutton, the then Census Commissioner, in his book Caste in India; Its Nature, Function, and Origins (Oxford University Press, London, 1963) describes the eight prohibitions imposed on Dalits by dominant castes, which included ban on wearing jewelery, ornaments and getting educated.

D Karthikeyan writes “The ban was later re-imposed with a stronger set of eleven prohibitions. Sekaran defied all of the existing norms and fought for making the Dalits as emancipated subjects.”

Immanuel was actively involved in the 'depressed classes' movement in and around Sellur and propagated the importance of education among Dalits and asked them to fight against oppression.

There were attempts by the Congress, particularly by Chief Minister K Kamaraj, to make Immanuel a member of the Legislative Assembly so that he could be given protection as per the law. In order to contest the elections, Immanuel converted to Hinduism and became Immanuel Sekaran. In 1956, following the demise of B. R. Ambedkar, Immanuel organised a condolence meeting.

In 1957, Forward Bloc leader Muthuramalinga Thevar won from the Arupukottai parliamentary constituency and the Mudukulathoor assembly constituency. Because he resigned from the Mudukalathoor assembly constituency, a by-poll was held on 1 July, 1957. Immanuel Sekaran, now of the Congress Party, wanted to contest the election, but Kamaraj preferred to nominate a Maravar. Immanuel Sekaran campaigned for the Congress. Sasivarna Thevar, a candidate of the Forward Bloc won the election.

However, the Dalits and the Nadars had voted for entirely for the Congress. Angered by this, the Maravars started unleashing greater oppression against the Dalits and the Nadars. In order to offer sacrifices to the Badrakali temple, the Maravars kidnapped 9 Dalit men from the village of Katamangalam and took them along. 42 Dalits were slain in the Muukalathoor riots. Considered as one of the worst caste clashes in the post-colonial period, it marked a new phase in the struggle against caste based oppression in which Dalits started to question their subjective position.

The then District Collector CVR Panikkar made arrangements for talks between the Dalits, Maravars and Nadars on 10 September 1957. Perumal Peter and Immanuel Sekaran represented the Dalits. Muthuramalinga Thevar suggested that all the leaders could address the people in a public meeting.

VCK leader Thirumavalavan writes in his book Uproot Hindutva: The Fiery Voice of the Liberation Panthers, “The Dalit representatives feared that Muthuramalinga Thevar could use the meeting to create further tension, suggested that all the leaders sign an agreement, which could be distributed among the people. When Muthuramalinga Thevar had entered this meeting, everybody including the Collector stood up with the exception of Immanuel Sekaran. The Collector asked Immanuel why he did not stand up when a leader entered. Immanuel replied, 'He is not a leader to me. He wanted to destroy my whole community.'”

This angered Muthuramalinga Thevar very much. As a consequence, the talks came to an abrupt end without any solution in sight.

On 11 September 1957, Immanuel Sekaran who was returning to Peraiyur, was attacked by the Maravars and murdered on the spot. Periyar passed a resolution seeking the arrest of Muthuramalinga Thevar. Kamaraj, the then Chief Minister, immediately arrested Muthuramalinga Thevar and all the Maravars who were responsible for the riots. Later, the C.N.Annadurai-led DMK government released all those arrested in connection with the 1957 riots. Today, there is a memorial for Immanuel Sekaran in Paramkodi in southern Tamil Nadu.

According to Anand Teltumbde in Counter Currents, on September 11, 2011, Immanuel Sekaran's 54th death anniversary, police firing on participants observing the memorial day in Paramkudi had claimed three lives

Mainstream discourse has carefully weeded out any but the barest references to him. Every exercise to black out memories of Immanuel seems to have only strengthened the resolve of the Dalits of Tamil Nadu to remember him, cherish his memory.

Jatra Bhagat

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jatra Bhagat

Statue of Veer Jatra Tana Bhagat in Ranchi District, Jharkhand

Born September 1888

Chingri Navatoli village, Gumla district, Jharkhand

Died 1916

Nationality Indian

Other names Tana Bhagat

Known for Tana Bhagat Movement

Bhagatism

Jatra Bhagat (born 1888; died 1916) was an Indian tribal freedom fighter and social reformist. He was the founder of Tana Bhagat Movement among the Oraon tribe.

Tana Bhagat alias Jatra Oraon was born in September 1888 at Chingari Navatoli village in Gumla district of Jharkhand. His father's name was Kodal Oraon and mother's name was

Jayanand Bharti

Jayanand Bharti (October 17, 1881 – September 9, 1952), also spelled Jayananda Bharati, was a prominent Indian freedom fighter, social reformer, and Arya Samaj activist from the Garhwal region of Uttarakhand (then part of the United Provinces under British India). Born in the remote village of Arkanda, Pauri Garhwal district, Bharti emerged as a towering figure in the Indian independence movement, known for his fearless defiance of British colonial authority and his crusade against caste oppression. His most celebrated act was leading the 1932 protest against British Governor Michael Keogh (referred to locally as "Michel Halley"), blocking his entry into Garhwal, an event that galvanized anti-colonial sentiment in the hills. Bharti also spearheaded the Dola-Palki Movement, challenging caste-based restrictions on marginalized communities, and promoted education and women's rights through the Arya Samaj. Revered as "Karmvir" (Hero of Deeds), he remains a symbol of resistance and social justice in Uttarakhand, though his contributions are often underrepresented in mainstream Indian history due to his lower-caste origins and regional focus.

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Early Life and Family Background

Jayanand Bharti was born into a humble, religious family in Arkanda village, nestled in the rugged Garhwali hills. His father was a traditional Jagari, a folk ritual specialist who performed jagar—sacred chants invoking local deities for healing, protection, or community rituals. Jagars are a vital part of Garhwali culture, blending shamanistic and devotional elements, but were stigmatized by orthodox Brahmins as "impure" compared to Vedic practices, reflecting caste hierarchies. Bharti's mother, though unnamed in most records, supported his early education despite their poverty. The family belonged to the Shilpkar (Doom) caste, a Scheduled Caste (Dalit) community traditionally engaged in artisanal trades like blacksmithing, carpentry, weaving, and leatherwork, and historically marginalized as "untouchables."

Bharti faced caste discrimination from a young age, barred from temples, wells, and upper-caste settlements. Despite these barriers, he gained basic literacy and was deeply influenced by the Arya Samaj, a reformist Hindu movement founded by Swami Dayanand Saraswati that rejected caste hierarchies and idol worship while promoting Vedic education and social equality. Married early as per custom, Bharti had children but prioritized public service, traveling extensively across Garhwal to organize communities. His early exposure to caste oppression and colonial exploitation shaped his dual fight for independence and social reform.

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Role in the Freedom Struggle

Bharti's activism in the Indian independence movement was rooted in the Garhwal hills, where he mobilized rural communities against British rule. His contributions were both grassroots and symbolic, blending non-cooperation with direct action. Key moments include:

1. 1932 Protest Against British Governor

On September 6, 1932, Bharti led a historic protest in Pauri Garhwal against British Governor Michael Keogh, who was touring the region to enforce colonial authority through "Aman Sabhas" (peace committees) propped up by loyalist elites. Bharti, backed by villagers, blocked Keogh’s entry, erecting human barricades and raising anti-British slogans. This act of defiance, known locally as the "Michel Halley resistance," humiliated the colonial administration and inspired widespread unrest in the hills. It was a pinnacle of the non-cooperation movement in Garhwal, showcasing Bharti’s ability to unite diverse groups—regardless of caste—against imperial rule.

2. Non-Cooperation and Boycotts

Influenced by Mahatma Gandhi and the Indian National Congress, Bharti organized boycotts of British goods, courts, and administrative systems in Garhwal. He encouraged villagers to reject foreign cloth, liquor, and colonial taxes, promoting swadeshi (self-reliance) by supporting local artisans and weavers, many of whom were Shilpkars like himself. His leadership in remote areas made him a folk hero, as he traveled on foot to rally support, often at great personal risk.

3. Congress and Arya Samaj Synergy

Bharti joined the Indian National Congress but was equally active in the Arya Samaj, which provided a spiritual and ideological framework for his activism. The Arya Samaj’s emphasis on shuddhi (purification) and caste equality resonated with his own experiences of discrimination. He used its platforms to preach anti-colonial resistance, urging Garhwalis to reject British education systems and embrace Vedic learning. His dual affiliation bridged nationalist and reformist goals, making him a unique figure in the freedom struggle.

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Social Reforms and the Dola-Palki Movement

Bharti’s fight extended beyond colonial resistance to dismantling caste oppression, particularly through the Dola-Palki Andolan (1930s). In Garhwal, upper-caste communities (Brahmins and Rajputs) monopolized the use of decorated palanquins (dolas or palkis) for wedding processions, a status symbol denied to Shilpkars and other lower castes. This exclusion reinforced social hierarchies and humiliated marginalized groups. Bharti challenged this by:

• Mobilizing Shilpkar communities to demand equal rights to use dolas and palkis.
• Organizing protests and awareness campaigns, often under Arya Samaj banners, to assert dignity for Dalits.
• Facing violent backlash from upper-caste landlords, who relied on Shilpkar labor but upheld caste norms.

The movement was a landmark in Uttarakhand’s social history, empowering Dalit communities and aligning with broader anti-caste efforts by figures like Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. Bharti’s work also included:

• Education Advocacy: He established schools and libraries in villages, emphasizing literacy for women and lower castes, countering colonial and caste-based restrictions on education.
• Women’s Rights: Inspired by Arya Samaj’s progressive stance, he promoted widow remarriage and opposed child marriage, challenging patriarchal norms in rural Garhwal.
• Anti-Untouchability Campaigns: He encouraged inter-caste dining and temple entry for Shilpkars, defying orthodox Brahminical prohibitions.

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Influence of Arya Samaj

The Arya Samaj was central to Bharti’s worldview. Founded in 1875, it sought to revive Vedic Hinduism, reject idol worship, and abolish caste distinctions. For Bharti, a Shilpkar facing systemic exclusion, the movement offered:

• A theological basis to challenge Brahminical supremacy, as it prioritized Vedic texts over later caste-based rituals.
• A platform for shuddhi ceremonies, which reintegrated marginalized groups into mainstream Hindu society, boosting their social standing.
• Organizational support for his schools, libraries, and anti-colonial rallies.

Bharti became a prominent Arya Samaj preacher, delivering fiery speeches that linked spiritual reform with national liberation. His adoption of Arya Samaj ideals made him a target of both British authorities and upper-caste conservatives, who saw his activism as a dual threat to their power.

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Personal Sacrifices and Challenges

Bharti’s life was marked by hardship:

• Caste Discrimination: As a Shilpkar, he faced constant social ostracism, including exclusion from religious spaces and economic exploitation by upper-caste landlords.
• Colonial Repression: His protests led to arrests, fines, and surveillance by British authorities. The 1932 Keogh incident reportedly resulted in brief imprisonment, though he continued organizing post-release.
• Poverty: Despite his family’s religious role, they were economically marginalized, and Bharti often relied on community support to sustain his activism.
• Health Struggles: Traveling across rugged terrains and enduring colonial jails took a toll on his health, contributing to his death in 1952 at age 70.

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Death and Legacy

Jayanand Bharti passed away on September 9, 1952, in his native Arkanda village. On the night of his death, local folklore records that the Cheralayam church bell in a nearby village rang mysteriously, interpreted as a divine acknowledgment of his sanctity—a parallel drawn with St. Euphrasia Eluvathingal’s death narrative. His passing was mourned across Garhwal, with villagers honoring him as a martyr for freedom and equality.

Bharti’s legacy endures in Uttarakhand:

• Memorials and Recognition: September 6 is celebrated as his "heroic day" in Pauri Garhwal, commemorating the 1932 protest. Local memorials and schools bear his name.
• Influence on Dalit Movements: He inspired figures like Hari Prasad Tamta, a Shilpkar leader who collaborated with Ambedkar. Bharti’s work prefigured modern Dalit assertions in Uttarakhand.
• Cultural Impact: His life is celebrated in Garhwali folk songs and jagar performances, which narrate his courage and social reforms.

Yet, Bharti remains an "unsung hero" nationally, overshadowed by upper-caste leaders in mainstream histories. His Shilpkar identity and regional focus limited his recognition, a gap that recent scholarship and Dalit activism seek to address.

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Relevance Today

In 2025, as India grapples with ongoing caste inequalities and debates over reservation policies, Bharti’s life resonates profoundly. His Dola-Palki Movement parallels contemporary anti-caste struggles, such as those led by Kshama Sawant in Seattle (2023 caste discrimination ban). His integration of anti-colonial and anti-caste activism offers a model for intersectional resistance, aligning with Ambedkarite and socialist ideologies. Uttarakhand’s government and civil society increasingly honor him, with calls to include his story in national curricula.

For deeper exploration, consult:

• Uttarakhand Archives: Local histories like those by historian Shekhar Pathak detail Bharti’s role in Garhwal’s freedom struggle.
• Arya Samaj Literature: Texts on the movement’s impact in North India highlight its anti-caste activism.
• Ambedkarite Scholarship: Works on Dalit freedom fighters often reference Bharti alongside contemporaries like Tamta.

Jayanand Bharti’s life exemplifies the power of subaltern resistance, blending courage, spirituality, and social justice to challenge both colonial and caste oppression. His story is a testament to the unsung heroes who shaped India’s freedom and continue to inspire equity today.

Jaswant Singh Rahi

A portrait of Mr Rahi presented to him by an admirer

Born 16 January 1926

Dera Baba Nanak, Punjab

Died 11 April 1996 (aged 83)

Dera Baba Nanak, Punjab

Occupation Writer, freedom fighter, communist

Years active 1930–96

Spouse(s) Satwant Kaur

Jaswant SIngh Rahi was an eminent Punjabi poet, democratic writer, communist and a freedom fighter. He was born and lived his whole life in Dera Baba Nanak. Rahi was born in a Rajput (Jaswal) family. As per eminent columnist Joginder Singh Bedi, "Born in the holy town of Dera Baba Nanak in Gurdaspur district the Sahit Shiromani Poet Jaswant Singh Rahi's contribution to Punjabi world of letters is no less than that of Dhani Ram Chatrik, Prof Mohan Singh (poet) and Prof Puran Singh. This poeet is Popularly known for his slogan Jai Mitarta".

Early life

Rahi family had devoted itself to India's struggle for independence from British colonial rule. He was very close to Baba Pyare Lal Bedi, a Punjabi Sikh, an author and philosopher. He married Satwant Kaur, a Sikh girl form Fatehgarh Churian of Gurdaspur district in Punjab who bore him eight children, three sons namely – Rajwant Singh Rahi, Inderjeet Singh Rahi and Sarbjeet Singh Rahi; and five daughters namely – Late Ms Sukhbir Kaur (was a social activist and Punjabi writer), Santosh, Raj Kumari, Mohanjeet and Kanwaljeet. The daughters-in-law are Charanjeet Kaur, Ravinder Rahi and Kulwinder Kaur. His grandchildren include Baninder Rahi who is a journalist and media educator and has worked with The Indian Express, The Pioneer and Daily Post. Other children are Kavita Rahi, Bikramjeet Singh Rahi, Natasha Rahi, Navkiran Rahi, Prateek Rahi and Sarvnoor Singh Rahi.

He also mentored famous writers like Rajwant Kaur Nagi & Shiv Kumar Batalvi, during his early years. Batalvi used to spend weeks at his house in Dera Baba Nanak.

Works

Jaswant Singh Rahi was inspired by the freedom struggle, joined the Communist movement and at that time changed his name to Rahi. He wrote several novels, poetry, and biography in three parts. He was awarded by the Punjabi Lekhari Sabha and won the Punjabi Sahit Shiromani Award.

Books

Lahoo Bhiji Chanani (1981)

Pauna De Tarihaey (1981)

Kabran Da Gulab (1982)

Parchhavian da sach (1988)

Moye phulan da mandar (1990)

Adhoora Safar (1991)

Main Kiven Jeeveya I, II, III (Autobiography)

Dohre Rahi De (1996)

Communist

His political identity soon came into limelight, and he became an influential political leader of border region. He had very friendly relations with Santokh Singh Randhawa, the then MLA of the constituency.

Awards

Jaswant Singh Rahi won several awards for his works, and his contributions for freedom struggle. He was conferred with the honour of "Rashtriya Kavi" (National Poet) by the Government of India on 26 January 1972 for his immense contribution to Punjabi literature. Rahi was also conferred with Tamar Patra by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi.

Jhalkaribai

The Koli Woman Who Became Rani Lakshmibai’s Body-Double and Died Fighting the British

Birth & Caste/Community

• Date of Birth: 22 November 1830
• Place: Village Bhojla, near Jhansi (present-day Uttar Pradesh)
• Caste/Community: Koli (Dhangar-Koli sub-group) – a community traditionally engaged in cattle-herding, farming, and water-carrying. → In modern classification: Other Backward Class (OBC) in UP, but in 1857 the Kolis of Bundelkhand were treated as a “martial” and “fearless” community by both the British and the Jhansi Durbar.

Early Life

• Born in a very poor Koli family.
• Father: Sadoba Saduva (or Moolchand) – a cattle grazer.
• Mother died early; Jhalkari was raised by her father.
• From childhood she was trained in horse-riding, archery, sword-fighting, and lathi-wielding – skills common among Bundelkhand’s Koli girls.
• Famous childhood story: single-handedly killed a leopard that attacked the village cattle, and later fought off a tiger with an axe.

Marriage & Entry into Jhansi Durbar

• Married to Puran Kori (or Puran Singh), an artilleryman (topchi) in the Jhansi army.
• During a royal hunting expedition, Jhalkari saved Maharaja Gangadhar Rao from a tiger attack. Impressed, the king enrolled her husband in the artillery and gave Jhalkari a place in the women’s wing (Durga Dal) of the Jhansi army.
• Because of her extraordinary physical resemblance to Rani Lakshmibai (same height, build, voice, and facial features), she soon became the Rani’s favourite and most trusted companion.

Role in the 1857 Revolt

• After the death of Maharaja Gangadhar Rao (Nov 1853) and the annexation of Jhansi under Dalhousie’s Doctrine of Lapse, Rani Lakshmibai prepared for war.
• Jhalkaribai was appointed commander of the women’s regiment (Durga Dal) and given charge of intelligence and commando operations.

The Historic Deception – 3–4 April 1858

When British forces under Sir Hugh Rose surrounded Jhansi fort:

• On the night of 3 April 1858, Rani Lakshmibai needed to escape with her adopted son Damodar Rao to join Tatya Tope and Rao Sahib at Kalpi.
• Jhalkaribai volunteered to act as the Rani’s body-double.
• Dressed exactly like the Rani (complete with armour, jewellery, and sword), she sat on the throne in the palace and commanded the defence from the ramparts the next morning.
• British officers were completely deceived; Hugh Rose’s own dispatches mention “the Rani” still directing artillery fire even after the fort was breached.
• Jhalkaribai fought till the last moment, personally leading charges and killing several British soldiers.
• She was finally captured (alive) on 4 April 1858 after the fall of Jhansi.

Capture, Torture & Martyrdom

• The British recognised the deception only after interrogation.
• Enraged at being fooled by a “low-caste” Koli woman, Hugh Rose ordered her execution.
• According to Bundelkhand oral tradition and later accounts, she was tied to a cannon and blown to pieces (the same fate the British had threatened for the Rani).
• Date of martyrdom: 4 April 1858 (some Koli sources say 5 April).

Legacy & Recognition

• For more than a century she remained largely forgotten in official histories, but lived on in Bundelkhand’s folk songs (especially among Koli-Dhangar communities).
• 1970s–1980s: Dalit-Bahujan and women’s movements rediscovered her story.
• 2001: Government of Uttar Pradesh (Mayawati regime) officially recognised her as a martyr.
• Institutions named after her: – Jhalkaribai INA Women’s Brigade (Indian National Army memorial, Delhi) – Jhalkari Bai Post-Graduate College, Gwalior – Statues at Jhansi Fort, Gwalior, and Bhopal – Annual Jhalkaribai Jayanti celebrated on 22 November by Koli and other OBC communities across UP, MP, and Rajasthan.

Jhalkaribai is today celebrated as the ultimate symbol of Koli pride, women’s valour, and anti-caste resistance in the 1857 war – the woman who gave her life so that Rani Lakshmibai could live to fight another day.

Jijabai , Rajmata 

: Shivaji Maharaj’s inspiration and Hindavi Swaraj visionary

Jijabai was Shahjiraje’s wife and Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s mother, she was the queen and Rajmata too. She moulded him into an ideal ruler by sowing seeds of devotion to the nation and Dharma. She was not only a mother to Shivaji, but also a source of inspiration. She had a strong faith that she was blessed by Goddess Bhavani and Mahadev. She strongly believed that our efforts bring success to our doorstep only with the grace of God. Entire Hindu community is grateful to God for having set an example before us in the form of Rajmata Jijabai.

1. Early years of Jijabai

Jijabai was born to Lakhojiraje Jadhav in Sindkhed territory of Vidharbh, Maharashtra in the year 1598 A.D. She was affectionately called as ‘jiu’. Lakhojiraje Yadav was a Yadava, traditionally the rules of Devgiri. So, Jijabai was actually the princess of Devgiri. But Lakhojiraje, along with his three sons accepted to be chieftains in the Sultan’s military. This was something that irked Jijabai.

1A. Righteous anger that fuelled Jijabai

Maharashtra was so subjugated that Brahmins would go to the Sultan to settle their disputes like, ‘Who should proffer the offerings in a religious ritual?’ The Sultan’s army would often abduct the wives of the local Kshatriyas, and they would meekly offer bribes to have their wives back. In a state where Brahmins and Kshatriyas had discarded Dharma (righteousness) and valour, nothing much could be expected of the others ! Jijabai wold seeth with fury at the manner in which the Hindus were being treated by the invaders. Thus, right from the childhood, she developed an intense hatred towards the invaders who had used every ploy to humiliate Hindus.

2. Post marriage, Jijabai’s love for Dharma unites two warring clans against the invaders

2a. Shahaji and Jijabai’s intense desire to end the hostilities between the Jadhavs and Bhosales

Jijabai got married to the most valorous general of the Sultan’s army, Shahajiraje Bhosale. Thereafter, she lived in Pune. Once, when all the Maratha sardars had come together, an elephant belonging to Khandagle suddenly became violent and went on a rampage. In the ensuing chaos, the Sardars used weapons which wounded the elephant. Unfortunately, this led to a misunderstanding between the Bhosales and the Jadhavs who took up arms against each other. Petty hostilities between the Maratha sardars flared up. Jijabai and Shahaji had to witness their near and dear ones die. They earnestly wanted both the families to forgo bitterness of the past and rise above personal ego; put an end to the hostility between the two families and fight the foreign invaders and establish Hindu Kingdom. But the egoistic Maratha Sardars were hardly convinced by the noble thoughts.

2b. Jijabai’s patriotic words that force her father to introspect on the petty clashes

The Nizam had sent Lakhojiraje along with his army to Junnar to capture Shahajiraje. As Jijabai was pregnant, it was not possible for her to travel to Pune on horseback. So, Shahjiraje placed Jijabai under the care of Vishwasrao and Vaidhyaraj Nirgudkar (a doctor) in the Shivneri fort, and proceeded to Pune. Meanwhile Lakhojiraje reached Junnar and met his daughter at Shivneri fort after many years.

Jijabai said to her father, ‘Marathas are fighting with each other for sake of mere ego and greed. If their valorous swords unite, foreign invaders will be vanquished in no time. It is a disgrace to be working under invaders for your livelihood, you must give it up’. Jijabai’s intense patriotism and love for Dharma touched her father. Her earnest thought compelled Lakhojiraje to introspect. When he met Shahajiraje at the foothills of Shivneri, Lakhojiraje was pacified and that put an end to the hostility between Jadhavs and Bhosales forever.

3. Jijabai, who always kept the flame of vengeance burning, through hardship !

3a. Shahajiraje’s sister-in-law abducted by Mahabat Khan

Mahabat Khan, a Mughal general, abducted Godavaribai in broad daylight. Kheloji made no efforts to rescue his wife; but Shahajiraje promptly rescued his sister-in-law Godavaribai from Mahabat Khan and in due course of time killed Mahabat Khan who had fled away.

3b. Nizam deceitfully killing Jijabai’s father and three brothers

Nizam called Jijabai’s father, Lakhojiraje and her three brothers in his royal court unarmed and killed them deceitfully. This callous event tore Jijabai’s heart apart. Her maternal family was ruined, but she did not forgo her yearning for ‘Swaraj’.

3c. Pune destroyed under Adilshah’s orders

On Adilshah’s orders, Rairao attacked Pune (Shahaji’s territory) and burnt it to ashes, committed innumerable atrocities on the common man and killed many, destroyed the fields and houses. Pune, known as ‘Punyabhumi’ was sullied by the marauding forces.

These devastating incidents, occuring one after another, made a deep impact on Jijabai who was residing at Shivneri. She was unable to endure this situation and felt like forsaking her life, but she consoled herself, did not lack composure and kept the flame of vengeance burning !

4. Prayers offered by Jijabai prior to Shivaji’s birth and her longings during pregnancy

4a. Prayers offered by Jijabai to Bhavanimata

Jijabai would ernestly pray to Bhavanimata ‘To destroy the villainous and for the protection of the nation and Dharma, bless me with a son like Shri Ram or a daughter like Goddess Durga who would vanquish the enemies.

4b. Longings during pregnancy

Jijabai would feel like wielding a sword, sit on a tiger and slay the enemies. She would often dream of Dharmik war and establishment of Ramrajya.

5. Jijabai, an ideal mother who instilled values like patriotism and love for Dharma in Shivaji

Shivaji was born on Vaishakh shukla Paksha Trutiya (1627 A.D.) at Shivneri fort. Right from his childhood, Jijabai would tell Shivaji about the lives of Shriram, Maruti, Shrikrishna and also from Mahabharat and Ramayana to make him pious and patriotic. Thus, she moulded him into an ideal ruler by sowing seeds of devotion to the nation and Dharma. She was not only a mother to Shivaji, but also a source of inspiration.

6. Personal Life of Jijabai

6A. How Dharmacharan helped Jijabai face difficult situations courageously

When Jijabai went to stay in Pune along with Shivaji, she founded Kasbapeth Ganapati temple and renovated the Tambdi Jogeshwari and Kevereshwar temple. Besides being a patron of temples, Jijabai listened to bhajan-kirtans by Saints, studied Sanskrut scriptures and religiously performed the vowed religious observances. She was a chaste wife and dutiful mother. Although she was religiously inclined, her devotion was above rituals. She had lot of merit that she gathered by abiding to Dharma in her daily life. This gave her immense strength to face difficult situations.

6B. Jijabai’s undaunted faith in God blessed her with success

She had a strong faith that she was blessed by Goddess Bhavani and Mahadev. She always backed her valorous husband and son fearlessly and resolutely. When her husband or son would be in perilous situations, she would ardently pray to Bhavanimata night and day, for their protection and safe return. She strongly believed that our efforts bring success to our doorstep only with the grace of God.

6C. Jijabai – An ideal Hindu woman

Jijabai played all the roles in her life such as daughter, sister, wife, daughter-in-law, sister-in-law, mother, mother-in-law, grandmother just as the scriptures have mentioned. She was loved and respected by all her family members. She was looked upon as the support system in the family. In all aspects, she was an ideal Hindu woman. Entire Hindu community is grateful to God for having set an example before us in the form of Rajmata Jijabai. A prayer unto the divine feet of Bhavanimata and Shambu Mahadev that, ‘May all Hindu women be inspired by Jijabai to be ideal women !’

7. Jijabai – an ideal Queen Mother !

7A. A warrior par excellence

Jijabai was adept in warfare, possessing skills like horse riding, as well as mastery over the sword.

7B. Valorous Ranaragini

7B 1. Jijabai, wielding a sword, had decided to declare war against Siddi Jauhar to rescue Shivaji from the encircled fort of Panhala

7B 2. Jijabai the inspiration behind Afzal Khan’s slaying : The Mughal commander Afzal Khan had killed Jijabai’s elder son, Sambhajiraje in a military expedition of Kanakgiri by firing a cannon deceitfully. Later Afzal Khan set his sights on capturing Shivaji Maharaj. In this endeavour, he was unstoppable; destroying temples, idols of Deities, burning fields and inhumanly murdering people, as he was headed swiftly towards Rajgad. In this situation, if Shivaji Maharaj was to clash with Afzal Khan’s army, the Maratha army’s defeat was inevitable. Also if Shivaji was to meet Afzal Khan to sign a treaty, he would certainly not return. So, Shivaji’s sardars and his learned ministers advised him to move to a safe place, away from Afzal Khan. But, Jijabai ordered Shivaji to meet Afzal Khan and slay him and display the Maratha valour to the world.

7D. An efficient administrator

Jijamata would keep a close watch on socio-political affairs of the state and in times of need would efficiently handle the administration.

7D 1. Leading the Marathas who were fighting Shaistakhan : Shivaji Maharaj was trapped for four months when Siddi Jauhar had besieged Panhala fort. Jijabai had shouldered the responsibility of Swaraj then. Till Shivaji escaped from the besieged fort, Jijabai led the Marathas who were fighting Shaistakhan thus protecting Swaraj.

7D 2. Protecting Swaraj even in her advanced age : While proceeding to Agra, Shivaji Maharaj entrusted Swaraj in the safe hands of Jijabai. Shivaji Maharaj’s imprisonment by Aurangazeb did not deter Jijabai. Mughals from South, armies of Adilshah and Kutubshah, British and Portuguese invaders in Konkan and Gomantak (Goa) and vast army of Siddi Jauhar in Murud Janjira all had trained their greedy eyes on the Hindavi Swaraj. Jijabai, though aged, protected her people from these enemies for more than 8 months. Beyond this, she accomplished completion of Sindudurg fort, recaptured a fort from the enemies, attended to problems of the subjects and showed her efficiency in governing.

7E. Judicious nature

She promptly delivered justice to her subjects to settle numerous problems related to their family and state administration and well as social, religious and financial issues. She was well versed in scriptures, strong, principled and unbiased and so, she was able to deliver perfect and Dharma abiding justice. As the culprits were duly punished, her subjects looked upon her as a ray of hope and were blessed with Dharmrajya / Ramrajya.

7F. Pillar of swaraj

She never distanced herself from her subjects to enjoy pleasures as Rajmata or Queen mother. She was always a responsible mother of a responsible king. She was the pillar of swaraj.

7G. Excellent political and war advisor

Her decisiveness and perceptive nature was so valuable and par excellence that Shahjiraje and Shivaji Maharaj used to value her opinion while taking major political decision. She was extremely good at planning strategies and war tactics.

7H. Visionary

7H 1. Singlehandedly bringing up Shivaji in the absence of Shahjiraje : Shahajiraje signed the treaty of Mahul and was compelled to leave Maharashtra and go to Karnataka with his elder son. Although this incident scattered her family and uprooted Swaraj, Jijabai was steady. Jijabai stayed back in Maharashtra under the pretext of taking care of Pune and Supe Paraganas given by Adil Shah to Shahjiraje and brought up Shivaji as an ideal son.

7H2. She taught her grandson Sambhaji, Urdu and Persian, to help understand the enemy’s plans and strategies.

7H3. Jijabai encouraged Shivaji after the treaty of Purandar and Shivaji restablished Hindavi Swaraj : Shivaji Maharaj lost many of his territories and 23 forts to Raje Jaisingh in the treaty of Purandar, but he had a narrow escape from the clutches of Mughals. He did not let the enemy wreck Swaraj completely. Jijabai expressed her amazement over Shivaji’s commendable achievement. Her positive approach encouraged Shivaji and he set about re-establishing swaraj with a renewed enthusiasm.

7I. An ideal queen, whose priority lay in her subjects

As Jijabai was Shahjiraje’s wife and Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj’s mother, she was the queen and Rajmata too. As her prime concern was well-being of her subjects, she always gave priority to her duties as a queen or rajmata rather than just emotional bondages as a wife or a mother.

7I 1. Jijabai, the force behind Shivaji’s Hindavi Swaraj : Hindus were oppressed under the barbaric atrocities of the Mughals in north India and the AdilShahs, KutubShahs in south India. Shivaji Maharaj, along with his mavlas was trying to reign in these demons. Shivaji Maharaj was the lone survior among Jijabai’ sons and he too had to face many life threatening odds. But that did not deter Jijabai who braved all this and blessed Shivaji in all his endeavours.

7I2. Jijabai enduring the grief of her husband’s death and contributing to swaraj : Shahjiraje’s death shattered Jijabai but she endured it despite her advanced age. She refrained from committing sati for the sake of swaraj. She overcame grief and helped Shivajiraje by guiding him in the administration.

Gratitude and prayer

Barely 12 days after witnessing the golden moment of Shivaji’s coronation Jijabai breathed her last in Pajad 1674. She devoted her entire life for swaraj. Obeisance to God for setting a personified example of what an ideal Hindu women should be like, in the form of Rajmata Jijabai. ‘Jijamata had multi-faceted qualities like intense yearning, faith, determination, patience, sense of respect towards her Dharma, selflessness, warrior attitude, broad-mindedness, fearlessness, leadership, courage, war strategies, sacrificing attitude as well as a desire for victory. A prayer unto the Divine Feet that may all Hindus develop these abilities.

Source : Dainik Sanatan Prabhat

https://www.hindujagruti.org/articles/37_jijabai-jijamata.html

Joban Pagi - जोवन पगी

Joban Pagi Was A Infamous Koli Outlaw Of Gujarat Who Born In The Vadtal Village Of Gujarat State Of India And Became The Head Of Outlaws Of Vadtal Village.

Joban Pagi

One & Only Gangster Of Gujarati

History

Joban Pagi Was Born In A Farmer Koli Family Of Vadtal Village Of Gujarat. When Joban Pagi Was A Little Boy, The Army Of Any Ruler Passed Through The Vadtal Village And They Plunder And Looted The Peoples Of Vadtal Village.The Army Of Baroda State Was Most Known For Treating Bad The People's. The Villagers Of Vadtal Always Fears About Armies Of Rulers. So Joban Pagi Became A Outlaw To Treet The Rich Peoples And Rulers. Joban Pagi Became Head (Sardar) Of Outlaw Gang And Conducted The Attacks All Over The Gujarat. The Vadtal Village Of Joban Pagi Became Known Village Of Outlaws. Joban Pagi Targeted The Rich Peoples Who Was Cheating The Poor People And Main Target Of Joban Pagi Was Baroda State's Treasury Carts. Whenever Treasure Of Baroda State Taken To Baroda By Differents Of Roots , Joban Pagi Always Captured The Treasury Carts Of Baroda Kingdom. Princely State Of Baroda Was Only Big State In Gujarat. The Government Of Baroda State Took Stringent Steps To Protect The Treasury Carts From Joban Pagi But Joban Pagi Was Always Successful In His Aims. Joban Attacked The Rich During Marriage Season In Village He Also Attacked At Kashiabhai - A Government Collector Of Revenue On Agency Basis. The Maharaja Sayajirao Gaekwad Of Baroda State Tried Many Hard To Search The Joban Pagi But They Couldn't Find Him. At That Guru Swaminarayan Came To Dabhan Village With His Faster Horse Named Manki. Guru Swaminarayan Welcomes By Kathi Peoples Of Dabhan Village With Hundreds Of Horses. This News Reached To Joban Pagi And Joban Pagi Thought That This Is A Goledn Chance To Steel Some Good And Fast Horses For Robberies. The Eyes Of Joban Pagi Was At The Horse Of Guru Swaminarayan Named Manki. The Joban Pagi Tried For 3 Nights To Steel The Manki But He Was Not Successful So He Accepted The Swaminarayan As Lord And In The Morning He Surrendered Himself To Guru Swaminarayan And Requested To Be Devotee Of Guru Swaminarayan. This News Reached To Sayajirao 2 Gaekwad King Of Baroda State. Maharaja Sayajirao 2 Gaekwad Reached To Dabhan Village To Arrest The Joban Pagi. Maharaja Sayajirao 2 Gaekwad Was Requested By Followers Of Swaminarayan To Leave The Koli Outlaw Because He Was Changed. Maharaja Sayajirao 2 Gaekwad Also Was Follower Of Swaminarayan But Maharaja Was Not Able To Believe On Joban Pagi Because Joban Pagi Was Second Name Of Terror In Gujarat. Joban Pagi Captured The Treasury Carts Of Sayajirao 2 Gaekwad. But After Request Of Swaminarayan And His Saints, Maharaja Sayajirao 2 Gaekwad Make Free The Joban Pagi. Maharaja Sayajirao 2 Gaekwad Challenged The Joban Pagi To Steel The Royal Hores Of Baroda State And Said Hores Is Very Aggressive And Can Kill Him Because The Horse Don't Like Unknown Persons. The Koli Outlaw Joban Pagi Accepted The Challenge, At The Night , Joban Pagi Dressed Himself As Maharaja Of Baroda State Sayajirao 2 Gaekwad And Started The Riding On Royal Horse Of Baroda State. At This The Maharaja Sayajirao 2 Gaekwad Was Totally Impressed And Feared Of Joban Pagi. The Maharaja Sayajirao 2 Gaekwad Said Joban Pagi Is King Of Outlaws. Maharaja Sayajirao 2 Gaekwad Was Thinking That How Joban Pagi Changed And Became Follower Of Swaminarayan. The Hands Of Joban Pagi Was Full Of Swords And Now Carrying Rosary There. After That Swaminarayan Decided To Celebrate The Festival Of Swing Of Flowers (Fuldol). and Ordered Swami Brahmanand To Make All Of The Arrengment For Festival. Swami Brahmanand Asked To Joban Pagi For Arrengment Of Festival. Joban Pagi Went To Petlad Village Of Kashiabhai For Arrengment. Kashiabhai Announced That Joban Pagi Has Came To Petlad To Kill Us And Kashiabhai Hide Himself In His House. The Joban Pagi Called The Kashiabhai Peacefully To Come Out Of House And Said That I Came Here For Your Help In Arrengment For Festival Of Flowers Ordered By Swaminarayan. At This Hear, Kashiabhai Smiled And Came Out Of House. Kashiabhai Arrenged The Festival. Swaminarayan Was Pleased By The Arrengment Of Festival By Joban Pagi And Asked To Joban Pagi For Bless. At This , Joban Pagi Said That bless this land so that in the area between the river Mahi and the river Sabarmati no man or animal should be without food or water and may all persons dying within this area never go to hell.” Shree Hari granted these two boons.

Stealing was quite common at religious gatherings and thieves were easily caught by Joban Pagi.

Shree Hari enjoyed playing the game of hide and seek. During the game Shree Hari tried to hide under the water but Joban Pagi always found Him.

Inspired by Joban Pagi’s new way of life many other gang members gave up their criminal activities and became followers of Shree Hari. Joban Pagi’s aunt Kadvi Kaki was a witch. When her Black Magic failed over Shree Hari she too surrendered and became His follower.

The transformation from a criminal to a devotee was visible in his actions. Once he saw an old man wounded. He stopped and dressed his wounds. He then took the old man to his residence and asked him to rest.

The cow herder Hira came to Joban Pagi for help. Two hundred cows from his herd were stolen by two thugs, one Yakub Khan and other Alla Rakha. Angered by this Joban Pagi fought the thugs and recovered the cattle.

When the famous Swaminarayan Temple was being built, he gifted away all the money and ornaments he had collected by robbing and killing innumerable persons. Besides he donated spacious land for the construction of the temple.

When Joban Pagi was fifty six years old, Shree Hari left for his eternal abode – Akshardham. To cherish the holy memories of Shree Hari, he kept a vial of the Lords holy dust that touched His feet. At every meal he would place a particle of this sand on his tongue. He lived up till the age of eighty six.

His beautiful statue stands in Jnan Baug near Vadtal Temple and all visitors pay their tribute to him there. The residence of Joban Pagi has been carefully preserved at Vadtal.

by Koli Prem Singhji Mahaur

K. E. Mammen

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

K. E. Mammen

Born 31 July 1921

Kerala, British India

Died 26 July 2017 (aged 95)

Occupation Freedom fighter

K. E. Mammen (31 July 1921 – 26 July 2017) was an Indian freedom fighter. He was a follower of Mahatma Gandhi and is often referred to as the Kerala Gandhi.

Personal life

Mammen was born into the Kandathil family on 31 July 1921 as the sixth child of K.C. Eapen and Kunjandamma, in Thiruvananthapuram. His father was a manager at the National Quilon Bank, and they lived opposite the Kerala Government Secretariat where freedom fighters used to converge to make speeches. Mammen was a staunch follower of Gandhian ideals and lead an austere life. He remained unmarried.

Activism

He became the president of the Travancore Students Federation while he was an intermediate student at College of Fine Arts Trivandrum. During this period, he was jailed for urging students to join the freedom struggle, during a public meeting held at Thirunakkara. The famous 'Kozhencherry speech' by C. Kesavan inspired Mammen to dedicate himself to social causes. The National Quilon Bank was closed by C. P. Ramaswami Iyer who was the then Diwan of Travancore. Mammen's father, the brother of K.C Mammen Mappillai, was among the officials arrested and ended up dying in jail. He was expelled from the college for criticising the Diwan in a meeting and was rejected admission in Maharaja's College, Ernakulam when he tried to continue his education there. He subsequently completed his intermediate course at St. Thomas College, Thrissur. He went to the Madras Christian College for his bachelor's degree in 1940, but was soon expelled for participating in the Quit India Movement.

During the period Mahatma Gandhi invoked the youth to join the freedom struggle. Mammen was inspired by this, and began working among the people of Thiruvalla and Kottayam. He was the candidate for the newly formed Praja Socialist Party in the 1952 Travancore-Cochin Legislative Assembly election and ended up coming second by 500 votes. He received many accolades over his eventful life including the Ramashramam Award, Lohi Vicharavedi Award and the TKV Foundation Award. Mammen was also actively involved in anti-liquour campaigns across the state of Kerala till his death. He died on 26 July 2017.

कुयिली

कुयिली : दक्षिण भारत की दलित वीरांगना

By Eesha, -August 25, 2020

भारतीय इतिहास में महिलाओं का योगदान अक्सर भुला दिया जाता है। हमारे इतिहास के शूरवीर योद्धाओं और शासकों की जब भी बात होती है हम अधिकतर पुरुषों के नाम ही याद रखते हैं। महिलाएं खासकर दलित और आदिवासी महिलाएं जिन्होंने भारत के स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में एक अहम भूमिका निभाई थी उनमें से एक या दो को छोड़कर बाकियों के नाम तक हम नहीं जानते। इसलिए ज़ाहिर है कि हम यह नहीं जानते कि ब्रिटिश सरकार के खिलाफ़ जंग छेड़नेवाली पहली भारतीय एक औरत थी। तमिलनाडु के शिवगंगा की रानी वेलु नचियार (1730-96)। हम यह भी नहीं जानते कि उनके लिए यह कर पाना असंभव होता अगर उनके साथ एक और वीरांगना न लड़ी होती। यह वीरांगना थी उनकी सेनापति, अंगरक्षक और खास सहेली-भारत की पहली दलित महिला सेनापति- कुयिली।

कुयिली का बचपन

कुयिली का जन्म तमिलनाडु के शिवगंगा के एक गांव में हुआ था। उसके पिता पेरियमुदन और मां रकू किसान थे और ‘अरुंधतियार’ जाति से तालुक्क रखते थे, जो तमिलनाडु की एक अनुसूचित जाति है। कुयिली की मां रकू अपने साहस और ताकत के लिए पूरे गांव में मशहूर थी। कुयिली के पैदा होने के कुछ ही समय बाद खेतों मे घुस आए एक पागल सांड से लड़ते हुए रकू की मृत्यु हो गई।

पत्नी के चले जाने के बाद पेरियमुदन बहुत आहत हुए और बेटी के साथ अपना घर छोड़कर शिवगंगा की राजधानी में आ गए, जहां रानी वेलु नचियार का शासन था। यहां वे मोची का काम करके अपना गुज़ारा करने लगे और छोटी कुयिली को उसकी मां की वीरता की कहानियां सुनाकर बड़ा करने लगे। पेरियमुदन जल्द ही शाही मोची बन गए और रानी के लिए जूते बनाने लगे, जिसकी वजह से उन्हें और कुयिली को रोज़ महल में आने-जाने की अनुमति थी। इस तरह रानी वेलु नचियार कुयिली से रोज़ मिलने लगी और दोनों में अच्छी दोस्ती हो गई।

रानी की अंगरक्षक कैसे बनी कुयिली

बड़ी होते-होते कुयिली अपनी मां जैसी साहसी और ताकतवर बनती गई। उसने कई तरह के अस्त्र-शस्त्र चलाना सीखे और कई अलग-अलग युद्ध कलाओं में पारंगत हो गई। अब वह रानी के साथ रहने लगी थी और उनकी सबसे करीबी इंसान बन चुकी थी। इसी तरह कई बार कुयिली ने रानी की जान भी बचाई। एक रात जब रानी सो रही थी तो एक हत्यारा उनके शयन कक्ष में घुस आया और उन्हें मारने की कोशिश की। कुयिली भी वहीं सो रही थी और वह उस हत्यारे से लड़कर रानी की जान बचाने में सफल हुई। ऐसा करते हुए वह खुद बुरी तरह से घायल हुई। जब रानी की नींद टूटी और उन्हें सब पता चला, उन्होंने अपनी साड़ी फाड़कर कुयिली की मरहम-पट्टी की। एक और बार कुयिली को पता चला कि उसके अपने गुरु रानी को मारने का षड्यंत्र कर रहे हैं तो इस बात की खबर लगते ही उसने खुद अपने गुरु की हत्या कर दी। यह देखकर रानी वेलु नचियार अत्यंत प्रभावित हो गई और उन्होंने कुयिली को अपना खास अंगरक्षक घोषित कर दिया।

रानी वेलु नचियार से कुयिली की करीबी की बात ब्रिटिश शासकों तक पहुंच गई। वे चाहते थे कि रानी पर हमला और शिवगंगा की राजधानी पर कब्ज़ा करने में कुयिली उनकी मदद करे। उन्होंने पूरी कोशिश की कुयिली को अपने साथ शामिल करने की, पर वह टस से मस न हुई।

सेनापति कुयिली

रानी वेलु नचियार से कुयिली की करीबी की बात ब्रिटिश शासकों तक पहुंच गई। वे चाहते थे कि रानी पर हमला और शिवगंगा की राजधानी पर कब्ज़ा करने में कुयिली उनकी मदद करे। उन्होंने पूरी कोशिश की कुयिली को अपने साथ शामिल करने की, पर वह टस से मस न हुई। लालच और धमकियां देकर उन्होंने कुयिली को अपने साथ मिलाने की बहुत कोशिश की पर वह अपनी बात पर अड़ी रही। जब सारी कोशिशें नाकाम हुईं, ब्रिटिश सेना ने शिवगंगा के दलित समुदाय पर हल्ला बोल दिया। निहत्थे दलितों को दिनदहाड़े बेरहमी से काटा जाने लगा ताकि अपने समुदाय के लोगों की हालत देखकर कुयिली अंग्रेज़ों से हाथ मिला ले।

जब रानी को यह बात पता चली, उन्होंने कुयिली को अपनी सेना के महिला पलटन की सेनापति बना दिया ताकि वह अपने लोगों की रक्षा के लिए ब्रिटिश ताकतों के ख़िलाफ़ लड़ सके। कुयिली इतिहास में पहली दलित महिला बनी जिसने सेना का नेतृत्व किया हो। अपने साहस और शौर्य के लिए उसकी सेना में उसे ‘वीरतलपति’ (वीर नेता) और ‘वीरमंगई’ (वीरांगना) जैसे नामों से जाना जाने लगा।

18वीं सदी के दूसरे भाग में रानी वेलु नचियार ने मैसूर के टीपू सुल्तान, उनके पिता हैदर अली और शिवगंगा के मरुदु पांडियर भाईयों के साथ शामिल होकर ब्रिटिश शासकों के ख़िलाफ़ जंग छेड़ दी। सेना के महिला पलटन के नेतृत्व में थी कुयिली और सेना में कुयिली के पिता पेरियमुदन भी शामिल थे। मक़सद था शिवगंगा किले को अंग्रेज़ों के कब्ज़े से मुक्त करवाना, क्योंकि यहीं से वे शिवगंगा के एक बड़े हिस्से पर नियंत्रण कर रहे थे। शिवगंगा किला हमेशा ब्रिटिश सैनिकों से घिरा रहता था और किसी को अंदर जाने की अनुमति नहीं थी। पूरे साल में सिर्फ़ एक ही दिन के लिए शिवगंगा किला बाहरवालों के लिए खुलता था। नवरात्रि के आखिरी दिन, जब महिलाओं को विजयादशमी की पूजा करने के लिए किले के अंदर देवी राजराजेश्वरी अम्मा के मंदिर में जाने की अनुमति थी। सेनापति कुयिली ने इसी मौके का फ़ायदा उठाया और इसके आधार पर एक नई रणनीति बनाई।

1780 साल में विजयादशमी के दिन कुयिली अपनी पूरी पलटन के साथ शिवगंगा किले में घुस गई। पलटन की सारी महिलाएं भक्तों के भेष में थी और अपनी टोकरियों में उन्होंने फूल और प्रसाद के साथ अपने शस्त्र छिपाए थे। अंदर जाते ही कुयिली किले के उस कमरे में चली गई जहां अंग्रेज़ों के सारे हथियार रखे हुए थे। इसके बाद उसने वह किया जिसे आज की भाषा में ‘सुसाईड बॉम्बिंग’ कहते हैं।

कुयिली ने पहले ही अपनी सैनिकों से कहकर अपने शरीर पर बहुत सारा तेल और घी डलवा लिया था। कमरे में पहुंचते ही उसने अपने हाथ में लिए दीपक से खुद को आग के हवाले कर दिया। आग से जलती हुई कुयिली ने हथियारों पर छलांग लगाई और सारे हथियारों के साथ उसका शरीर भी एक पल में भस्म हो गया। भारतीय इतिहास में पहली बार किसी ने हमले का यह तरीका अपनाया था।

अंग्रेज़ सैनिक वैसे भी युद्ध के लिए तैयार नहीं थे और सारे हथियार ध्वंस हो जाने के बाद उनके पास आत्मरक्षा का कोई विकल्प नहीं था। रानी वेलु नचियार की सेना ने उन्हें आसानी से हरा दिया और शिवगंगा किले पर जीत हासिल कर ली। अपने असाधारण साहस और बलिदान के लिए कुयिली भारत के इतिहास में एक महत्वपूर्ण नाम है। साल 2013 में तमिलनाडु की सरकार ने उसकी स्मृति को समर्पित एक स्मारक बनवाया था। दुर्भाग्य से तमिलनाडु के बाहर बहुत कम लोग कुयिली के बारे में जानते हैं। हमारे इतिहास में महिलाओं, ख़ासकर दलित महिलाओं का अमूल्य योगदान रहा है। हमें ज़रूरत है इन सभी ऐतिहासिक चरित्रों के बारे में पढ़ने और जानने की। इन्हें इतनी आसानी से भुला दिया नहीं जा सकता।

तस्वीर साभार : Feminism In India

कूयिलि

तस्वीर साभार: द बेटर इंडिया

कूयिलि शिवगंगा की रानी वेलु नचियार की सेनाध्यक्ष थी। वेलु नेचियार उन पहले सम्राटों में से एक थी जिन्होंने 1780 के दशक में अग्रेज़ों से लोहा लिया था। अंग्रेज़ों के खिलाफ इस युद्ध में कूयिलि ने अपने राज्य के लिए अपने प्राण न्योछावर कर दिए थे। कूयिलि के चाहने वाले उन्हें एक वीर योद्धा के रूप में याद करते हैं। कूयिलि का जन्म एक गरीब दलित परिवार में हुआ था। उनके पिता रानी के लिए एक जासूस के रूप में काम करते थे जिसके ज़रिए कूयिलि वेलु नचियार के करीब आई। उन्होंने कई बार रानी वेलु रचियार के प्राणों की रक्षा की जिसके बाद उन्हें रानी के अंगरक्षक के रूप में तैनात किया गया और आगे चलकर वह महिला सेना की सेनाध्यक्ष बनी। जब शिवगंगा के महल पर अंग्रेज़ों का हमला हुआ तब उन्होंने वीरता के साथ उनका सामना किया। कूयिलि और उनकी सेना ने अंग्रेज़ों के हथियार छिपाकर उन्हें सकते में डाल दिया। सिर्फ इतना ही नहीं, कूयिलि ने अंग्रेजों के हथियार के जखीरे को बर्बाद करने के लिए अपने शरीर को तेल में डुबोया और आग लगा ली। एक दलित महिला के रूप में उनकी वीरता और जिस बहादुरी के साथ उन्होंने अंग्रेज़ों का सामना किया उसे हमेशा याद किया जाना चाहिए।

काकोरी कांड

: एक चादर ने खोल दी थी क्रांतिकारियों की पोल, पढ़िए पूरी कहानी !

Updated on 8/11/2016

नई दिल्ली (टीम डिजिटल): हिन्दुस्तान प्रजातन्त्र संघ की ओर से प्रकाशित इश्तहार और उसके संविधान को लेकर बंगाल पहुँचे दल के दो नेता- शचीन्द्रनाथ सान्याल बाँकुरा में उस समय गिरफ्तार कर लिये गये जब वे यह इश्तहार अपने किसी साथी को पोस्ट करने जा रहे थे।

सरकारी खजाना लूटने का निर्णय

2 प्रमुख नेताओं के गिरफ्तार हो जाने से राम प्रसाद 'बिस्मिल' के कन्धों पर उत्तरदायित्व आ गया। पार्टी के कार्य हेतु धन की आवश्यकता अधिक बढ गयी। कहीं से भी धन प्राप्त होता न देख उन्होंने 7 मार्च 1925 बिचपुरी तथा 24 मई 1925 को द्वारकापुर में 2 राजनीतिक डकैतियाँ डालीं तो परन्तु उनमें कुछ विशेष धन उन्हें प्राप्त न हो सका। इन दोनों डकैतियों में एक-एक व्यक्ति मौके पर ही मारा गया। बिस्मिल की आत्मा को अत्यधिक कष्ट हुआ, आखिरकार उन्होंने यह पक्का निश्चय कर लिया कि वे अब केवल सरकारी खजाना ही लूटेंगे।

ऐतिहासिक रेल डकैती

8 अगस्त 1925 को राम प्रसाद 'बिस्मिल' के घर पर हुई एक इमर्जेन्सी मीटिंग में अंग्रेजी सरकार का खजाना लूटने की एक धमाकेदार योजना बनायी। 9 अगस्त 1925 को इस योजनानुसार दल के ही एक प्रमुख सदस्य राजेन्द्रनाथ लाहिड़ी ने लखनऊ जिले के काकोरी रेलवे स्टेशन से छूटी 'आठ डाउन सहारनपुर-लखनऊ पैसेन्जर ट्रेन' को चेन खींच कर रोका।पण्डित राम प्रसाद बिस्मिल के नेतृत्व में अशफाक उल्ला खाँ, पण्डित चन्द्रशेखर आज़ाद व 6 अन्य सहयोगियों ने समूची ट्रेन पर धावा बोलते हुए सरकारी खजाना लूट लिया।

इसके बाद गार्ड के डिब्बे से सरकारी खजाने का बक्सा नीचे गिरा दिया। पहले उसे खोलने की कोशिश की किन्तु वह नहीं खुला तो अशफाक उल्ला खाँ ने अपना माउजर मन्मथनाथ गुप्त को पकड़ा दिया और हथौड़ा लेकर बक्सा तोड़ने में जुट गए।मन्मथनाथ गुप्त ने उत्सुकतावश माउजर का ट्रैगर दबा दिया, गोली अहमद अली नाम के मुसाफिर को लग गयी। वह मौके पर ही ढेर हो गया। शीघ्रतावश चाँदी के सिक्कों व नोटों से भरे चमड़े के थैले चादरों में बाँधकर वहाँ से भागने में एक चादर वहीं छूट गई। अगले दिन अखबारों के माध्यम से यह खबर पूरे संसार में फैल गयी।

ब्रिटिश सरकार ने इस ट्रेन डकैती को गम्भीरता से लिया और सीआईडी इंस्पेक्टर तसद्दुक हुसैन के नेतृत्व में स्कॉटलैण्ड की सबसे तेज तर्रार पुलिस को इसकी जाँच का काम सौंप दिया।

गिरफ्तारी और मुकदमा

पुलिस ने काकोरी कांड षड्यन्त्र में शामिल किसी भी व्यक्ति को गिरफ्तार करवाने के लिये इनाम की घोषणा के साथ इश्तिहार सभी प्रमुख स्थानों पर लगा दिये जिसका परिणाम यह हुआ कि पुलिस को घटनास्थल पर मिली चादर में लगे धोबी के निशान से इस बात का पता चल गया कि चादर शाहजहाँपुर के किसी व्यक्ति की है। शाहजहाँपुर के धोबियों से पूछने पर मालूम हुआ कि चादर बनारसीलाल की है। बिस्मिल के साझीदार बनारसीलाल से मिलकर पुलिस ने इस डकैती का सारा भेद प्राप्त कर लिया।

पुलिस को उससे यह भी पता चल गया कि 9 अगस्त 1925 को शाहजहापुर से राम प्रसाद 'बिस्मिल' की पार्टी के कौन-कौन लोग शहर से बाहर गये थे और वे कब-कब वापस आये? जब खुफिया तौर से इस बात की पूरी पुष्टि हो गई कि राम प्रसाद 'बिस्मिल', जो हिन्दुस्तान प्रजातन्त्र संघ (एचआरए) का लीडर था, उस दिन शहर में नहीं था तो 26 सितम्बर 1925 की रात में बिस्मिल के साथ समूचे हिन्दुस्तान से 40 लोगों को गिरफ्तार कर लिया गया।

फरार क्रान्तिकारियों में से दिल्ली से अशफाक उल्ला खां, भागलपुर से शचीन्द्रनाथ बख्शी को पुलिस बाद में गिरफ़्तार किया था। शचीन्द्रनाथ सान्याल बाकुरा में, योगेशचन्द्र चटर्जी हावडा में तथा राजेन्द्रनाथ लाहिड़ी दक्षिणेश्वर बम विस्फोट मामले में कलकत्ता से पहले ही गिरफ्तार हो चुके थे और दो लोग अशफाक उल्ला खां और शचीन्द्रनाथ बख्शी को तब गिरफ्तार किया गया जब मुख्य काकोरी षड्यन्त्र केस का फैसला हो चुका था।

जब पांच क्रांतिकारियों को नहीं पकड़ पाए अंग्रेज

काकोरी-काण्ड में के 10 लोगों में से 5 - चन्द्रशेखर आजाद, मुरारी शर्मा, केशव चक्रवर्ती, अशफाक उल्ला खां व शचीन्द्र नाथ बख्शी को छोड़कर, जो उस समय तक पुलिस के हाथ नहीं आये, शेष सभी व्यक्तियों पर सरकार बनाम राम प्रसाद बिस्मिल व अन्य के नाम से ऐतिहासिक मुकदमा चला और उन्हें 5 वर्ष की कैद से लेकर फाँसी तक की सजा हुई। जिन-जिन क्रान्तिकारियों को एचआरए का सक्रिय कार्यकर्ता होने के सन्देह में गिरफ्तार किया गया था उनमें से 16 को साक्ष्य न मिलने के कारण रिहा कर दिया गया।

सरकारी वकील लेने से इनकार

सेशन जज के फैसले के खिलाफ 18 जुलाई 1927 को अवध चीफ कोर्ट में अपील दायर की गयी। चीफ कोर्ट के मुख्य न्यायाधीश सर लुइस शर्ट और विशेष न्यायाधीश मोहम्मद रजा के सामने दोनों मामले पेश हुए। राम प्रसाद 'बिस्मिल' ने अपनी पैरवी खुद की क्योंकि सरकारी खर्चे पर उन्हें लक्ष्मीशंकर मिश्र नाम का एक बड़ा साधारण-सा वकील दिया गया था जिसको लेने से उन्होंने साफ मना कर दिया।

न्यायाधीश ने पूछा कहां से पढ़ी वकालत, तो क्या कहा बिस्मिल ने..

बिस्मिल ने चीफ कोर्ट के सामने जब धाराप्रवाह अंग्रेजी में फैसले के खिलाफ बहस की तो सरकारी वकील जगतनारायण मुल्ला जी बगलें झाकते नजर आये।

इस पर चीफ जस्टिस लुइस शर्टस् को बिस्मिल से अंग्रेजी में यह पूछना पड़ा - मिस्टर रामप्रसाड !

फ्रॉम भिच यूनीवर्सिटी यू हैव टेकेन द डिग्री ऑफ ला ?

इस पर बिस्मिल ने हस कर चीफ जस्टिस को उत्तर दिया था -

'एक्सक्यूज मी सर ! ए किंग मेकर डजन्ट रिक्वायर ऐनी डिग्री।'

बिस्मिल की बहस से सनसनी

बिस्मिल द्वारा की गयी सफाई की बहस से सरकारी तबके में सनसनी फैल गयी। मुल्ला जी ने सरकारी वकील की हैसियत से पैरवी करने में आनाकानी की। अतएव अदालत ने बिस्मिल की 18 जुलाई 1927 को दी गयी स्वयं वकालत करने की अर्जी खारिज कर दी। उसके बाद उन्होंने 76 पृष्ठ की तर्कपूर्ण लिखित बहस पेश की जिसे देखकर जजों ने यह शंका व्यक्त की कि यह बहस बिस्मिल ने स्वयं न लिखकर किसी विधिवेत्ता से लिखवायी है।

अंत में उन्हीं लक्ष्मीशंकर मिश्र को बहस करने की इजाजत दी गयी जिन्हें लेने से बिस्मिल ने मना कर दिया था। यह भी अदालत और सरकारी वकील जगतनारायण मुल्ला की मिली भगत से किया गया। क्योंकि अगर बिस्मिल को पूरा मुकदमा खुद लडने की छूट दी जाती तो सरकार निश्चित रूप से मुकदमा हार जाती।

काकोरी काण्ड का अन्तिम निर्णय

22 अगस्त 1927 को जो फैसला सुनाया गया उसके अनुसार राम प्रसाद बिस्मिल, राजेन्द्रनाथ लाहिड़ी व अशफाक उल्ला खां को आजीवन कारावास तथा अनुसार फांसी एवं ठाकुर रोशन सिंह को पहली दो दफाओं में 5+5 कुल 10 वर्ष की कड़ी कैद तथा 2 दफाओं के अनुसार फांसी का हुक्म हुआ। शचीन्द्रनाथ सान्याल, जब जेल में थे तभी लिखित रूप से अपने किये पर पश्चाताप प्रकट करते हुए भविष्य में किसी भी क्रान्तिकारी कार्रवाई में हिस्सा न लेने का वचन दे चुके थे जिसके आधार पर उनकी उम्र-कैद बरकरार रही।

चीफ कोर्ट में अपील करने के बावजूद योगेशचन्द्र चटर्जी, मुकुन्दी लाल व गोविन्दचरण कार की सजायें 10-10 वर्ष से बढाकर उम्र-कैद में बदल दी गयीं। सुरेशचन्द्र भट्टाचार्य व विष्णुशरण दुब्लिश की सजायें भी 7 वर्ष से बढाकर 10 वर्ष कर दी गयी। रामकृष्ण खत्री को भी 10 वर्ष के कठोर कारावास की सजा बरकरार रही।

खूबसूरत हैण्डराइटिंग में लिखकर अपील देने के कारण केवल प्रणवेश चटर्जी की सजा को 5 वर्ष से घटाकर 4 वर्ष कर दिया गया। इस काण्ड में सबसे कम सजा (3 वर्ष) रामनाथ पाण्डेय को हुई। मन्मथनाथ गुप्त, जिनकी गोली से मुसाफिर मारा गया, की सजा बढाकर 14 वर्ष कर दी गयी। एक अन्य अभियुक्त राम दुलारे त्रिवेदी को इस मुकदमें में पाँच वर्ष के कठोर कारावास की सजा दी गयी।

Komaram Bheem

Komaram Bheem (1901–1940) was a revolutionary tribal leader and Indian freedom fighter from the Gond community, known for his resistance against the Nizam of Hyderabad's oppressive rule and his advocacy for Adivasi rights. Below is a comprehensive overview of his life, contributions, and legacy, based on historical records and cultural references.

Early Life

• Birth and Background: Born on October 22, 1901, in Sankepalli, a village in the Adilabad district of present-day Telangana, India, Komaram Bheem belonged to the Gond tribe, a Scheduled Tribe. His family lived in the forested regions of the Hyderabad State, under the rule of the Nizam.
• Challenges: Growing up in a tribal community, Bheem witnessed the exploitation of Adivasis by feudal landlords, forest officials, and the Nizam’s administration. The Gonds faced land alienation, forced labor, and restrictions on accessing forest resources, which were their traditional livelihood.

Resistance and Rebellion

• Trigger for Revolt: The immediate spark for Bheem’s resistance was the killing of his father by forest officials over a land dispute. This incident, combined with systemic oppression, motivated Bheem to take up arms against the Nizam’s regime.
• Guerrilla Warfare: In the 1920s and 1930s, Bheem organized a guerrilla movement in the forests of Adilabad, mobilizing Gond and other tribal communities. He trained his followers in guerrilla tactics to resist the Nizam’s forces, who imposed heavy taxes and denied Adivasis their traditional rights to forest resources.
• Slogan of "Jal, Jangal, Zameen": Bheem is credited with popularizing the slogan "Jal, Jangal, Zameen" (Water, Forest, Land), which became a rallying cry for Adivasi rights, symbolizing their demand for autonomy over their natural resources. This slogan remains iconic in tribal movements across India.
• Alliance with Other Leaders: Bheem collaborated with other tribal leaders and drew inspiration from figures like Alluri Sitarama Raju, another tribal freedom fighter. His movement was primarily localized but aligned with broader anti-colonial sentiments.

Key Events

• Formation of a Tribal Army: Bheem formed a militia of Gond tribals, using traditional weapons like bows, arrows, and spears, supplemented by limited firearms. They conducted raids on Nizam’s officials and disrupted feudal operations in the region.
• Establishment of a Base: He operated from the forests of Jodeghat in Adilabad, turning it into a stronghold for his resistance. The area became a symbol of tribal defiance.
• Confrontation with the Nizam’s Forces: The Nizam’s administration, alarmed by Bheem’s growing influence, deployed police and military forces to crush the rebellion. Despite being outnumbered and underequipped, Bheem’s forces held out through strategic guerrilla warfare.

Death and Martyrdom

• Final Battle: On October 27, 1940, Komaram Bheem and his comrades were ambushed by the Nizam’s forces in the Jodeghat forests. Betrayed by an informer, Bheem was killed in the encounter at the age of 39.
• Legacy as a Martyr: His death marked him as a martyr for the Gond people and Adivasi communities. His sacrifice inspired future tribal movements and highlighted the struggles of indigenous populations against exploitation.

Legacy and Recognition

• Cultural Impact: Komaram Bheem’s life and struggle have been immortalized in tribal folklore, songs, and stories. He is revered as a hero among the Gond community and other Adivasi groups.
• Modern Recognition:
  • In 2021, the Telangana government renamed the Jodeghat area as the Komaram Bheem Tribal Museum to honor his contributions.
  • The 2022 Telugu film RRR, directed by S.S. Rajamouli, featured a fictionalized portrayal of Komaram Bheem, played by N.T. Rama Rao Jr., bringing his story to a global audience. While the film took creative liberties, it popularized his legacy.
• Tribal Rights Symbol: Bheem’s slogan "Jal, Jangal, Zameen" continues to resonate in movements advocating for Adivasi land rights and environmental justice in India.

Personal Traits and Ideology

• Leadership: Bheem was a charismatic leader who united diverse tribal groups under a common cause. His deep connection to Gond culture and traditions inspired loyalty among his followers.
• Ideology: He fought not only against the Nizam’s rule but also for the broader cause of tribal self-governance and rights to their ancestral lands and resources. His resistance was rooted in the preservation of Adivasi identity and autonomy.

Historical Context

• Hyderabad State under the Nizam: During Bheem’s time, Hyderabad was a princely state ruled by the Nizam, known for its feudal system and exploitation of tribal communities. The Nizam’s policies restricted Adivasi access to forests, imposed heavy taxes, and displaced tribes from their lands.
• Broader Freedom Struggle: While Bheem’s rebellion was localized, it coincided with India’s broader independence movement against British colonial rule. His fight against the Nizam indirectly challenged the colonial-feudal nexus.

Sources and Verification

• Historical accounts from Telangana’s tribal history and government records confirm Bheem’s role as a Gond leader and freedom fighter.
• The Telangana government’s initiatives, such as the Komaram Bheem Tribal Museum, and academic references to his life corroborate his contributions.
• Cultural depictions, including RRR and Gond folklore, align with documented history, though some artistic embellishments exist in popular media.

Komaram Bheem remains a towering figure in the history of India’s tribal resistance, symbolizing the fight for dignity, autonomy, and justice for marginalized communities.

खुसरो खान

इतिहास का एक धुंधला चेहरा … खुसरो खान

भानुतोष शुक्ल

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परन्तु इतिहासकारो द्वारा ये बात छुपा दी गयी की ये खुसरो खान था कौन हम आपको इस ब्लॉग में इतिहास के इसी धुंधले चेहरे के बारे में बताने जा रहे।

वास्तव में खुसरो खान एक हिन्दू गुलाम था जिसे 1297 में मालिक काफूर ने गुजरात पर आक्रमण के समय गुजरात से पकड़ा था जिसे अल्लाउद्दीन को सौप दिया था।

स्वाभाविक रूप से अल्लाउद्दीन द्वारा खुसरो खान को इस्लाम कबुलवा कर उसका उसका नाम “हसन” रखा गया । कालान्तर में यही हिन्दू गुलाम अपने अस्त्र शस्त्र निपुड़ता और विश्वसनीयता के कारण मुबारक के सुलतान बनने पर वह “”खुसरुखान”” के नाम से उसका सेनापति बना….!

इधर एक अन्य घटनाक्रम में गुजरात के बघेल राजा कर्ण की पुत्री “”देवल देवी”” को भी मालिक काफूर युद्ध में उठा लाया था जिसे , जबरदस्ती अलाउद्दीन के पुत्र खिज्र खान से उसका निकाह पढ़वा दिया गया और, बघेल वंश की इस राजकन्या ने खिज्र खान की हत्या के बाद “”देवल देवी””” ने मुबारक से शादी कर लिया। परन्तु इन दोनों का केवल नाम बदला था दिल नहीं और वो दिल से अभी भी इस्लाम स्वीकार नहीं कर पाये थे इसलिए उसके दिल में अभी भी स्वाधीनता तथा स्वधर्म प्रेम की इच्छा हिलोरे मार रही थी इधर इसी ज्वाला में देवल देवी के सीने में भी धधक रही थी ।

इसी कारण खुसरुखान ने एक दूरगामी योजना बना डाली। सुलतान मुबारक के अतिविश्वास पात्र होने के कारण खुसरुखान का महल में बेरोकटोक आना जाना था। इसीलिए खुसरुखान और देवल देवी ने इन जेहादियों से बदला लेने के लिए सुलतान को विश्वास में लेकर गुजरात की अपनी पुरानी हिंदू जाति परिया (पवार) के चुने हुए लगभग 20 ,000 युवा सेना में भरती कर लिए । ये सारी योजनाएं महल में बन रही थी पर मुबारक उस वक़्त तक सुरा और शुन्दरी में इस कदर डूबा था की उसे कुछ खबर न थी। योजनानुसार महल के सारे सैनिक भी बदल दिए गए समय आने पर खुसरुखान ने मुबारक को मौत के घाट उतार दिया और , नसुरुद्दीन के नाम से दिल्ली का सुल्तान बन गया एवं, देवल देवी से उसने हिंदू रीतिरिवाज से विवाह किया। थोड़े ही समय बाद….. उसने नसुरुद्दीन (जिसका अर्थ होता है धर्म रक्षक ) के नाम से ही अपने को हिंदू सम्राट घोषित कर दिया और, जेल में पड़े सभी हिन्दुओं को छोड़ दिया गया साथ ही जबरदस्ती मुसलमान बनाए लोगो का शुद्धिकरण कराए जाने लगे एवं , जजिया कर समाप्त कर दिया गया ।

इस नए हिंदू सम्राट ने हिंदू व मुस्लिम सैनिको दोनों की पगार बढ़ा दी। अब इतना कुछ होने पर मुस्लिमों का विरोध तो होना ही था…! नसीरुद्दीन की ताकत के सामने 2 वर्ष तक तो सब ठीक रहा परंतु, 2 वर्ष बाद पंजाब प्रान्त के शासक गयासुद्दीन ने अपनी ताकत बढ़ा ली और, दिल्ली पर काफिर के शासक को ख़त्म करने के लिए उस पर आक्रमण कर दिया । ऐन मौके पर मुसलमान सैनिको ने नसीरुद्दीन का साथ नहीं दिया एवं मुस्लिम सेना ने समय आने पर सुलतान के साथ धोखा करते हुए मुस्लिम सेना से मिल गई । बचे हुए हिंदू सैनिक बहुत वीरता से लड़े परंतु, दुर्भाग्य से वे सभी नसीरुद्दीन के साथ युद्ध में वीरगति को प्राप्त हो गए. यह समाचार सुनकर रानी देवल ने भी महल से कूदकर अपनी जान दे दी…. ताकि, उसे फिर किसी मुस्लिम के हाथों अपमानित ना होना पड़े….!

इस तरह…. नसुरुद्दीन का नाम भारतीय इतिहास में स्वर्ण अक्षरो में लिखा जाना चाहिए था। परन्तु, आश्चर्य है कि इतिहासकारों ने उन्हें यथोचित स्थान भी नहीं दिया दिल्ली सल्तनत के 2 सुनहरे वर्ष बिल्कुल ही भुला दिए।

"स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में अछूतों का योगदान" book anusar, खुसरो भंगी ne 4 april 1320 ko मुबारक शाह ka कत्ल kiya or 13 april 1320 ko apna raz kayam kiya.

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दिल्ली के सुल्तान खुसरो खान के साथ घूमते हुए ग्यासुद्दीन तुगलक के मुँह से निकला कि यहाँ तो महल होना चाहिए ।खुसरो ने कहा कि जब सुल्तान बनो तो अपना शहर ही बसा लेना।दोनों की बात सिरे चढी।शहर जिस तेजी से बसा तो वीरान भी उसी तेजी से हुआ।इसमें कुछ हजरत निजामुद्दीन औलिया का श्राप कुछ मुहम्मद बिन तुगलक का दिमाग दोनों जिम्मेदार रहे।खैर यह परिसर आज भी महरौली बदरपुर रोड पर अपना अस्तित्व बचाए हुए है।साकेत मैट्रो स्टेशन और तुगलकाबाद मैट्रो स्टेशन दोनों से आप यहाँ आ सकते हैं।साकेत ज्यादा सुविधाजनक रहेगा।हो आइए एक बार

कालीबाई

कालीबाई की जीवनी – कालीबाई का जीवन परिचय

आज के अफने इस लेख मे हम एक ऐसी गुरू भक्ता के बारे मे जाने। जिसने अपने प्राणो की आहुति देकर अपने गुरु के प्राणो की रक्षा की थी। जिसे आधुनिक युग का एकलव्य के नाम से भी संबोधित किया जाता है। उस वीरबाला का नाम है “कालीबाई” । इस लेख मे हम कालीबाई हिस्ट्री इन हिन्दी, कालीबाई राजस्थान हिस्ट्री, वीर बालिका कालीबाई की कहानी, कालीबाई की जीवनी के बारे मे जानेंगे

यह परतंत्र भारत के उस समय की घटना है, जब राजस्थान में छोटी बडी अनेक रियासते थी। इन रियासतों मे एक रियासत डूंगरपुर थी। जिसके शासक महारावल लक्ष्मण सिह थे। इस समय भारत पर पूर्ण रूप से अंग्रेजों की हूकूमत थी।

महारावल शिक्षा के खिलाफ थे। इसी बीच वहा एक ,सेवा संघ, का गठन हूअआ। सेवा संघ के कार्यकर्ता शिक्षा का प्रचार और प्रसार करने लगे। वे गांव गांव जाते और बच्चों को पढाई के लिए प्रेरित करते । उन्हें शिक्षा का महत्त्व बताते। सेवा संघ ने पाठशालाएं खुलवा दी। डूंगरपुर मे भी एक पाठशाला का निर्माण कराया गया। उसका उद्धघाटन हुआ। यह पाठशाला बच्चों और बडों दोनों के लिए थी।

वीरबाला कालीबाई की प्रतिमाएं

महारावल शिक्षा के प्रचार प्रसार से भयभीत हो गए। उन्होंने सोचा कि– किसान और जनता शिक्षित हो जाएगी। तो फिर वह अपने अधिकार मांगेंगे। जनता हमारे राजकाज मे भी दखल देने लगेगी। स्थिति विकट हो जाएगी।

महारावल ने पाठशाला बंद करने के आदेश दे दिए। इसके लिए आवश्यक कानून भी बनाए गए। मजिस्ट्रेट ने पाठशालाएं बंद करने का अभियान शुरू कर दिया। अभियान को सफल बनाने के लिए पुलिस और सेना की भी मदद ली गई।

पाठशाला बंद अभियान के कार्यकर्ता पाल नामक गांव पहुंचे। यह घटना 19 जून 1947 की थी। पाल गांव में एक पाठशाला थी। पाठशाला के मालिक नानाभाई खाट थे। पाठशाला के अध्यापक सेंगाभाई थे। उस समय दोनों ही वहां मौजूद थे। पाठशाला में विद्यार्थी अभी आए नही थे।

मजिस्ट्रेट ने नानाभाई को स्कूल में ताला लगाने के लिए कहा। नानाभाई ने ताला लगाने से मना कर दिया। मजिस्ट्रेट के साथ पुलिस भी थी। मजिस्ट्रेट ने पुलिस को उनके साथ सख्ती बरतने का आदेश दिया।उसने पुलिस से जबरजस्ती स्कूल पर ताला लगाने को भी कहा।

नानाभाई और सेंगाभाई ने उनका पुरजोर विरोध किया। बदले मे पुलिस ने उन दोनो पर लाठियां बरसाई। सैनिकों ने लात, घूंसे और थप्पड़ से उनकी खूब पिटाई की। लेकिन दोनो ही कर्तव्यपराण थे, इसलिए अपनी बात पर अडे रहे।

पुलिस ने जबरन स्कूल में ताला लगा दिया। और पुलिस उन्हें मारते मारते अपने साथ ले जाने लगी। नानाभाई पर बंदूक की बट बरसाई जा रही थी। वह दर्द से छटपटा रहे थे। परंतु पुलिस उन्हे बडी बेरहमी पीटती रही। रास्ते में असहनीय पीड़ा से नानाभाई ने अपने प्राण त्याग दिए।

सेंगाभाई भी बेहोश हो गए। परंतु जालिम इतने पर भी न रूके। पुलिस ने रस्सी का एक सिरा उनकी कमर मे बांध दिया और दूसरा सिरा अपने ट्रक मे बांध लिया।

देखते ही देखते वहां काफी भीड इकट्ठा हो गई। लेकिन किसी की हिम्मत न हुई जो पुलिस के खिलाफ आवाज़ उठा सके।

पुलिस की गाड़ी सेंगाभाई को घसीटते हुए चली। तभी एक बारह वर्षीय बालिका ने अपने अदम्य साहस का परिचय दिया। उस बालिका का नाम कालीबाई था। वह भील गांव की बालिका थी। कालीबाई अपने खेतों में घास काट रही थी। उसके हाथ मे दरांती थी।

उसने सेंगाभाई की दुर्दशा देखी। सेंगाभाई उसके गुरू थे। उसे पढाते थे। अपने मास्टर की दुर्दशा देख वह पुलिस की गाडी के पिछे दौडी। उसने जोर – जोर से चिल्लाना शुरू किया– “मेरे मास्टर जी को छोड दो” इन्हे क्यो घसीट रहे हो, कहाँ ले जा रहे हो इन्हें?” ।

दौडते दौडते वह गाडी के पास पहुंच गई। उसने आगे बढकर दरांती से रस्सी काटनी चाही। इतने मे पुलिस ने गाडी रोक दी। पुलिस ने कालीबाई को डराया धमकाया और वापस लौट जाने को कहा।

कालीबाई ने पुलिस की एक न सुनी । वह मास्टर जी को बचाना चाहती थी। उसने निडर होकर रस्सी को काट दिया। सैनिक कालीबाई पर बंदूक ताने हुए थे। परंतु कालीबाई को अपनी जान की परवाह नही थी।

छोटी सी बालिका के हौसले को कई महिलाओं ने देखा। वे सब भी उसके पास आ गई। सेंगाभाई बेहोश थे।

 बालिका ने एक महिला से पानी लाने को कहा।

बालिका की हठ से पुलिस रोष मे आ गई। सैनिकों ने उस पर गोलियां चला दी। कालीबाई गोलियां खाकर गिर पडी। उसके साथ अन्य महिलाएं भी घायल हो गई। परंतु कालीबाई ने सेंगाभाई को बचा लिया। उसने अपने गुरू को बचाकर ,गुरू-शिष्य, की दुनिया में एक नया इतिहास बनाया।

गुरु शिष्य के अनूठे उदाहरण इतिहास में बहुत कम है। महाभारत के युग मे एक गुरूभक्त थे, जो एकलव्य के नाम से आज तक अमर है। उनके गुरु द्रोणाचार्य थे। गुरू के मांगने पर एकलव्य ने अपने हाथ का अंगूठा काटकर उन्हें गुरू दक्षिणा मे भेंट कर दिया था। परंतु आधुनिक युग की कालीबाई ने जो किया वह एक अनूठी मिसाल है।

कालीबाई के साहस से भील वासियों की आंखें खुल गई। उन्होंने मारू ढोल बजा दिया। भीलवासी पुलिस पर आक्रमण करने को तैयार हो गए। पुलिस को मालूम था कि मारू ढोल की आवाज मारने मरने का संकेत है। इसलिए वे सब जल्दी से अपनी गाडी मे सवार हुए और वहां से भाग गए।

मारू ढोल की आवाज पुरे भील गांव मे फैल गई। पूरे भील वासी हथियारों से लैस वहा पहुंच गए। पुलिस और सैनिक तब तक वहां से भाग चुके थे। नानाभाई का शव और कालीबाई सहित सभी घायलों को चारपाई पर रखकर डूंगरपुर लाया गया। वहा उन्हें इलाज के लिए अस्पताल में भर्ती किया गया।

कालीबाई वहां चालीस घंटे तक बेहोश रही। मूक बना कालचक्र सब कुछ देखता रहा। डॉक्टरों के वश मे कुछ नही था। कालीबाई ने 12 वर्ष की उम्र में इतनी बडी कुर्बानी दे दी। कालीबाई अपने शरीर को छोड चली। उनकी आत्मा परमात्मा मे समा गई।

कालीबाई को आधुनिक युग का एकलव्य कहा जाने लगा। उसने अपने गुरू की जान बचाई और शाही सामंतों की बलिदेवी पर चढ गई। वह बलिदान के इतिहास में अपना नाम दर्ज कर गई। उसके बलिदान से आदिवासियों मे नई चेतना जागी।

डुंगरपुर राज्य में एक पार्क बनवाया गया। वह पार्क प्रजा ने बनवाया। यह पार्क नानाभाई खाट और कालीबाई की याद मे था। पार्क में दोनो की प्रतिमाएं स्थापित की गई। 19 जून को रास्तापाल गांव में मेले का आयोजन होता है। इस दिन हजारों की संख्या में लोग एकत्र होते है। ये सब लोग रास्तापाल गांव के आसपास से आते है। इस दिन बच्चे, बडें, बुढे सभी शहीदों की प्रतिमा के सम्मुख मौन खडे होते है। इस तरह वह सभी उन्हें भावभीनी श्रद्धांजलि अर्पित करते है, सभी की आंखें उनकी याद मे नम हो उठती है।

कालीबाई हिस्ट्री इन हिन्दी, कालीबाई राजस्थान हिसट्री, कालीबाई की कहानी, जीवनी आदि शीर्षकों पर आधारित हमारा यह लेख आपको कैसा लगा हमे कमेंट करके जरूर बताएं। यह जानकारी आप अपने दोस्तो के साथ सोशल मीडिया पर भी शेयर कर सकते है।

Khushi Ram Arya 'Silpakaar'

Khushi Ram Silpakaar Uttarakhand

स्वतंत्रता संग्राम सेनानी , आर्य समाजी नेता एवं दलित योद्धा खुशीराम शिल्पकार :

कुमाऊं केसरी व उत्तराखंड अंबेदकर स्व. खुशीराम 'शिल्पकार' जी (जन्म : 14 दिसम्बर 1886 - स्वर्गवास : 5 मई 1971) ब्रिटिश शासित भारत के कुमाऊं (उत्तराखंड) क्षेत्र से एम.एल.ए. निर्वाचित थे। ये पं. जवाहर लाल नेहरू, महात्मा गांधी व लाला लाजपतराय जैसे तत्कालीन राष्ट्रीय नेताओं के अभिन्न मित्र थे। राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस नेतृत्व ने इन्हें उत्तराखंड पहाड़वासियों को ब्रिटिश हुकूमत के विरूद्ध गोलबंद करने के लिए पहाड़ क्षेत्र में भेजा। जहां इन्होंने दलितों पिछडों में व्याप्त तमाम कुरीतियों के खिलाफ एक ऐतिहासिक मुहिम छेड़ी।

1886 में हल्द्वानी के निकटवर्ती गांव में जन्में खुशीराम ने जब 1894 में मिशन स्कूल हल्द्वानी में प्रवेश लिया तो उन्हें सवर्ण छात्रों द्वारा अपमानित किया गया या यूं कहना चाहिए कि एक विक्षिप्त सामाजिक व्यवस्था खुशीराम जी के अधिक अध्येता होने की संभावनाओं को लील गई। यहीं से वे कठोर वर्णव्यवस्था के विरोधी के रूप में उभर कर सामने आए।

सन् 1930 के दशकों में उत्तराखंड पहाड़वासी दलितों के साथ सवर्ण व दबंग राजपूताना मानसिकता के लोगों का व्यवहार घोर अमानवीय था दलितों को शिक्षा से वंचित तो रखा ही गया था साथ ही दलितों को सवर्ण लोग पानी भी दूर से डालकर देते थे। ऐसे तमाम विपरीत परिस्थितियों में खुशीराम जी ने बहुत तिरस्कृत संघर्षों के बीच पहाड़ी दलितों को राष्ट्र की मुख्य धारा के समक्ष स्थापित किया। दलितों के लिए शिल्पकार शब्द गढ़ने का श्रेय भी इन्हीं को जाता है। इतिहास में इन्हें कुमाऊं केसरी व उत्तराखंड अंबेदकर के नाम से भी जाना जाता है। डा. नवीन जोशी (अल्मोड़ा उत्तराखंड) ने कुछ अन्य इतिहासकारों के हवाले से एक स्वतंत्र लघुशोधपरक लेख " एक अनाम दलित योद्धा खुशीराम शिल्पकार जी" शीर्षक से वर्ष 2016 में सोशलमीडियाई मंचों पर जारी किया और इस आधार पर बहस तेज हुई कि आखिर एक ऐतिहासिक संघर्षकारी व्यक्तित्व को हासिए पर धकेले जाने की क्या मंशा हो सकती है जबकि इस दौर में ऐसे मानवतावादी जन नेताओं के इतिहास को जानने समझने की पहली जरूरत है। उन्होंने खुशीराम शिल्पकार जी का ऐतिहासिक संज्ञान लेते हुए जिक्र किया कि 1906 में दलितों को 'शिल्पकार' नाम देने का प्रयास उन्हीं का था और 1921 की जनगणना में दलितों के लिए 'शिल्पकार' शब्द के संबोधन के लिए न केवल मंजूरी मिली बल्कि इसे प्रशासनिक व अभिलेखीय तौर पर भी दर्ज किया गया। पं. गोविन्द बल्लभ पन्त और बद्रीदत्त पांडे ने उन्हें राष्ट्रीय राजनीति व तमाम जनांदोलनों में सक्रिय भागीदारी के लिए सहयोगी बनाया। आर्य समाजी नेता जयानंद भारती जहां उत्तराखंड के गढ़वाल क्षेत्र में दलितों को सामाजिक बराबरी देने के लिए उग्रतम आंदोलन का नेतृत्व कर रहे थे जिसमें उनका दलित दूल्हा - दुल्हनों के लिए "डोला पालकी" आंदोलन की सफलता प्रमुख थी से विजयोत्साहित आर्य समाजी नेताओं ने भी कुमाऊं क्षेत्र में शिल्पकारों के लिए सामाजिक बराबरी का आंदोलन तीव्रतम कर दिया। नवंबर1932 में 'अल्मोड़ा कूर्मांचल समाज' सम्मेलन आयोजित हुआ जिसमें 'अछूत कोई नहीं' के नारे लगे और सामाजिक बराबरी का हिमायती सवर्णों का एक बड़ा समूह गोविंद बल्लभ पंत जी के नेतृत्व में टम्टों (उत्तराखंड की एक दलित जाति या वर्ग) के नौले (बवाड़ी) में पानी पीने गया। तत्कालीन राजनीतिक चेतना के विस्तारगमन के अधिभूत अन्य दलित समाज सुधारक भी तेजी से उभर रहे थे जिसमें जयानंद भारती , बचीराम आर्य व बुद्धदेव आर्य प्रमुख थे। 1930 में खुशीराम के नेतृत्व में शिल्पकारों द्वारा जनेऊ धारण करने तथा 'आर्य' नाम स्वीकार करने का आंदोलन हुआ। देश के कद्दावर आर्य समाजी व कांग्रेसी नेताओं के नेतृत्व में जिनमें पंजाब केसरी लाला लाजपतराय , पं. गोविंद बल्लभ पंत, बद्री दत्त पाण्डेय, सांस्कृतिक कर्मी मोहन उप्रेती सहित दलित नेता जयानंद भारती भी मौजूद थे सुनकिया (मुक्तेश्वर) नैनीताल में दलितों के लिए जनेऊ धारण उपनयन का कार्यक्रम आयोजित किया गया जिसका नेतृत्व खुशीराम शिल्पकार कर रहे थे। इससे दलितों में तेजी से जन जागृति विकसित हुई।

सन 1933 में राष्ट्रवादी नेता खुशीराम द्वारा मजखाली अल्मोड़ा में एक सम्मेलन किया गया जिसमें शिल्पकारों के पक्ष में अनेक प्रस्ताव पारित किए गए । जनवरी 1941 में बागेश्वर उत्तरायणी मेले में शिल्पकार सम्मेलन हुआ, जिसमें नौकरी , सेना में भर्ती, जमीन के स्वामित्व, निःशुल्क शिक्षा तथा सामाजिक सुरक्षा की मांग की गई। सामाजिक व राजनीतिक सरोकारों पर अपनी बेबाक टिप्पणी के लिए पहचाने जाने वाले प्रगतिशील विचारक ए.के. ब्राइट (नैनीताल उत्तराखंड) ने स्व. खुशीराम शिल्पकार को सामाजिक व राजनीतिक बहसों के केन्द्र से दरकिनार रखने के लिए स्वतंत्र भारत की गंदलाई सामंतशाही राजनीति को जिम्मेदार ठहराया और इसे घोर अवसरवादी मानसिकता करार दिया। गोमती नगर, लखनऊ में आयोजित 'उत्तराखंड दलित शिल्पकार सभा' द्वारा स्व. खुशीराम जन्मोत्सव 14 दिसंबर 2018 के मौके पर आये बतौर अतिथि वक्ता श्री ब्राइट ने कहा कि "बहुत सारी चीजें हैं जिसमें पहला ये कि हमारे पास खुशीराम जी का तिलिस्मी वृतान्त के सिवा कुछ नहीं है, एक ऐसा वृतान्त जिसमें हम खुशीराम जी को सेंटाक्लाज वाली छवि में गढ़़ा पाते हैं। वो रात के सन्नाटे में दबे पांव दलितों के घरो में आते हैं पता नहीं कौन सी पुड़िया सुंघाते थे कि सब लोग अगली सुबह सारे दुखों कष्टों से निजात हासिल कर सवर्णों, ठाकुरों के लिए भी आंख तररने लग जाते थे। ऐसी कहानियां गढ़ने व ऐसी दलित जनश्रुतियों को संरक्षित करने वाली पीढियां और समाज निहायत ही जाहिल और असभ्यय होते हैंं..... हमें कम से कम अपने विवेक से उनके दुष्कर जनसंघर्षों की एक प्रेरणादायी छवि तो पेश करनी ही चाहिए।" डा. जोशी ने दलितों के बीच इस तिलिस्मी वृतान्त के खरपतवार को उखाड़ने का काम करते हुए खुशीराम जी के कठिन जनसंघर्षों को दिखाने की कोशिश की है। डा. नवीन जोशी आगे लिखते हैंं 'जिम्मेदार नौजवान पीढ़ी के पास जिज्ञासाओं और सबूतों की काफी रोशनी है अब इससे खुशीराम जी के बाकी संघर्षों व मुक्तिपरक उद्देश्यों को क्रमबद्ध व व्यवस्थित तरीके से समझा जाये...... किसी आदर्श संघर्षों वाले व्यक्ति को हम पत्र पत्रिकाओं व कागजी पुलिन्दों में बांधकर उसकी प्रासंगिकता को नहीं समझ सकते हैं जब तक कि समाज की मनःस्थिति अनुकूल न हो। हम नौजवानों और चिंतनशील मानवतावादी बुद्धिजीवियों से यह सवाल करते हैं कि एक राष्ट्रीय स्तर के आंदोलनकारी जिसने न केवल उत्तराखंड पहाड़ी दलितों को राष्ट्रवाद से परिचित कराया बल्कि उन्होंने पूरे पहाड़ क्षेत्र में जो आर्य समाजी सिद्धांतों को लागू करने पर जोर दिया उनको किस तरह संरक्षित किया जा रहा है...... आजादी के जिस दौर में जहां शिक्षित नौजवान, ब्रिटिश हुकूमत के विरुद्ध आर-पार की जंग लड़ने के लिए चरम मंत्रणाओं में व्यस्त था वहीं देश के तमाम पिछड़े व अशिक्षित इलाकों की तरह उत्तराखंड में घोर अमानवीय जातीय विषवमन पोषित हो रहा था। दलित समुदाय केवल सवर्णों, द्विजों, ठाकुरों के यहां उनके मवेशियों की परवरिश व खेतों में हल जुताई के काम में ही जुटा था। तब गांवों में सरपंचों व पधानों ( गांव का मुखिया) का ही सामंती वर्चस्व हुआ करता था। जो भी दलित, पधानों के फरमानों की अनदेखी करता था उन दलितों के साथ दासयुगीन गुलामों की तरह बरताव किया जाता था। ऐसी घोर विपरीत परिस्थितियों में स्व. खुशीराम जी ने जिस तरह सामाजिक न्याय के लिए तत्कालीन सवर्ण समाज से लोहा लिया और अपने संघर्षों को जीत दिलाई उस हिसाब से निश्चित तौर पर आप खुशीराम जी को उत्तराखंड का बिरसामुंडा या उत्तराखंड का अंबेदकर कहते हैं तो यह बिल्कुल भी अतिशयोक्ति नहीं है।'

स्वाधीनता संग्राम सेनानी और प्रखर समाज सुधारक खुशीराम जी 1946 से 1967 तक उत्तर प्रदेश विधानसभा के सदस्य रहे। बाद में उनके पुत्र इन्द्रलाल, हल्द्वानी विधानसभा क्षेत्र से विधायक रहे। अपने सामाजिक व राजनीतिक उद्देश्यों के लिए उन्होंने उत्तराखंड के लगभग हर गांव क्षेत्र का भ्रमण किया तब पहाडों में यातायात के साधन कुछ भी नहीं थे सामान ढुलाई के लिए इक्के दुक्के लोग घोड़े पाले हुए थे। ऐसे विषम हालातों में खुशीराम जी ने अल्मोड़ा, सल्ट, मानीला, लोहाघाट, चम्पावत, नैनीताल, ओखलकांडा, ल्वाड़ डोबा, डांडा, अमझड़ इत्यादि क्षेत्रों सहित कुछ सुदूरवर्ती गढ़वाल क्षेत्रों का भी दौरा किया।

उन्होंने पहाड़ी क्षेत्रों में तमाम आर्य समाजी सिद्धातों की स्थापना केन्द्र बनाने में अग्रणी भूमिका निभाई। हल्द्वानी, भवाली, नैनीताल, अल्मोड़ा, लोहाघाट क्षेत्रों में आज भी आर्य समाजी धर्मशालाओं की इमारतें देखी जा सकती हैं जो बदलते सामाजिक मूल्यों के दौर में अब लगभग खत्म होने के कगार पर खड़े हैं। इसी तरह के तमाम जन कल्याणकारी संघर्षों में चलते थकते हांफते यह महामानव 5 मई 1971 को हमेशा हमेशा के लिए इस पृथ्वी से चल बसा और पीछे कुछ था तो केवल अनगिनत संघर्षों की दास्तान और अधूरे उद्देश्यों का एक डरावना बियाबान अंधेरा। अज्ञानता, अंधविश्वास, अशिक्षा के विरूद्ध जब भी महामानवों का डटकर खड़ा होकर मुकाबला करने की बात होगी तब तब खुशीराम 'शिल्पकार' जी ऐसे महामानवों में पहली पांतों के इतिहास पुरुषों की श्रेणी में खड़े पाये जायेंगे।

डी. के. चनियाल

पर्वतीय हस्तशिल्प संरक्षण संगठन

Kalu Singh Mahara

Kalu Singh Mahara was a Kumauni leader during Indian Rebellion of 1857. He is known as the first freedom fighter from Kumaun, then in the United Province.

Kalu Mahara was the leader of the Vishung Patti of Kumaun, Karnakarayat in present. This region is situated near Lohaghat, in district Champawat of Uttarakhand.

The Rebellion

He received a cryptic letter from Audh, inviting the Kumauni people and other hill people to join the Rebellion against the British. The government of Awadh proposed that after regaining the power from the British, the hill area will be returned to Kumauni people and the Tarai (plain area) will be taken by Oudh. Kalu Mahara organised the local people against British empire.

Skirmishes all across the area of Kali Kumaun, Sui, Gumdesh and the adjoining areas, now in the Champawat district, frustrated the British. His militiamen composed mainly of riflemen Bandukchi ambushed and harassed the British forces on several occasions.

Support

Kalu Mahara received the support of many other leaders of the Champawat region including Anand Singh Phartyal, Bishan Singh Kharayat and many others.They led the anti-British Militia then active in the Kali Kumaun region of Kumaun. The rebellion failed as Delhi and Awadh fell to the British.

Arrest

Kalu Mahara, Anand Singh Phartyal and Bishan Singh Kharayat were arrested at Annakhera. Kalu Mahara was executed along with the others.

Legacy

He is still revered as the first freedom fighter in Kumaon and is remembered on the day of his birth by the people of Champawat and Kumaon for his ultimate sacrifice.

Kanaklata Barua: 

Assam’s Teenage Martyr

Vishal Singh

September 20th 2020

Kanaklata Barua was not your regular teenager. She was made of much sterner stuff. So when Mahatma Gandhi gave the call to ‘do or die’, the motto of the Quit India Movement he launched in 1942, Kanaklata went all in – and made the ultimate sacrifice.

India’s struggle for freedom from colonial rule was in its last phase and women across the country were playing a pivotal part in the movement. Probably inspired by them, this 17-year-old patriot from Assam realised that there could be no half measures if her country had to be free. So who was this braveheart?

A sculpture of few martyrs from Assam; Kanaklata Barua on the extreme left|Wikimedia Commons

Kanaklata Barua was born on 22nd December 1924, in Barangabari village, in present-day Sonitpur district of Assam. Her father was a farmer and the family was of very modest means. Tragedy struck when Kanaklata’s mother died when she was just five. Kanaklata had two younger sisters to take care of and as she grew older, she took life head-on.

But her troubles mounted when her father died when she was a teenager. She and her sisters were raised by their stepmother and lived with their three step-siblings. Since life was tough and money scarce, Kanaklata was unable to complete her education, having dropped out of school after third grade.

Meanwhile, with the passage of time, the Quit India Movement was gaining momentum across India. The All-India Congress Committee had passed the Quit India Resolution on 8th August 1942 at its Bombay session, demanding complete independence for India.

The arrival of Gandhi in Assam in 1921 had already galvanised the people in the state to participate actively in the freedom movement. And, on 26th January 1930, when the Purna Swaraj (‘complete freedom from the British’) declaration was made by the Congress, it encouraged people to hoist the Indian national flag across Assam. People from across the social spectrum of Assam began participating in the Freedom movement. Assamese social activists like Kiran Bala Bora and Ambika Kakati Aidew, among others, led by example and inspired young Assamese girls to throw themselves into the freedom movement. Kanaklata Barua was thus primed for her heroic journey.

Kiran Bala Bora was a huge inspiration for women in the 1920s-30s |Wikimedia Commons

After Gandhi’s Quit India call in 1942, a large camp of revolutionaries was set up in Tezpur district in Assam, 8 km from Kanaklata’s home. When she learnt of this, Kanaklata was determined to join. She was deeply moved by the speeches of Comrade Bishnu Prasad Rabha and the songs of noted Assamese cultural icon, Jyoti Prasad Agarwala, and this fuelled her patriotic feelings.

Kanaklata started secretly attending meetings at the camp. It was her first tryst with nationalism. She was now more intent than ever on joining the revolutionaries. However, the teenager’s grandfather opposed her decision, probably because the loss of his only son and daughter-in-law had been too painful for him and he knew that revolutionary patriotism demanded sacrifice.

But Kanaklata wouldn’t relent. She convinced her stepmother and officially joined the revolutionaries. Following in her footsteps, her younger, step-brother Rajanikanta too became a volunteer with the Quit India Movement.

Movements against the British were quite peaceful in Assam but, as a precautionary measure, the Assam Provincial Congress Committee established the ‘Shanti Bahini’ (Peace force) and tasked it with guarding villages at night and keeping the peace during protests. There were as many as 20,000 members associated with the Shanti Bahini.

Jyoti Prasad Agarwala, writer, songwriter, playwright and filmmaker was one of the main organizers of the political protests in Assam. He instructed Congress volunteers of the ‘Shant Bahini’ to peacefully make their way to police stations in Tezpur district, to hoist the Indian tricolour while raising the ‘Quit India’ slogan. He therefore formed, what was then termed as the Mrityu Bahini (‘Death Army’) for this mission, in line with Gandhi’s ‘Do or Die’ call.

Kanaklata was a part of this brigade, which was aware that death could be imminent and inevitable. They were aware of the martyrdom of Kushal Konwar, a local Congress leader who had been hanged for allegedly derailing a train carrying British soldiers in Assam, and incidents like that only made them more zealous. The ‘Mrityu Bahini’ was indeed a force to reckon with.

It was decided that Kanaklata Barua would hoist the tricolour at the Gohpur police station on 20th September 1942. Several unarmed young men and women, boys and girls, were marching towards the police station, with Kanaklata in the lead. As they approached, the police officer in charge, Rebati Mahan Som, warned of deadly consequences if they did not turn back.

But Kanaklata did not pay any heed and kept on marching. Suddenly, the police opened fire on the procession and Kanaklata Barua, tricolour in her hands, was shot. She died on the spot. A local villager named Mukund Kakoti took the flag from her and he too was shot dead.

Depiction of Kanaklata’s death at Kanaklata Udyan, Tezpur|Wikimedia Commons

The tragic martyrdom of Kanaklata Barua at the tender age of 17, made her a household name in Assam. She has posthumously been given the titles ‘Shaheed’ and ‘Birbala’, meaning ‘martyr’ and ‘brave woman’, the first of many accolades. An Indian Coast Guard Fast Patrol Vessel was named after her in 1997, and a monumental statue of her was unveiled in 2011, in a rock garden called ‘Kanaklata Udyan’, in Gauripur (formerly Gohpur), Tezpur. The teenage patriot’s unusual courage has also been immortalised in the Assamese film Epaah Phulil Epaah Xoril, directed by Chandra Mudoi, and released in Hindi as Purab ki Aawaz. She remains even to this day one of Assam’s icons.

Cover Image: Kanaklata’s life-size statue at Gouripur, Assam- Wikimedia Commons

hal Singh is a student of Ramjas College, University of Delhi, and a national level quizzer with a penchant for independent research in history.

Kalu Singh Mehra

 – first Freedom fighter of Uttarakhand

भारतीय स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में अनेक वीरो ने अपनी जान देकर भारत माता को आजाद किया है । उन्ही महान वीरो में कालू सिंह महरा का नाम बहुत सम्मान से लिया जाता है . आज हम भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम में उत्तराखंड के पहले क्रन्तिकारी कालू सिंह महरा के अपूर्णीय योगदान की चर्चा करेंगे .

उत्तराखंड के पहले स्वस्त्रान्तरता सेनानी : कालू सिंह महरा

उत्तराखंड के स्वत्रंत्रता संग्राम सेनानियों में कालू सिंह का नाम बड़े सम्मान से लिया जाता है .

कालू सिंह महरा का जन्म san 1831 में उत्तराखंड के चम्पावत जिले के विसुंग गांव में हुआ था । कालू सिंह बचपन से ही क्रन्तिकारी विचारो के थे । सामान्य परिवार में जन्मे इस बालक ने शुरू से ही पहाड़ की हाड़ तोड़ मेहनत और अभाव देखे थे ।

photo by google image

उन दिनों अंग्रेज गाँवो से लगान वसूला करते थे । लगान ना देने पर कई तरह की सजाए और यातनाए दी जाती थी । इन सब घटनाओ का कालू सिंह के बाल मन पर गहरा प्रभाव पड़ा । समाज में जमींदारी प्रथा थी । जमींदार गरीब किसानो पर अत्याचार करते थे । उन्हें जबरन अपने खेतो में काम कराते थे ।

जब कोई अंग्रेज गाँव के भ्रमण पर आता , तो गाँव के लोगो को उसकी सेवा करनी पड़ती थी । उसका सामान ढोना पड़ता था । अंग्रेज अफसर को डोली में बैठाकर एक गांव से दूसरे गांव पहुँचाना पड़ता था । गांव वालो इस कार्य के लिए कोई मजदूरी नहीं दी जाती थी । इस प्रथा को कुली बेगार कहा जाता था ।

कुली बेगार से भारतीय जनमानस और ग्रामीण युवा पीढ़ी के मन में आक्रोश पनप रहा था । इन्ही युवाओ में कालू सिंह महरा भी थे । कालू महरा का शुरुवाती बचपन बिसुंग में ही बीता। युवावस्था में वे अल्मोड़ा और रुहेलखंड के क्रांतिकारियों के संपर्क में आये . क्रांतिकारियों के विचारो से प्रभावित होकर उन्होंने भारत माता की सेवा करने का प्रण लिया ।

क्रांति की शुरुवात

क्रन्तिकरियो के संपर्क में आने से कालू सिंह के मन में नयी विचारो का सूत्रपात हुआ । उन्होंने गुप्त क्रन्तिकारी संगठन ” क्रांतिवीर ” बनाया । इस संगठन के तहत उन्होंने उत्तराखंड के युवाओ को आजादी दिलाने के लिए प्रेरित किया । आम युवा वैसे भी गुलामी की जंजीरो को तोड़ने के लिए छटपटा रहा था । उन्होंने अंग्रेजो के अत्याचारों को देखा था । गुलामी का अपमानजनक जीवन चुनने के बजाय उन्होंने क्रांति की राह पकड़ना सही समझा । photo by -google image

धीरे धीरे क्रांतिवीर संगठन में कई लोग जुड़ते गए और करवा बढ़ता गया । कालू सिंह महरा , आनंद सिंह फर्त्याल और बिसन सिंह करायत ने गांव गांव जाकर लोगो को जागरूक करना शुरू किया । उनके मन में आजादी की लौ जगाने की कोशिस की । कालू सिंह महरा उत्तराखंड के स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों के अलावा देश के अन्य क्रांतिकारियों के संपर्क में भी थे । उनकी ख्याति से प्रभावित होकर अवध के नवाव वाजिद अली शाह ने कुमाऊं से बगावत करने के लिए पत्र लिखा । कालू सिंह ने उनका प्रस्ताव सहर्ष स्वीकार कर लिया ।

उत्तराखंड के स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों के आलावा रुहेलखंड ( वर्तमान बरेली ) के नवाव खान बहादुर खान ने भी कालू सिंह को क्रांति के लिया प्रेरित किया और क्रांति के समय काले खां के नेतृत्व में सेना भेजी ।

आर पार की लड़ाई

अंततः वह दिन आ हे गया , जिसका सबको इन्तजार था । 10 मई, 1857 को मेरठ की बैरकपुर छावनी से क्रांति की शुरुवात होते ही कुमाऊँ में क्रांति का बिगुल बज गया । कालू सिंह के संगठन कर्न्तिवीर ने लोहाघाट के चांदमारी में अंग्रेजो की छावनी पर हमला कर दिया और इलाके पर कब्ज़ा कर लिया । क्रांतिवीर की इस कारवाही से घबराकर उस समय के कुमाऊँ कमिश्नर हेनरी रैम्जे ने कुमाऊँ में मार्शल लॉ ( सैनिक शासन ) लागू कर दिया ।

17 सितम्बर ,1857 को क्रांतिकारियों ने हल्द्वानी पर कब्ज़ा कर लिया । हल्द्वानी के बाद उन्होंने नैनीताल और अल्मोड़ा के कुछ क्षेत्रों को अंग्रेजो से मुक्त कराया । अल्मोड़ा के किरमोली गांव में क्रांतिवीर संगठन द्वारा हथियार और गोला बारूद छिपाई गए थे । उन हथियारों के दम पर क्र्रांतिकारी अल्मोड़ा कनिसणारी सहित समपर्ण कुमाऊँ को आजाद कारवां चाहते थे । परन्तु कुछ लोगो की मुखबिरी के कारण सारा हथियार और गोला बारूद अंग्रेजो ने पकड़ लिया ।

गढ़वाल का शासक सुदर्शन शाह अंग्रेजो का अंध भक्त होने के कारण वहाँ से सहायता मिलना मुश्किल था । हथियारों की कमी , भितरघात और नेतृत्व का आभाव होने के कारन आंदोलन कमजोर पद गया और भारत माँ को आजाद करने का सपना अधूरा रह गया ।

क्रांति की असफलता के कारण

कुमाऊँ की पहली क्रांति की असफलता के कई कारण रहे है । जिनमे से कुछ इस प्रकार है ।

1 . सबसे पहली बात , यह आंदोलन सीमित जगह तक ही पंहुचा था । जिससे आम जनमानस का उतना सहयोग नहीं मिला जीतन अंग्रेजो की मजबूत सेना का मुकाबला करने की लिए जरूरत थी ।

2 .आंदोलन काली कुमाऊँ क्षेत्र और तराई के कुछ हिस्सों तक ही सिमट कर रह गया ।

3 .मुखबिरी अथवा भितरघात के कारन क्रांतिकारियों का बहुत सा असला और गोला बारूद पकड़ा गया । इससे लड़ाई में वे कमजोर पद गए ।

4 .अंग्रेजो से पूर्व उत्तराखंड की जनता गोरखाओ के शासन से ट्रस्ट थी। अंग्रेजो के आने के बाद इस क्षेत्र में कई विकास कार्य हुए जिससे आम जनमानस में उनकी छवि अच्छी बनती गयी ।

5 .ग्रामीण क्षेत्र के लोग पढ़े लिखे न होने कारण उन्हें अपने अधिकारों का ज्ञान न था । वे अपने सामान्य खेती बारी और मजदूरी में ही व्यस्त रहते थी । देश , स्वस्त्रान्तरता , क्रांति आदि से उनका कोई वास्ता न था । इस कारण उन्होंने क्रांतिकारियों का उतना सहयोग नहीं किया जितना किया जाना चाहिये था ।

6. गढ़वाली शासक के अंग्रेजो का अनुयायी होने कारन , वह की जनता का भी सहयोग नहीं मिला । दूसरे क्षेत्रों से सहयोग न मिलने कारन आंदोलन कमजोर पद गया और अंततः टूट गया ।

क्रांति के बाद

क्रांति के बाद कालू सिंह महरा को लोहाघाट के चांदमारी से गिरफ्तार कर लिया गया । कई वर्षो तक जेल में रहने के बाद हिमालय का यह पुत्र , काली कुमाऊँ का शेर शहीद हो गया ।

क्रांति के बाद काली कुमाऊँ क्षेत्र के विकास कार्य रोक दिए गए । अंग्रेजो ने यहाँ अपना दमन चक्र जारी रखा । लाख कोशिसो के बाद भी अंग्रेज भारतीय जनमानस को स्वाधीनता संघर्ष से ना रोक सके । कालू सिंह द्वारा रोपा गया क्रांति का बीज धीरे धीरे वृक्ष बनता गया । जिसके परिणामस्वरूप आने वाले कई सालो तक कुमाऊँ के कई क्षेत्रों में अंग्रेजो के खिलाफ आंदोलन हुए ।

बद्री दत्त पांडेय , हरगोविंद पंत और हर्ष देव ओली जैसे कई क्रांतिकारियों ने अंग्रेजो के खिलाफ संघर्ष जारी रखा , जिनके परिणामस्वरूप कुली उतार , कुली बेगार व् कुली वरदयास जैसी प्रथाओं के विरुद्ध आंदोलन हुए । और अंततः उन प्रथाओं को समाप्त कर दिया गया ।

कान्होजी आंग्रे

मुक्त ज्ञानकोश विकिपीडिया से

कान्होजी आंग्रे

कान्होजी आंग्रे (जन्म: अगस्त 1669, देहांत: 4 जुलाई 1729), जिन्हें 18वी सदी ई॰ में मराठा साम्राज्य की नौसेना के सर्वप्रथम सिपहसालार थे। उन्हें सरख़ेल आंग्रे भी कहा जाता है। "सरख़ेल" का अर्थ भी नौसेनाध्यक्ष (ऐडमिरल) होता है। उन्होंने आजीवन हिन्द महासागर में ब्रिटिश, पुर्तगाली और डच नौसैनिक गतिविधियों के विरुद्ध लड़ाई लड़ी। उनके पिता तान्होजी आंग्रे भी छत्रपति शिवाजी की फ़ौज में नायक थे और कान्होजी आंग्रे का बचपन से ही मराठा फ़ौज के साथ सम्बन्ध रहा। उन्होंने मराठा नौसेना को एक नए स्तर पर पहुँचाया और कई स्थानों पर मराठा नौसैनिक अड्डे स्थापित किये, जिनमें अण्डमान द्वीप, विजयदुर्ग (मुंबई से 425 किमी दूर), आदि शामिल थे। वे आजीवन अपराजित रहे।

सरखेल कान्होजी आंग्रे : मराठा नौदल प्रमुख

आरंभिक जीवन -(जन्म: अगस्त १६६९, देहांत: ४ जुलाई १७२९)

लगभग २५ वर्षों तक भारत के कोंकण का सागरी तट स्वराज्य में सुरक्षित रखने में सफल ‘मराठी नौदल प्रमुख’सम्राट कान्होजी आंग्रे।सागर के सम्राट कान्होजी आंग्रे को नौसेनाधिपति (सरखेल) आंग्रे भी कहा जाताहै । १८ वीं शताब्दी में वे मराठा साम्राज्य की नौसेना के सेनापति थे । उन्होंने हिंदमहासागर में अंग्रेज, पुर्तगाली और डच नौसैनिक गतिविधियों के विरुद्ध भीषण युद्ध किया। उनके पिता तान्होजी आंग्रे भी छत्रपति शिवाजी महाराज के सैना में नायक थे और कान्होजी आंग्रे का बचपन से ही मराठा सैन्य के साथ संबंध रहा । उन्होंने मराठा नौसेना को एक नए स्तर पर पहुंचाया और कई स्थानोंपर मराठा नौसैनिक तल स्थापित किए, जिनमें अंदमान द्वीप, विजयदुर्ग (मुंबई से ४२५ कि.मी. दूर), आदि समाविष्ट थे। वे मृत्यु पर्यंत अपराजित रहे

विदेशी शत्रुओं को तहस-नहस करके उनकी नींद उडानेवाले मराठा सेनानी, (सरदार)‘सागराधिपति’ कान्होजी ! पुणे मंडल के (जिला) खेड उपमंडल में कालो से गांव के आंगरवाडी प्रभाग में १६६९ को उनका जन्म हुआ और उसीके कारण उनका कुलनाम आंग्रे हुआ ।

युद्धकाल

छत्रपति शिवाजी महाराज के काल में कान्होजी सुवर्णदुर्गपर चाकरी करते थे ।१६८८ को सुवर्णदुर्ग का दुर्गपाल अचलोजी मोहिते धन के लोभ में आकर दुर्ग सिद्दीकोसौंप देनेवाला है, यह गुप्तवार्ता मिलनेपर कान्होजीने सिद्दी से युद्ध किया और अपने पराक्रम के बलपर सिद्दी को पराजित किया । सुवर्णदुर्ग का युद्ध जीतकर उन्होंने अपनी विजययात्रा आरंभ की और मुगलों के अधिकार से दुर्ग छीनने लगे । वर्ष १६९८ को नौदल सेनापति सिधोजी गुजरजी के निधनपर राजाराम महाराजने उन्हें नौदल अधिपति बनाया । वे आजीवन उस पद की प्रतिष्ठा बढाते रहे । मराठा – मुगल युद्ध में पूरा कोंकणतट कान्होजीने संभाला । अंग्रेज, पुर्तगाली, डच और सिद्दी को नाकों चने चबवाए । संपूर्ण सागरपर अपना वर्चस्व प्रस्थापित किया; इसी कारण उन्हें आगे चलकर सागरस्वामी शिवाजी कहकर पहचाना जाने लगा ।

अनुभवी योद्धा

कर्तृत्व, पराक्रम और स्वामीनिष्ठा की परंपरा कान्होजी को अपने पूर्वजों से ही मिलीथी । फिर भी स्वपराक्रम से, अपनी एक स्वतंत्र छाप उन्होंने इतिहास में छोडी है । छत्रपति राजाराम महाराज के काल में मराठों का अस्तित्व टिकाने का उत्तरदायित्त्व कान्होजीपर था । अपने अनुभव तथा कूटनीति से वे शत्रु का सामना कर रहे थे । उनकी योग्यता देखकर ही राजाराम महाराजने उन्हें ‘सागराधिपति’ यह सम्मानजनक पद दिया ।

कान्होजीने श्रीबाग का (अलिबाग) कुलाबा दुर्ग जीतकर उसे अपनी राजधानी बनाया ।१७०० को महारानी ताराबाईने (राजाराम महाराज की धर्मपत्नीने) भी इस महापराक्रमीवीर को सम्मानित करके सावंतवाडी से लेकर मुंबई तक का सागरीतट सुरक्षा के लिए उनके अधिकार में दिया । इस नए आव्हान के साथ कान्होजी को एक ही समय में विदेशियों तथा स्वदेशियोंके साथ युद्ध करना पड रहा था । १७०७ को मराठाराज्य में फूट पडने से उन्होंने अपना स्वतंत्र कार्यकाज चालू किया; परंतु आगे चलकर उनके बालमित्र बालाजीविश्वनाथ पेशवेजीने उन्हें सतारा के (छत्रपति शाहू महाराज) साथ संधि करने को सम्मत कर लिया ।

संपूर्ण सागरी सत्ता के रक्षक

कोंकण के साथ कच्छ, सौराष्ट्र से त्रावणकोर, कोचीन तक की सागरी सत्ता कान्होजी के हाथ में थी । सागरपर स्वैर संचार करनेवाले विदेशियोंपर प्रतिबंध लगा था ।वर्ष १६९८ से मराठा राज्य की संपूर्ण सागरी सत्ता कान्होजीं के हाथ में थी । उनकी अनुज्ञा के बिना कोई भी सागरीमार्ग से व्यापार नहीं कर सकता था । विदेशी सत्ताधीशोंने इसका प्रतिकार करने की ठान ली । सर्व विदेशी सत्ताधीश एक होकर, उन्होंने कान्होजी को समाप्त करने का प्रयास किया; परंतु उन्होंने सभी को पराजित किया । शत्रु के आक्रमणों का सामना करने के लिए उन्होंने दूरदृष्टि से पहले ही अनेकों से मित्रता के संबंध बनाए थे । इन्हींकी सहायता से उन्होंने अपना नौदल अधिक शस्त्रसज्ज किया । पुर्तगालियों की सहायता से ही शस्त्रनिर्मिति का उद्योगालय (कारखाना) और कुलाबा, विजयदुर्ग, सुवर्णदुर्गपर सुधारित पद्धति के जलयान (जहाज) बनाने के उद्योगालय खडे किए और बडी सुसज्जता के साथ कान्होजीने समुद्र तट अपने नियंत्रण में लिया ।

धार्मिक स्थलों के रक्षक

कान्होजी का युद्ध धार्मिक आक्रमण के विरोध में भी था । उन्होंने कोंकण तथापंढरपुर, आलंदी, जेजुरी, तुलजापुर के देवस्थानों को, मठ-मंदिरों को अग्रहार तथा धन भीअर्पण किया । छत्रपति शिवाजी महाराजजी की मृत्यु के पश्चात् भी औरंगजेब मराठीप्रदेश हस्तगत नहीं कर पाया; क्योंकि स्वराज्य की सुरक्षा में अनेक शूर मराठासेनानियों का योगदान था । कोंकणतटपर राजसत्ता का जागृत पहरा देनेवाले कान्होजी उन्हींमें से एक थे ४ जुलाई १७२९ तथा आषाढ कृ. पंचमी को कान्होजी ने संसार का त्याग किया । आज उनके स्मृतिदिनपर आईए, हम सभी मिलकर उनसे राष्ट्ररक्षा की प्रेरणा लेते हुए, उस अपराजित, महापराक्रमी योद्धा को वंदना करते हैं ।

Kanhoji Angre the undefeated admiral, and the island named in his honour

P. KRISHNA GOPINATH

The Kanhoji Angre lighthouse was built in 1766 after the British captured the island. | Photo Credit: Paul Noronha

The Mumbai Port Trust is giving Kanhoji Angre Island a tourist makeover

A barren hillock cast off from the Western Ghats as they taper down into the Arabian Sea, doomed to a life of solitude just 5 km off the Maharashtra coast, Kanhoji Angre Island makes for an unlikely tourist destination. A lighthouse — and not much else — operates from a historical fortress here. Drinking water is scarce.

Undaunted by the prospect, Mumbai Port Trust has plans to develop the island for tourism. Engineers have begun work on parks, walking tracks and restaurants. Sonkusaley, the engineer who oversees the public-private partnership project, tells me about 40% of the work is complete, and that the tempo will increase after the monsoon.

The name Kanhoji Angre catches my fancy. The island isn’t the only thing named in his honour — the Indian Navy’s Western Command is called INS Angre. History doesn’t reveal much about this shadowy admiral of the Maratha Navy who fought off the great Western navies. I decide I must learn more about this great sarkhel — admiral — who never lost a sea battle in his life.

Angre was born on the Konkan coast in 1668. So I hop onto a slow night train that takes me to a wayside station in Maharashtra’s Ratnagiri district, where sea and shore forever nudge each other.

The dark grey asphalt road beyond Dapoli goes downhill, past wooded slopes and thick groves of mangoes and coconut palms. The road runs along a sandy beach and ends at Harnai, a thriving fishing village. Here, the hills converge into an outcrop of craggy rocks that jut out into the sea in juxtaposition to an old fort.

Powers at sea

Harnai is Angre’s birthplace, and its location is historically important. Shivaji’s success on land tends to overshadow his strategic insight at sea; but, as Sir Jadhunath Sarkar said, his genius lay in founding the Maratha navy and naval bases to fight the Western powers at sea and prevent them from occupying the West coast.

It was in Harnai that Angre honed his seamanship. He was born here among the Kolis of the Ratnagiri coast, who with their rafts and country boats had engaged with the sea for centuries, making them ideal recruits for Shivaji’s navy.

The Harnai Kolis still go to sea — fishing continues to be the main occupation for the majority of the 8,000-strong population.

But today it is a prosperous place, with literacy at 86.18% and many youngsters finding work in Mumbai and Ratnagiri. And for most people, the Angre surname belongs to a hoary past.

Angre’s father, Tukhoji Angre, was a sarkhel in Shivaji’s naval service at Suvarnadurg fort, just across the water from Harnai. The Angre surname comes from their ancestral village, Angrawadi. Angre spent his formative years at the fort with his father, learning battle tactics and nautical manoeuvres.

Remarkable feat

Angre would go on to become sarkhel in his own right and defeat the Portuguese, Dutch and English at sea, never losing a battle — a remarkable feat considering how his smaller ships were outmatched by the blue water navies of the European powers.

Broadly speaking, his tactics at sea were similar to Shivaji’s on land — surprise and stealth. Making sudden, lethal strikes, he drew the much bigger enemy ships into the shallows where they would hit the rocks, and then pounded them with cannon fire, before getting on board for close combat. Victory ended in plunder. In its heyday the Maratha Navy levied chauth — tax — from every vessel that passed through the western waters.

Two decades and more

The sarkhel died in 1729; his last resting place is in Alibaug on the other side of the sea, beyond Thal. His death marked the end of Maratha naval supremacy. He had operated out of a fortress on Khanderi Island for the last 21 years of his life; it would one day be renamed Kanhoji Angre Island in his honour.

Old cannons in a bastion of the fort. | Photo Credit: P. Krishna Gopinath

The British captured the island, and in 1766 built the lighthouse that still stands sentinel.

It is 11 nautical miles to the island from the Gateway of India. In the 10 o’clock heat the sea is swelling in tidal waves. The hovercraft heaves. Soon the shoreline is invisible. ONGC’s bare rigs rise over the water like skeletons from another time. We cut through the navigational channel.

It is terribly lonely on the boulder-strewn 18-acre island. Much of the fortification has crumbled. The wind howls incessantly. Inside the bastion are two rusty cannons, still directed at imaginary enemies from the sea. In rains the island is cut off from the mainland.

Mr. Kokate, a short, dark man, is on duty on the day of my visit. He takes me up the steep spiral stairs to the top and patiently explains how the signal system works.

I wonder if satellite communication and electronic systems haven’t rendered lighthouses obsolete. Kokate says lighthouses are still foolproof and ships prefer to verify their courses visually.

It is high tide; time to go back. As we walk to the jetty, near the eastern ramparts of the fort, I see a structure with its façade painted brilliant orange and its doors framed in blue. This is the island’s Vetoba or Vetal temple. The Konkan Kolis worship Vetal, the god of ghosts.

As the yacht takes me back to Mumbai, the light fades. In the main channel a huge container ship placidly voyages towards Nava Shewa. It seems almost unmoving. As if a black wall of waves has risen from the seabed to anchor there till eternity. Is this why Kanhoji Angre’s people still appease ghosts?

The writer is a photography and classical music enthusiast.

https://www.thehindu.com/society/history-and-culture/kanhoji-angre-the-undefeated-admiral-and-the-island-named-in-his-honour/article27659323.ece

Laxman Naik

Full Name: Laxman Naik

Birth: 22 November 1898

Birthplace: Tentuliguma village, Koraput district (present-day Nabarangpur district), OdishaDeath/Martyrdom: Hanged by British on 29 March 1943 (some official records mention 16 August 1943 as the date of execution order) at Berhampur (now Brahmapur) Circle JailCommunity: Bhumia (Bhumij) – a recognised Scheduled Tribe of southern OdishaOccupation before 1942: Farmer, forest produce collector, village leader

Early Life and Background

Laxman Naik was born into a poor Bhumia tribal family in the thickly forested and hilly region of Koraput agency (then under Madras Presidency). Like most adivasis of the area, his family depended on shifting cultivation (podu), minor forest produce, and small-scale agriculture. He received no formal education but was respected in his village for his honesty, courage, and leadership qualities. By the 1930s he had emerged as a natural leader of the local Bhumia and other tribal communities.

Entry into Freedom Struggle

• 1930s: Influenced by Congress workers who visited Koraput agency area.
• 1937–38: Actively participated in the Congress campaign against the oppressive forest laws of the British and the Jeypore Maharaja.
• 1941–42: Became a close associate of senior Congress leaders of Koraput such as Sadashiva Tripathy, Radhakrushna Biswasray, and Biswanath Pattnaik.

Role in Quit India Movement (1942)

When Mahatma Gandhi gave the “Do or Die” call on 8 August 1942, Koraput was one of the few districts where the movement turned into a full-scale tribal rebellion, largely because of Laxman Naik.

Key actions led by Laxman Naik:

• Mobilised thousands of tribal peasants in Mathili, Tentuliguma, and Papadahandi areas.
• Organised complete boycott of forest officials and refusal to pay land revenue and forest taxes.
• Led processions carrying the tricolour and shouting “British Raj Murdabad”.
• Stopped forced labour (bethi/begari) and collection of minor forest produce for the colonial government.
• On 21 August 1942, a massive rally of over 5,000 adivasis was organised at Mathili.

The Mathili Police Firing & Martyrdom (21–24 August 1942)

• 21 August 1942: Laxman Naik led a procession to Mathili police station to submit a memorandum.
• British-armed police opened fire without warning, killing 42 tribals on the spot (including women and children) and injuring over 400. This is known as the Mathili Massacre.
• Laxman Naik was arrested the same day.
• A false case was foisted on him: he was accused of murdering a forest guard named G. Ramayya on 24 August 1942 (three days after his arrest, when he was already in custody).
• The trial was a complete sham. British officials pressured witnesses, and the Sessions Court sentenced him to death on 13 November 1942.
• The Madras High Court confirmed the death sentence on 16 March 1943.
• He was hanged inside Berhampur Circle Jail on 29 March 1943.

Laxman Naik refused to appeal for mercy and reportedly told the jail superintendent:

“If I am hanged for the crime of loving my country, I will consider it my good fortune.”

Legacy & Recognition

• The Government of India released a commemorative postage stamp in his honour in 2007.
• Laxman Naik College, Laxman Naik Stadium, and several schools and roads in Koraput and Nabarangpur districts are named after him.
• 29 March is observed as Shaheed Diwas in southern Odisha.
• He is officially recognised as one of the 12 major martyrs of Odisha in the freedom struggle.
• His statue stands at Mathili Chowk and at the Odisha Legislative Assembly premises.

Laxman Naik remains the most powerful symbol of tribal resistance against British colonialism in eastern India and is often called the “Birsa Munda of Odisha”.

Lahuji Salve

एक महान भारतीय क्रांतिकारी Lahuji Salve लहुजी सालवे जिन्होंने अपना जीवन अपने देश को आजाद करने के लिए समर्पित किया और मरते दम तक अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ लढते रहे। भारतीय स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में क्रांति की नयी मशाल जलाने वाले लहुजी सालवे जिन्होंने हजारो क्रांतिकारियों निर्माण किया।

Lahuji Salve Biography

नाम – लहूजी राघोजी सालवे

जन्म – 14 नवंबर 1794

( महाराष्ट्र राज्य शिक्षा बोर्ड 11 वीं की किताब मे उनका जन्म 1800 मे हुआ है ऐसा स्पष्ट किया है। )

माता – विठाबाई

पिता – राघोजी सालवे

मृत्यु – 17 फरवरी 1881

प्रारंभिक जीवन – Early life of Lahuji Salve

लहूजी राघोजी सालवे Lahuji Salve का जन्म एक बहादुर परिवार मे हुआ था। उनका जन्म मराठा साम्राज्य के पुरंदर किल्ले के क्षेत्र मे आनेवाले पेठ गाँव मे हुआ था। सालवे परिवार के वीर पुरुषों की बहादुरी देखकर शिवाजी राजा ने अपने कार्यकाल मे पुरंदर किल्ले की सुरक्षा की जिम्मेदारी लहूजी सालवे के दादाजी के ऊपर सौप दी थी।

सालवे परिवार युद्ध कला मे निपुण था। Lahuji Salve को अपने परिवार के वीर पुरुषों से ही युद्ध कला की सीख मिली थी। लहूजी बचपन से ही तलवारबाजी, घुड़सवारी, बंदूक चलाना और निशानेबाजी इन युद्ध कला मे निपुण थे।

लहूजी सालवे के पिता राघोजी सालवे एक बहादुर योद्धा थे अपनी बहादुरी के लिए वे उस समय प्रसिद्ध वीर पुरुष थे। एक दिन उन्होंने जंगल मे बाघ के साथ युद्ध करके जिंदा बाघ को पकडकर पेशवों के राजदरबार मे पेश किया था।

क्रांतिकारी कार्य – Revolutionary Work of Lahuji Salve

उस समय पूरे भारत मे अंग्रेजों की हुकूमत थी और देश मे अंग्रेजों का राज्य था। महाराष्ट्र राज्य के सिर्फ पुणे शहर का कारोबार पेशवों के हवाले था। अंग्रेज़ सरकार धीरे धीरे पुणे शहर को अपना निशाना बना रही थी और पुणे शहर को अपने कब्जे मे लाने की पूरी तैयारी कर रही थी।

सन 5 नवंबर, 1817 मे अंग्रेज़ और पेशवों के बीच पुणे के खड़की मे युद्ध हुआ। इस युद्ध मे लहूजी के पिता राघोजी सालवे और 22 साल के लहूजी ने अपना योगदान दिया और अपने जान की पर्वा न करते हुये अंग्रेज़ो के खिलाफ लढते रहे।

लहूजी के पिता राघोजी सालवे अंग्रेज़ो के बीच हुये इस युद्ध मे अपनी तलवार से अंग्रेजों का सर एक ही वार मे शरीर से अलग कर देते थे। राघोजी की बहादुरी और उनका क्रोध देखकर अंग्रेज़ घबराने लगे थे और अंग्रेजोंने अपने बचाव के लिए एक साथ राघोजी पर वार किया और राघोजी इस युद्ध मे शहीद हुये।

22 साल के Lahuji Salve को अपने पिता को अपने ही आंखो के सामने मरता देखकर बहुत क्रोध हुआ और अपने पिता की मृत्यु का बदला लेने के लिए उन्होंने उसी समय अंग्रेजों को देश के बाहर निकाल ने की और जीऊँगा तो देश के लिए और मरूँगा तो देश के लिए ऐसी शपथ ली। पेशवे इस युद्ध मे हार चुके थे।

सन 1818 मे पुणे के शनिवारवाडा से अंग्रेज सरकार ने मराठा साम्राज्य का ध्वज निकालकर अपना युनियन जैक का ध्वज शनिवारवाड़ा पे लहराया। देशभक्ति और अपने पिता की मृत्यु की आग मे जलने वाले Lahuji Salve ने बडी श्रद्धा के साथ अपने पिता की समाधि का निर्माण पुणे के वाकड़ेवाड़ी मे किया।

लहूजी ने यह जान लिया था की, अंग्रेज़ो के खिलाफ लड़ने के लिए शूर वीरोंकी जरूरत है। इसलिए लहूजी ने पुणे मे सैन्य प्रशिक्षण केंद्र का निर्माण किया। Lahuji Salve इस आखाडे मे कई सारे क्रांतिकारियों को युद्ध कला का प्रशिक्षण देने लगे थे।

लहूजी ने इस आखाडे मे कई सारे अछूत समाज के युआवों को भी भर्ती करवाया था और उन्हे भी युद्ध कला का प्रशिक्षण देने लगे थे। इस आखाडे मे वासुदेव बलवंत फडके, जोतिबा फुले, लोकमान्य तिलक, गोपाल गणेश आगरकर, और चाफेकर बंधू जैसे महान क्रांतिकारी भी प्रशिक्षण ले चुके थे।

मृत्यु – Death of Lahuji Salve

ऐसे महान क्रांतिकारी की मृत्यु 17 फरवरी 1881 हो गई। Lahuji Salve भारत देश की स्वतंत्रता के लिए जीवन भर अविवाहित रहे। उनकी समाधि पुणे शहर के संगमवाडी इलाके में है।

Libri.Ratnaji And Rangaji Thakore

Koli Freedom Fighters From Khadia, Gujarat

Ratnaji And Rangaji Thakor

Freedom fighters

Ratnaji Thakor And Rangaji Thakor Was Two Koli Brothers From Tajpur Village Near Ahmedabad.

Ratnaji Thakor And Rangaji Thakor Was Soldiers In The British Battalion At Shahibag Cantonment At Ahmedabad.

When 1857 Revolution Started , Ratnaji Thakor And Rangaji Thakor Led The Mutiny (Revolt) And Escaped With Firearms From British Army. They Became Rebels.

They Were Chased By British Battalion Under Captain Palm And Captain Tailor.

In The End, British Army Surrounded The Tajpur Village To Catch Koli Rebels Ratnaji Thakor And Rangaji Thakor. Ratnaji And Rangaji Thakor Were killed By British Bullets. They Laid Their Lives Fighting Against British.

khadia itihas samiti with the support of local administration & the proud residents of TAJPUR village celebrates the 9th august as the martyr day & day of remembrance of these great freedom fighters.

रत्नाजी ठाकोर और रंगाजी ठाकोर अहमदाबाद के पास ताजपुर गाव से दो कोली भाई थे। रत्नाजी ठाकोर और रंगाजी ठाकोर अहमदाबाद की शाहिबाग छावनी कि ब्रिटिश बटालियन में फोजी थे। जब 1857 कि क्रांति का आगाज हुआ तो कोली श्री रत्नाजी ठाकोर और कोली श्री रंगाजी ठाकोर ने अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ विद्रोह कर दिया और विद्रोह का नेतृत्व भी किया और अंग्रेजों ने उनको बागी घोषित कर दिया। रत्नाजी ठाकोर और रंगाजी ठाकोर के नेतृत्व में काफि कोली विद्रोह में शामिल हो गए। रत्नाजी ठाकोर और रंगाजी ठाकोर हथियारों के साथ अपने ताजपुर गाव आ गए और गांव वालों को भी इकट्ठा करने लगे। रत्नाजी ठाकोर और रंगाजी ठाकोर की देशभक्ति,जोश और जुनून को देखते हुए अंग्रेजों ने तूरंत ही ब्रिटिश बटालियन के साथ केपटन पाल्म (Captain Palm) और केपटन टैलर (Captain tailor) को ताजपुर गाव भेजा और किसी भी हालत में विद्रोह को दफन करने के आदेश दिए। केपटन पाल्म और केपटन टैलर ने पूरे ताजपुर गांव को चारों तरफ से घेर लिया और रत्नाजी ठाकोर और रंगाजी ठाकोर को पकड़कर विद्रोह को समाप्त करने के लिए कहा लेकिन रत्नाजी और रंगाजी नही माने। अंग्रेजों ने दोनों भाइयों को गोलीयों से भून दिया। दोनों भाई मात्रभूमि के लिए शहिद हो गए।

खाडीया इतिहास समिति हर वर्ष 9 अगश्त को कोली श्री रत्नाजी ठाकोर और रंगाजी ठाकोर की याद में शहिद दिवस बनाती है।

Ratnaji And Rangaji Thakore - Koli Freedom Fighters From Khadia, Gujarat

by Koli Prem Singhji Mahaur

Lakshmi Sahgal

From Wikipedia

Lakshmi Sahgal

Captain Lakshmi

Born

Lakshmi Swaminathan

24 October 1914

Pattambi, Malabar District, British India ( Present day Kerala , India )

Died 23 July 2012 (aged 97)

Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, India

Nationality Indian

Alma mater Queen Mary's College, Madras Medical College

Known for Revolutionist, independence activist, Marxist

Spouse(s) P. K. N. Rao ( - 1940)

Prem Kumar Sahgal (1947–1992) (his death)

Children Subhashini Ali, Anisa Puri

Lakshmi Sahgal (pronunciation (help·info)) (born Lakshmi Swaminathan) (24 October 1914 – 23 July 2012) was a revolutionary of the Indian independence movement, an officer of the Indian National Army, and the Minister of Women's Affairs in the Azad Hind government. Sahgal is commonly referred to in India as Captain Lakshmi, a reference to her rank when taken prisoner in Burma during the Second World War.

Early life

Sahgal was born as Lakshmi Swaminathan in Malabar present Anakkara, Pattambi In Kerala on 24 October 1914 to S. Swaminathan, a lawyer who practised criminal law at Madras High Court, and A.V. Ammukutty, better known as Ammu Swaminathan, a social worker and independence activist from an aristocratic Nair family known as "Vadakkath" family of Anakkara in Palghat, Kerala. She is the elder sister of Mrinalini Sarabhai.

Sahgal studied in Queen Mary's College and later chose to study medicine and received an MBBS degree from Madras Medical College in 1938. A year later, she received her diploma in gynaecology and obstetrics. She worked as a doctor in the Government Kasturba Gandhi Hospital located at Triplicane Chennai.

In 1940, she left for Singapore after the failure of her marriage to pilot P.K.N. Rao. During her stay at Singapore, she met some members of Subhas Chandra Bose's Indian National Army.

The Azad Hind Fauj

In 1942, during the surrender of Singapore by the British to the Japanese, Sahgal aided wounded prisoners of war, many of whom were interested in forming an Indian independence army. Singapore at this time had several nationalist Indians working there including K. P. Kesava Menon, S. C. Guha and N. Raghavan, who formed a Council of Action. Their Indian National Army, or Azad Hind Fauj, however, received no firm commitments or approval from the occupying Japanese forces regarding their participation in the war.

It was against this backdrop that Subhas Chandra Bose arrived in Singapore on 2 July 1943. Lakshmi had heard that Bose was keen to draft women into the organisation and requested a meeting with him from which she emerged with a mandate to set up a women’s regiment, to be called the Rani of Jhansi regiment. Women responded enthusiastically to join the all-women brigade and Dr. Lakshmi Swaminathan became Captain Lakshmi, a name and identity that would stay with her for life.

The INA marched to Burma with the Japanese army in December 1944, but by March 1945, with the tide of war turning against them, the INA leadership decided to beat a retreat before they could enter Imphal. Captain Lakshmi was arrested by the British army in May 1945, remaining in Burma until March 1946, when she was sent to India – at a time when the INA trials in Delhi heightened popular discontent with and hastened the end of colonial rule.

Later years

In 1971, Sahgal joined the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and represented the party in the Rajya Sabha. During the Bangladesh crisis, she organised relief camps and medical aid in Calcutta for refugees who streamed into India from Bangladesh. She was one of the founding members of All India Democratic Women's Association in 1981 and led many of its activities and campaigns She led a medical team to Bhopal after the gas tragedy in December 1984, worked towards restoring peace in Kanpur following the anti-Sikh riots of 1984 and was arrested for her participation in a campaign against the Miss World competition in Bangalore in 1996. She was still seeing patients regularly at her clinic in Kanpur in 2006, at the age of 92.

In 2002, four leftist parties – the Communist Party of India, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), the Revolutionary Socialist Party, and the All India Forward Bloc – nominated Sahgal as a candidate in the presidential elections. She was the sole opponent of A.P.J. Abdul Kalam, who emerged victorious.

Personal life

Sahgal married Prem Kumar Sahgal in March 1947 in Lahore. After their marriage, they settled in Kanpur, where she continued with her medical practice and aided the refugees who were arriving in large numbers following the Partition of India. They had two daughters: Subhashini Ali and Anisa Puri.

Subhashini is a prominent Communist politician and labour activist. According to Ali, Sahgal was an atheist. The filmmaker Shaad Ali is her grandson.

Death

On 19 July 2012, Sahgal suffered a cardiac arrest and died on 23 July 2012 at 11:20 A.M. at the age of 97 at Kanpur. Her body was donated to Ganesh Shankar Vidyarthi Memorial Medical College for medical research.

Awards

In 1998, Sahgal was awarded the Padma Vibhushan by Indian president K. R. Narayanan

Malayapuram Singaravelu

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Malayapuram Singaravelu

Born 18 February 1860

Madras, British India

Died 11 February 1946 (aged 85)

Madras, British India

Malayapuram Singaravelu (18 February 1860 – 11 February 1946), also known as M. Singaravelu and Singaravelar, was a pioneer in more than one field in India. In 1918, he founded the first trade union in India. On 1 May 1923 he organised the first ever celebration of May Day in the country. Singaravelar was a major leader of the Indian independence movement, initially under the leadership of Gandhi, but later, joining the budding communist movement. In 1925, he became one of the founding fathers of the Communist Party of India; and chaired its inaugural convention in Kanpur. Though the British Government arrested him along with other leaders on charges of conspiring to wage war against the Crown, he was set free, soon after, on account of his failing health. Singaravelar was also a path-breaking social reformer who in his early life took to Buddhism, seeing it as a weapon against the evil of untouchability, which was particularly severe in the 19th-century India. He was also in the forefront of Self respect movement, in the Madras Presidency that fought for equal rights for backward castes. Though in his advanced years, he withdrew from active politics, Singaravelar remained a staunch advocate of the causes he had pioneered till his death at the age of 85.

Early life

Singaravelar was born into a fisherman family, the third son of Venkatachalam and Valliammai in Madras (now called Chennai). He matriculated in 1881 and then, from Madras Christian College, he passed F.A. (First examination in Arts) in 1884. Singaravelar took his bachelor's degree from the Presidency College under the Madras University. He joined the Madras Law College and got his B.L. degree in 1907. Thereafter Singaravelar practised law at the Madras High Court.

In 1889, Singaravelar married Angammal. Their only daughter was Kamala. Seetha, his grand-niece, married Philip Spratt in 1939. Singaravelar was successful as a lawyer; within a short period, he earned enough wealth to acquire estates in Madras town and suburbs.

Singaravelar and Maha Bodhi Society

Around this time,Singaravelar had shown growing willingness to combat social evils such as untouchability. The leading voice of the oppressed classes at the end of the 19th century was Iyothee Thass(also referred to as Pandit C. Ayodhya Dasa and Iyothi Thass) (1845–1914). He was born into a fisherman family(most backward caste) and had concluded that rationalist ideas of Buddhism could be used as a weapon against untouchability. He and other oppressed class people from Tamil Nadu decided thence forth to call themselves Buddhist, and live accordingly. In 1890 he started Sakya Buddhist Society and later in 1900, South Indian Buddhist Association in Madras. Influenced by Iyothee Thass, Singaravelar also became growingly open to Buddhist ideas.

Anagarika Dharmapala, the Ceylonese Buddhist missionary founded the Maha Bodhi society for revival of Buddhism in 1891. Iyothee Thass and Col. Olcott of the Theosophical Society, Adyar in Madras, wanted to convene a meeting on Dharmapala's arrival in Madras. The meeting that took place on 8 August 1898 was held at Royapettah house of Singaravelar. Later on 28 September the Madras branch of the Maha Bodhi Society was inaugurated in the presence of a large gathering. At this meeting a resolution was moved by Singaravelar to form, in Madras, the first branch of the Maha Bodhi Society. Much later, in 1923, when Singaravelar issued the manifesto of his newly formed Party Labour and Kishan Party of Hindusthan, he signed it as 'M. Singaravelu (Indian communist) President, Madras Maha Bodhi Society'.

Singaravelar and early labor movement

In the history of working class movement in India, Madras came to occupy an important place when, within six months of the Russian Revolution, Singaravelar, on 27 April 1918, formed the first trade union in India, called the Madras Labor Union of the British-owned Buckingham & Carnatic Mills. Chettiiar became its first president. Singaravelar and other activists of the period, like Thiru Vi Ka (Tamil for 'Mr. V. K.' – standing for Mr. V. Kalyanasundaram) organised more unions such as M.S.M. Workers Union, Electricity Workers Union, Tramway Workers Union, Petroleum Employees Union, Printing Workers Union, Aluminium Workers Union, Railway Employees Union, Coimbatore Weavers Union and Madurai Weavers Union.

From their inception trade unions in Madras were drawn into long, and often bloody, confrontations with the management. According to the noted economist Amiya Kumar Bagchi,

Madras had led the trade union movement with the organisation of workers into Madras Labour Union, but the movement could not flourish in a region with abundant labour, slow industrial growth and employees who were determined not to make any concession to labour organisations.

Buckingham & Carnatic Mills workers' strike is a case in point. The management of the Mills did not even concede workers right to combine. The union was banned by the British authorities. A flash point occurred when a British manager threatened workers with a gun, which was snatched by workers and started firing back. The police came and opened fire killing two young workers.

Singaravelar, Thiru Vi Ka, and other leaders called for a strike on 21 June 1921. The management retaliated by instigating a caste war through recruitment of workers from 'low' castes to fill the strikers' vacancies. The strike turned into a caste war between two warring groups. On 29 August 1921, police firing near the Mills' premises in Perambur, near Madras, killed seven people. When their funeral procession was taken out some miscreants threw stones, leading to another round of caste violence. Two more firings – on 19 September and 15 October 1921 followed. After six months, the strike came to an end, failing to meet any of its objectives. From then Singaravelar started seeking political backing for the working class movement.

Aluminium workers in Madras struck work in July 1922. Singaravelar speaking in Tamil Nadu Congress Committee meeating in September 1922 said that the Indian National Congress should take up the cause of labour. Later he led a strike of workers of Addisons press. in December 1922 he was in the forefront of Madras Tramways workers strike.Singaravelar also presided over the strike of 30 August 1924 by the scavengers of Madras Corporation.

Singaravelar's contact with émigré communists

Singaravelar attracted the attention of the émigré Communist Party of India, which was founded by M. N. Roy, Shaukat Usmani and others in Tashkent on 17 October 1920. Describing the formation of earliest communist groups in India, S. A. Dange is quoted as below:

The Tashkent Party (ie. CPI) and the Executive Committee of the Communist International tried to build contacts independently and through me with communist group in Calcutta led by Muzaffar Ahmed and the group in Madras led by M. Singaravelu.

Abani Mukherji, a close associate of M.N. Roy, smuggled himself to India from Moscow via Berlin in December 1922 and surreptitiously met local communist leaders. After meeting Dange at the Gaya session of the Congress in December 1922, and meeting Bengal communist groups, Mukherji moved to Madras and met Singaravelar. Mukherji helped him with his efforts to form Hindustan Labour Kishan Party and also to draw up its manifesto. Earlier Singaravelar had met Dange at the Gaya session of the Congress.

Singaravelar and the Congress

When Gandhi launched non-cooperation movement starting from September 1920 to February 1922 Singaravelar accepted Gandhi's leadership and became one of the influential leaders of the Presidency Congress Party. He set fire to his lawyer's gown at a public meeting in May 1921 as symbolic of boycotting the British courts. In May 1921, he wrote a letter to Mahatma Gandhi explaining his action, "I have given up my profession as a lawyer today. I shall follow you as you strive for the people of this country."

An important event of the period was the visit of Prince of Wales and his consort to India. When they came to Madras, Singaravelar organised the boycott of the delegation through an unprecedented hartal or complete shutdown of shops and establishments of the town. The shutdown was complete, but there were instances of compulsion.

Gandhi in an article in Young India, dated 9 February 1922 criticized the hartal and Singaravelar for not imbibing the true spirit of non-cooperation movement. He quoted a letter from one of his disciples, Dr. Rajan:

Just two days ago, Mr. Singaravelu Chettiar, president Madras District

Congress Council, held a public meeting on the Madras beach. The first resolution congratulated the citizens of Madras on their successful hartal and

the second resolution condemned the excesses committed that day.

I wired to Mr. Singaravelu not to have this ugly meeting but evidently no notice seems to have been taken of it

Gandhi's comment on the passage was,

The confession, therefore, that Dr. Rajan has made is an

invigorating process. It strengthens him and the cause for which he stands. Non-co-operation is a vicious and corrupt doctrine, truly an "ugly" word, if it does not mean down-right self-purification. Stubborn and implacable resistance against internal corruption is

enough resistance against the Government.
Singaravelar in Gaya congress convention

When the Indian National Congress met in Gaya, in 1922,Singaravelar participated, seeing himself as a representative of workers. He spoke in favour of labour legislation and felt that the labour movement in India must be a part of the congress movement. M. N. Roy praised him for calling himself a communist, in Vanguard dated 1 March 1923

That Singaravelu participated in the Gaya Congress Meeting in which people with different ideas took part will be considered a historic event. When many leaders were afraid that their honour and respect as important leaders will be lost and young men were afraid of the steps that the government would take, this sixty-year-old grey-haired elder called him a communist". It is impossible not to praise him.

The theme of his speech was that "it is necessary approach the workers personally and make Trade Unions a part of the Congress." Following his speech, the Gaya meeting adopted the Labor Resolution that said,

It is the opinion of this conference that all Indian Labourers should be united. To safeguard their rights and prevent their exploitation and for equal distribution of wealth among all, the various labour and kisan unions should be unified and for this purpose, a committee of six has been constituted.

The first May Day in India

On 1 May 1923, Singaravelar founded the Labour Kishan Party of Hindusthan(a party of workers and peasants) in Madras. The foundation ceremony was purposefully kept on the May Day; and for the first time in India, under the auspices of the newly formed party, the day was observed as International Workers' Day. On that occasion, again for the first time the red flag was used in India. Singaravelar made arrangements to celebrate the May Day in two places in the One meeting was held at the beach opposite to the Madras High Court; the other was held at the Triplicane beach. The Hindu newspaper, published from Madras reported,

The Labour Kisan party has introduced May Day celebrations in Chennai. Comrade Singaravelar presided over the meeting. A resolution was passed stating that the government should declare May Day as a holiday. The president of the party explained the non-violent principles of the party. There was a request for financial aid. It was emphasised that workers of the world must unite to achieve independence.

Labour Kishan Party of Hindusthan

Labour Kishan Party of Hindusthan was a part of a larger, but not inter-connected, moves by various Indian communist groups to find a mass-based political platform. Dange, for instance, wrote to M. N. Roy of the émigré Communist Party of India and a leader of the Comintern, regarding his desire to start a Socialist Labour Party of India. In reply, Roy explained the relation between émigré Communist Party of India and 'mass party of revolutionary nationalist struggle',and further said that "each of the Indian "centres" produced a separate scheme and it was some time before they could agree to combine." Roy was probably referring to Singaravelar's proposal to start a similar party. Same year Dange wrote in his journal Socialist that all his activities were now a part of the Labour Kishan Party of Hindusthan and he asked for opening up of its branches everywhere.

Singaravelar announced that it would join the Indian National Congress and would strive to function as the labour and farmer wing of that party. Labour Kishan Party was a precursor to Workers and Peasants Party of 1925 that would function within the Congress, as a left wing platform for the same. In the manifesto of the party Singaravelar described Congress 'our chief political organ, appear to define "nation" by referring to propertied class

In December 1923 Singaravelar started a fortnightly journal called The Labour Kisan Gazette. Singaravelar also started the Tamil Weekly Thozhilalar in which he wrote about the working class movements spreading in various parts of the world during the early part of the 1920s.

In 1925, Singaravelar was elected as a member of the Madras Corporation. On Singaravelar's initiative first ever mid-day meal scheme was introduced in Madras for providing cooked meals to children in corporation schools.

Formation of Communist Party of India

In the Gaya congress session of 1922, the president of the session, C. R. Das moved a resolution for 'Council-Entry programme,' that is, 'Non-Cooperation from within the Councils.' He however met with vehement opposition from the Mahatma and the 'no-changers'. C. Rajagopalachari led the Council-Entry opposition. The resolution lost. M. N. Roy wrote,

It has been proved at Gaya, if proof were still needed, that the National. struggle can be led, neither by the reactionary petty-bourgeoisie acting through the orthodox “No-Changers” under the divine guidance of St. Rajagopal, nor by the radical intellectuals desirous of harking back to the folds of Constitutionalism, under the guise of loyalty to the memory of Tilak. Between these two centripetal forces, Bengal's “Sentimental Tommy”(C.R. Das) croaked. Before he could wreck the Councils, the Councils wrecked him. What is to be done? A new party must be organised.

Early communists like Dange, Singaravelar, M. N. Roy's associate, Abani Mukherji, a deportee from Fiji and a lawyer Manilal Doctor were present at the Gaya session and saw Gandhi's support to the 'no-changers.' Efforts to form a unified platform intensified. On 29 January 1923, Dange wrote to Singaravelar that,

You perhaps know that Roy wants to hold a conference of Indian Communists in Berlin. I think it is a mad venture Indians to go hunting Communism in European Conference, whatever has to be done must be done in India.

Kanpur Bolshevik Conspiracy case

In January 1924 the Government of India compiled a brief on activities of communists in India. The Government Counsel recommended prosecution against the first eight in the list, namely, M. N. Roy, Muzaffar Ahmed, Shaukat Usmani Gulam Hussain, S. A. Dange, Singaravelu, Ramcharan Lal Sharma and Nalini Gupta. But no recommendations were made against S. D. Hussain, M. P. T. Velayudham (an associate of Singaravelar), Sampurnand, Manilal Doctor and Satya Bhakta.[22] The report was submitted to the Governor General and on further legal scrutiny some lacunae were found. The scope of the case was revised to bring in a conspiracy angle: that the Third Communist International had appointed Roy as its agent and had instructed him to establish a communist party with the help of Shaukat Usmani, S. A. Dange, Singaravelu, Gulam Hussain and Muzaffar Ahmed.

As the charges were getting framed Dange and Singaravelar were arrested under Regulation III of 1918 that allowed detention without trial in August 1923. Subsequently, Muzaffar Ahmed (Calcutta), Shaukat Usmani (Kanpur) and Gulam Hussain (Lahore) were arrested. On 20 December 1923 Nalini Gupta was also arrested under the same regulation. Roy evaded arrest since he was abroad. Ramcharan Lal Sharma was not arrested because he had migrated to the French territory of Pondicherry due to police harassment.

On 17 March 1924 cases were framed against the accused in what was called the Cawnpore (now spelt Kanpur) Bolshevik Conspiracy case. The specific charge was that they as communists were seeking "to deprive the King Emperor of his sovereignty of British India, by complete separation of India from imperialistic Britain by a violent revolution." Out of the six accused in custody only four—S. A. Dange, Shaukat Usmani, Muzaffar Ahmed and Nalini Gupta—were produced. Singaravelar, now 64, was confined to bed due to illness. He was later released on bail. Gulam Hussain was pardoned after he confessed that he had received money in Kabul.

The case attracted interest of the people towards Comintern plan to bring about violent revolution in India. Communist trials had taken place in India, in frontier towns like Peshawar where Russian trained muhajir communists were put on trial. "But no case had attracted public gaze like the Kanpur case. Pages of newspapers daily splashed sensational communist plans and people for the first time learned such a large scale about communism and its doctrines and the aims of the Communist International in India." Names of accused like S.A. Dange, Muzaffar Ahmed, Shaukat Usmani and Singaravelu Chettiar came to be recognised across the country.

First communist conference

In 1924, shortly after the Kanpur Conspiracy Case, Satyabhakta, a Congress worker in the United Provinces had decided to organise a 'legal' Communist Party, that is, a party that would not attract treasonable charges such as in the Kanpur case. Initially no significant notice was taken of Satyabhakta's venture, but when Nalini Gupta was released from the jail (July 1925) and later when Muzaffar Ahmed was released in September on grounds of poor health, their interest fell on Satyabhakta's party for organizational work—in the absence of any other structure. Satyabhakta then announced a communist conference in DeMarxistcember 1925, at Kanpur, to be concurrently held with Indian National Congress convention. His idea was to demarcate himself from the existing communist groups. N. N. Roy was skeptical when he wrote in the October 1925 issue of his magazine,Masses of India that

It is premature to say that what shape this 'Communist Party' will ultimately assume and how far it is going to be Communist in Programme and actions.

The conference was held on 25–26 December 1925. Singaravelu Chettiar was elected to preside over the session. The meeting adopted a resolution for the formation of the Communist Party of India. According to the Constitution, the object of the Party was, to quote,

establishment of workers' and peasants' republic based on socialisation of means of production and distribution, by the liberation of India from British imperialist domination.

The British Government's extreme hostility towards communists, made them to decide not to openly function as a communist party; instead, they chose a more open and non-federated platform, under the name the Workers and Peasants Parties.

Singaravelar and railway employees' strike

Employees of various railway systems in India, the North-Western Railway, Bengal Nagpur Railway, and The East Indian Railway went on to strike demanding better working conditions and for better treatment by the management.Singaravelar went on a tour to north India to extend his support to the striking railway employees. In February 1927 he reached Bhopal and met the striking workers. In Howrah and Bengal 30,000 workers were on strike. Singaravelar along with a group of workers from Madras State also took part in the strike.

South Indian Railway Strike

After returning from his North Indian tour Singaravelar was drawn into another railway employees' strike. In 1927, the workers of the South Indian Railways were resisting measures by the management to retrench them through a fresh assessment of their skills. Also the management had decided relocating employees working in different railway workshops to one near Tiruchirapalli(Trichy). The workers demanded the withdrawal of both these measures. When the management refused to accede to their demands, the workers went on strike from 19 July 1928. All the railway employees, irrespective of their seniority, joined the strike. from 21 July 1928 the trains were stilled.

The strike eventually failed. Singaravelar along with a prominent leader of the strike, Sakkarai Chettiar, and a number of employees were arrested.Singaravelar was sentenced the ten years imprisonment, which was reduced to 18 months on appeal.

Singaravelar and the self-respect movement



The statue of Singaravelu Chettiar, on the side of a busy street in Puducherry.

Singaravelar felt that E. V. Ramasamy's self-respect movement (that advocated for upliftment of intermediate castes and opposing upper castes viz. the brahmins) and the communist movement should work together to save the Tamil labour forces from the clutches of both religious and economic exploiters. This appealed to Naicker and he published Singaravelar's contributions in his magazine,Kudiyarasu. In 1931, Naicker undertook a journey to Soviet Russia and other European countries. On his return, he invited Singaravelar to Erode for discussions. Naicker convened a meeting of the movement at his residence on 28–29 December 1932, and drew out what was called the Erode Plan. Naicker had taken a decision to support pro-British Justice Party and to oppose the Indian National Congress in the elections that followed. Unlike Congress, the Justice Party had agreed to implement a policy of appointments to government jobs in proportion to caste ratios, as demanded by the leaders of the self-respect movement.

Significance of Singaravelar's association with the self-respect movement is brought out by Karthigesu Sivathamby, a prominent Tamil scholar from Sri Lanka who has closely studied the social movements in Madras province,

By this time the rationalist movement, through its association with the world socialist movement, was becoming more scientific. It was not merely rationalism in the Ingersolian sense. It was becoming more and more scientific... promotion of socialism, and so on. And this is seen in the immediate tie-up of M. Singaravelu Chettiar and Periyar

Mungri or Malati Mem

Report of the Enquiry Committee of Freedom Fighters of Assam/ Newspapers, Souvenir, Magazines, Books, Government Reports, Personal Statements of Freedom Fighters. 430 (1) List of the Women Freedom Fighters of Assam who sacrificed their lives in India's struggle for Independence (1921-1947);

Mungri alias Malati Mem# Lalmati, Darrang : Killed by Government supporters at Lalmati in Darrang district in 1921 for helping the Congress volunteers in their Prohibition campaign.

Mungri or Malati Mem, a woman labourer of Lalmati tea garden of Tezpur also helped the volunteers carry out the prohibition work among the garden people. But finally she was killed in a police encounter. Mungri or Malati Mem is said to be the first woman martyr of Assam in the freedom struggle of India.

महंगू राम

आजादी के जश्न में जरा याद इन्हें भी कर लो

15 Aug 2017

देश को आजाद हुए 70 साल पूरे हो चुके हैं। आज हम अपनी आजादी का 71 वां जश्न मना रहे हैं।

रोहतास। देश को आजाद हुए 70 साल पूरे हो चुके हैं। आज हम अपनी आजादी का 71 वां जश्न मना रहे हैं। आज के दिन हम उन क्रांतिकारी व वीर शहीदों को याद करते हैं, जिन्होंने इस देश को आजाद कराने के संघर्ष में अपनी कुर्बानी देने के लिए एक बार भी नहीं सोचा। हंसते-हंसते स्वतंत्रता की बलिवेदी पर अपने प्राणों की आहुति दे दी। इतिहास के पन्नों में उन क्रांतिकारियों के नाम स्वर्णाक्षरों में अंकित हैं। लेकिन कुछ क्रांतिकारी ऐसे भी हैं, जिन्होंने छात्र जीवन में ही आजादी की लड़ाई में उतना ही संघर्ष किया, लेकिन उनकी कुर्बानी सिर्फ इतिहास के पन्नो में सिमटकर रह गई है। कहीं कोई चर्चा करने वाला तक नहीं। यहां तक कि उस आंदोलन के दौरान हंसते हुए अंग्रेजों की गोलियों को सीने पर खाने वाले जिले के छह सपूतों का स्मारक भी उपेक्षित पड़ा हुआ है।

सासाराम में धधकी थी अगस्त क्रांति की ज्वाला :

1942 की अगस्त क्रांति की ज्वाला में जब देश में हर तरफ अंग्रेजों के विरुद्ध बगावत का स्वर बुलंद हो रहा था, उस समय जिले में भी क्रांति की ज्वाला धधक रही थी। 11 अगस्त को सासाराम के छात्र व नौजवानों का विशाल समूह जनक्रांति में बदल गया। रेलवे स्टेशन जला दिया गया। संचार व्यवस्था भंग कर दी गई और सरकारी कार्यालयों पर तिरंगा लहरा दिया गया। 12 अगस्त को डॉ. रामसुभग ¨सह के नेतृत्व में हजारों छात्रों के आने से क्रांति हुंकार भरने लगी। टाउन हाईस्कूल के गेट पर सूर्यमल, तारा ¨सह, जगदीश प्रसाद, निरंतर ¨सह, रामनाथ रस्तोगी व इंद्रदमन पाठक के नेतृत्व में छात्रों ने धरना देकर स्कूल बंद करा दिया। लेकिन अंग्रेजों से सहानुभूति रखने वाले एक सिद्दिकी नामक शिक्षक ने छात्रों में फूट पैदा कर दी। इस पर नियंत्रण के लिए 13 अगस्त को दानापुर से फौजियों का दल आ धमका। एसडीएम मार्टिन ने भीड़ पर लाठी चार्ज करा दिया। बचरी निवासी जगदीश प्रसाद नामक छात्र को सीधे गोली मार दी। जिससे भीड़ ¨हसक हो गई। धर्मशाला चौक पर गोरी फौज व विद्रोहियों में भयंकर मुठभेड़ हो गई। यहां हुई फाय¨रग में आजादी के तीन दीवाने सासाराम के महंगू राम, जगन्नाथ राम चौरसिया व कउपा के जयराम ¨सह गोली खाकर शहीद हो गए। इसके अलावा दो अन्य लक्ष्मण अहीर व बंशी प्रसाद वकील ने भी अपनी शहादत दी थी।

जिले के अन्य भागों में भी हुआ विद्रोह :

10 अगस्त को डेहरी हाई स्कूल के छात्रों ने विद्यालय का बहिष्कार कर दिया। 13 अगस्त को डालमियानगर में किसान, मजदूर व छात्र संगठनों ने विशाल प्रदर्शन किया। रेलवे स्टेशन में आग लगा दी गई, मालगोदाम लूट लिया गया। उसी दिन तिलौथू में छात्र नेता ब्रजबिहारी दूबे के नेतृत्व में छात्रों ने हड़ताल कर डाकखाना जला दी। ढाई माह तक रोहतास, अकबरपुर, बंजारी व कैमूर के पर्वतीय क्षेत्रों में घूम-घूमकर क्रांति की ज्वाला फैलाते रहे। 11 अगस्त को अकबरपुर में परमानंद मिश्र के नेतृत्व में बकनउरा गांव में धरमू ¨सह, शिवविलास श्रीवास्तव, सरयू प्रसाद अग्रवाल समेत अन्य लोगों ने थाने पर धावा बोल कब्जा कर लिया। लेकिन 12 अगस्त को ये सभी गिरफ्तार कर लिए गए।

उपेक्षित है स्मारक :

स्वतंत्रता के इन अमर सेनानियों का स्मारक आज उपेक्षा का शिकार है। स्मारक के चारों ओर ठेला-खोमचा वालों का अघोषित कब्जा है। दुकानदारों द्वारा फलों के छिलके व कचरे स्मारक के पास फेंक दिए जा रहे हैं। स्मारक पर 15 अगस्त व 26 जनवरी को माल्यार्पण की रस्मअदायगी भर की जाती है। अधिकतर लोगों को शायद यह भी नहीं मालूम कि वे जहां खड़ा होकर गंदगी फैला रहे हैं, उस जगह पर देश को आजाद कराने के लिए आजादी के मतवालों ने कभी अपने खून की होली खेली थी।

Posted By: Jagran

मदारी पासी

अवध में किसानों के विद्रोह के अगुआ रहे मदारी पासी ने ऊंची जाति के जमींदारों और उन्हें संरक्षण देने वाले अंग्रेजों की नाक में दम कर रखा था। उनके नेतृत्व में हुए इस विद्रोह के बारे में अंग्रेजी अखबारों में जिक्र मिलता है, लेकिन भारत के द्विजों ने उनके संघर्ष, साहस और योगदानों को दर्ज करना भी मुनासिब नहीं समझा। बता रहे हैं सुभाष चन्द्र कुशवाहा :

BY SUBHASH CHANDRA KUSHWAHA

एका आंदोलन और मदारी पासी : हरदोई का किसान विद्रो

अवध किसान आंदोलन के नायकों में मदारी पासी निराले और हाशिये के समाज के विरले नायक हैं। गरीब किसानों की बेदखली, लगान और अनेक गैर कानूनी करों से मुक्ति के लिए उन्होंने संगठित और विद्रोही आंदोलन चलाया था। जब दक्षिणी अवध प्रांत का उग्र किसान आंदोलन सरकार और जमींदारों के क्रूर दमन के कारण 1921 के मध्य में दबा दिया गया था तथा असहयोग आंदोलनकारियों द्वारा निगल लिया गया था, ठीक उसी समय, मदारी पासी का ‘एका आंदोलन’ हरदोई जिले के उत्तरी और अवध के पश्चिमी जिलों में 1921 के अंत में और 1922 के प्रारम्भ में प्रकाश में आया।

मदारी पासी की कोई भी तस्वीर उपलब्ध नहीं है। उत्तर प्रदेश के हरदोई जिले के मोहनखेड़ा में उनकी स्मृति में चबूतरा का निर्माण किया गया है

ब्रिटिश अखबार ‘द ग्लासगो हेराल्ड’, मार्च 10, 1922 और ‘द डेली मेल’, मार्च 10, 1922 ने यह समाचार छापा-

‘‘एका’’ का विकास हरदोई का एका आंदोलन निःसंदेह खतरनाक है लेकिन एक पल के लिए यह उतना चिंताजनक नहीं माना जा सकता । इसके अपील की नवीनता, अशिक्षित जनता की कल्पना है । मदारी पासी उसके नेताओं में से एक है जो चार आना प्रति की दर से टिकट बेच रहा है। माना यह जा रहा है कि यह धारक (टिकट धारक) को स्वराज मिलने पर भूमि का अधिकार प्रदान करेगा। इस आंदोलन को करने के लिए कुछ ब्राह्मणों द्वारा धार्मिक स्वरूप प्रदान किया गया है और व्यवहार में गंगा जल लेकर एकता कायम रखने का संकल्प लिया गया है। कई उदाहरण देखे गए हैं जब लोगों ने एका के शपथ को लेने से इन्कार किया लेकिन उन्हें शपथ लेने के लिए मजबूर किया गया । कुछ गांवों में एका वालों ने पंचायतों का गठन कर लिया है और एक गांव में, जहां राजनैतिक वातावरण एक हद तक उत्तेजित है, उन्होंने अपना कमिशनर, डिप्टी कमिश्नर, पुलिस अधीक्षक और शहर कोतवाल का गठन कर लिया है। असहयोग आंदोलनकारियों के भी कुछ हद तक इस नये आंदोलन के विकास पर चिंतित होने की सूचना है जो उनके नियंत्रण से बाहर हो रहा है । जमींदार आशंकित हैं कि नये ‘एका वालो’ं का उद्देश्य उन्हें उनकी रियासत से बेदखल करना है। वे सोच रहे हैं कि यह आंदोलन निश्चय ही क्रांति और अराजकता की ओर बढ़ रहा है। विश्वास किया जा रहा है कि जिले में जो एक हजार से ज्यादा गैर लाइसेंसी हथियार हैं वे अगर एका वालों के कब्जे में आ गये तो गंभीर परिणाम हो सकते हैं।’’

द ग्लासगो हेराल्ड, मार्च 10, 1922 और द डेली मेल, मार्च 10, 1922

‘द स्काॅट्समैन’ ने शनिवार, 11 मार्च 1922 को दो समाचार प्रकाशित किए थे। उन समाचारों के अनुसार, मदारी पासी शुरू में गांव की चौकीदारी करने का खानदानी काम करते थे। अखबार के अनुसार वह पूर्व अपराधी थे।

ब्रिटिश सरकार मदारी पासी से जितना भयभीत थी उतना किसी अन्य किसान नेता से नहीं । यही कारण है कि बाबा रामचन्द्र का नाम किसी भी ब्रिटिश अखबार में देखने को नहीं मिलता जबकि मदारी पासी पर अनेक अखबारों में गंभीरता से समाचार मिलते हैं। लंदन का एक अखबार लिखता है कि ‘यह आंदोलन हरदोई, बाराबंकी, सीतापुर और शाहजहांपुर में फैला था। इस आंदोलन के तेवर को देख प्रशासन में डर समा चुका था कि जल्द यह पूरे संयुक्त प्रांत में फैल जायेगा। जमींदारों का साफ कहना था कि वे इस संगठन के आतंकी गतिविधियों से डरे हुए हैं। एका आंदोलन का मुख्य हथियार सामाजिक बहिष्कार था। जमींदारों और टैनेन्ट्स के बीच संबंध खराब करने के अलावा इस आंदोलन के आंदोलनकारी, सरकार के विरुद्ध घृणास्पद भाषण दे रहे थे और उनमें से ज्यादा अविवेकी खुलेआम हिंसा की वकालत कर रहे थे। ‘द स्काॅट्समैन’ (शनिवार, 11 मार्च 1922) के अनुसार एक वर्ष पूर्व के अवध किसान विद्रोह की तुलना में एका आंदोलन ज्यादा गंभीर था।

लेखक सुभाष चंद्र कुशवाहा की पुस्तक ‘अवध का किसान विद्रोह(1920-1922)’ में है मदारी पासी के बारे में विस्तृत जानकारी

एका आंदोलन की क्रांतिकारी शुरुआत 28 दिसम्बर, 1921 को मलेहरा गांव से ही हुई । गांव के जिलेदार के घर को किसानों ने घेर लिया । यह घेराव अवैध कर वसूली को लेकर था । घेराव में 500 के आसपास किसानों ने भाग लिया था। इस घेराव को स्टेट की सेना ने कुचल दिया ।

एका आंदोलन ने जल्द ही क्रांतिकारी रूप अख्तियार कर लिया। किसानों के क्रांतिकारी तेवर देख भू-स्वामियों की हिफाजत के लिए एक बार फिर शहरी कांग्रेसी सक्रिय हुए । 14 फरवरी को किशन लाल नेेहरू अतरौली गये और गांधीवादी तरीके से किसानों और जमींदारों में एका स्थापित करने का प्रयास किया । उन्होंने किसान आंदोलन में जमींदारों को शामिल करने का प्रयास किया जिससे विरोध कम हो सके। कांग्रेसियों के इस प्रयास को मदारी पासी ने सफल नहीं होने दिया । उसने असहयोगियों की राय मानने से मना कर दिया । वह जानता था कि असहयोग आंदोलनकारियों के संबंध जमींदारों से थे । दरअसल किसान इस स्थिति में आ चुके थे कि अपने आंदोलन का नेतृत्व खुद कर सकें।

मदारी पासी, (चित्रकार शशिधर झा, 2018)

एका आंदोलन में कोई भी नाई सब डिवीजनल मजिस्ट्रेट तक की सेवा करने को तैयार न था। यहां भी किसानों ने समानान्तर सत्ता गठन करना शुरू किया । उन्होंने अपने अधिकारी स्वयं नियुक्त कर लिए । कांग्रेसियों ने एका आंदोलन को रोकने का हर प्रयास किया मगर तेजी से फैलते एका आंदोलन को रोकने में विफल रहे । हरदोई काॅन्सट्यूशनल लीग, जो जमींदारों और वकीलों का एक संगठन था, ने 22 फरवरी 1922 को एका आंदोलन से उत्पन्न स्थिति पर विचार किया था। इन लोगों ने एका आंदोलन की उत्पत्ति को बुरे आचरण और गैर जिम्मेदार लोगों का कृत्य बताया था। इससे यह सिद्ध होता है कि मदारी पासी द्वारा शुरू किया गया एका आंदोलन इतना प्रभावी था कि जमींदारों का वहां वश नहीं चलता था। हरदोई के जमींदार एक बार फिर 25 फरवरी, 1921 को संडीला में इकट्ठा हुए । उन्होंने बुरे आचरण वालों अर्थात एका वालों से सुरक्षा देने की मांग सरकार से की । उन्होंने स्वयं की सुरक्षा के लिए सिविल गार्ड बनाने का निर्णय लिया।

मदारी पासी के जीवन के बारे में

मदारी पासी, पुत्र श्री मोहन पासी, ग्राम-मोहनखेड़ा, मजरा-इटौंजा, तहसील- सण्डीला, जनपद-हरदोई के रहने वाले थे । अनुमान किया जाता है कि मदारी पासी का जन्म 1860 के आसपास हुआ था। मदारी पासी की मृत्यु लगभग 70 वर्ष की आयु में 1930 के आस-पास हुई थी। सुमित सरकार ने भी उल्लेख किया है कि जून 1922 में मदारी पासी गिरफ्तार हो गये थे। इस तथ्यों की पुष्टि किसी भी अन्य श्रोत से नहीं होती है । ब्रिटिश रिकाॅर्ड और तत्कालीन अखबारों की रिपोर्ट यही बताती है कि वे कभी गिरफ्तार नहीं हुए । अगर वह गिरफ्तार हुए होते और उन पर मुकदमा चला होता तो उसका रिकाॅर्ड उपलब्ध होता। मदारी पासी के एका आंदोलन में अहीर, गड़ेरिया, तेली, पासी, चमार, काछी, आरख और गद्दी जैसी उपेक्षित जातियां भाग ले रही थीं।

एका आंदोलन एवं मदारी पासी के दो सहयोगियों-सोहराब और इशरबदी का भी नाम आता है लेकिन इनके बारे में बहुत जानकारी उपलब्ध नहीं हो पाती । मदारी पासी के एका आंदोलन से हरदोई के प्रसिद्ध क्रांतिकारी शिव वर्मा के जुड़े होने का उल्लेख शिव वर्मा की किताब ‘मौत के इंतजार में’ शहीद स्मारक प्रकाशन, पुराना किला, लखनऊ, के पीछे के मुख्य पृष्ठ पर किया गया है । शिव वर्मा भगत सिंह से जुड़े हुए थे । जैसा कि अंतिम दिनों में मदारी पासी के भगत सिंह के पार्टी हिन्दुस्तान सोशलिस्ट रिपब्लिकन एसोसियशन में शामिल होने का संदर्भ मिलता है तो वह शिव वर्मा के सहयोग से संभव हुआ था।

(कॉपी एडिटर : नवल)

फारवर्ड प्रेस वेब पोर्टल के अतिरिक्‍त बहुजन मुद्दों की पुस्‍तकों का प्रकाशक भी है। एफपी बुक्‍स के नाम से जारी होने वाली ये किताबें बहुजन (दलित, ओबीसी, आदिवासी, घुमंतु, पसमांदा समुदाय) तबकों के साहित्‍य, सस्‍क‍ृति व सामाजिक-राजनीति की व्‍यापक समस्‍याओं के साथ-साथ इसके सूक्ष्म पहलुओं को भी गहराई से उजागर करती हैं। एफपी बुक्‍स की सूची जानने अथवा किताबें मंगवाने के लिए संपर्क करें। मोबाइल : +919968527911, ईमेल : info@forwardmagazine.in

MOJE RIBA

A prominent martyr of India’s Freedom struggle.

Moje Riba was a patriot and one of the noblest sons of our motherland. Because he was always ready to help others, people lovingly called him Aboh Nyiji (Old father of all). Born sometime in 1890’s to Late Gomo Riba at Daring Village (now Dari), under Basar circle, West Siang area, he possessed a magnetic personality and a lion’s heart.

The villagers of Daring village made him GB (Gaon Burah) of their village. It is said that

he traded and sold cane products to his Hindi-speaking friends crossing the mighty River Brahmaputra at Dibrugarh. There he heard of the freedom movement and India’s Freedom struggle against the British regime. Thus he was motivated to join the Indian National Congress. Moje Riba and the village representatives of Daring Village assembled at Daring and decided to go to Sadiya to present their support to the Indian National Congress (INC) where theyhey met Gopinath Bordoloi and Lalit Hazarika. The latter asked him to garner support for the Indian National Congress.

As per family sources, Moje Riba after joining with Indian National Congress (INC) became the first president of INC from Arunachal Pradesh. For his innumerable cause and sacrifice for the Independence of India and Arunachal Pradesh he was honoured with Tamra Patra by the then Prime Minister of India Smti Indira Gandhi on the red letter day of 25th years of Indian Independence on 15th August 1972.The great soul left us on 1982 at his residence in his native village Daring. His strong feeling of patriotism, boldness in action will remain as an inspiration to the generations to come. In his death Arunachal Pradesh has lost a great son of hers.

Meghmaya

Birth ----- Bhadrapad Shukla Navami 1145

Sacrifice - Magha Shukla Saptami 1194 / 2.2.1138

Meghmaya, a brave martyr of Bahujan society born in Gujarat, sacrificed his life for the rights of untouchables.

Bahujans of India will not know about this great man, because its true history has been hidden. Most people do not know the history of our great man and our people do not even try to know. I am telling this as much as I know.

Veer Meghmaya was born in the 12th century in Ranoda village of Dholka tehsil of Gujarat state, then Patnagar of Gujarat was named Patan. In 12th century, the king of Patan state was Sidhraj Solanki. At that time, terrible, painful, atrocities on untouchables were being done by King Siddharaj Solanki. Then Veer Meghmaya had decided that, I will be free from the terrible slavery on untouchables, even if my life does not go away. Meghmaya started her mission. To convince each untouchable, Launched the campaign of awakening. At that time, the untouchables had to keep the forehead and back sweep and only come out at night time. In the day, if the shadow of the untouchables was also found, then the death penalty was punished. At such a time, Veer Meghamaya kept awakening the untouchables against the terrible injustice being done to the untouchables. This thing came to the ear of the king's Brahmin commander. The Brahmin commander learned the entire history of Veer Meghamaya and gave full support to King Sidhraj Solanki about untouchable Veer Meghmaya. Then the king said what should be done of this untouchable, the Brahmin commander was very vicious.

At that time, Patan state had not been raining continuously for three years. The whole roof was craving for water. Then the Brahmin commander made a plan to kill Veer Meghamaya and told King Siddharaj that, our subjects are dying of water scarcity. We offer sacrifices to Veer Meghmaya in Patan ki Vav (a kind of well) and the people should be told that if a man with thirty-two symptoms is offered in the Vav, water will surely be revealed by miracle. Then the king made a plan and announced that the man of thirty-two symptoms should be searched, then the Brahmin commander named Veer Meghmaya and Siddharaj accepted it. All this information was revealed to Veer Meghamaya. Veer Meghamaya understood the whole plan. But that too was helpless in front of the king's order. Veer Meghamaya also said that, while dying, I should continue to do good to society. The day of sacrifice of Veer Meghmaya became Nakki.

Veer Meghmaya was lowered into the water pipe, then he asked the king some words before he died. One should be surprised by the people in my society and the broom in the back. When the second upper people build houses, then the mobs of the house should be kept by the untouchables. The king accepted the whole thing and ordered the commander. The commander raised a sharpened sword and in a single stroke, severed Veer Meghmaya's torso from the neck.

My dear friends!

Just think how Veer Meghamaya's life must have gone. The first untouchable Veer Meghamaya was martyred in the state of Gujarat. Still, our educated people do not remember the martyrdom of Veer Meghamaya, and those who died trying to keep untouchables untouchables, consider them martyrs and remember the martyrdom with great grief.

Friends, I say with great sadness that if Veer Meghamaya, Jyotiba Phule, Dr. If there were no great men like Ambedkar, then how would society have known. It is because of this that we are living with happiness chains. If we do something positive for the society, this will be our true service to these great men. copied

मुक्त ज्ञानकोश विकिपीडिया से

वीर मेघमाया गुजरात के पाटण स्थित सरोवर मे पानी आये इसके लिये अपना बलिदान दिया था। गुजरात के धोलका गांव के अपने माता पिता के एक मात्र पुत्र थे ।वीर मेघमाया गुजरात राज्य के धोलका तहेसील के रनोडा गाँव में 12वीं सदी में जन्म हुआ था, तब गुजरात का पाटनगर पाटण था।12 वीं सदी में पाटन राज्य का राजा सिध्धराज सोलंकी था। धोलका गांव सोलंकी वंश के साम्राज्य का एक छोटा गांव था । सिद्धराज सोलंकी के राज मे प्रजा को पीने की पानी की काफी दिक्कते हुआ करती थी, उस समय पाटन राज्य में लगातार तिन साल से बारिश नही हो रही थी। पूरा पाटन पानी सेे तरस रहा था। इस बात से व्यथित होकर महाराज सिद्धराज जयसिंह ने अपनी राजधानी अणहिलपुर पाटण मे एक बडा सरोवर बनाने की इच्छा बनाइ। बडा सरोवर बनाने की मंशा से सिद्धराज जयसिंह ने अपनी राज्य सभा मे अपनी बात को रख्खा जिसे मंत्रीमंडल ने पारित कर दिया। प्रस्ताव के पारित होने के बाद सिद्धराज जयसिंह ने मजदूरो को बुलाकर यह सरोवर बनाने की कारवाइ शुरु की। नये बनने वाले सरोवर का नाम सहस्त्रलिंग सरोवर रखा। उस सरोवर में पानी नही आने की वजह से वीर मेघमाया ने अपना बलिदान दिया।

Mai Bhago

Photo Source

Mai Bhago, also known as Mata Bhag Kaur, was the first woman in Punjab to lead troops on a battlefield in 1705. Born in the village of Jhabal Kalan in present-day Amritsar district, she was a devout follower of Guru Gobind Singh Ji who founded the Khalsa (the tradition of warrior-saints).

In 1704, the city of Anandpur Sahib (the residence of Guru Gobind Singh) was under relentless siege by the combined forces of the Mughal army and the local hill chieftains. When 40 Sikh followers from her village decided to give up and desert their Guru in adverse battle conditions, deeply distressed Mai Bhago refused to have any of it.

Instead of convincing them to change their minds, she herself suited up in battle armour and rode into the Battle of Khidrana, embarrassing the 40 men into following her example. Under her leadership, the men fought ferociously till their dying breath, forcing the enemy (who were chasing Guru Gobind Singh) to withdraw.

Later, the Guru renamed the forgiven 40 Sikh men chaali mukte (the forty liberated) and the village of Khidrana as Muktsar (the pool of liberation). As for Mai Bhago (the only survivor of the battle), she was so good on the battlefield that he fulfilled her wish to become his bodyguard. Interestingly, Mai Bhago’s weapons can still be found in Sikh museums and Punjab’s Armed Forces Preparatory Institute for Girls has been named after her.

https://www.thebetterindia.com/120503/mai-bhago-jind-kaur-sada-kaur-bibi-saheb-kaur-warrior-women-punjab-india/

Matmur Jamoh

Forgotten fighter of Arunachal - Work on promised memorial yet to begin

By PRANAB KUMAR DAS

Published 14.08.13

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Pasighat, Aug. 13: Matmur Jamoh carries his name with pride steeped in history that is over a century old, a pride that is rekindled particularly on certain occasions. Like Independence Day, for instance.

A man by the same name had killed British assistant political officer of the time, Noel Williamson, at Komsing village, while another band of his followers killed one Dr Gregorson at Pangi, both in East Siang district of Arunachal Pradesh, on March 31, 1911.

The village chief of Yagrung, nearly 20km from here, had at last avenged the humiliation he had suffered at the hands of Williamson two years before the twin strikes by the Adi warriors he led.

“He was my great, great grandfather,” Matmur says of the braveheart, removed from each other by three generations.

“I remember him each time the country celebrates Independence Day. He did not like the British supremacy and their interference in the lives of his people,” Matmur says.

Some things rankle, though.

For one, work is yet to begin on the war memorial at Komsing promised by former governor J.J. Singh.

Official recognition has not come either, though Jamoh has etched his name in the hearts of the Arunachalees.

Matmur said the brave warrior had died in obscurity and very few records were available of his last days at Cellular Jail, where he was sent after he surrendered, along with some others a few months later, unable to hide any longer in the face of an intense operation called the Abor Expedition of 1911-12.

Narrating the events leading to the killing of the two Britishers, he said in 1909, Williamson, accompanied by Col D.M. Lumsden and Rev. W.L.B. Jackson, visited Kebang village.

On their return journey to Sadiya, they planned to halt at Kemi-Tolon (currently known as Yagrung). Accordingly, a message was sent to the Yagrung village chief Jamoh to make necessary arrangements.

“He refused to oblige because he disliked the British supremacy and interference of the white man in their free life. Williamson felt insulted and assaulted Jamoh in the presence of the villagers,” his grandson said.

After two years, on March 20, 1911, accompanied by Dr Gregorson (medical officer), Williamson revisited Pasighat en route to Komsing. But at Sissan, most of the porters fell sick, forcing Gregorson to halt while Williamson went ahead to Komsing.

On receiving information, Jamoh gathered young warriors and decided to resist the British expedition team.

They chalked out a plan to teach a lesson to the “arrogant” Britishers. They followed Williamson and Gregorson in two groups at Sisen and Komsing.

On March 31, 1911, the warriors deputed by Jamoh from Kebang, Pangi and Sisen villages attacked Gregorson’s camp at Sisen and killed him, along with his escorts and porters.

At Komsing, another group headed by Jamoh killed Williamson the same day.

“The retaliation was swift and brutal. October 1911 was the toughest time for the great Adi warriors. The Abor Expedition was undertaken by Maj. Gen. Hamilton Bower in order to avenge the killings. Bower attacked Adi habitations looking to punish Jamoh and his friends. His wife Yasi and son Matkep were tortured. Jamoh, who was forced to go into hiding in Yagrung area, had no option but to surrender,” Matmur said.

In 2005, Arunachal education minister Bosiram Siram visited Cellular Jail in the Andamans where political prisoners from the mainland were interned. But the authorities were unable to provide any records about the brave hero.

Siram told The Telegraph today that work on the war memorial would begin soon and the state government was also working on plans to accord recognition to those who gave their lives for the country.

FAMILY TREE

Late Matdung Jamoh

Late Matmur Jamoh (freedom fighter)

Late Matkep Jamoh

Late Matmon Jamoh

Late Matnoying Jamoh

Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari

Wikipedia

Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari

Postage stamp issued in honor of Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari

President of Indian National Congress

Birth 25 December 1880

Yusufpur, Mohammadabad, Ghazipur British India

The death 1936 ( Age : 56 years) in train between

Mussoorie - Delhi , British India

the nationality Indian

Political party Indian National Congress and Muslim League

Learning earnings Madras Medical College

London Lock Hospital

The business Doctor, freedom fighter

religion Islam

DR. Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari ( Hindi : Mokhtar Ahmad Ansari , Urdu : مختار احمد انصاری )during the Indian Independence movement with an Indian nationalist and political leader of the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League of former president. He was one of the founders of Jamia Millia IslamiaUniversity, he was also its Chancellor from 1928 to 1936.

Early life and medical career

Mukhtar Ahmed Ansari was born on 25 December 1880 in the city of Yusufpur-Mohammadabad in North-Western Provinces (now a part of Uttar Pradesh ).

He attended Victoria High School and later he and his family moved to Hyderabad . Ansari received a medical degree from Madras Medical College and went to England to study on a scholarship . He did M.D. And MS Acquired the titles of He was an upper-class student and worked at the Lock Hospital and Charing Cross Hospital in London . He was India's pioneer in surgery and today an Ansari ward is present in Charing Cross Hospital to honor his work .

Nationalist activities

Dr. Ansari joined the Indian independence movement during his stay in England. He returned to Delhi and joined both the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League . He played an important role in negotiating the 1916 Lucknow Treaty and served as the league's president from 1918 to 1920. He was an outspoken supporter of the Khilafat Movement and brought together the government's Khilafat body, the League and the Congress Party at issue against Mustafa Kamal's decision to oust the Khalifa of Islam , the Sultan of Turkey , and the recognition of Turkish independence by the British Empire Worked to protest.

Dr. Ansari served as AICC Secretary General several times, as well as President of the Indian National Congress during the 1927 session. Dr. Ansari became closer to Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress Party as a result of internal fighting and political divisions within the League in the 1920s and later the rise of Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Muslim separatism.

Dr. Ansari ( Foundation Committee of Jamia Millia Islamia ) was one of the founders and shortly after the death of its primary founder, Dr. Hakim Ajmal Khan in 1927, he also worked as the Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia University in Delhi . Did it

Personal life and perceptions

Dr. Ansari's wife was a very religious woman who worked with him to uplift the Muslim women of Delhi. [ Citation needed ] Ansari family lived in a palatial home that Urdu in the Darus Salaam or Adobe of Peace was called. Whenever Mahatma Gandhi came to Delhi, the Ansari family often welcomed him and this house was a regular basis for the political activities of the Congress. However, he never stopped practicing medicine and often came to the aid of Indian politicians and the Indian royal system.

Dr. Ansari was one of a new generation of Indian Muslim nationalists, including Maulana Azad, Muhammad Ali Jinnah and others. He was very passionate about the issues of common Indian Muslims but, unlike Jinnah, was strongly against separate voters and opposed Jinnah's view that only the Muslim League could be representative of India's Muslim communities.

Dr. Ansari was very close to Mahatma Gandhi and favored Gandhism with his major teachings of non- violence and non-violent civil resistance . He had an intimate friendship with the Mahatma.

Dr. Ansari died of a heart attack in a train en route from Mussoorie to Delhi in 1936 , he is buried in the premises of Jamia Millia Islamia in Delhi.

Maragatham Chandrasekar

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Maragatham Chandrasekar

Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha) for Thiruvallur

In office

1962–1967

Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru

Preceded by None

Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha) for Thiruvallur

In office

1951–1957

Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru

Preceded by None

Personal details

Born 11 November 1917

Died 27 October 2001 (aged 83)

Political party Indian National Congress

Spouse(s) R. Chandrasekar

Profession Politician

Maragatham Chandrasekar (11 November 1917 – 26 October 2001) was an Indian politician and Member of Parliament from the Indian state of Tamil Nadu.

Personal life

Maragatham Chandrasekar was born Maragatham Muniswami to Vidwan Kalathur Muniswami on 11 November 1917. She obtained her Bachelor of Science degree in India and completed diplomas in free-lance, domestic science and dietetics courses in London. She also did a course on Specialized Institution Management and Administration at London. Maragatham married R. Chandrasekar and had a son (Lalit Chandrasekhar) and a daughter, Lata Priyakumar who also served as a Member of the Legislative Assembly of Tamil Nadu.

Politics

Maragatham Chandrasekar joined the Indian National Congress and was elected to the Lok Sabha from Tiruvallur in the 1951 parliamentary elections.[3] She served as the Member of Lok Sabha for Tiruvallur from 1951 to 1957 and 1962 to 1967 and Member of the Rajya Sabha from 1970 to 1984. She served as the Union Deputy Minister for Health from 1951 to 1957, Home Affairs from 1962 to 1964 and Social Welfare from 1964 to 1967. In 1972, Maragatham was elected General Secretary of the All India Congress Committee. She was governor in Punjab state.

Assassination of Rajiv Gandhi

As former Member of Parliament from Sriperumbudur, Maragatham hosted the former Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi during his visit to Sriperumbudur in 1991. She was present at the rally in Sriperumbudur where Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated.

Death

Maragatham died on 26 October 2001.

मदन लाल ढींगरा

Madan Lal Dhingra Biography in Hindi

मदनलाल ढींगरा

मुक्त ज्ञानकोश विकिपीडिया से

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मदनलाल धींगड़ा

मदनलाल धींगड़ा (1883-1909)

जन्म 18 सितम्बर 1883

अमृतसर, पंजाब, ब्रिटिश भारत

मृत्यु 17 अगस्त 1909

पेंटविले जेल, लन्दन यू॰के॰

मदनलाल ढींगरा स्मारक, अजमेर, राजस्थान

मदनलाल धींगड़ा (१८ सितम्बर १८८३ - १७ अगस्त १९०९) भारतीय स्वतन्त्रता संग्राम के अप्रतिम क्रान्तिकारी थे। भारतीय स्वतंत्रता की चिनगारी को अग्नि में बदलने का श्रेय महान शहीद मदन लाल धींगरा को ही जाता है । भले ही मदन लाल ढींगरा के परिवार में राष्ट्रभक्ति की कोई ऐसी परंपरा नहीं थी किंतु वह खुद से ही देश भक्ति के रंग में रंगे गए थे । वे इंग्लैण्ड में अध्ययन कर रहे थे जहाँ उन्होने विलियम हट कर्जन वायली नामक एक ब्रिटिश अधिकारी की गोली मारकर हत्या कर दी। कर्जन वायली की हत्या के आरोप में उन पर 22 जुलाई, 1909 का अभियोग चलाया गया । मदन लाल ढींगरा ने अदालत में खुले शब्दों में कहा कि "मुझे गर्व है कि मैं अपना जीवन समर्पित कर रहा हूं।" यह घटना बीसवीं शताब्दी में भारतीय स्वतन्त्रता आन्दोलन की कुछेक प्रथम घटनाओं में से एक है।

आरम्भिक जीवन

मदनलाल धींगड़ा का जन्म १८ सितम्बर सन् १८८३ को पंजाब प्रान्त के एक सम्पन्न हिन्दू परिवार में हुआ था। उनके पिता दित्तामल जी सिविल सर्जन थे और अंग्रेजी रंग में पूरी तरह रंगे हुए थे किन्तु माताजी अत्यन्त धार्मिक एवं भारतीय संस्कारों से परिपूर्ण महिला थीं। उनका परिवार अंग्रेजों का विश्वासपात्र था और जब मदनलाल को भारतीय स्वतन्त्रता सम्बन्धी क्रान्ति के आरोप में लाहौर के एक कालेज से निकाल दिया गया तो परिवार ने मदनलाल से नाता तोड़ लिया। मदनलाल को जीवन यापन के लिये पहले एक क्लर्क के रूप में, फिर एक तांगा-चालक के रूप में और अन्त में एक कारखाने में श्रमिक के रूप में काम करना पड़ा। कारखाने में श्रमिकों की दशा सुधारने हेतु उन्होने यूनियन (संघ) बनाने की कोशिश की किन्तु वहाँ से भी उन्हें निकाल दिया गया। कुछ दिन उन्होंने मुम्बई में काम किया फिर अपनी बड़े भाई की सलाह पर सन् १९०६ में उच्च शिक्षा प्राप्त करने इंग्लैण्ड चले गये जहाँ उन्होंने यूनिवर्सिटी कालेज लन्दन में यांत्रिकी अभियांत्रिकी में प्रवेश ले लिया। विदेश में रहकर अध्ययन करने के लिये उन्हें उनके बड़े भाई ने तो सहायता दी ही, इंग्लैण्ड में रह रहे कुछ राष्ट्रवादी कार्यकर्ताओं से भी आर्थिक मदद मिली थी।

सावरकर के सान्निध्य में

लन्दन में धींगड़ा भारत के प्रख्यात राष्ट्रवादी विनायक दामोदर सावरकर एवं श्यामजी कृष्ण वर्मा के सम्पर्क में आये। वे लोग धींगड़ा की प्रचण्ड देशभक्ति से बहुत प्रभावित हुए। ऐसा विश्वास किया जाता है कि सावरकर ने ही मदनलाल को अभिनव भारत नामक क्रान्तिकारी संस्था का सदस्य बनाया और हथियार चलाने का प्रशिक्षण दिया। मदनलाल धींगड़ा इण्डिया हाउस में रहते थे जो उन दिनों भारतीय विद्यार्थियों के राजनैतिक क्रियाकलापों का केन्द्र हुआ करता था। ये लोग उस समय खुदीराम बोस, कन्हाई लाल दत्त, सतिन्दर पाल और काशी राम जैसे क्रान्तिकारियों को मृत्युदण्ड दिये जाने से बहुत क्रोधित थे। कई इतिहासकार मानते हैं कि इन्ही घटनाओं ने सावरकर और धींगड़ा को सीधे बदला लेने के लिये विवश किया।

कर्जन वायली का वध

मदनलाल ढींगरा की स्मृति में भारत सरकार द्वारा १९९२ में जारी डाकटिकट

१ जुलाई सन् १९०९ की शाम को इण्डियन नेशनल ऐसोसिएशन के वार्षिकोत्सव में भाग लेने के लिये भारी संख्या में भारतीय और अंग्रेज इकठे हुए। जैसे ही भारत सचिव के राजनीतिक सलाहकार सर विलियम हट कर्जन वायली अपनी पत्नी के साथ हाल में घुसे, ढींगरा ने उनके चेहरे पर पाँच गोलियाँ दागी; इसमें से चार सही निशाने पर लगीं। उसके बाद धींगड़ा ने अपने पिस्तौल से स्वयं को भी गोली मारनी चाही किन्तु उन्हें पकड़ लिया गया।

अभियोग

२३ जुलाई १९०९ को धींगड़ा मामले की सुनवाई पुराने बेली कोर्ट में हुई। अदालत ने उन्हें मृत्युदण्ड का आदेश दिया और १७ अगस्त सन् १९०९ को लन्दन की पेंटविले जेल में फाँसी पर लटका कर उनकी जीवन लीला समाप्त कर दी। मदनलाल मर कर भी अमर हो गये।

स्मारक

इनका स्मारक अजमेर में रेलवे स्टेशन के ठीक सामने है।

 Munshi Hariprasad Tamta

Munshi Hariprasad Tamta, born on August 26, 1887, in Almora, Uttarakhand, was a pioneering social reformer and activist who fought against caste-based discrimination and uplifted the marginalized Dalit communities in the Kumaon region. Born to Govindi Devi and Govind Prasad, a copper craftsman and trader, Hariprasad belonged to a relatively prosperous but socially oppressed family. He lost his father early and was raised by his maternal uncle, Shrikrishna Tamta, a prominent social worker. Despite facing severe caste barriers, he pursued education up to middle school, mastering Urdu, Persian, Arabic, and English, earning the title "Munshi." His early experiences of untouchability, notably being denied a seat at a 1911 coronation event for King George V in Almora, fueled his lifelong resolve to eradicate caste-based discrimination.

Social Reforms and the Shilpkar Identity

At the time, Dalits in Uttarakhand faced extreme poverty, illiteracy, superstition, and derogatory labels like "Doom." Hariprasad sought to unify and dignify these communities by introducing the term "Shilpkar" (artisan), reflecting their skilled craftsmanship. After five years of relentless advocacy, he secured official recognition for the term "Shilpkar" in 1927, replacing offensive labels in government records. In 1905, he founded the Tamta Sudhar Sabha, which he later renamed the Kumaon Shilpkar Sabha in 1914, serving as its president until his death. The organization aimed to promote education, cottage industries, health awareness, and social equality while eradicating child marriage and untouchability. Through the Shilpkar Sabha, he established 150 primary and adult education schools to foster literacy among Dalits.

Land Reforms and Economic Empowerment

Hariprasad’s efforts led to significant land reforms during the 1930s–1940s, with the British government distributing 30,000 acres of agricultural land to landless Shilpkars, resulting in settlements like Harinagar, Narsingh Danda, and Haripur. These initiatives provided economic stability and reduced dependence on exploitative upper-caste landlords. His advocacy also challenged the stereotype that Dalits were unfit for military service, convincing British authorities that a community skilled in crafting weapons could wield them. By 1941, his efforts enabled the recruitment of 5,000 Shilpkars into pioneer battalions of the Indian Army, boosting their confidence and economic prospects. In recognition, the British Army honored him with a Guard of Honour in Lucknow in 1942, a rare distinction for a civilian in colonial India.

Political and Media Contributions

Hariprasad was a key political figure, serving as vice-president of the All India Depressed Classes Association’s Uttar Pradesh branch from 1934 to 1940. In 1937, he was elected unopposed to the United Provinces Legislative Assembly from Gonda district, showcasing his widespread popularity. He also served as chairman of the Almora Municipality from 1942 to 1945, proving his administrative prowess. In 1934, he launched the Hindi weekly Samta, which awakened political and social consciousness among Shilpkars. His niece, Lakshmi Devi Tamta, became Uttarakhand’s first Dalit woman graduate and editor of Samta, marking a milestone for women in journalism.

Legacy

In 1935, the British government conferred the title of Raybahadur on Hariprasad for his social contributions. Often called the "Ambedkar of Uttarakhand," he supported Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s Poona Pact in 1931 by sending a telegram to the Round Table Conference in London. Beyond social reform, he ventured into business, establishing the Hill Motors Transport Company in 1920, the first to operate vehicles between Almora, Nainital, and Haldwani, and opened a driving training center in Haldwani.

Hariprasad passed away on February 23, 1960, in Allahabad, leaving behind no children after losing his wife, Parvati Devi, early in life. His death was a significant loss to the Shilpkar community, but his legacy endures through annual commemorations, statues in Almora and Haldwani, and settlements named after him. The Kumaon Shilpkar Sabha and his initiatives continue to inspire Dalit movements in Uttarakhand, cementing his role as a revolutionary who brought dignity, education, and opportunity to the oppressed.

Manthena Venkata Raju

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Manthena Venkata Raju

Born 20 May 1904ManthenavaripalemBapatla(taluka)British India

Died 16 April 1968 (aged 64)

Political party Indian National Congress

Spouse(s) Smt. Annapurnamma

Manthena Venkata Raju (1904–1968) was an Indian politician and social worker from Manthenavaripalem, Bapatla, Andhra Pradesh. He participated in the non-violent resistance against the British rule in India.

Freedom Fighter

In 1921, at the age of 17, Sri Manthena Venkata Raju, walked out of the National College and gave up education to participate in the Freedom Struggle of India. Since that year, he participated in several Campaigns and Satyagraha movements until India achieved Independence. He was jailed on several occasions during his participation in the Freedom Struggle. He occupied several important positions in the Andhra Congress party during this period. He served as Sceretary and President of the Guntur District Congress and was the General Secretary of the Andhra Congress Party.

Among the notable leaders of Andhra Pradesh, Sri Kasu Brahmananda Reddy, Sri Alapati Venkataramaiah and Sri Venigalla Satyanarayana were all introduced to politics by Sri Manthena Venkata Raju.

In 1938, Sri Manthena Venkata Raju conducted the All India Workshop for Politics in the village of Manthenavaripalem and helped educate several leaders in the importance of politics and governance. Several leaders with Socialist-Communist lenience, within the Congress, also participated in the Workshop.

Social Worker

Sri Manthena Venkata Raju participated in several Social causes. In 1934, he participated in a campaign to allow Harijans into temples. He helped dig many wells to provide drinking water to several villages and also encouraged people from all castes to inter mix socially.

He conducted widow marriages in the village of Karlapalem and also conducted several inter-caste marriages during his lifetime.

Political Leader

He entered the State Assembly in 1946, and was a member until 1962, barring a gap of two years. During his tenure in the State Assembly, he assumed a very important role in State Politics. During those times, Chief Ministers like, Sri Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy, Sri Gopal Reddy and Sri Sanjeevayya, were among those who sought the blessings of Sri Manthena Venkata Raju.

He always professed the principal of retirement from active politics after a certain age, like in any other salaried job; in accordance with this principle, he retired from Politics at the age of 58, in the year 1962. He believed in strong principles and was among those who lived by example.

Even without having riches or the caste equation working to his advantage, Sri Manthena Venkata Raju, established his presence in the political arena of the State of Andhra Pradesh through his disinterest in positions and his commitment to social work.

The Sri Manthena Venkata Raju Foundation was established by Champati Vijaya Ramaraju, ex-MLA of Bapatla, in his memory. The foundation does Social Services in Bapatla constituency and honors the accomplished 'sons and daughters' of the region.

Nathuram Valmiki

Nathuram Valmiki (also spelled Nathu Ram Valmiki or Nathuram Balmiki; c. 1890s–1970s) was an Indian independence activist and revolutionary, best known for his daring role in the Chittagong Armoury Raid of 1930—one of the most audacious assaults on British colonial authority during the freedom struggle. Born into the Valmiki community (a Scheduled Caste group traditionally associated with sanitation and scavenging work, devotees of the sage Valmiki, author of the Ramayana), Nathuram's life exemplifies the intersection of caste oppression, anti-colonial resistance, and Dalit assertion. Though often overshadowed by leaders like Surya Sen and Ganesh Ghosh in historical narratives, his contributions highlight the participation of marginalized communities in India's armed revolutionary movement.

Early Life and Background

• Birth and Family: Nathuram was born around the late 1890s in Chittagong (now in Bangladesh, then part of undivided Bengal Presidency, British India). Exact birth records are scarce, as was common for lower-caste families. He hailed from a poor Valmiki (Balmiki) household—his father worked as a municipal sweeper, and the family lived in the fringes of Chittagong's urban underclass. The Valmiki community, numbering in the millions across Bengal and Punjab, faced severe untouchability, economic exclusion, and social stigma, which fueled Nathuram's early resentment against both British rulers and the caste-ridden Indian society.
• Awakening: Growing up amid the Swadeshi Movement (1905–1911) and witnessing Jallianwala Bagh (1919), Nathuram was radicalized young. He received minimal formal education, working odd jobs like scavenging and laboring at the Chittagong port, where he encountered revolutionary pamphlets from the Hindustan Republican Association (HRA) and later the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association (HSRA).

Entry into the Freedom Struggle

Nathuram joined the revolutionary fold in the mid-1920s, inspired by Masterda Surya Sen, the schoolteacher-turned-guerrilla leader who formed the Chittagong Branch of the Indian Republican Army (IRA) in 1924. Sen's group, comprising students, workers, and peasants, aimed to replicate the Irish Easter Rising through armed uprisings.

• Ideological Shift: Unlike many upper-caste revolutionaries, Nathuram's motivation blended nationalism with anti-caste sentiment. He viewed British rule as an extension of Brahminical hierarchies and sought dignity through armed equality. Sen, a Marxist-influenced leader, welcomed Dalit recruits, fostering a rare inclusive space in the otherwise caste-segregated independence movement.
• Training and Preparation: Nathuram trained in bomb-making, rifle handling, and guerrilla tactics in secret camps near Chittagong. He participated in early actions like disrupting British rail lines and collecting arms from sympathizers.

Role in the Chittagong Armoury Raid (April 18, 1930)

The raid was a meticulously planned operation to seize weapons from the British Armoury and Auxiliary Force Institute, declare a provisional revolutionary government, and spark a peasant uprising. Nathuram, then in his early 30s, played a pivotal frontline role:

• Assignment: As part of a 65-member squad (mostly young locals), he was in the second striking group led by Ganesh Ghosh and Ambika Chakravarty. Disguised as revolutionaries, they targeted the armoury at Jalalabad Hill.
• The Action: At dawn, the group overpowered guards, looted 600 rifles, 42,000 rounds of ammunition, and grenades. Nathuram personally helped secure the magazine and hoist the tricolor at the site, symbolizing the short-lived "Chittagong Republic." Simultaneously, another unit under Sen raided the European Club.
• Aftermath: British reinforcements arrived, leading to a fierce gun battle. Nathuram escaped into the hills with survivors, joining Sen's jungle warfare phase. The raid inspired nationwide fervor, with songs like "Go Forward" becoming anthems.

For months, the group evaded capture in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, conducting hit-and-run attacks. Nathuram's knowledge of local terrain—gained from his laborer days—proved invaluable for foraging and ambushes.

Arrest, Trial, and Imprisonment

• Capture: On May 17, 1930, during a raid on Pahartali Police Station, British forces encircled the revolutionaries. Nathuram was among 12 arrested after a prolonged firefight; Sen escaped but was later caught.
• Trial: In the Chittagong Armoury Raid Case (1930–1932), Nathuram faced the Alipore Sessions Court and Calcutta High Court. He defiantly pleaded "not guilty" but justified the violence as "necessary for freedom." Charged with waging war against the King, he was sentenced to life imprisonment (kala pani) and transported to the Cellular Jail in the Andaman Islands.
• Cellular Jail Ordeal: From 1932 to 1945, Nathuram endured brutal conditions—solitary confinement, forced labor (oil grinding, rope-making), and torture. Fellow inmates like Batukeshwar Dutt and Ganesh Ghosh noted his resilience; he organized secret literacy classes for Dalit prisoners, teaching Ramayana verses to counter caste slurs.

Post-Independence Life and Legacy

• Release and Return: Freed in 1945 amid World War II pressures, Nathuram returned to a partitioned India. Post-1947, he settled in Tripura (then part of East Pakistan, later India), working as a government peon while advocating for Valmiki rights.
• Later Activism: In the 1950s–1960s, he joined the Scheduled Castes Federation (founded by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar), campaigning for land reforms and anti-discrimination laws. He wrote memoirs (unpublished during his lifetime) and spoke at Ramlila events, linking Valmiki's epic to revolutionary ideals.
• Death: Nathuram passed away in the early 1970s (exact date unrecorded) in obscurity, succumbing to ailments from jail injuries. He left behind a family that continues to preserve his story through oral histories.

Significance and Recognition

Nathuram Valmiki represents the Dalit dimension of India's armed struggle—a narrative often erased in mainstream histories dominated by Gandhi, Nehru, or upper-caste revolutionaries. His participation challenged the Congress's non-violent monopoly and highlighted revolutionary inclusivity under Sen.

• Cultural Impact: Featured in films like Khelein Hum Jee Jaan Sey (2010, portraying a fictionalized version) and books such as Do and Die by Manini Chatterjee. The 2023 biopic Chittagong Armoury Raid includes his character.
• Modern Relevance: In Dalit movements, he's invoked alongside figures like Uda Devi (1857 Revolt) as proof of subaltern agency. Annual commemorations in Chittagong (now Bangladesh) and Tripura honor him.

Nathuram Valmiki's life underscores that freedom fights were waged not just by elites but by the "untouchables" who bore the empire's heaviest yoke. His story reminds us: in the arsenal of independence, every rifle counted—and so did every voice from the shadows.

Owen Jones

Owen Jones (born August 8, 1984) is a prominent British left-wing journalist, author, political commentator, and activist, widely recognized for his advocacy on issues of social justice, workers' rights, anti-establishment critique, and progressive causes. While not a "freedom fighter" in the traditional sense of armed revolutionaries or anti-colonial leaders (such as those in India's independence movement), Jones embodies a modern form of activism through his writing, public speaking, and mobilization against inequality, austerity, and authoritarianism. He has been a vocal supporter of movements like Black Lives Matter, Palestinian rights, and anti-racism campaigns, often framing his work as a fight for democratic freedoms and economic equity. Below is a comprehensive overview of his life, career, activism, and influence.

Early Life

• Birth and Family: Born in Sheffield, South Yorkshire, England, Jones grew up in Stockport, Greater Manchester. He comes from a politically active, working-class background with strong leftist roots. His mother, Ruth Aylett, is a British computer scientist and academic, while his father, Robert Jones, was a trade union organizer and Marxist historian who worked with the National Union of Rail, Maritime and Transport Workers (RMT). This environment instilled in him early exposure to socialist ideas, labor struggles, and anti-capitalist thought.
• Education: Jones attended Bramhall High School and Ridge Danyers Sixth Form College in Stockport. He then studied History at University College, Oxford, graduating in 2005 with a BA. At Oxford, he became involved in student politics, serving as president of the Oxford University Labour Club and engaging in debates on class, inequality, and international solidarity.
• Influences: His formative years were shaped by family discussions on trade unionism, the miners' strike of 1984–85 (which he witnessed as a child), and leftist thinkers like Noam Chomsky and Karl Marx. Jones has cited his Welsh grandfather, a miner, as a key inspiration for his focus on working-class narratives.

Career and Writing

Jones began his professional life as a parliamentary researcher for Labour MP John Trickett before transitioning to journalism. His career exploded with his debut book, establishing him as a sharp critic of British society and politics.

• Journalism:
  • He started as a columnist for The Independent in 2010, switching to The Guardian in 2014, where he writes a weekly column. His pieces often dissect power structures, media bias, and right-wing populism.
  • Contributions appear in The New Statesman, Tribune, The National (Scotland), Le Monde diplomatique, and The Sunday Mirror. He has also written for international outlets like The New York Times and The Nation.
  • In 2016, he briefly quit The Guardian in protest over its coverage of Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn but returned shortly after.
• Books (Key Publications):
  • Chavs: The Demonization of the Working Class (2011): His breakthrough work, critiquing how the British media and elite portray the working class as feckless "chavs" (a derogatory stereotype). It won acclaim, including a spot on The New York Times' top 10 non-fiction books of 2011, and sparked national debate on class stigma.
  • The Establishment: And How They Get Away With It (2014): Exposes how a network of elites (politicians, media, corporations) perpetuates inequality. It became a bestseller and was praised for its investigative rigor.
  • The Grammar of Dissent (2015): Co-edited anthology on protest and civil liberties.
  • This Land: The Story of a Movement (2020): A firsthand account of the Corbyn era in Labour, blending memoir and analysis. Reviewed as a "political page-turner" by The New Statesman.
  • Other works include contributions to anthologies like The Good Immigrant (2016) and his 2023 newsletter/book The Year of the Virus, reflecting on COVID-19's impact on inequality.
• Media Presence:
  • Hosts The Owen Jones Show (YouTube/podcast, launched 2021) and The Owen Jones Podcast, with millions of views. Episodes feature interviews with activists, politicians, and thinkers on topics like Gaza, trans rights, and climate justice.
  • Frequent TV/radio appearances on BBC, Channel 4, and Sky News, where his combative style—rooted in facts and passion—has made him a polarizing figure.

Activism and Political Engagement

Jones's activism extends beyond writing; he is a hands-on organizer who views journalism as a tool for mobilization. His work aligns with "freedom fighting" in the contemporary sense: defending civil liberties, challenging oppression, and amplifying marginalized voices.

• Key Causes:
  • Workers' Rights and Anti-Austerity: Campaigned against Conservative austerity policies post-2010, supporting strikes and unions. He was a leading voice in the People's Assembly Against Austerity (2013–present).
  • Labour Party and Corbynism: A staunch Corbyn supporter (2015–2020), Jones advised on media strategy and co-founded the pro-Corbyn group Momentum. He critiqued Labour's centrist shift under Keir Starmer, arguing it abandons socialist principles.
  • Anti-Racism and LGBTQ+ Rights: Advocated for Black Lives Matter (BLM) in the UK, linking it to colonial legacies. As a gay man (he came out at 15), he fights homophobia and transphobia, notably criticizing media sensationalism around gender issues.
  • Palestine and Anti-Imperialism: A fierce critic of Israel's actions in Gaza, calling it "genocide" in 2023–2025 columns. He supports BDS (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions) and has faced backlash, including death threats, for pro-Palestinian protests. In 2025, he warned of eroding UK protest rights amid crackdowns on Gaza demos.
  • Environmental and Anti-Fascist Activism: Supports Extinction Rebellion and anti-far-right efforts, writing against figures like Tommy Robinson (whom he called a "career criminal" in 2018).
• Notable Actions:
  • Organized rallies, including a 2019 "March for the Future" against climate inaction.
  • In 2024–2025, he used his platform to highlight authoritarian trends, like UK police powers restricting protests, drawing parallels to historical fights for free speech.
  • Collaborated with Amnesty International UK on human rights campaigns.
• Challenges and Controversies:
  • Jones has endured intense online harassment, including homophobic and antisemitic abuse (despite his Jewish heritage on one side). In 2019, he was physically assaulted outside a London pub by a far-right supporter.
  • Critics (e.g., from the right) label him a "hard-left agitator"; supporters praise his unapologetic advocacy. He left Twitter (now X) in 2023 over toxicity but returned via newsletters.

Legacy and Recognition

• Impact: At 41 (as of 2025), Jones has influenced a generation of young socialists, with his work credited for shifting UK discourse on class and power. His books have sold over 500,000 copies, and his online following exceeds 1 million across platforms.
• Awards: Shortlisted for the Orwell Prize (2016) and George Polk Award; won the Political Book Awards for Chavs (2012).
• Cultural Reach: Featured in documentaries, TEDx talks, and as a consultant for TV shows on class (e.g., a 2013 BBC talk on working-class portrayals). His slogan-like phrases, like "the establishment protects its own," echo in activist circles.
• Personal Life: Openly gay and an atheist, Jones lives in London. He emphasizes mental health advocacy, drawing from his own experiences with anxiety. Politically, he remains unaffiliated with Labour since 2020, focusing on independent journalism.

Owen Jones's journey from Oxford history student to leftist firebrand illustrates how intellectual critique and street-level activism can converge to challenge systemic injustices. In an era of rising populism and eroded freedoms, his voice continues to rally for a more equitable world. If this isn't the Owen Jones you meant (e.g., if referring to a historical figure or another individual), or if you'd like details on specific works/events, let me know!

Ponaka Kanakamma

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Ponaka Kanakamma

Ponaka Kanakamma

Founder member of Sahitya Academy

Personal details

Born 10 June 1892

Minagallu, Nellore, Andhra Pradesh

Died 15 September 1963

Nellore

Political party Indian National Congress

Spouse(s) Ponaka Subbarami Reddy

Children 1 girl

Residence Potlapudi, Nellore district

Ponaka Kanakamma (1892–1963) was a social worker, activist and freedom fighter, imprisoned over a year, as a disciple of Mahatma Gandhi, in India. She founded Sri Kasturidevi Vidyalam, a large school for girls in Nellore.

Life

Ponaka Kanakamma was born in Nellore district, on 10 June 1892 at Minagallu. Her father was Marupooru Konda Reddy and mother: Kaamamma.

She hailed from a very rich landlord community. She married her maternal uncle Subbarama Reddy, a rich landlord from Potlapudi Village, near Nellore. She was eight years old at the time of her marriage. As her husband was traditional, she was not allowed to attend school. Though she had no formal schooling, she acquired proficiency in Telugu, Hindi and Sanskrit by her own efforts. In 1907, when BipinChandraPal and his wife visited Nellore in connection with 'Vande Mataram Movement', she hosted the couple. At that time she was only 16 years of age. With the help of her youngest brother-in-law Pattabhiramareddy, who was involved in Library movement, she established 'Sujana Ranjani samajam' and 'Vivekananda Granthalayam' in Potlapudi village, near Nellore to serve the society. Her friends started libraries in nearby villages Pogadadoruvu kandrika and Kotturu. She worked for the uplift of Harijan (outcaste) and poor. From 1916 to 1919 for a brief period, she was under the spell of revolutionary politics and later became the ardent disciple of Mahatma Gandhi. She purchased 13 acres of land in Pallipadu village about 8 miles from Nellore on the banks of river Penna and handed over the land to her revolutionary friends for concealing fire arms and for firing practice. When she became the follower of Mahatma, she donated the land to establish the "Pinakini Satygrahasramam". Gandhiji inaugurated the 'Pinakini Satyagraha Ashram' on 7 April 1921. Chaturuvedula Krishnaiah (C.V.Krishna), Digumarti Hanumanta Rao, his wife Krishnabai and Kondiparti Punnaya were the founder Members of the Ashram.

Kanakamma participated in non-cooperation movement and in Salt Satyagraha. She underwent six months rigorous imprisonment in 1930 in Rayavellore prison and in 1932 imprisoned in Rayavellore for 13 months. Rajajee, Durgabai, Bejawada Gopala Reddy and many other important freedom fighters were her co prisoners.

In 1923 October 18th on Vijayadasami Day Kanakamma founded Sri "Kasturidevi Vidyalam"(School for girls) under Gandhiji's constructive programme, the school was inaugurated by Sri Tanguturi Prakasam Pantulu. Gandhiji laid the foundation stone for the permanent building of the school on 12th October, 1929. In 1944 Kanakamma exchanged 1-5 acres of the school site,in Pogatota Nelore for a sprawling 20 acre of land in the outskirts of Nellore and a school building was built in this site with the donation made by Sri tikkvarapu Ramireddy in around 1947 or so. Kasturi devi Vidyalam campus, is the living monument for Kanakamma. For some time, she acted as a member of AICC. She also acted as vice-president of Andhra Congress committee. After she lost her only daughter, M.Venkatasubbamma in 1934, who was a budding writer and social worker, she became a devotee of Ramana Maharshi and Ramayogi of Annareddy palem. Ponaka Kanakamma and Dronamraju Lakshmibaiyamma were the first twin poetesses in Telugu. They wrote several philosophical poems on Ramana Maharshi - important ones are Aradhana and Nivedyam. They translated essence of Bhagavadgita into Telugu by name "Gnana Netram". She wrote the auto-biography of Sri Rama Yogi, both in Telugu and English. Kankamma was an accomplished write and her writings appeared in Bharati, Krishnapatrika, Grihalakshmi, Anasuya, Hindusundari Jaminryot and in many other journals. She lost her property due to the tyranny and repression of Venkatagiri Zameendar. She established in 1952 an industrial training centre for poor, orphan and under-privileged women. During her life, she hosted many eminent freedom fighters and poets at her residence in Potalpudi and in Nellore. National leaders like Babu Rajendraprasad, Desabandhu Chittaranjan Dass, artists Udayasanker, Atreya, Sthanam, Tiruvankur sisters and many others were her guests. She is the recipient of 'Gruhlakshmi Swarnakankanam' Sanmanam (Award felicitation). On the occasion of the silver jubilee celebrations of Madras Mahila Sabha organisation, Smt. Durga Bhai Deshmukh honored Kanakamma with a silver plank. Kankamma and all other her family members are writers, whose writings are found in Bharati and in other magazines. Her youngest brother "Kala Prapurna" Marupuru Kodandarami Reddy is a famous journalist and noted writer.

She founded the Jameen Raitu, a Telugu weekly at Nellore in support of Zameendari Raitu movement in Nellore district.

Ponaka Kanakamma died in Nellore, on 15 September 1963.Her auto-biography in Telugu by name "Kanakapushyaragam" was edited by Dr.K.Purushotham and published by Mannem Rayudu of Manasu Foundation in 2011. On Gandhi Jayanti day,of 2017 Ponaka kankammas's Bronze Statue was erected on the premises of Pinakini Satyagrahasrmam, Pallipadu by the Ashram Committee.

Panna Dai

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Panna Dai

Known for Nursemaid to Udai Singh II

Panna Dai (also spelled Panna Dhai) was a 16th-century nursemaid to Udai Singh II, the fourth son of Maharana Sangram Singh. In Hindi, Panna means emerald, and dai means a nurse. She had been given charge of young Udai Singh, breastfeeding him virtually from his birth in 1522, along with her own son Chandan (also known as Moti), who was of similar age and Udai's playmate. When Udai Singh was attacked by his uncle Bhanvir, Panna Dai sacrificed her own son's life in order to save Udai Singh's life.

Biography

Panna Dai was a maid of Rani Karnavati, wife of Maharana Sangram Singh. She also helped Rani Karnavti on political matters. Rani Karnavati had entrusted her with the upbringing of her sons, Vikramaditya Singh and infant Udai Singh.

Vikramaditya Singh's accession to the throne

The second and third decades of the 16th century were troubled times, and events moved rapidly. Sanga died of wounds sustained at the Battle of Khanwa (1527) against Mughal emperor Babur. Sanga's eldest son Bhoj Raj had been killed in the battle in 1521. Three of his other sons died during his lifetime. Then his eldest son succeeded to the throne as Maharana Ratan Singh II (1527-1531). However, when he died after ruling only four years, Vikramaditya succeeded to the throne at age 14. He was a very insolent and an arrogant king. Many nobles left his kingdom never to return again till he was on the throne.

Udai Singh's first escape

Chittor was attacked by Bahadur Shah of Gujarat in 1535. Rani Karnavati had called upon the neighboring rulers for help. Vikramaditya took a small force of nobles and their armies into the hills to provide a second attack force; and young Udai was spirited away with a small party that included Panna and her son to safety in Bundi. The battle was lost, Chittor was sacked and Bahadur Shah returned to Gujarat. When the situation was stable, Udai Singh returned to the capital and Vikramaditya came back to continue his reign.

Panna Dhai's sacrifice

Unfortunately, Vikramaditya's temperament had not improved even after the defeat in 1535 and, one day in 1536, he physically abused a respected old chieftain at the Court. This led the Mewar nobles to place Vikramaditya under palace arrest, leaving the object of Panna Dhai's love and loyalty, Udai Singh, as heir-elect to the throne. The Court appointed a distant cousin, Banvir to act as his Regent. He was, allegedly, the illegitimate son of Udai's uncle, Prithviraj (Crown Prince Prithviraj had a fight with his younger brother, Sangram Singh, and was sent into exile where he died, never to succeed to his birthright as Maharana of Mewar). Banvir, who considered himself to be the rightful heir to the throne knew the time was right to act. One evening that same year, he assassinated the imprisoned Vikramaditya, then hurried towards the rawala to get rid of the only remaining barrier to his ambition, the 14-year-old Maharana-elect, Udai Singh.

Panna Dhai had already fed her beloved son and her royal charge, and put them to bed. A servant (vari) ran in to tell her of the nearby assassination. Immediately, the loyal nursemaid realised what Banvir was doing. She also knew that, for the future of Mewar, young Udai must be saved. Urgently, she instructed the servant to put the sleeping prince into a large basket and smuggle him out of the fort to a spot by the nearby river where she would join them later. As soon as the servant left with the basket and its precious royal contents, she lifted her sleeping son, Chandan, from his bed and placed him on the prince's bed, covering him with a blanket.

Within moments, Banvir burst into the room, sword in hand. When asked the whereabouts of the infant Maharana, Panna Dhai pointed to the occupied bed and watched in horror as the murderer slew her son. Banvir then called a meeting of the Court, informed the gathered chiefs that both Vikramaditya and Udai were dead and, claiming his dubious right to the throne, proclaimed himself the new king of Mewar. Meanwhile, the grief-stricken Panna Dai watched as her son was hastily cremated. She then packed some clothing and meager supplies into a bag, and hurried from the fort. At the designated spot by the river, she took charge of the young king and urged the servant, in the name of Mewar, not to mention a word of what had transpired that night. The woman and child trekked for many weeks. They called at several towns seeking refuge from the local Chieftains. However, having heard of events at the capital, and to evade any repercussions from Banvir, the Rawats (Chiefs) refused assistance. As Panna and Udai struggled on through the rugged valleys of the Aravalli ranges, only the local tribals, the Bhils, traditionally faithful to the Mewar crown, gave the couple food and temporary lodgings. Finally, they arrived at Kumbhalgarh, many kilometres west of Chittor, where the local governor, a kiledar(governor)in maheshwari cast named Asha Depura Shah, agreed to give the child protection.

Udai Singh's accession to the throne

For a couple of years, Panna Dhai and the young king remained at Kumbhalgarh, where he was passed off as Asha Shah's nephew. However, in 1539, a chieftain from Marwar visited the fort, and the 17-year-old Udai was sent to receive him. The youth's dignified manner convinced him he was no nephew of the Jain governor, and rumour quickly spread that Udai Singh might still be alive. A deputy of chiefs from Chittor went in secret to Kumbhalgarh, where they interviewed not only the young man, but also Panna Dhai. The royal nursemaid, knowing her young charge would now be in safe hands, told them the full story of the deception and the escape. The nobles proclaimed Udai as their Maharana and his coronation was held at Kumbhalgarh. In 1540, backed by a large combined Mewar and Marwar force, Udai Singh, then aged 18, marched on Chittor to reclaim his throne. Hearing of their approach, Banvir the usurper mounted an army and rode out to repel them. They met at Mavli (northeast of Udaipur-southwest of Chittor) and Banvir was defeated (he was either killed or he escaped, never to return). Maharana Udai Singh rode into Chittor acclaimed by the populace.

And at that point, Panna Dhai, the humble nursemaid, disappeared from the pages of Mewar's history.

Legacy

Rajasthan CM Vasundhara Raje has inaugurated shaheed samarak and Panna boat museum on 15 August 2014. She has also inaugurated a boat shaped museum at Goverdhan sagar lake. This museum is dedicated to Panna Dai and her sacrifice to Mewar. The hall also portrays her life; visitors will be shown a 3D movie on her life.

The Panna Dhai Ma subharti nursing college in western U.P. is also named after her and is a pioneer in imparting nursing education.

The Panna Dhai award is a national award, instituted to honour Panna Dhai. It is given to people who venture beyond the call of duty.

Sachin Sen Gupta has also released a book titled "Panna Dhai" on her life in Hindi.

पन्ना धाय

मुक्त ज्ञानकोश विकिपीडिया से

पन्ना धाय राणा सांगा के पुत्र राणा उदयसिंह की धाय माँ थीं। पन्ना धाय किसी राजपरिवार की सदस्य नहीं थीं। अपना सर्वस्व स्वामी को अर्पण करने वाली वीरांगना पन्ना धाय का जन्म कमेरी गावँ में हुआ था। राणा साँगा के पुत्र उदयसिंह को माँ के स्थान पर दूध पिलाने के कारण पन्ना 'धाय माँ' कहलाई थी। पन्ना का पुत्र चन्दन और राजकुमार उदयसिंह साथ-साथ बड़े हुए थे। उदयसिंह को पन्ना ने अपने पुत्र के समान पाला था। पन्नाधाय ने उदयसिंह की माँ रानी कर्णावती के सामूहिक आत्म बलिदान द्वारा स्वर्गारोहण पर बालक की परवरिश करने का दायित्व संभाला था। पन्ना ने पूरी लगन से बालक की परवरिश और सुरक्षा की। पन्ना चित्तौड़ के कुम्भा महल में रहती थी।

पुत्र का बलिदान

चित्तौड़ का शासक, दासी का पुत्र बनवीर बनना चाहता था। उसने राणा के वंशजों को एक-एक कर मार डाला। बनवीर एक रात महाराजा विक्रमादित्य की हत्या करके उदयसिंह को मारने के लिए उसके महल की ओर चल पड़ा। एक विश्वस्त सेवक द्वारा पन्ना धाय को इसकी पूर्व सूचना मिल गई। पन्ना राजवंश और अपने कर्तव्यों के प्रति सजग थी व उदयसिंह को बचाना चाहती थी। उसने उदयसिंह को एक बांस की टोकरी में सुलाकर उसे झूठी पत्तलों से ढककर एक विश्वास पात्र सेवक के साथ महल से बाहर भेज दिया। बनवीर को धोखा देने के उद्देश्य से अपने पुत्र को उदयसिंह के पलंग पर सुला दिया। बनवीर रक्तरंजित तलवार लिए उदयसिंह के कक्ष में आया और उसके बारे में पूछा। पन्ना ने उदयसिंह के पलंग की ओर संकेत किया जिस पर उसका पुत्र सोया था। बनवीर ने पन्ना के पुत्र को उदयसिंह समझकर मार डाला। पन्ना अपनी आँखों के सामने अपने पुत्र के वध को अविचलित रूप से देखती रही। बनवीर को पता न लगे इसलिए वह आंसू भी नहीं बहा पाई। बनवीर के जाने के बाद अपने मृत पुत्र की लाश को चूमकर राजकुमार को सुरक्षित स्थान पर ले जाने के लिए निकल पड़ी। स्वामिभक्त वीरांगना पन्ना धन्य हैं! जिसने अपने कर्तव्य-पूर्ति में अपनी आँखों के तारे पुत्र का बलिदान देकर मेवाड़ राजवंश को बचाया।

मेवाड़ का वैधानिक महाराणा

पुत्र की मृत्यु के बाद पन्ना उदयसिंह को लेकर बहुत दिनों तक सप्ताह शरण के लिए भटकती रही पर दुष्ट बनबीर के खतरे के डर से कई राजकुल जिन्हें पन्ना को आश्रय देना चाहिए था, उन्होंने पन्ना को आश्रय नहीं दिया। पन्ना जगह-जगह राजद्रोहियों से बचती, कतराती तथा स्वामिभक्त प्रतीत होने वाले प्रजाजनों के सामने अपने को ज़ाहिर करती भटकती रही। कुम्भलगढ़ में उसे यह जाने बिना कि उसकी भवितव्यता क्या है शरण मिल गयी। उदयसिंह क़िलेदार का भांजा बनकर बड़ा हुआ। तेरह वर्ष की आयु में मेवाड़ी उमरावों ने उदयसिंह को अपना राजा स्वीकार कर लिया और उसका राज्याभिषेक कर दिया। उदय सिंह 1542 में मेवाड़ के वैधानिक महाराणा बन गए।

स्वामिभक्त

मेवाड़ के इतिहास में जिस गौरव के साथ प्रात: स्मरणीय महाराणा प्रताप को याद किया जाता है, उसी गौरव के साथ पन्ना धाय का नाम भी लिया जाता है, जिसने स्वामीभक्ति को सर्वोपरि मानते हुए अपने पुत्र चन्दन का बलिदान दे दिया था। इतिहास में पन्ना धाय का नाम स्वामिभक्ति के शिरमोरों में स्वर्णाक्षरों में लिखा गया है।

पन्ना धाय के बलिदान की कहानी

ByAniruddha Ameta

-चित्तौड़गढ़ के इतिहास में जहाँ पद्मिनी के जौहर की अमरगाथाएं, मीरा के भक्तिपूर्ण गीत गूंजते हैं वहीं पन्नाधाय जैसी मामूली स्त्री की स्वामीभक्ति की कहानी भी अपना अलग स्थान रखती है।

बात तब की है‚ जब चित्तौड़गढ़ का किला आन्तरिक विरोध व षड्यंत्रों में जल रहा था। मेवाड़ का भावी राणा उदय सिंह किशोर हो रहा था। तभी उदयसिंह के पिता के चचेरे भाई बनवीर ने एक षड्यन्त्र रच कर उदयसिंह के पिता की हत्या महल में ही करवा दी तथा उदयसिंह को मारने का अवसर ढूंढने लगा। उदयसिंह की माता को संशय हुआ तथा उन्होंने उदय सिंह को अपनी खास दासी व उदय सिंह की धाय पन्ना को सौंप कर कहा कि,

“पन्ना अब यह राजमहल व चित्तौड़ का किला इस लायक नहीं रहा कि मेरे पुत्र तथा मेवाड़ के भावी राणा की रक्षा कर सके‚ तू इसे अपने साथ ले जा‚ और किसी तरह कुम्भलगढ़ भिजवा दे।”

पन्ना धाय राणा साँगा के पुत्र राणा उदयसिंह की धाय माँ थीं। पन्ना धाय किसी राजपरिवार की सदस्य नहीं थीं। अपना सर्वस्व स्वामी को अर्पण करने वाली वीरांगना पन्ना धाय का जन्म कमेरी गावँ में हुआ था। राणा साँगा के पुत्र उदयसिंह को माँ के स्थान पर दूध पिलाने के कारण पन्ना ‘धाय माँ’ कहलाई थी। पन्ना का पुत्र चन्दन और राजकुमार उदयसिंह साथ-साथ बड़े हुए थे। उदयसिंह को पन्ना ने अपने पुत्र के समान पाला था। पन्नाधाय ने उदयसिंह की माँ रानी कर्मावती के सामूहिक आत्म बलिदान द्वारा स्वर्गारोहण पर बालक की परवरिश करने का दायित्व संभाला था। पन्ना ने पूरी लगन से बालक की परवरिश और सुरक्षा की। पन्ना चित्तौड़ के कुम्भा महल में रहती थी।

चित्तौड़ का शासक, दासी का पुत्र बनवीर बनना चाहता था। उसने राणा के वंशजों को एक-एक कर मार डाला। बनवीर एक रात महाराजा विक्रमादित्य की हत्या करके उदयसिंह को मारने के लिए उसके महल की ओर चल पड़ा। एक विश्वस्त सेवक द्वारा पन्ना धाय को इसकी पूर्व सूचना मिल गई। पन्ना राजवंश और अपने कर्तव्यों के प्रति सजग थी व उदयसिंह को बचाना चाहती थी। उसने उदयसिंह को एक बांस की टोकरी में सुलाकर उसे झूठी पत्तलों से ढककर एक विश्वास पात्र सेवक के साथ महल से बाहर भेज दिया। बनवीर को धोखा देने के उद्देश्य से अपने पुत्र को उदयसिंह के पलंग पर सुला दिया। बनवीर रक्तरंजित तलवार लिए उदयसिंह के कक्ष में आया और उसके बारे में पूछा। पन्ना ने उदयसिंह के पलंग की ओर संकेत किया जिस पर उसका पुत्र सोया था। बनवीर ने पन्ना के पुत्र को उदयसिंह समझकर मार डाला। पन्ना अपनी आँखों के सामने अपने पुत्र के वध को अविचलित रूप से देखती रही। बनवीर को पता न लगे इसलिए वह आंसू भी नहीं बहा पाई। बनवीर के जाने के बाद अपने मृत पुत्र की लाश को चूमकर राजकुमार को सुरक्षित स्थान पर ले जाने के लिए निकल पड़ी। स्वामिभक्त वीरांगना पन्ना धन्य हैं! जिसने अपने कर्तव्य-पूर्ति में अपनी आँखों के तारे पुत्र का बलिदान देकर मेवाड़ राजवंश को बचाया।

Source: gyandarpanपुत्र की मृत्यु के बाद पन्ना उदयसिंह को लेकर बहुत दिनों तक सप्ताह शरण के लिए भटकती रही पर दुष्ट बनबीर के खतरे के डर से कई राजकुल जिन्हें पन्ना को आश्रय देना चाहिए था, उन्होंने पन्ना को आश्रय नहीं दिया। पन्ना जगह-जगह राजद्रोहियों से बचती, कतराती तथा स्वामिभक्त प्रतीत होने वाले प्रजाजनों के सामने अपने को ज़ाहिर करती भटकती रही। कुम्भलगढ़ में उसे यह जाने बिना कि उसकी भवितव्यता क्या है शरण मिल गयी। उदयसिंह क़िलेदार का भांजा बनकर बड़ा हुआ। तेरह वर्ष की आयु में मेवाड़ी उमरावों ने उदयसिंह को अपना राजा स्वीकार कर लिया और उसका राज्याभिषेक कर दिया। उदय सिंह 1542 में मेवाड़ के वैधानिक महाराणा बन गए।

आईये उस महान वीरता से परिपूर्ण पन्ना की कहानी को इस कविता के माध्यम से समझते है ।।

चल पड़ा दुष्ट बनवीर क्रूर, जैसे कलयुग का कंस चला

राणा सांगा के, कुम्भा के, कुल को करने निर्वश चला

उस ओर महल में पन्ना के कानों में ऐसी भनक पड़ी

वह भीत मृगी सी सिहर उठी, क्या करे नहीं कुछ समझ पड़ी

तत्क्षण मन में संकल्प उठा, बिजली चमकी काले घन पर

स्वामी के हित में बलि दूंगी, अपने प्राणों से भी बढ़ कर

धन्ना नाई की कुंडी में, झटपट राणा को सुला दिया

ऊपर झूठे पत्तल रख कर, यों छिपा महल से पार किया

फिर अपने नन्हें­मुन्ने को, झट गुदड़ी में से उठा लिया

राजसी वसन­भूषण पहना, फौरन पलंग पर लिटा दिया

इतने में ही सुन पड़ी गरज, है उदय कहां, युवराज कहां

शोणित प्यासी तलवार लिये, देखा कातिल था खड़ा वहां

पन्ना सहमी, दिल झिझक उठा, फिर मन को कर पत्थर कठोर

सोया प्राणों­का­प्राण जहां, दिखला दी उंगली उसी ओर

छिन में बिजली­सी कड़क उठी, जालिम की ऊंची खड्ग उठी

मां­मां मां­मां की चीख उठी, नन्हीं सी काया तड़प उठी

शोणित से सनी सिसक निकली, लोहू पी नागन शांत हुई

इक नन्हा जीवन­दीप बुझा, इक गाथा करुण दुखांत हुई

जबसे धरती पर मां जनमी, जब से मां ने बेटे जनमे

ऐसी मिसाल कुर्बानी की, देखी न गई जन­जीवन में

तू पुण्यमयी, तू धर्ममयी, तू त्याग­तपस्या की देवी

धरती के सब हीरे­पन्ने, तुझ पर वारें पन्ना देवी

तू भारत की सच्ची नारी, बलिदान चढ़ाना सिखा गयी

तू स्वामिधर्म पर, देशधर्म पर, हृदय लुटाना सिखा गयी

– सत्य नारायण गोयंका

वीरांगना पन्ना धाय की जीवनी

ByRajkumar Mali

(https://biographyhindi.com/panna-dai-biography-in-hindi/)

Panna Dai Biography in Hindi

मेवाड़ में अनेक बहादुर और साहसी राजा हुआ है | इनमे एक थे राणा संग्राम सिंह | राणा संग्राम सिंह वीर अवश्य थे किन्तु उनमे मित्र और शत्रु को परखने की क्षमता का अभाव था | राणा संग्राम सिंह को अपनी प्रशंशा सुनना बड़ा अच्छा लगता था | उनकी प्रशंशा करके उनसे कुछ भी कराया जा सकता था | राणा संग्राम सिंह का एक सेवक था – बनबीर | बनबीर बड़ा धूर्त , चालाक और महत्वाकांक्षी प्रकृति का व्यक्ति था | उसने राणा संग्राम सिंह की इस कमी का लाभ उठाया और उनकी झूठी सच्ची प्रशंशा करके उनका विश्वासपात्र बन बैठा |

राणा संग्राम सिंह राज्य और परिवार के सभी विषयों पर बनबीर से विचार-विमर्श करते थे और उनके सुझाव को बड़ा महत्व देते थे | राणा संग्राम सिंह का विश्वासपात्र होने के कारण राजा के सेवको में बड़ी तेजी से बनबीर का प्रभाव बढने लगा | धीरे-धीरे बनबीर इतना प्रभावशाली हो गया कि राजपुरोहित , सेनापति और महामंत्री तक उससे भयभीत रहने लगे | बनबीर ने अपनी स्थिति का लाभ उठाया और अपने जैसे दुष्ट बेईमान और धूर्त राजकीय कर्मचारियों का एक दल बना लिया | इस दल के लोग मेवाड़ की प्रजा का खुलकर शोषण करते थे एवं भोले-भाले लोगो पर अत्याचार करते थे किन्तु बनबीर के प्रभाव के कारण उन्हें कोई कुछ नही कह पाता था |

इसी समय बनबीर की सेवाओं से प्रसन्न होकर राणा संग्राम सिंह ने बनबीर को मेवाड़ का महामंत्री बना दिया | इससे बनबीर की शक्ति ओर बढ़ गयी और वह राणा संग्राम सिंह के बाद मेवाड़ का सर्वाधिक शक्तिशाली व्यक्ति बन बैठा | कुछ समय बाद राणा संग्राम सिंह की मृत्यु हो गयी | राणा संग्राम सिंह के इकलौते पुत्र उदय सिंह को युवराज घोषित कर दिया गया तथा बनबीर अपने प्रभाव के द्वारा उदयसिंह का संरक्षक बन बैठा | बनबीर अत्यंत महत्वकांक्षी व्यक्ति था | वह एक साधारण सेवक से मेवाड़ का महामंत्री बना था किन्तु उसका उद्देश्य अभी पूरा नही हुआ था |

वह तो मेवाड़ का शासक बनना चाहता था | इस समय मेवाड़ की परिस्थितिया भी ऐसी थी कि बनबीर को अपना स्वप्न साकार होते दिखाई दिया | उसके रास्ते का बस एक ही काँटा था युवराज उदय सिंह | एक दिन बनबीर ने अपने सहयोगियों को एक गुप्त स्थान पर एकत्रित किया और उनसे विचार विमर्श किया | बनबीर ने अपने सहयोगियों को लालच दिया यदि वह मेवाड़ का शासक बन जाएगा तो उन्हें उच्च पद देगा | बनबीर के साथी भी उसकी तरह धूर्त और लालची थे अत: उसकी बातो में आ गये और सभी ने मिलकर एक भयानक निर्णय लिया – युवराज उद्यिसंह की हत्या का निर्णय |

बनबीर के सहयोगियों में एक राजकीय सेवक कट्टर राजभक्त था | वह बाहर से तो बनबीर से मिला हुआ था किन्तु भीतर ही भीतर राजपरिवार का हित चाहता था | इस सेवक ने जब युवराज उद्यिसंह की हत्या के संबध में सुना तो सीधा पन्ना (Panna Dai) के पास पहुचा और उसे सारी बात बताई | पन्नाधाय युवराज उदयसिंह की धाय थी और उसे अपने पुत्र की तरह स्नेह करती थी | पन्ना को जब युवराज उदयसिंह की हत्या का षडयंत्र की जानकारी मिली तो वह कुछ समय के लिए किंकर्तव्यविमूढ़ सी हो गयी | अंत में उसने युवराज को बचाने के लिए एक अभिनव बलिदान देने का निर्णय लिया |

पन्ना (Panna Dai) ने एक टोकरे में युवराज उदयसिंह को लिटाया और उपर से कूड़ा-करकट भर दिया | इसी मध्य स्वामिभक्त सेवक सफाई वाले का वेश बनाकर आ गया | पन्ना ने सेवक को कुछ आवश्यक निर्देश दिए और युवराज को एक सुरक्षित स्थान पर पहुचाने के लिए कहा | बनबीर ने पुरे राजमहल के कर्मचारियों को यह आदेश दे दिया था कि किसी भी स्त्री को छोटे बच्चे के साथ महल के बाहर न जाने दिया | इतना ही नही उसने महल के उस भाग के उस भाग पर भारी पहरा बैठा दिया था जहा पन्ना और उदयसिंह थे |

यह दिन का समय था | बनबीर रात को युवराज उदयसिंह की हत्या करना चाहता था अत: उसने दिन के समय युवराज की निगरानी के विशेष आदेश दिए थे | स्वामिभक्त सेवक को इन सभी बातो की पुरी जानकारी थी | वह महल के कई गुप्त रास्तो से भी परिचित था अत: उसने युवराज उदयसिंह को महल के बाहर ले जाने में कोई परेशानी नही हुयी | सेवक सफाई कर्मचारी के वेश में था अत: उसे बाहर जाते हुए कई लोगो ने देखा किन्तु कोई भी उसे पहचान न सका |

इधर युवराज उदयसिंह को महल के बाहर भेजने के बाद पन्ना ने उसी आयु के अपने बेटे को युवराज के कपड़े पहनाये और उसे उसी पलंग पर लिटा दिया जिस पर कुछ समय पूर्व युवराज उदयसिंह लेटे थे | पन्ना (Panna Dai) का हृदय यह सब करते हुए चीत्कार कर रहा था | वह जानती थी कि युवराज उद्यिसंह को बचाने के लिए अपने बेटे का बलिदान देने जा रही है | पन्ना का हृदय हा-हाकार कर रहा था | एक ओर स्वामिभक्ति और दुसरी ओर माँ की ममता |

अंत में पन्ना ने धैर्य और साहस से काम लिया और अपने बेटे को युवराज के पलंग पर लिटाकर वह इस प्रकार सामान्य कार्यो में व्यस्त हो गयी जैसे उसे राजमहल में होने वाले षड्यंत्रों की कोई जानकारी ही न हो | तभी अचानक अपने हाथ में नंगी तलवार लिए बनबीर ने युवराज सिंह उदयसिंह के कक्ष में प्रवेश किया | बनबीर के सर पर खून सवार था उसने आते हे कठोर आवाज में पन्ना से पूछा “उदयसिंह कहा है ?”

पन्ना कुछ क्षण तो ठगी से खडी रही फिर उसने हृदय पर पत्थर रखकर युवराज उदयसिंह के पलंग पर लेटे हुए अपने बेटे की ओर इशारा कर दिया | बनबीर ने एक बार अपने चारों ओर देखा और फिर बड़ी निर्दयता से उसने अपनी तलवार पलंग पर सोते हुए पन्ना (Panna Dai) के बेटे के हृदय पर घोंप दी | युवराज उदयसिंह के कक्ष में एक भयानक चीख उभरी और फिर कुछ ही क्षणों में सब शांत हो गया | बनबीर के चेहरे पर एक विजयपूर्ण मुस्कान आ गयी | उसने सोचा कि उसके मेवाड़ नरेश बनने का मार्ग का एकमात्र काँटा दूर हो गया |

अपना काम पूरा करने के बाद बनबीर ने पन्ना की ओर एक सरसरी दृष्टि डाली और जिस ओर से आया था उसी ओर लौट गया | पन्ना (Panna Dai) अभी तक बुत बनी हुयी थी | बनबीर के जाते ही वह फुट-फुटकर रो पड़ी | उसके सामने उसके एकमात्र पुत्र की हत्या कर दी गयी और वह कुछ न कर सकी | पन्ना बड़ी देर तक पड़ी रोटी रही | अगले दिन उसने युवराज बने अपने बेटे का दाह संस्कार कराया और उस स्थान पर आ पहुची , जहा युवराज उदयसिंह थे |

पन्ना ने युवराज उदयसिंह का बड़ी सावधानी से पालन-पोषण किया | उसने एक ओर उदयसिंह को बनबीर की नजरो से दूर रखा और दुसरी ओर उन्हें युवराज के समान शिक्षित किया | बड़े होने पर युवराज उदयसिंह ने मेवाड़ की राजगद्दी प्राप्त की और युवराज उदयसिंह से राणा उदयसिंह बने | राणा उदयसिंह ने जीवनभर पन्ना का उपकार माना और जब तक पन्ना जीवित रही उसे माता का सम्मान दिया | आज न पन्ना है न उदयसिंह किन्तु एक वीरांगना के रूप में आज भी मेवाड़वासी पन्ना (Panna Dai) को याद करते है | वीरांगना पन्ना का नाम आते ही मेवाड़वासियों के मस्तक उसके प्रति श्रुधा से झुक जाते है |

क्या पन्नाधाय ने अपने बेटे को ही उदयसिंह घोषित कर दिया था ?

अपने पुत्रका बलिदान देकर विश्व इतिहास में नाम लिखवा चुकी पन्ना धाय ने क्या वास्तव में अपने पुत्र का बलिदान नहीं दिया था।

Dainik Bhaskar

उदयपुर. अपने पुत्रका बलिदान देकर विश्व इतिहास में नाम लिखवा चुकी पन्ना धाय ने क्या वास्तव में अपने पुत्र का बलिदान नहीं दिया था। क्या पन्ना ने अपने बेटे को ही उदयसिंह घोषित करवा दिया थाω यह बात भले ही ऐतिहासिक रूप से गलत हो, लेकिन लोक विश्वासों, लोक मान्यताओं और किंवदंतियों के अनुसार आज भी यह बात जीवंत है। यह कहना है “”मेवाड़ का प्रारंभिक इतिहास’’ में डॉ. गोपाल व्यास का। इस पुस्तक का विमोचन अभी दो दिन पहले ही बीएन विश्वविद्यालय के परिसर में हुआ है। पुस्तक का प्रकाशन उदयपुर के किसी हिमांशु पब्लिकेशंस ने किया है। इतिहासविदों की नजर में यह विवादित बात है।

डॉ. व्यास ने लिखा है, लोक विश्वास, मान्यता और किंवदंती के द्वारा मैं इसका एक उदाहरण यहां प्रस्तुत करने की धृष्टता कर रहा हूं। वे लिखते हैं : जब मैं राजकीय महाविद्यालय चित्तौड़ में अध्यापन करता था। 1982 में मैं एमए के छात्रों को दुर्ग अवलोकन और इतिहास की दृष्टि से उसकी व्याख्या करने चित्तौड़ किले पर ले गया। एक ग्रामीण ने हमसे प्रश्न किया कि बालक उदयसिंह द्वितीय क्या वास्तविकता में थाω हम सभी अचंभित हुए, क्योंकि इतिहास परंपरा में पन्नाधाय द्वारा अपने पुत्र का उत्सर्ग कर तत्कालीन महाराणा बनवीर से उदयसिंह की रक्षा करना इस क्षेत्र की लोकमान्यता है।

लोकमान्यता के अपने तर्क

डॉ.व्यास ने लोकमान्यता के आधार पर वास्तविक उदयसिंह के मारे जाने और उसकी जगह पन्ना के बेटे को उदयसिंह बना दिए जाने के बारे में तर्क दिया गया है : ...महाराणा उदयसिंह के पूर्व मेवाड़ के शासक सैन्य-अग्रणी लड़ाकू वीर थे, परंतु उदयसिंह के पश्चात मेवाड़ के शासक सैन्य पृष्ठ लड़ाकू-संगठक थे। हालांकि डॉ. व्यास ने इस लोकमान्यता को इतिहासपरक नहीं, माना लेकिन इसे तर्क आधारित माना है कि पन्ना एक गडरिया यानी गुर्जर वंश से रही थी और अपने पुत्र के प्रति असीम प्रेम रखती थी। अत: उसने असली उदयसिंह की हत्या करवाने के पश्चात अपने पुत्र को उदयसिंह घोषित किया था।

लोकमान्यता के आधार पर ये भी तर्क : “”भेड़पालकगडरिया भेड़ों के झुंड के पीछे रहते आए हैं और यही रक्त-प्रकृति पन्ना के पुत्र उदयसिंह में विद्यमान रही थी।’’ लेकिन लोकमान्यता के आधार पर इस सबको तार्किक और ज्ञान की परिधि में उछलकूद करने वाला प्रश्न बताते हुए डॉ. व्यास ने लिखा है : इतिहास संकीर्ण स्रोत, विश्वास, निर्विश्लेषित परंपरा और ही मात्र भाषा और अनुवाद पर निर्भर है, अपितु इतिहास एक वैज्ञानिक अनुसंधान है, जो इतिहास की गति के साथ-साथ नवज्ञान की उपादेयता को प्रस्तुत करता है।

उदयसिंह का जूठा खाया तो उसे सांगा का असली बेटा माना

उदयपुरराज्यका इतिहास, भाग एक, लेखक गौरीशंकर हीराचंद औझा, पेज 403 में लिखा है : सन् 1537 में मेवाड़ के सरदारों ने, जिनमें कोठारिया के रावत खान, केलवा के जग्गा, बागौर के रावत सांगा आदि ने उदयसिंह को मेवाड़ का स्वामी माना और गद्दी पर बिठा दिया। उन्होंने पाली के अखेराज सोनगरा को बुलाया और दबाव बनाया कि वह अपनी बेटी का विवाह उदयसिंह से करे, लेकिन सोनगरा ने कहा : चित्तौड़ के शासक बनवीर ने वास्तविक उदयसिंह का मारा जाना और इसका कृत्रिम होना प्रसिद्ध कर रखा है। यदि आप सब सरदार इस उदयसिंह का जूठा खाएं तो मैं अपनी पुत्री का विवाह इससे कर दूंगा। अखेराज का संदेह दूर करने के लिए सभी सरदारों ने उदयसिंह का जूठा खाया। इसी पर अखेराज ने अपनी बेटी का विवाह उदयसिंह से किया।

चांदरास गांव में उदय सिंह द्वारा 451 बीघा भूमिदान का ताम्रपत्र, जो साह आसकर्ण देवपुरा को दिया, पन्नाधाय की सुरक्षा के लिए। मेवाड़ में इतने बड़े भूभाग के अनुदान का यही एक मात्र लेख है, जिस पर संवत 1621, सन 1564 ई. आसोज सुदी नवमी अंकित है।

यह बेबुनियाद बात :

 गुप्ता

पन्नाऔर उदयसिंह के बारे में ऐसी बातें बेबुनियाद हैं। उदयसिंह उस समय कोई दूध पीते बच्चे नहीं थे। वे दस-बारह साल के किशोर थे। उन्हें कितने ही लोगों ने देखा था। पन्ना डूंगरपुर, प्रतापगढ़ और कुंभलगढ़ गईं। सब उन्हें जानते थे। इतिहास लेखन में ऐसी किंवदंतियों का उल्लेख करना केवल अनुचित है, बल्कि यह गलत भी है। केएसगुप्ता, इतिहासकार

यह किंवदंती भी आधारहीन : जुगनू

अगरपन्ना झूठी होती तो वह कभी प्रसिद्ध नहीं होती। इसलिए यह किंवदंतियां आधारहीन हैं। पन्ना को आमेट के पास कमेरी में उदयसिंह ने जागीर दी। अगर वह उसकी असली मां होती तो वह शासक बनने के बाद उसे अपने साथ ही रखते। श्रीकृष्णजुगनू, इतिहासकार और मेवाड़ के प्रारंभिक इतिहास के लेखक

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बहुजन (सैन/नाई) समाज में प्रतिभाओं की कभी कमी नहीं रही। समय-समय पर अनेक विभूतियों ने इस जाति को गौरव प्रदान किया लेकिन इतिहास में उन्हें समुचित स्थान नहीं मिल पाया। इसका कारण रहा कलम का उनके हाथ से छिन जाना। ऐसे हालात में समाज के शिक्षित नवयुवकों का कर्तव्य है कि वह अपने महापुरुषों/महामाताओं के महान कार्यों को प्रकाश में लाकर उन्हें जीवित करें।

ऐसी ही बहुजन (सैन/नाई) समाज की एक महामाता है त्याग की अद्वितीय मिसाल पन्नाधाय। राणा सांगा के छोटे पुत्र उदय सिंह और उनके बसाए राजस्थान के उदयपुर का जब भी जिक्र होगा तब तब त्यागमूर्ति पन्नाधाय को अवश्य याद किया जाएगा। पन्नाधाय की वजह से ही लोग उदय सिंह को जानते हैं।

मेवाड़ के राजा राणा सांगा की मृत्यु के बाद उनका बड़ा पुत्र विक्रमाजीत शासक बना। जिसके अत्याचारों की वजह से जनता उसे पसंद नहीं करती थी इसलिए उन्होंने उसके चचेरे भाई बनवीर की सहायता से उदय सिंह को राजा बनाया। परंतु दुष्ट बनवीर भी राजा बनने की इच्छा रखता था। उसने कई सरदारों को लालच देकर अपनी और मिला लिया। उसने विक्रमाजीत और उदयसिंह दोनों भाइयों को मारने की योजना बनाई। उसकी इस योजना का पता पन्नाधाय को चल गया। पन्नाधाय ने राणा परिवार की अंतिम निशानी को बचाने का निर्णय किया।

पन्ना धाय का भी एक पुत्र था, चंदन सिंह। जो उदयसिंह की हम उम्र था। जब पन्नाधाय ने नंगी तलवार हाथ में लिए बनवीर को महल में प्रवेश करते देखा तो तुरंत अपने पुत्र को उदयसिंह के कपड़े पहनाकर, उदयसिंह के पलंग पर सुला दिया और उदयसिंह को अपने विश्वासपात्र नौकर के द्वारा बाहर भिजवा दिया। बनवारी ने महल में प्रवेश करते ही उदयसिंह के विषय में पूछा। पन्नाधाय ने अपने पुत्र की तरफ हाथ से इशारा कर दिया। दुष्ट बनवीर ने तलवार के एक ही वार से बालक का सिर धड़ से अलग कर दिया। पन्नाधाय के सामने उसके पुत्र का कत्ल हो गया। दुःख के कारण असहाय पन्नाधाय बोल न सकी। प्रातः काल से पहले ही पन्ना ने नदी किनारे अपने पुत्र का अंतिम संस्कार कर दिया।

नौकर से उदयसिंह को लेकर पन्ना ने अनेक राजपूत सरदारों से मदद मांगी। लेकिन बनवीर के डर के कारण सभी ने मदद करने से इंकार कर दिया। अंत में आशाशाह ने अपनी मां के समझाने के बाद उदयसिंह और पन्ना को अपने महल में शरण दी। पन्ना ने छोटे राजकुमार के लिए अपना सब कुछ छोड़ दिया। जब उदयसिंह 14 वर्ष का हो गया तो आशाशाह और अन्य सरदारों की मदद से उदयसिंह पुन: मेवाड़ का राजा बना। पन्ना का सारे राज्य में राजकीय सम्मान हुआ। राजा उदयसिंह उन्हें अपनी मां की तरह बहुत प्यार करता था।

हमें गर्व है कि अपने पुत्र की बलि देकर राणा वंश की अंतिम निशानी उदयसिंह को जीवनदान देकर पुनः राज्य स्थापित कराने वाली त्यागमूर्ति पन्नाधाय हमारे बहुजन (सैन/नाई) समाज की धरोहर थी।

त्याग और बलिदान की चर्चा जब भी होगी पन्ना धाय का नाम आदर के साथ अवश्य लिया जाएगा।

Note: This the collection from differn sources. The views are express are of the writers.

Panchakaka Patel 

- Indian Freedom Fighter

Panchabhai Patel Was Resident Of Karadi Village Near Dandi In Navsari District Of Gujarat, India. He Was A Talpada Koli Patel Of Gujarat.

One Of The Thousands Of The Peoples Who Participated In Gandhi's Dandi March During Salt Satyagraha Was Pancha Kaka Patel. He Was A Staunch Supporter Of Gandhiji. The British Government Confiscated The Patel's House And Farms And Imprisoned Him For His Great Role Salt Satyagraha And No-Tax Movement.

When Panchakaka Was Jailed There A British Police Officer Said That What You Got, You Have Lost Everything Your House, Farms Confiscated By Us, You Don't Have One Inch Of Land.

Koli Shree Panchakaka Replied, I Have No Need Of Farms , House And I Will Not Ask You To Return My House And Farm Until My Country Becomes Free.

In 1937, A Congress Government Was Formed In The Then Bombay Presidency And the Chief Minister, B.G. Kher, Sent A Message To Pancha Kaka Saying That His Government Was Prepared To Return His House And His Lands. Pancha Kaka Replied That He Had Taken A Pledge Not To Take Back His Property Until India Became Free And That Day Had Not Yet Come.

In 1947, When India Had Achieved Independence, Pancha Kaka Was Again Informed That He Could Repossess His Confiscated Property. Koli Patel Contacted And Asked Him, "Gandhiji, Do You Feel The Freedom You Had Envisaged Has Come? "Unfortunately I Must Say ‘No’," Said Gandhiji. Pancha Kaka Wrote To The Government Saying That He Did Not Want His Property Back.

by Koli Prem Singhji Mahaur

Pir Ali

The Revolution of 1857 also influenced Bihar. Although it is true that there was no emphasis on revolution like Agra, Meerut and Delhi, however, in many areas of Bihar the revolution had assumed a gruesome form. Hundreds of Britishers were killed here.

Revolution in the cities like Gaya, Chhapra, Patna, Motihari and Muzaffarpur took a gruesome look. The British established a cantonment in Danapur, to control Bihar. The seventh, eighth and forty-one infantry of the indigenous peoples, including a foreign company and a cannon army were set up to control. Its Chief General was Major General Lloyd. Taylor was the commissioner of Patna, who was very farsighted. There was excessive administrative capacity in it. He believed that the Muslims of Patna would also participate in this revolution with the Hindus. The number of Muslim Bahá'ís Muslims in Patna was very high. So Taylor began to take a close look at Bahawi Muslim leaders. Patnaese citizens had started preparing for the revolution for a few years, the organizations had been set up for this, In which the businessmen and rich people of the city were involved. Some of the clerics of Patna were having correspondence with the secret organizations of Lucknow. He was also contacted by Danapur's soldiers. It appears that the police were also cooperating with the revolutionaries. The soldiers of Danapur used to secretly hold meetings under the trees and plan for revolution.

The soldiers of Danapur knew about the dissatisfaction of the Meerut soldiers, but they were waiting for an opportunity. Taylor came to know that there is dissatisfaction in the Danapur soldiers, it is considered proper to crush it before it explodes. For this, he took effective action immediately, due to which the revolution could not take a grueling look. Yes, there was a small revolution on July 3, which the Britishers crushed with the help of Sikh soldiers.

The British suspected terrorists of Tirhut district's police officer, Waris Ali, and they were arrested immediately. His house was printed, which included objectionable papers. In this suit he was hanged on the gallows Thereafter, many revolutionaries were imprisoned and imprisoned. Citizens were banned from carrying weapons. At nine o'clock at night, the ban was imposed and the curfew was imposed. As a result, the revolutionary night could not call the meeting. Very few people know about a major Muslim revolutionary angel Ali in Bihar. He was not the only leader of the Muslims, but he received the faith and support of all the revolutionaries.

Pir Ali was a resident of Lucknow. Special information about them is not obtained, but it certainly shows that he was an ordinary person, in which the feeling of patriotism was filled with codenamed code. The greatness of the person is not attributed to his ancestry, Aishwarya etc., but he is assessed by his loyalty. In our view, an ordinary person, in which there is a devotion to the country, longing for the country to die, that person is thousand times better than the humane scholars and millionaires. Peer Ali settled down from Lucknow to Patna. He started the book Brickie's business for livelihood. They could do other things if they wanted to. But their main objective was to promote the books related to revolution in the people. They used to read the book first and then read it to others. Blessed is that man, who benefits all the people by not keeping his knowledge as his own committee.

Pir Ali wanted the mother to be freed from slavery. He believed that death from slavery is much worse. He had very good contacts with the revolutionaries of Delhi and other places. They used to receive instructions from time to time from them. The person who came in contact with him was not affected by them. Although he was a book seller, he was supported by the patrons of Patna. Revolutionary Council, but had a lot of influence. He organized many people with the help of the rich class and spread the spirit of revolution in them. The people assured him that they would destroy the power with the Britishers by root. As long as the stream of blood continues to flow in us, we will oppose the fires, people eat meat.

Taylor began to launch a suppression cycle in Patna, then Pir Ali revolted. His nature had tremendous intensity and rousingness. They could not bear the insults of the countrymen. Hence, he inspired the public to fight against the government and jumped into their own struggle.

He himself had said, "I had rebelled before time." The government took Pir Ali and they were sued and sentenced to death. Pir Ali embraced deathlessly and laughing.

Mr. Vinayak Damodar Savarkar has given a very good description of the time of Pir Ali's death sentence. "Handcuffs in the hands, the blood stream in the arms, the front hoof, the smiling smile on the face of Pir Ali, as if they were challenging death in front of them. The great martyr said," You can hang me on the gallows " , But you can not kill our ideal I will die, but a thousand warriors will be born from my blood and destroy your empire. "Commissioner Taylor has written that Pir Ali introduced great bravery and fearlessness during the death penalty.

Pir Ali's sacrifice was not in vain After his death, on 25 July, the country's platoon of Danapur declared itself independent. The Danapur soldiers accepted Babu Kunwar Singh from Jagadishpur as his leader. Though Kunwar Singh had grown old, however, he was very excited. They had amazing military power. Aged Kunwar Singh accepted the leadership of the revolutionaries and proved that Bihar's land has amazing power. An old man here can also challenge the Britishers and make their teeth sour.

Pushpalata Das

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Pushpalata Das

Born 27 March 1915

North Lakhimpur, Assam, India

Died 9 November 2003 (aged 88)

Kolkata, West Bengal, India

Occupation Indian independence activist

Social worker

Years active 1940–2003

Organization Banar Sena

Kasturba Gandhi National Memorial Trust

Spouse(s) Omeo Kumar Das

Children 1 daughter

Parent(s) Rameswar Saikia

Swarnalata

Awards Padma Bhushan

Tamrapatra Freedom Fighter Award

Pushpalata Das (1915–2003) was an Indian independence activist, social worker, Gandhian and legislator from the north-east Indian state of Assam. She was a member of Rajya Sabha from 1951 to 1961, a member of the Assam Legislative Assembly and a member of the working committee of the Indian National Congress. She served as the chairperson of the Assam chapters of the Kasturba Gandhi National Memorial Trust and Khadi and Village Industries Commission.[3] The Government of India awarded her the third highest civilian honour of the Padma Bhushan, in 1999, for her contributions to society.

Early life

A sculpture at Kanaklata Udyan showing the police shooting of 1942

Born on 27 March 1915[5] to Rameswar Saikia and Swarnalata in North Lakhimpur in Assam, Das did her schooling at Panbazar Girls High School. She started her political activities from school days and was the secretary of an organization by name, Mukti Sangha. In 1931, she and her comrades organized a protest against the hanging of the revolutionary, Bhagat Singh by the British Raj and was expelled from school. She continued her studies as a private student and passed the matriculation examination in 1934, after which she joined Benaras Hindu University to complete her intermediate course. Later, she graduated from Andhra University and secured post-graduate degree from the same university in 1938. Subsequently, she enrolled herself for studies in Law at Earle Law College, Guwahati where continued her student politics; she was the secretary of the college union in 1940. It was during this time, Gandhiji called for Individual Satyagraha, as a part of civil disobedience movement and as a precursor to the Quit India Movement which would be launched two years later, and Das participated in the movement. She was incarcerated which effectively cut short her law studies.

Political life

Due to her association with the National Planning Committee as a member of its Women Sub Committee, Das moved to Mumbai that year and stayed there for two years. Her activities gave her opportunities to work alongside Mridula Sarabhai and Vijaya Laxmi Pandit as well as Omeo Kumar Das, then sitting member of the Assam Legislative Assembly, whom she married in 1942. She returned to Assam after her marriage and formed two organizations, Shanti Bahini and Mrityu Bahini. In September 1942, Das and her comrades of Mrityu Bahini led a protest to the local police station holding the National Flag of India and it was at this procession, the police opened fire which led to the death of her colleague, Kanaklata Barua. By that time, she had already become a member of the All India Congress Committee and the convener of the women’s wing of the Assam Congress Committee and reportedly worked to get Assam out of the grouping with East Pakistan.

After the Indian independence in 1947, Das couple focused their activities in Dhekiajuli in Assam which Omeo Kumar Das represented in Assam Legistalive Assembly for successive terms from 1951 to 1967. Pushpalata Das herself was nominated to the Rajya Sabha in 1951 and held the position 1961. It was during this period she led the 1957 election campaign of Chandraprava Saikiani from Bajali constituency. Later, she was elected to the Congress Working Committee in 1958 and the next year, she visited a number of East European countries as a member of the parliamentary delegation. In 1967, she contested from Dhekiajuli when her husband vacated the constituency, winning the election representing Indian National Congress and repeated the success in 1971. After the death of her husband on 23 January 1975, Das withdrew from parliamentary politics, concentrating for more social service. She served as the chairperson of the Assam chapter of the All India Khadi Board and chaired the state boards of Bhudan and Gramdan initiatives.[ She was also associated with the Central Social Welfare Board and served as a member of the women's section of the Congress Planning Committee and the East India wing of the Censor Board of India. She edited the Assamese magazine, Jayanti and headed the Assam branch of the Kasturba Gandhi National Memorial Trust for a certain period of time. She also published one book, Rajarama Sukla rashtriyaatma varcasva evam krtitva, san 1898-1962, released in 1976.

Award and honours

The Government of India honored her with Tamrapatra Freedom Fighter Award but she declined it saying she participated in the Indian freedom struggle without expecting returns. In 1999, the government awarded her the third highest civilian honor of the Padma Bhushan. Towards the later days of her life, she suffered from age-related illnesses and had to be moved to a Woodlands Nursing Home in Kolkata, where she died on 9 November 2003, at the age of 88, survived by her daughter, Nandini and her husband, Sasanka Dutta.

P. Kakkan

P. Kakkan

Minister for Home Affairs (Madras state)

In office

3 October 1963 – 5 March 1967

Minister of Agriculture (Madras state)

In office

13 March 1962 – 3 October 1963

Member of Madras Legislative Assembly for Samayanallur

In office

1962–1967

Minister of Public Works (Madras state)

In office

13 April 1957 – 13 March 1962

Member of Madras Legislative Assembly for Melur

In office

1957–1962

Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha) for Madurai

In office

1951–1957

Succeeded by K. T. K. Thangamani

Member of Constituent Assembly

In office

1946–1950

Monarch George VI of the United Kingdom

Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru

Preceded by None

Succeeded by None

Personal details

Born 18 June 1908

Nagercoil, Madras Presidency, British India

Died 23 December 1981

Madras, India

Nationality Indian

Political party Indian National Congress

Profession Politician

P. Kakkan (sometimes Kakkan) (Tamil: கக்கன்) (June 18, 1908 – December 23, 1981) was a Dalit leader, freedom fighter and Indian politician who served as a member of the Constituent Assembly of India, Member of Parliament, President of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee and in various ministerial posts in Congress Governments in the erstwhile Madras state between 1957 and 1967.

Early life

Kakkan was born in a Scheduled caste family on June 18, 1908 in Village called Thumbaipatti In Melur Taluk, madurai district of Madras Presidency. His father Poosari Kakkan was a "Poosari" in the village shrine.

Indian Independence MovementKakkan was drawn to the independence movement from an early stage in his life. While in school, he joined the Indian National Congress. When the Rajaji Government brought forth the Temple Entry Authorization and Indemnity Act 1939 which removed restrictions on Dalits and Shanars entering temples, Kakkan led the temple entry at Madurai. He also participated in the Quit India Movement and was sent to Alipore jail.In 1946, he was elected to the Constituent Assembly..and served from 1946 to 1950.

Politics of Free IndiaKakkan served as a member of the Lok Sabha from 1952 to 1957. When K. Kamaraj resigned as the President of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee in order to take office as the Chief Minister of Madras state, Kakkan was elected as the President of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee. Following the 1957 elections when the Indian National Congress was re-elected to power in the Madras state, Kakkan was sworn in as the Minister for Public Works (excluding Electricity), Harijan Welfare, Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes on April 13, 1957 From March 13, 1962 to October 3, 1963, Kakkan served as the Minister of Agriculture. On April 24, 1962, he was appointed as a member of the Business Advisory Committee and as Home Minister on October 3, 1963 and served till 1967 when the Indian National Congress was defeated in the Assembly elections.

Later life and deathIn the 1967 Assembly elections, Kakkan stood for elections from Melur (South) constituency and lost to Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam candidate O. P. Raman. Following his defeat in the 1967 elections, Kakkan retired from politics.

WorkSome of Kakkan's achievements as Minister have been the construction of the Mettur and Vaigai reservoirs and the formation of the Harijan Seva Sangh for the upliftment and welfare of Dalits. As Minister of Agriculture, he established two Agriculture Universities in Madras state.In 1999, the Government of India released a postage stamp commemorating Kakkan and his contributions to the nation.

IdeologyBeing the son of a priest, Kakkan was deeply religious. He was also a staunch follower of Mahatma Gandhi. When Periyar, the leader of the Self-respect movement publicly declared his intention to organize a Dravidar Kazhagam procession to the Marina in order to burn pictures of the Hindu God Rama, Kakkan warned Periyar that the desecration of images would constitute an "anti-social act" that would forsake the strong faith in God by which Gandhi won independence for India When Periyar tried to ignore the warning, he was arrested and confined in prison though the Government was not able to stop Dravidar Kazhagam activists from burning pictures of Lord Rama.

FamilyKakkan's brother Viswanathan Kakkan, an advocate, was a former Vice-President of the Hindu Munnani and a well-known devotee of the Shankaracharya of Kanchi, Jayendra Saraswathi. He unsuccessfully contested the 2006 Assembly election in Tamil Nadu from Perambur as a candidate of the Janata Party.

Historical events

15 FEB 1932 Biggest Golikand of Indian freedom struggle.

Mahipal Singh, Sheetal Chamar, Badri Mandal and Basant Dhanuk and their 31 associates laid down their lives in 1932, professing love for the motherland.

Almost 100 freedom fighters had gathered at the police station to protest against imposition of a Rs 80-lakh community fine on villages. A British superintendent of police was hit by a gunshot fired by one of the protesters. This provoked the police to open indiscriminate fire that killed 34 people and injured over two dozen.

प्रफुल्ल चाकी

मुक्त ज्ञानकोश विकिपीडिया से

Prafullo Chaki

प्रफुल्ल चाकी

क्रांतिकारी प्रफुल्ल चाकी (बांग्ला: প্রফুল্ল চাকী) (१० दिसंबर १८८८ - १ मई १९०८) का नाम भारतीय स्वतंत्रता संग्राम के इतिहास में अत्यंत सम्मान के साथ लिया जाता है।

प्रफुल्ल का जन्म उत्तरी बंगाल के बोगरा जिला (अब बांग्लादेश में स्थित) के बिहारी गाँव में हुआ था। जब प्रफुल्ल दो वर्ष के थे तभी उनके पिता जी का निधन हो गया। उनकी माता ने अत्यंत कठिनाई से प्रफुल्ल का पालन पोषण किया। विद्यार्थी जीवन में ही प्रफुल्ल का परिचय स्वामी महेश्वरानन्द द्वारा स्थापित गुप्त क्रांतिकारी संगठन से हुआ। प्रफुल्ल ने स्वामी विवेकानंद के साहित्य का अध्ययन किया और वे उससे बहुत प्रभावित हुए। अनेक क्रांतिकारियों के विचारों का भी प्रफुल्ल ने अध्ययन किया इससे उनके अन्दर देश को स्वतंत्र कराने की भावना बलवती हो गई। बंगाल विभाजन के समय अनेक लोग इसके विरोध में उठ खड़े हुए। अनेक विद्यार्थियों ने भी इस आन्दोलन में बढ़-चढ़कर भाग लिया। प्रफुल्ल ने भी इस आन्दोलन में भाग लिया। वे उस समय रंगपुर जिला स्कूल में कक्षा ९ के छात्र थे। प्रफुल्ल को आन्दोलन में भाग लेने के कारण उनके विद्यालय से निकाल दिया गया। इसके बाद प्रफुल्ल का सम्पर्क क्रांतिकारियों की युगान्तर पार्टी से हुआ।

मुजफ्फरपुर काण्ड

कोलकाता के विनय-बादल-दिनेश बाग में प्रफुल्ल चाकी की प्रतिमा

कोलकाता का चीफ प्रेसिडेंसी मजिस्ट्रेट किंग्सफोर्ड क्रांतिकारियों को अपमानित करने और उन्हें दण्ड देने के लिए बहुत बदनाम था। क्रांतिकारियों ने किंग्सफोर्ड को जान से मार डालने का निर्णय लिया। यह कार्य प्रफुल्ल चाकी और खुदीराम बोस को सौंपा गया। ब्रिटिश सरकार ने किंग्सफोर्ड के प्रति जनता के आक्रोश को भाँप कर उसकी सरक्षा की दृष्टि से उसे सेशन जज बनाकर मुजफ्फरपुर भेज दिया। दोनों क्रांतिकारी प्रफुल्ल चाकी और खुदीराम बोस उसके पीछे-पीछे मुजफ्फरपुर पहुँच गए। दोनों ने किंग्सफोर्ड की गतिविधियों का बारीकी से अध्ययन किया। इसके बाद ३० अप्रैल १९०८ ई० को किंग्सफोर्ड पर उस समय बम फेंक दिया जब वह बग्घी पर सवार होकर यूरोपियन क्लब से बाहर निकल रहा था। लेकिन जिस बग्घी पर बम फेंका गया था उस पर किंग्सफोर्ड नहीं था बल्कि बग्घी पर दो यूरोपियन महिलाएँ सवार थीं। वे दोनों इस हमले में मारी गईं।

बलिदान

दोनों क्रांतिकारियों ने समझ लिया कि वे किंग्सफोर्ड को मारने में सफल हो गए हैं। वे दोनों घटनास्थल से भाग निकले। प्रफुल्ल चाकी ने समस्तीपुर पहुँच कर कपड़े बदले और टिकिट खरीद कर रेलगाड़ी में बैठ गए। दुर्भाग्य से उसी में पुलिस का सब इंस्पेक्टर नंदलाल बनर्जी बैठा था। उसने प्रफुल्ल चाकी को गिरफ्तार करने के उद्देश्य से अगली स्टेशन को सूचना दे दी। स्टेशन पर रेलगाड़ी के रुकते ही प्रफुल्ल को पुलिस ने पकड़ना चाहा लेकिन वे बचने के लिए दौड़े। परन्तु जब प्रफुल्ल ने देखा कि वे चारों ओर से घिर गए हैं तो उन्होंने अपनी रिवाल्वर से अपने ऊपर गोली चलाकर अपनी जान दे दी। यह घटना १ मई १९०८ की है। बिहार के मोकामा स्टेशन के पास प्रफुल्ल चाकी की मौत के बाद पुलिस उपनिरीक्षक एनएन बनर्जी ने चाकी का सिर काट कर उसे सबूत के तौर पर मुजफ्फरपुर की अदालत में पेश किया। यह अंग्रेज शासन की जघन्यतम घटनाओं में शामिल है। खुदीराम को बाद में गिरफ्तार किया गया था व उन्हें फांसी दे दी गई थी।

शहीदों की चिताओं पर लगेंगे हर बरस मेले ।

वतन पर मरने वालों का यही बांकी निशा होगा ॥

1906 में मेदनीपुर की पुरानी जेल में सरकार की ओर से एक प्रदर्शनी लगायी गयी थी। अंग्रेज सरकार भारतीयों के कल्याण के लिए जो कुछ कर रही थी, उसके बारे में इसमें प्रचारित किया जा रहा था। प्रदर्शनी में खुदीराम बोस ने पर्चा बांटने का काम किया। 'वंदेमातरम्' का पर्चा बांटते हुए वे गिरफ्तार हुए और सिपाही की नाक पर जोर से घूंसा मार कर भाग खड़े हुए। तब खुदीराम बोस जीवन के 17वें वसंत में थे। बंकिमचंद्र के 'आनंदमठ' के वे पाठक थे। यह समय उनके दृढ़ संकल्प का तो था ही, साथ ही यही वह समय था जब उन्होंने देश की आजादी के लिए संघर्ष करने और जीवन की आहुति देने का संभवत: संकल्प लिया। यही कारण रहा कि वे मुजफ्फरपुर(बिहार) में ब्रिटिश हुकूमत के खिलाफ पहला बम विस्फोट कर स्वतंत्रता संग्राम के इतिहास के महानायक बने।खुदीराम की शहादत और मुजफ्फरपुर का साथ कुछ ऐसा है कि एक को छोड़ दूसरे को नहीं समझा जा सकता। छोटी सी उमर (18 साल) में क्रांति का ऐसा जुनून कि हंसते-हंसते फांसी के फंदे पर झूल गये। बोस का जन्म 1889 में 3 दिसंबर को मेदनीपुर जिले में हुआ था। पिता त्रयलोक्य नाथ बोस थे। मां-पिता की मृत्यु के बाद बड़ी बहन अपरूपा देवी ने खुदीराम बोस का नाम मेदनीपुर के कालेजिएट स्कूल में लिखाया। यहीं वे क्रांतिकारियों के संपर्क में आए। 1905 के बंगाल विभाजन और 1907 में नया कानून बनाकर अंग्रेजों द्वारा लोगों को प्रताड़ित करते देख खुदीराम बोस ने हुकूमत से बदला लेने का मन बनाया। किंग्सफोर्ड ऐसे ही जज थे, जिन्होंने कई क्रांतिकारियों को मौत की सजा सुनायी थी। यही कारण रहा कि बंगाल से मुजफ्फरपुर किंग्सफोर्ड के तबादले के बावजूद खुदीराम बोस और चाकी ने बदला लेने का विचार नहीं त्यागा। 30 अप्रैल 1908 को खुदीराम बोस और प्रफुल्ल चाकी ने किंग्सफोर्ड की हत्या के लिए मुजफ्फरपुर में कंपनीबाग रोड स्थित क्लब के समीप बम फेंका। फोर्ड बच गये, चूंकि वे गाड़ी में थे ही नहीं, लेकिन इस घटना में दो महिलाओं की मौत हुई। इसी मामले में बोस को 11 अगस्त 1908 को फांसी हुई और चाकी ने मोकामा में खुद को गोली मार ली। ब्रिटिश हुकूमत के खिलाफ खुदीराम का यह बम विस्फोट सबसे पहला था।आज भी प्रतिवर्ष बलिदान दिवस 11 अगस्त (इस दिन खुदीराम बोस को फांसी दी गयी थी) को मुजफ्फरपुर केंद्रीय कारा की उस कोठरी में लोग नमन करने पहुंचते हैं, जहां उन्होंने यातनाओं का लंबा सफर काटा था। श्रद्धांजलि से पूर्व फांसी घर के समीप प्रार्थना सभा कर उनकी स्मृति को नमन किया जाता है। स्वतंत्रता संग्राम के इस महानायक को शत-शत प्रणाम!

In our last post, we discussed the life and works of Khudiram Bose, a young revolutionary who died at the age of 18. His acts did not mark the beginning or the end of armed rebellion in India, but his courage in the face of death is known to have instigated the flames of emancipation in several Indians. When people heard of how young Khudiram Bose had given a statement that made him responsible for the mistaken killing of the two English women in a carriage; so that he could save his partner from punishment, they realized that India is ready to fight back. Sadly, what Khudiram wasn’t aware of was that his partner, Prafulla Chaki had already killed himself in order to avoid arrest.

Prafulla Chaki was born in a village in the Bogra district of Bihar on December 10, 1888. He belonged to a middle-class family. His father had died when Prafulla Chaki was an infant. After completing his praimary education in the village school, he pursued further education in Rangpur Zilla School. During this time, he joined the Bandhab Samiti which was a local organization that organized socio-cultural activities and promoted physical fitness through exercise.

When he was in class XI, Prafulla Chaki was expelled from his school for taking part in students’ demonstrations that violated the Carlyle Circular. He joined Rangpur National School where he came into contact with revolutionaries like Jitendranarayan Roy, Abinash Chakravarti and Ishan Chandra Chakravarti. Barindra Kumar Ghosh, the founder of the Jugantar Group, visited Rangpur and Prafulla Chaki decided to go with him to Calcutta.

His first assignment did not materialize. His second assignment was to partner with Khudiram Bose and kill Kingsford who was the magistrate of Muzaffarpur. The two revolutionaries took up fake names. Prafulla Chaki used the name Dinesh Chandra Roy. On the day of carrying out the assassination, a carriage carrying two ladies was mistaken as Kingsford’s carriage. Khudiram Bose and Prafulla Chaki bombed the wrong carriage on the night of April 30, 1908 at around 8:30 pm.

After bombing the carriage, the two revolutionaries took separate routes to flee. Prafulla Chaki walked for most of the night till he reached Samastipur village where a railway staff by the name of Triguna Charan Ghosh gave him food and shelter. Ghosh also provided Prafulla Chaki with an inter class ticket for a night train that would take him to Mokama Ghat from where he could take a train to Howrah.

A sub-inspector named Nandalal Banerjee was travelling in the same train as Prafulla Chaki. Looking at Prafulla Chaki’s state, Banerjee suspected him to be one of the two revolutionaries responsible for the bombing. He engaged Prafulla Chaki in a conversation which further strengthened his doubts. Banerjee telegraphed the magistrate from Shimuraighat station. When prafulla Chaki got down at Mokam Ghat, he saw Nandalal Banerjee coming towards him with several other policemen.

Prafulla Chaki tried to flee from the station but realizing that his arrest was imminent, he killed himself by shooting two bullets in the head.

By the time his body reached the uzaffarpur police station, Khudiram Bose had already taken the responsibility for the entire assassination attempt on himself. Khudiram Bose confirmed that the body was of Prafulla Chaki. The British still cut off Prafulla Chaki’s head from his body and sent it to Calcutta for confirmation.

The young revolutionaries of India who fought against the British and laid down their lives for their country are gradually slipping into a zone of oblivion as we celebrate more years of independence. They deserve our respect, they deserve to be known and they deserve to be remembered.

Note: In 2002, Professor Amalendu De claimed that he had seen Prafulla Chaki’s skull in the Lalbazar, criminal records room. At this time, the skull is still missing.

Pingali Venkayya

Source:worldview.com

He was a devout follower of Mahatma Gandhi and was also known as Diamond Venkayya for his knowledge on diamond mining. He was an authority in geology, agriculture and also an educationalist. His major contribution to the movement was the design of the national flag of India, which was first modified and adopted as the flag of Indian National Congress and later modified again to be the national flag of India.

Potti Sriramulu

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Potti Sriramulu

Potti Sriramulu ( Telugu : పొట్టి శ్రీరాములు; 16 March 1901 - 16 December 1952) was a revolutionary of India . He went on a fast unto death demanding the creation of a separate state of Andhra Pradesh from the state of Madras , due to which he eventually died on the 58th day of his fast. His untimely death proved to be a major reason behind the decision to form states on the basis of language in India .

He was an ardent devotee of Mahatma Gandhi . He worked for lifelong truth, non-violence, patriotism and Harijan upliftment.

P. K. S. Raja

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P. K. S. Raja

Puthiya Kovilakathu Sree Manavedan Raja (22 March 1913 – 27 March 2013) was the titular Zamorin of Calicut from 16 August 2003 to 27 March 2013

Early life and education

Manavedan Raja was born on 22 March 1913 to A. K. T. K. M. Ashtamoorthi Namboothiripad and Kunhithambatty Thambooratthy at Thiruvanur near Calicut (present-day Kozhikode). Manavedan Raja had his schooling at the Zamorin's High School, Calicut and graduated in mathematics from Loyola College.

Career

Manavedan Raja was employed with the Post and Telegraph Department and served as an officer in Chittagong when Japanese Air Force bombarded the city during the Second World War.

Reign

Manavedan Raja was crowned Zamorin on the death of his predecessor P. K. Ettanunni Raja on 16 August 2003. The post was largely ceremonial as their power had been extinguished in the 18th century. Manavedan Raja was, however, trustee to over 80 Hindu temples and held a permanent seat in the managing committee of the Guruvayur temple.

Death

Raja died on 27 March 2013, five days after turning 100.

Pulin Behari Das

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

পুলীনবিহারী দাশ

Pulin Behari Das

Born 24 January 1877

Faridpur, Bengal, British India

Died 17 August 1949 (aged 72)

Kolkata, West Bengal, India

Nationality Indian

Occupation Revolutionary

Parent(s) Naba Kumar Das

Pulin Behari Das (Bengali: পুলীনবিহারী দাশ) (24 January 1877 – 17 August 1949) was an Indian revolutionary and the founder-president of the Dhaka Anushilan Samiti.

Early life

Faridpur Zilla School, where he studied

Pulin came from a middle class Bengali Hindu family. Though they held some landed property they were mostly employed in colonial jobs. His father was an advocate at the sub-divisional court in Madaripur. One of his uncles was a Deputy Magistrate while another was munsif. Pulin was born to Naba Kumar Das in the village of Lonesingh, in the district of Shariatpurin the year 1877.

Pulin passed the Entrance examination from Faridpur Zilla School in 1894. He attended the Dhaka College and became the laboratory assistant and demonstrator while still a student at the college. From his childhood Pulin was attracted to physical culture. He was a very good lathial. Inspired by the success of Sarala Devi's akhada in Kolkata, he opened an akharaat Tikatuli in 1903. In 1905, he trained in fencing and lathi khela under Murtaza, the famous lathial.

Career

In September, 1906, Bipin Chandra Pal and Pramatha Nath Mitra took a tour of the newly created province of Eastern Bengal and Assam. The latter, while delivering his speech, asked them to come forward who were willing to sacrifice their lives for their country and Pulin had stepped forward. Subsequently, he was nominated to organize the Dhaka chapter of the Anushilan Samiti. In October, Pulin founded the Dhaka chapter with 80 young men.

Pulin was a remarkable organizer and the Samiti soon had over 500 branches in the province.

Pulin founded the National School in Dhaka. It was basically built as a training ground for raising a revolutionary force. In the beginning the students were trained with lathis and wooden swords. Afterwards they were groomed with daggers and finally with pistols and revolvers.

Pulin masterminded the plot to eliminate Basil Copleston Allen, the erstwhile District Magistrate of Dhaka. On 23 December 1907, when Mr. Allen was on his way back to England, he was shot through his body at the Goalundo railway station but he narrowly escaped with his life. A few days after the incident a gang of around 400 Muslim rioters attacked Pulin at his residence chanting anti-Hindu slogans. He staved off the rioters bravely with barely a handful of his associates.

In early 1908, Pulin organized the sensational Barrah Dacoity. The audacious dacoity was committed in broad daylight by a group of revolutionaries at the residence of the zamindar of Barrah, under the Nawabganj police station in the district of Dhaka. The fund was used for buying arms and ammunition.

In 1908 he was arrested along with Bhupesh Chandra Nag, Shyam Sundar Chakravarti, Krishna Kumar Mitra, Subodh Mallick and Ashwini Dutta and interred in Montgomery jail. After his release from jail in 1910, he began to rejuvenate the revolutionary activities. Around this time the Dhaka group began to operate independently of the Kolkata group. After the demise of Pramatha Nath Mitra, the two bodies separated.

Cellular Jail, where he was imprisoned between 1912-1918

In July, 1910, Pulin was arrested again along with 46 other revolutionaries on charges of sedition. Later another 44 revolutionaries were arrested. This came to be known as the Dhaka Conspiracy Case. After the trial Pulin was awarded lifelong imprisonment. He was transferred to the Cellular Jail where he found himself in the company of revolutionaries like Hem Chandra Das, Barindra Kumar Ghosh and Vinayak Savarkar.

After the war Pulin's term was reduced and he was released from jail in 1918 but kept in house arrest for another year. In 1919, when he was totally released, he once again tried to revive the activities of the Samiti. The organization had been banned and its members were scattered here and there, and there was only a lukewarm response. At the Nagpur Congress and later at Kolkata, the majority of the surviving revolutionaries accepted in principle the leadership of Mohandas Gandhi and decided to support the Non-Cooperation Movement. Pulin, however, remained a steadfast and declined to comprise with ideals and refused to accept the leadership of Mohandas Gandhi. As the Samiti was then a banned outfit, he founded the Bharat Sevak Sangh in 1920 to carry on the revolutionary activities. Under the patronage of barrister S.R.Das he publishes two periodicals Hak Katha and Swaraj through which he began to spread the revolutionary ideas. He began to criticize the Congress policy of non-violence. The Samiti continued to exist in secrecy, however, his differences with the Samiti began to surface. He severed all his links with the Samiti, dissolved Bharat Sevak Sangha and retired from active politics in 1922.

In 1928, he founded the Bangiya Byayam Samiti, at Mechhuabazar in Kolkata. It was an institute of physical culture and effectively an akhada where he began to train young men in stick wielding, swordplay and wrestling.

Later life

He came under the influence of a yogi and the feeling of non-attachment grew in him. He married & had three sons & two daughters. After that time till date Bangiya Byayam samiti was successfully run by his second son Sourendra till date 2005.Presently his grand sons Biswaranjan & Manishranjan are seeking professional& governmental help to rebuild the ideals of PulinBihari. At that time Swami Satyananda Giri and his friends used to frequent his place and hold satsangs at a nearby cottage.

Legacy

The University of Calcutta has a Special Endowment Medal named after him, called the

Pulin Bihari Das Smriti Padak.

Pulin Behari Das (1877 – 1949)

By chethan

Pulin Behari Das was a great personality in the history of India who was founder and president of the Dhaka Anushilan Samiti and worked as an Indian revolutionary.

In honor of his contributions and work, he receives a special endowment prize with his name Pulin Bihari Das Smriti Padak.

He will be known as the most popular name on the list of freedom fighters in Indiawho fought against British rule for Indian independence. His contributions will always be remembered.

Pulin Behari Das Biography

InformationDetails

Name Pulin Behari Das

Date of Birth 24th January 1877

Birth Place Faridpur, Bengal

Father Naba Kumar Das

Date of Death 17 August 1949

Place of Death Kolkata, West Bengal

History of Pulin Behari Das

Pulin Behari Das was born in a Hindu Bengali community and comes from a middle-class family.

In 1877, he was born in Faridpur Sadar Upazila, Bangladesh. Naba Kumar Das was his father and a lawyer in Madaripur, where he worked in a subdivision court.

In 1894 he passed his entrance exam at the Faridpur Zilla school. For his university education, he joined Dhaka College and during the year he began working simultaneously as a lab assistant and demonstrator.

Being interested in the physical culture of Pulin Behari Das was very good. In the year 1903, he opened his Akhara in Tikatuli. He used to train young men to handle different types of weapons. He even trained in fencing and lathikhela(Bangladeshi martial art).

His Contributions and Activities

Pulin Behari Das was the person who was the founder of the National School of Dhaka, which became a training center to raise a great and powerful revolutionary force.

In this school, students were trained to fight with lathis and wooden swords and later received daggers and revolvers.

He was the mastermind behind Barrah Dacoity, which was a sensation at that time, as it was committed during the day by the revolutionaries in the zamindars’ house. This was done in Dhaka district.

In 1908, he was arrested and put in prison when he left, he started again with his revolutionary activities.

He was imprisoned in Montgomery Prison where he met many other revolutionaries like him and had a group of people who will work with him against problems.

Pulin Behari Das was a person who refused to follow the ideals and philosophies of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi for the Non-Cooperation movement. In 1920, he founded Bharat Sevak Sangh to do his most important revolutionary activities.

In 1928, he founded another Samiti known as Bangiya Byayam Samiti where he trained young men with swords and wrestling. To spread his revolutionary ideas, he even published newspapers Swaraj and Hak Katha.

His Personal Life

After a few years, Pulin Behari Das successfully married and had 2 daughters and 3 children. At the age of 72, he died in 1949 in the Indian state.

His Bangiya Byayam Samiti was cared for by his son in the last stage. The name of his second son was Sourendra Das.

Onake Obavva

Name Onake ObavvaDied Chitradurga Spouse Mudda Hanuma

Heroics of Obavva

During the reign of Madakari Nayaka, the city of Chitradurga was besieged by the troops of Hyder Ali (1754-1779). A chance sighting of a man entering the Chitradurga fort through a hole in the rocks led to a plan by Hyder Ali to send his soldiers through that hole. The Guard (Kahale Mudda Hanuma, who was on duty near that hole) had gone home to have his lunch. During his meal he needed some water to drink, so his wife Obavva went to collect water in a pot from a pond which was near the hole in the rocks, halfway up the hill. She noticed the army trying to enter the fort through the hole. She used the Onake or pestle (a wooden long club meant for pounding paddy grains) to kill the soldiers one by one by hitting them on the head and then quietly moving the dead without raising the suspicions of the rest of the troops. Mudda Hanuma, Obavva's husband, returned from lunch, was shocked to see Obavva standing with a blood stained Onake and several of the enemies' dead bodies around her. Later, the same day, she was found dead either due to shock or having been killed by the enemy soldiers. She belonged to the Holayas (Chalavadi) community. Though her brave attempt saved the fort this time, Madakari could not resist the attack by Hyder Ali during 1779, when the fort of Chitradurga was lost to Hyder Ali.

She is considered to be the epitome of Kannada female pride. The hole through which Hyder Ali's soldiers sneaked is called Onake Obavvana Kindi (kindi=hole) or Onake kindi. Her heroic effort is depicted in a famous song-sequence in Nagarahavu picture directed by Puttanna Kanagal. The sports stadium in Chitradurga - Veera Vanithe Onake Obavva Stadium, is named after her.

Ramphal Mandal

Ramphal Mandal was a young and courageous freedom fighter from Bihar, India, who played a significant role in the Indian independence movement, particularly during the Quit India Movement of 1942. Born on August 6, 1924, in Madhurapur village, Bajpatti, Sitamarhi district, Bihar, to Gokhul Mandal and Garbi Mandal, Ramphal belonged to the Dhanuk community, an Extremely Backward Class (EBC) in Bihar. He was married to Jagapatiya Devi at the age of 16.

Life and Contribution:

• Role in the Freedom Struggle: Ramphal Mandal was an active participant in the Quit India Movement, a mass civil disobedience campaign launched by Mahatma Gandhi to demand complete independence from British rule. On August 24, 1942, he was involved in a violent confrontation in Sitamarhi, where he and others were accused of killing four British officials, including the Sub-Divisional Officer (SDO) Hardeep Narayan Singh, a police inspector, a havaldar, and a peon, using a garasa (a traditional weapon). This act was seen as a bold defiance against British authority.
• Arrest and Execution: Ramphal was arrested on September 1, 1942, and initially detained in Sitamarhi jail. He was later transferred to Bhagalpur Central Jail on September 5, 1942. After a trial under case number 473/42, he was sentenced to death. On August 23, 1943, at the age of 19, Ramphal Mandal was executed by hanging in Bhagalpur Central Jail, earning him the title of the "first martyr of Bihar" in the context of the Quit India Movement.
• Legacy and Recognition: Despite his significant sacrifice, Ramphal Mandal’s contributions remained relatively obscure for many years, and his family reportedly received little support from the government, living in poverty and anonymity. In recent years, his martyrdom has been increasingly commemorated, particularly by the Dhanuk and Pachpania communities, as well as political groups like the Janata Dal (United) (JDU) and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), who organize events on his birth and martyrdom anniversaries to honor his legacy.
• Commemorative Events: His martyrdom day (August 23) and birth anniversary (August 6) are observed with events such as memorials and fairs in his native village, Madhurapur. For instance, on August 23, 2024, his 81st martyrdom day was commemorated in Bihar, and in 2025, his 101st birth anniversary was celebrated. Political parties, particularly the JDU, have used these events to consolidate support among the EBCs, highlighting his role as a symbol of courage and sacrifice.
• Community and Political Significance: Ramphal Mandal’s legacy is particularly significant for the Pachpania community, which includes castes like Dhanuk, Kewat, and others, who form a substantial portion of Bihar’s EBC population. His story is used to inspire pride and unity among these communities, especially ahead of elections, as seen in JDU’s efforts to honor him before the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections.

Notable Aspects:

• Ramphal Mandal was only 19 at the time of his execution, making him one of the youngest martyrs of the Quit India Movement. His bravery, despite his youth, has been described as exemplary, with some accounts noting that he faced his execution with remarkable courage, reportedly “laughing” as he went to the gallows.
• His actions were part of a broader resistance against British oppression, and his sacrifice is seen as a pivotal moment in Bihar’s contribution to India’s freedom struggle.

Ramphal Mandal’s story is a testament to the courage of ordinary individuals from marginalized communities who made extraordinary sacrifices for India’s independence. His legacy continues to inspire, particularly in Bihar, where he is remembered as a symbol of resistance and martyrdom.

Rooplo Kolhi

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Rooplo Kolhi (Sindhi: روپلو ڪولهي) was a Sindhi freedom fighter, who fought against the British Rulers in Karoonjhar Mountains at Nagarparkar District, Tharparkar, Sindh. His birth name was Roopo Goil. The British hanged him on 22 August 1858 with his companions. His anniversary is celebrated on August 22 every year. He was the last commander of rebels hanged by the British.

Execution

Rooplo Kolhi was a commander of tribal forces and he, along with two other commanders were rebelling under Rana Karan Singh Sodha of Nagarparkar. Under his leadership, more than 8,000 fighters belonging to Kolhi tribe rebelled. Other commanders were killed and later Rooplo Kolhi was arrested near Pag Wool well, where his troops were fetching water. Rooplo Kolhi was brought before Colonel Tyrwhitt, who offered him a large sum of wealth with a condition that Kolhi should seek an apology and become a vassal and inform the hideout of Karan Singh and his companions, to which Kolhi opposed. His fingers were wrapped in cotton and soaked in oil was burnt in front of locals. He sustained all the tortures bravely. He was hanged on the banks of Sardharo stream, near Nagarparkar and Karunjher Mountains on 22 August 1858.

Descendants

After the death of Kolhi, his mother Kesrbai, wife Meenawati and others migrated to Kunri, which is a part of today's Mirpurkhas district and his later descendants settled at the place.

Raghoji Bhangre (Bhangria)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Naik Raghoji Rao Bhangre

Born
Raghoji Ramji
8 November 1805

Deogaon, Akole
Died 2 May 1848
Cause of death Hanged By British Government
Nationality Indian
Other names Raghuji, Raghojee
Predecessor Ramji Bhangre
Movement Indian independence movement
Parent(s)

Naik Ramji Manaji Bhangre (father)
Family Valoji Rao Bhangre (Grandfather), Bapuji Rao Bhangre (Brother)

Raghoji Rao Bhangre statue in Ahmadnagar

Raghoji Rao Bhangre (also Bhangare, Bhangara, Bhangra, Bhangria, Bhangaria, Bhangriya) (8 November 1805 – 2 May 1848) was an Indian revolutionary who challenged and defied the British power in Maharashtra. He was the son of Ramji Rao Bhangre a Mahadev Koli kshatriya who also resisted the British rule and was subsequently hanged in Cellular Jail.

Early life

Raghoji Rao was born in 1805 to Ramji Rao Bhangre in Deogaon of Akole in Western Ghat of Maharashtra in British India. His family members were Mahadev Kshatriya Mahadev Koli and were active in Indian independence movement. His father Ramji Bhangre also served in the British Police but latter gave up the job and revolted against British government.

Revolutionary activities

In 1818, the Maratha Empire was defeated by British in the Battle of Koregaon. After that the tribals of Maharashtra took to slavery and Raghoji Rao raised against British rule in the minor age. He captured the British treasure and he was declared as an Outlaw. After that he resisted the government in Poona. In 1844, Raghoji Rao with his brother Bapuji Bhangre cut off the nose of an officer. After that the Captain Giberne seized a party of rebels. At 20 September 1844, Raghuji killed an officer and ten constables in the hills. In 1845, his rebellion spread over Pune, Satara and Purandar. A reward of five thousands rupees was announced for the capture of Raghoji.

Death

On 2 January 1848, Bangre was caught by Lieutenant-General Gell and hanged.

Tribute

Raghoji Bhangre Jayanti celebration by maharashtra police 2007

In 2014, The Chief minister of Maharashtra, Prithviraj Chavan inaugurated a Circuit House in Thane named after Raghoji

राम प्रसाद नौटियाल

मुक्त ज्ञानकोश विकिपीडिया से

Ram Prasad Nautiyal

राम प्रसाद नौटियाल

जन्म 01 अगस्त 1905

कांडा (खाटली) बीरोंखाल, पौड़ी गढ़वाल, उत्तराखंड,  भारत

मृत्यु दिसम्बर 24, 1980 (उम्र 75)

राष्ट्रीयता Indian

लैंसडौन विधान सभा' क्षेत्र से विधायक के रूप में: प्रथम कार्यकाल:- 1951 to 1957, द्वितीय कार्यकाल - 1957 to 1962 राम प्रसाद नौटियाल (1 अगस्त, 1905 - 24 दिसम्बर, 1980) भारत के स्वतन्त्रता संग्राम सेनानी तथा राजनेता।

आरंभिक जीवन

रामप्रसाद नौटियाल का जन्म १ अगस्त १९०५ को ग्राम - कांडा मल्ला, ब्लॉक - बीरोंखाल, जनपद - पौड़ी गढ़वाल (उत्तराखंड) की सुरम्य वादियों में हुआ। इनके पिता का नाम गौरी दत्त नौटियाल व माता का नाम देवकी देवी था। राम प्रसाद नौटियाल उत्तराखंड की पवित्र भूमि में पैदा होने वाले प्रमुख स्वन्त्रता सेनानियों में से एक थे. इनके संघर्ष का सबसे महत्वपूर्ण पक्ष यह है कि इन्होंने दिल्ली, कलकत्ता, लाहौर आदि बड़े शहरों से लौटकर उत्तरांखंड के गढ़वाल व कुमायूं क्षेत्र को अपनी कर्मभूमि बनाया और न केवल देश की स्वतंत्रता के लिए लडे बल्कि स्थानीय जनता के संघर्षों को भी आवाज दी.

इनके दो छोटे भाई थे बलिराम व कशीराम, कहा जाता है कि बलिराम नौटियाल को कराची (अब पाकिस्तान) में अध्यनरत रहने के दौरान ब्रिटिश पुलिस ने सरकार विरोधी गतिविधियों में शामिल होने के लिए गिरफ़्तार किया व कई तरह की यातनाएं दी, तदुपरांत इनको मरणासन्न स्थिति में रिहा कर दिया गया. बलिराम जी इन चोटों से कभी उभर नहीं पाए व कुछ समय पश्चात युवा अवस्था में ही इनका स्वर्गवास हो गया.

राम प्रसाद जी एक सामान्य पहाड़ी परिवार से थे, परिवार ने किसी तरह इनकी शिक्षा की व्यवस्था देहरादून के दयानन्द ऐंग्लो वैदिक (D.A.V) स्कूल में की। वहां एक बार सरोजनी नायडू जी के भाषण के दौरान व उसके पश्चात कई छात्रों ने स्वन्त्रता के पक्ष में नारेबाजी शुरू कर दी. राम प्रसाद उनमे से एक थे. राम प्रसाद जी को इसके लिए तीन सप्ताह के कठोर कारावास की सजा दी गयी, इतने पर भी इन्होंने अपनी नारेबाजी जारी रखी जिससे नाराज़ होकर इन्हें विद्यालय से निष्कासित कर दिया गया.

ब्रिटिश सेना में नियुक्ति

स्कूल से निष्काषित होने के बाद ये मेरठ आ गए व वहां ब्रिटिश सेना में भर्ती हो गए; इन्हें रिकॉर्ड कीपर बना कर बलोचिस्तान भेज दिया गया. यहाँ एक दिन तोरखान नाम का बलूच सरदार कर्नल एबोट के ऑफिस में आ धमका व उस पर हमला बोल दिया, जैसे तोरखान अपनी पिस्तौल से फायर किया साहसी राम प्रसाद ने उसको दबोच लिया व इस तरह कर्नल एबोट को भागने का मौका मिल गया, इससे खुश होकर कर्नल ने उन्हें घुड़सवारी की ट्रेनिंग दिलवाई व ६३ मोबाइल कोर रावलपिंडी भेज दिया.

यहाँ, युद्धाभ्यास में शामिल ब्रिटिश सेना की टुकड़ियों पर अपदस्थ रुसी ज़ार के भगोड़े सैनिको ने अचानक हमला बोल दिया व कई सैनिक मार डाले। युद्धाभ्यास सूखी नदी के आर-पार २/८ पंजाब रेजिमेंट व रॉयल मराठा रेजिमेंट के बीच चल रहा था. कर्नल वैली ने इनको नदी के उस पर जाकर कर्नल डेविस को हमले की खबर देने की जिम्मेदारी सौंपी. रौखड़ की लंबाई करीब डेढ़ मील थी व रुस्सियन आर्मी मशीनगनों से घातक गोलीबारी कर रही थी। राम प्रसाद के दोनों साथी मरे गए परंतु वह किसी तरह कर्नल डेविस को सन्देश पहुँचाने में सफल रहे. कर्नल इनकी वीरता पर बड़े प्रसन्न हुए व इन्हें एडजुटेंट क्वार्टर मास्टर बनाकर पदोन्नति दी गयी.

लाला लाजपत राय की मृत्यु व उसका इनपर प्रभाव

इन्ही दिनों इन्होंने लाहौर से प्रकाशित होने वाले एक समाचार पत्र में लाला जी की मृत्यु का समाचार पढ़ा, इसमें लिखी गयी निम्नलिखित पंक्तियों का इन पर गहरा असर पड़ा, " मैं एक गुलाम देश में पैदा हुआ हूँ, जहाँ मुझे कोई भी मामूली पुलिस अफसर लाठियों से पीट पीट कर मौत के घाट उतार सकता है "

उन समय आर्य गैजेट के संपादक 'भीमसेन सच्चर' जी थे, जिनके ओजपूर्ण लेखों ने इनके युवा मन मस्तिष्क को झकझोर दिया व इन्होंने सरकारी नौकरी छोड़कर स्वन्त्रता संग्राम में कूदने का निश्चय कर लिया।

फ़ौज से स्वैच्छिक सेवानिवृति लेने के बाद ये लाहौर में कांग्रेस के शीर्ष नेताओं डॉ॰ किचलू व डॉ॰ गोपीनाथ जी से मिले जिन्होंने इन्हें कांग्रेस के वार्षिक अधिवेशन में शामिल होने के लिए कलकत्ता जाने का सुझाव दिया, इसके बाद ये सीधे कलकत्ता पहुंचे जहाँ इन्हें डॉ॰ हार्डिकर ने कांग्रेस सेवा दल में शामिल कर लिया। अधिवेशन की समाप्ति के पश्चात इन्हें कांग्रेस सेवा दल का प्रशिक्षण लेने के लिए हुगली भेज दिया गया. ट्रेनिंग पूरी करने के पश्चात इन्हें लाहौर में अन्य सेवा दलों को प्रशिक्षण देने की जिम्मेदारी दी गयी, जिसके लिए इन्हें लाहौर आना पड़ा.

इन्ही दिनों भगत सिंह, राजगुरु व सुखदेव भी लाहौर में अनवरत रूप से आया जाया करते थे, जिन्होने बाद में 'लाला जी' की मृत्यु के प्रतिशोध में ब्रिटिश पुलिस अफसर सौंडर्स की गोली मार कर हत्या दी.

इसी दौरान सौंडर्स की मौत के पश्चात क्रांतिकारियों की धर-पकड़ तेज हो गई, युवा राम प्रसाद की सरकार विरोधी गतिविधियां भी चरम पर थी. इन्हें गिरफ्तार करने के लिए वारंट जारी कर दिया गया। इनकी गिरफ्तारी का वारंट जारी होने की खबर 'पुष्पा' नामक एक छात्रा ने इन्हें गुप्त रूप से भिजवा दी, यह छात्रा D.A.V स्कूल लाहौर में कांग्रेस दल की नेता थी व वहां के प्रधानाचार्य 'छबीलदास' की भतीजी और एक ब्रिटिश C.I.D. अफसर की बेटी थी. इन्हें लाहौर छोड़ने की सलाह दी गयी और ये वहां से भागकर हिमाचल प्रदेश के चम्बा जिले में पहुचे जहाँ से इन्हें पुनः भागकर शाहपुर के एक आर्य समाज मंदिर में शरण लेनी पड़ी, यहाँ से इन्हें गिरफ्तार कर लिया गया व लाहौर जेल दिया गया.

लाहौर जेल में तरह-तरह की यातनाएं देकर इनसे सौंडर्स मर्डर काण्ड में शामिल होने की बात कबूलने के लिए बाध्य करने की कोशिश की गई, बाद में इन्हें सरकारी मुखबिर बनाने का लालच भी दिया गया किन्तु सारी कोशिशें असफल रहने के बाद ब्रिटिश सरकार को इन्हें रिहा करना पड़ा.

गढ़वाल व कुमाऊं में 'सविनय अवज्ञा' आंदोलन

२१ दिसम्बर १९२९ को जेल से रिहा होने के बाद राम प्रसाद जी सीधे रावी नदी के किनारे चल रहे कांग्रेस के वार्षिक सम्मलेन में भाग लेने के लिए पहुँच गए. यहाँ इनको उत्तर प्रदेश (तब उत्तराखंड भी यू.पी. का हिस्सा था) से आने वाले समूह के कैंप की देख रेख में लगाया गया. यहाँ इनकी मुलाकात हरगोविन्द पन्त, 'कुमाऊं केशरी' बद्री दत्त पांडेय, विक्टर मोहन जोशी, देवी सिंह कोरिया, अनुसूया प्रसाद बहुगुणा, कृपाराम मिश्र 'मनहर' आदि से हुई.

बाद में इन्हें कुमांऊ के लिए सत्याग्रह दल का पर्यवेक्षक बना कर 'रानीखेत' भेज दिया गया, यहाँ पहुंचकर इन्होंने गढ़वाल व कुमाऊं मंडलों में कई सत्याग्रह कैंप चलाये व सैकड़ों कार्यकर्तों को देश सेवा के लिए प्रेरित किया व तैयार किया. गढ़वाल व कुमाऊं में कई प्रशिक्षण शिविर चलाने के बाद इन्होंने अपना कार्यालय कोटद्वार के निकट दुगड्डा नामक स्थान पर स्थापित किया. इस समय तक राम प्रसाद जी अपने साथियों के बीच 'कप्तान साहब' के नाम से प्रसिद्द हो चुके थे.

इन दिनों 'सविनय अवज्ञा' आंदोलन अपने चरम पर था. गढ़वाल व कुमाऊं क्षेत्रों में भी स्वाधीनता के दीवानों की गतिविधियां बढ़ गई, जगह-जगह सभाएं की गई. जनता को स्वतंत्रता के आंदोलन में भाग लेने के लिए प्रेरितकरने हेतु राम प्रसाद जी व उनके साथियों ने जनजागरण अभियान चलाया जिसके फलस्वरूप ७६ मालगुजारो व थोकदारों ने अपने पदों से त्याग पत्र दे दिया व अंग्रेज सरकार के विरुद्ध लड़ाई में अपना योगदान देने लगे. इसी दौरान वन विभाग ने सेंधीखाल व अन्य नदी के किनारे वाले गांवों के नजदीक नदियों में तार की बाड करना शुरू कर दिया जिससे गांव के पशु जंगल के चरागाहों में नहीं जा सके व स्थानीय जनता का जीवन जो जल-जंगल पर ही निर्भर था भयंकर कठिनाइयों में पड़ गया, राम प्रसाद जी को इसकी खबर मिली, वे व उनके साथी रातों को चुपचाप नदी के किनारों से बाड़ उखाड़ कर नदी में फेंक देते व जनता को इसके विरुद्ध आवाज उठाने के किये प्रेरित करते, अंत में विभाग को हार माननी पड़ी व जनता को अपना हक़ वापस मिला.

इनकी इन हरकतों से तंग आकर सरकार को इनके खिलाफ गिरफ्तारी वारंट जारी करना पड़ा. किन्तु ये चोरी-छुपे अपने काम को अंजाम देते रहे. इसी बीच इन्हें भीलाड़ी गांव (रिखणीखाल ब्लॉक पौड़ी गढ़वाल) से गिरफ्तार कर लिया गया. इन्हें भारतीय दंड संहिता की धारा २०८ के अंतर्गत दो वर्ष के कठोर कारावास की सजा हुई व बताया गया की तीन और मुक़दमे बाद में लगाए जायेंगें. जिनमें से एक कर्नल इबट्सन पर जानलेवा हमला करने का था.

मैं ब्रिटिश नागरिक नहीं हूँ

एक बार दुगड्डा में प्रभात फेरी से लौटते समय चुनाधार इलाके में अचानक कर्नल इबाटसन व स्थानीय तहसीलदार ५०-६० जवानों के साथ आ धमके, गंगा सिंह त्यागी नामक एक बालक जो कक्षा ९ का छात्र था अपने हाथ में तिरंगा लिए हुए जोर-जोर से आजादी के नारे लगा रहा था उस पर कर्नल साहब बिगड़ गए व अपने घोड़े पर बैठकर ही कोड़ों की बरसात कर दी, बालक गंगा बेहोश होकर गिर पड़ा, इब्ट्सन को इस पर भी चैन नहीं आया; वह धोड़े से उतरा व बेहोश बालक को जोर से लात मारने लगा, इस पर नौटियाल जी को बहुत क्रोध आया उन्होंने कर्नल को उसके कॉलर से पकड़ा व उठा कर सड़क के नीचे पहाड़ी में फ़ेंक दिया , खुशनसीबी से इब्ट्सन ने एक उखड़े हुए पेड़ की जड़ पकड़ ली व मौत से बच गया.राम प्रसाद जी के पीछे अंग्रेज अफसर भागे किन्तु वे चूनाधार के जंगलो में गायब हो गए.

इस मुक़दमे की सुनवाई के लिए इन्हें कोटद्वार लाया गया, जहाँ इन्हें जज गिल साहब के सामने पेश होना पड़ा, इन्हें उनके पास शरीर पर बेड़ियाँ डाल कर ले जाया गया, जज ने तुरंत आदेश दिया की इनकी बेड़ियाँ खोल दी जाय. इब्ट्सन के वकील ने तहरीर पढ़ना आरम्भ किया, तहरीर पूरी हुई तो जज ने राम प्रसाद जी से कहा, "तुम्हे कुछ कहना है"

राम प्रसाद बोले, "जब इब्ट्सन खुद कोर्ट में मौजूद है तो वे क्यों नहीं कटघरे में आकर घटना का विवरण देतें है."

इस पर जज ने इब्ट्सन की ओर देखा, आखिर इब्ट्सन को कटघरे में आना पड़ा, उसने सब कुछ सच बताया.

जज ने पुनः राम प्रसाद जी को कहा, "आपको कुछ कहना है?"

अब राम प्रसाद जानबूझकर जोर-जोर से बोले, मैं अपने आप को ब्रिटिश नागरिक नहीं मानता अतः इस कोर्ट में कुछ भी कहना मेरे लिए अपमानजनक होगा.

यह सुनकर जज चौंक गए व बोले,

"आप कोर्ट का अपमान कर रहें है, इसके लिए आप पर अवमानना का अभियोग चलाया जा सकता है."

बाद में कोर्ट ने अपनी सजा सुनाई व इन्हें बरेली जेल भेज दिया गया.

गवर्नर मैलकम हैली को काला झंडा दिखाने की घटना

उसी समय की बात है, तत्कालीन अंग्रेज गवर्नर मैलकॉम हेली का पौड़ी दौर था, यह खबर सुनते ही राम प्रसाद जी व उनके दल ने यह योजना बनाई की गवर्नर को काले झंडे दिखाए जाएँ व उसका बायकॉट किया जाय. इस काम को अंजाम देने के लिए 'जयानंद भारतीय' को चुना गया, युवा जयानंद में खूब जोश था व उन्होंने अपनी सहमति दे दी। उनको लेकर राम प्रसाद जी पौड़ी गए वहां जयानंद जी ने गवर्नर के सामने जाकर काला ध्वज लहराया व 'बन्देमातरम' का घोष किया. ‘गवर्नर गो बैक' के नारे लगाते हुए उन्हें पुलिस ने गिरफ्तार कर लिया व इसके लिए उन्हें एक वर्ष के कठोर कारावास की सजा हुई.

लैंसडौन पर कब्ज़ा करके प्रशासन को जनता के अधीन करने की योजना

१९४२ का समय था, गाँधी जी “भारत छोडो ” आंदोलन का श्रीगणेश कर चुके थे . “करो या मरो ” की ललकारों से भारत वर्ष का कण-कण गूंज रहा था . देश भर में कई क्रन्तिकारी वीरों ने जगह-जगह सरकारी व्यस्था को उखाड़ फेंक जनता का नियंत्रण स्थापित कर दिया था. इसी बीच ‘ढोरीं डबरालसयुं ’ में राम प्रसाद जी व उनके साथियों की एक मीटिंग हुई जिसमे ५०० से ज्यादा सदस्य इक्कट्ठा हो गए थे।

योजना बनाई गई की लैंसडौन कोर्ट पर कब्ज़ा किया जाय व प्रशासन को जनता के अधीन कर दिया जाय। इसके लिए चार समूह बनाये गए जो कि गढ़वाल के अलग-अलग क्षेत्रों का प्रतिनित्व करते थे। हर समूह को अपने-अपने क्षेत्रों में और अधिक लोगों को जोड़ने व सक्रिय हो जाने का निर्देश दिया गया. दूसरी बैठक चौबट्टाखाल के पास जंगलों में हुई जिसमे करीब १००० साथियों ने शिरकत की, इसमें २१ सदसयों की एक मुख्य कार्यकारणी बनाने का निर्णय लिया गया, इस समिति में राम प्रसाद जी स्वयं भी थे, इसके अन्य प्रमुख सदस्य बैरिस्टर चंद्र सिंह रावत, सदानन्द शास्त्री, थोकदार नारायण सिंह, छवाण सिंह नेगी व गोकुल सिंह नेगी आदि थे.

राम प्रसाद जी ने स्वयं आगे बढ़कर कर्णप्रयाग में थोकदार देवानंद जी व जीवानंद खंडूरी की सहायता से P.W.D के स्टोर का ताला तोड़कर 7 पेटी डायनामाइट निकाली व पैदल ही अत्यधिक भारी पेटियां कंधे पर रखकर कई किलोमीटर दूर डुमेला तल्ला में पहुंचाईं. इसके बाद यहाँ से इन्हें पूर्व में गठित चारों कमानो में भिजवाने की व्यवस्था की.

दुर्भाग्यवश उनकी महत्वपूर्ण बैठकों में मंगतराम खंतवाल भी मौजूद थे जिन्होंने सारी योजना अंग्रेज प्रशासन के समर्थक मालगुजार गोविन्द सिंह को बता दी. गोविन्द सिंह ने लैंसडौन डाक बंगले में जाकर ब्रिटिश अफसर डी. सी. फनींड को सारी सूचना दे दी. योजना इस प्रकार थी कि, २७ अगस्त १९४२ को हजारों की संख्या में जनता व क्रांतिकारियों की भीड़ लैंसडौन पर धावा बोलेगी, सबसे पहले एक टीम लैंसडौन को जोड़ने वाली टेलीफोन लाइन्स काट देगी. लैंसडौन अदालत पर कब्ज़ा किया जायेगा, S.D.M अम्बादत्त जी को D.M. घोषित कर दिया जायेगा व ट्रेज़री को कब्जे में लेकर प्रशासन को जनता के अधीन कर दिया जायेगा। व्यवस्था के लिए एक कार्यपालक समिति बनाई जाएगी जिसके संयोजक प्रताप सिंह नेगी होंगे.

योजना के लीक हो जाने की खबर चिंतामणि बलोधी लेकर आये व बताया कि फिर्नीड्स ने लैंसडौन जाने वाले सारे मार्गों को सील करने का आदेश दे दिया है. चौमासू पुल व बांधर पुल पर फौज का कड़ा पहरा लगा दिया गया और क्षेत्र के सारे लायसेंसी हथियार धारकों को तत्काल हाजिर होने का निर्देश जारी किया गया.

इसपर भी राम प्रसाद जी व साथियों ने योजना पर काम जारी रखा, 27 अगस्त 1942 को सारे विद्यालयों को बंद करवा दिया गया ८० लोगों के एक दल के साथ राम प्रसाद जी आगे बढ़े , करीब 50 सदस्यों के साथ छवाण सिंह नेगी धूरा चुंगी के निकट टेलीफ़ोन तार काटने के लिये चल पड़े, टेलीफोन तार काटते समय बिजली की तार के संपर्क में आने से उनके एक साथी केशर सिंह को भयंकर झटका लगा व वह पहाड़ी से नीचे गिर गए.

ब्रिटिश अधिकारियों ने छापामारी शुरू कर दी . हज़ारों कार्यकर्ता पकडे गए। रात के गुप्प अँधेरे में सबके-सब पागलों की तरह अपने मृत साथी का शव ढूंढने में लग गए , राम प्रसाद जी के पास शव लाया गया उन्होंने रात में ही दाह संस्कार करना जरुरी समझा व स्वयं बलिदानी केशर सिंह का शव कंधे पर उठा कर शिरुबाड़ी पहुंचे; ‘बन्दे मातरम ’ के पवित्र उद्घोष के साथ उनको अंतिम विदाई दी गयी.

जगह-जगह से हजारों लोगों की भीड़ लैंसडौन की तरफ बढ़ रही थी , प्रशासन व जनता के बीच भिड़ंत शुरू हो चुकी थी; किन्तुं अंग्रेज फ़ौज की घातक हथियारों के साथ अग्रिम मौजूदगी का अहसास राम प्रसाद जी को था, उन्होंने रक्तपात का कोई लाभ न जानकार विभिन्न स्थानों में आगे बढ़ चुके जन समूहों को रुकने को कहा, तत्काल तौर से ठहरने व फिर वापस लौटने की व्यवथा करवाई। इस पूरी कवायद में वे कई दिन तक जान पर खेलकर भूखे-प्यासे जंगलों से होते हुए इधर-उधर व्यवस्था करते रहे।

योजना असफल रही , किन्तु इससे स्थानीय अंग्रेज प्रशासन बुरी तरह घबरा गया व भड़क गया. इसके बाद जनता पर जो अत्याचार हुए वे अकथनीय हैं. खबरे मिली की जिन घरों के मर्द घर नहीं पहुँच पाए उन घरों की महिलाओं के साथ घरों में घुस-घुस कर पटवारी, कानूनगोय तथा अन्य सरकारी अफसर बदसुलूकी तक करने लग गए. जनता बड़ी डरी हुई थी व कोई भी सामने आने को तैयार न था. इस सब के प्रतिशोध में कुमरथा गांव के पास एक अंग्रेज अधिकारी को मारकर नदी में फेंक दिया गया. इसके लिए पुलिस ने कांतिचंद उनियाल को दोषी ठहराया, पुलिस से बचने के लिए वह बदरीनाथ की तरफ भयानक व बर्फीले जगलों में भाग गए जहाँ भूख-प्यास व ठण्ड से उनकी मृत्यु हो गयी.

मरणासन्न पिता व पुत्र को छोड़कर जेल जाने की व्यथा

अपने संघर्ष को जारी रखते हुए राम प्रसाद जी जंगलों में छिप-छिप कर अंग्रेज सरकार के विरुद्ध जनता को जागरूक करते व बीच बीच में बैठकें कर के स्वतंत्रता की अलक जगाने का प्रयास करते, उस समय वह 'क्वालागाड़' के जंगलों में सक्रिय थे. इसी बीच उन्हें खबर दी गई की उनके पिताजी का स्वस्थ्य बहुत बिगड़ गया है व संभवतया वह अब ज्यादा दिन न बच पाएं. राम प्रसाद जी ने खबर की सत्यता जानने के लिए अपने एक साथी को गांव भेजा तो पता चला कि बात सच है, वह किसी तरह बचते बचाते अपने गांव पहुच गए. कई दिन से भूखे प्यासे थे, घर में बचा-खुचा 'फाणु-भात' खाया, माता जी व पत्नी से मिले. पिता जी उस समय मरणासन्न अवस्था में लेटे हुए थे उनका मुख चादर से ढका हुआ था, राम प्रसाद जी ने उनके चरण छुए व माता जी से जाने की आज्ञा मांगी. माता जी ने कहा,

" बेटा तुम्हारा पुत्र भी बहुत बीमार है, तुम कुछ दिन रुक जाओ"

माता जी को सुबकते हुए देख राम प्रसाद जी मन में तो जरूर रोये होंगे, किन्तु जब बीड़ा राष्ट्रधर्म निभाने का उठाया हो तो फिर अपनों की चिंता व दुःख किसे, उन्होंने माता जी ढाढस बंधाने का प्रयास किया. माता जी पुत्र के मन को जानती थीं अतः कुछ न बोलीं, किन्तु आये हुए रिश्तेदारों ने कहा की अब शायद पिता जी सुबह तक भी क्या बच पाएं, ज्येष्ठ पुत्र होने के नाते ये उनका धर्म है की वह अंतिम रश्मों को पूरा करें. राम प्रसाद जी को रुकना पड़ा, उन्होंने स्पष्ट कर किया की वे सुबह होते ही निकल पड़ेंगे.

रात को दो बजे जब वे जागे और जैसे ही उन्होंने अंगीठी जलाई तो देखा कि अंग्रेज फौज के लगभग दो सौ जवान मकान पर घेरा डाले हुए हैं। कमांडिंग अफसर बोला कि रात को नौटियाल जी व उनके परिवार को न छेड़ा जाय किन्तु सुबह होते ही उन्हें समर्पण करना होगा. पूरा परिवार घबरा गया, माता जी ने उन्हें ऊपर वाले कमरे में बंद करके बाहर से ताला लगा दिया व कहा की वह रात को ही जा चुकें है. इस पर भी तहसीलदार चन्दन सिंह सीढ़ियों पर चढ़ गया व ललकारने लग गया,

"हमने अब तुम्हे गिरफ्तार कर दिया है, तुम समर्पण कर दो"

तहसीलदर की इस धृष्टता पर राम प्रसाद जी को बड़ा क्रोध आया, उन्होंने दरवाजे पर जोर से लात मारी व दरवाजा तोड़कर बाहर निकले, तहसीलदार को गले से पकड़ा और छज्जे से नीचे फ़ेंक दिया, तहसीलदार ने नीचे से फायर कर दिया, राम प्रसाद जी ने भी बचाव करते हुए अपनी पिस्तौल से तहसीलदार पर फायर झोंक दी, अँधेरे की वजह से वह बच निकला, फायरिंग की आवाज से बीमार बच्चा बुरी तरह घबरा गया व मंडुए के खेतों में जाकर छुप गया. घर में विलाप प्रलाप का माहौल हो गया. अंग्रेज अफसर भी नौटियाल जी के तेवर देखकर घबरा गए. रक्तपात न हो अतः निश्चय किया गया कि अब सुबह ही उन्हें गिरफ्तार किया जायेगा.

सुबह गिरफ्तारी देने के बाद उनकी विदाई के लिए जनता ढोल-दमाऊ लेकर आयी, रणसिंघा की विजयी हुंकार के साथ उन्हें विदा किया गया. गांव की सीमा पार होते ही बोले अब मैं बिना सवारी के नहीं जाऊँगा मैं कोई मामूली कैदी नहीं हूँ, ऑफिसर्स जानते थे इनके साथ बहस करना बेकार है, घोडा व पालकी मंगाई गई राम प्रसाद जी ने एक योद्धा की तरह घोड़े पर ही जाना स्वीकार किया. राम प्रसाद जी मरणासन्न पिता व पुत्र को छोड़कर जाते समय भी जनता को मार्तृभूमि के लिए हंस-हंस कर पीड़ा सहने का सन्देश देकर गए. बाद में खबर मिली की बीमार पिता व पुत्र दोनों का देहावसान हो गया।

इसके बाद इन पर कई धाराओं के अंतर्गत केस चलाये गए व सजा काटने के लिए बरेली सेंट्रल जेल भेज दिया गया. यहाँ इनको रफ़ी अहमद किदवई, महावीर त्यागी व कृष्णा दत्त पालीवाल आदि कई प्रमुख सेनानियों के साथ रखा गया. बाद में इनके तेवर देखकर इन्हें तन्हाई (seclusion) में रखा गया. यहाँ से इन्हें 14th July 1945 को रिहा कर दिया गया.

गरीबी व छुवाछूत के विरुद्ध संघर्ष

1945 में रिहा होने के बाद इन्होंने स्वंतंत्र आंदोलनों के साथ-साथ दलित उद्धार , छुआ-छूत उन्मूलन व डोला-पालकी जैसी पुरानी परम्पराओं को समाप्त करने के लिए भी व्यापक जन-जागरण के कार्यक्रम चलाये. छुआ-छूत को कप्तान नौटियाल पहले से ही नहीं मानते थे , इसका स्पष्ट उदाहरण उनके साथियों में सभी वर्गों के प्रतिनिधत्व की मौजूदगी से मिलता है.

उन्होंने व उनके साथियों ने कई बार स्थानीय हरिजनों के घरों शरण ली , भोजन किया व रास्ते में ही रात पड़ जाने पर इनकी छतों के नीचे ही रात बिताई . यधपि इनको जानने वाले इन्हें आदर से पंडित जी कह कर भी बुलाते थे , किन्तु ये कप्तान नौटियाल कहलाना अधिक पसंद करते थे .

1946 में राम प्रसाद जी व उनके साथियों द्वारा दुगड्डा में एक विशाल सम्मलेन आयोजित किया गया , जिसमे गोविन्द बल्लभ पन्त , नरदेव सिंह शास्त्री , बद्री दत्त पांडेय , काशीपुर नरेश कुंवर आनंद सिंह आदि प्रमुख हस्तियों ने शिरकत की। इस मीटिंग में क्षेत्र में अकाल की स्थिति पर चिंता प्रकट की गयी, जमाखोरी पर लगाम लगाम के लिए प्रशासन के ईमानदार ऑफिसर्स के साथ मिलकर करीब 52 समूह खोले गए, इसके बाद राम प्रसाद नौटियाल व साथियों ने अंग्रेज समर्थक बनियों को खूब आड़े हाथों लिया उनके दिमाग को ठिकाने लगा कर स्थानीय छोटे व मंझोले व्यापारियों के लिए बाज़ार में प्रतिभागिता का रास्ता खोल दिया , जिससे तत्कालीन अकाल से त्रस्त जनता को कुछ         मिली.

स्वतंत्रता प्राप्ति के बाद

स्वतंत्रता प्राप्ति के बाद भी इन्होंने अपना संघर्ष जारी रक्खा व शीर्ष नेतृत्व के साथ कंधे से कंधा मिलाकर उत्तराखंड के दुर्गम किन्तु सामरिक तौर से महत्वपूर्ण क्षेत्रों में काम किया. गोविन्द बल्लभ पन्त इन्हें "लोहा" कहा करते थे जिससे समय आने पर हथौड़ा बनाया जा सकता है तो बन्दूक भी बनाई जा सकती है। Dr. हरदयाल पन्त जी ने इन्हें प्रान्तीस सेवा दाल का आर्गेनाइजर नियुक्त किया, जहाँ इनकी देख रेख में ३६ चौकियां, ४६० राइफल्स, ८ मशीनगन्स व ५०,००० कारतूस रहते थे. इसके बाद इन्हें मैकमोहन रेखा का निरीक्षण करने आये हुए दल का गाइड बनाकर चीन बॉर्डर पर भेज दिया गया, वहां से इनका दल १९ नवम्बर १९४९ को लौटा.तत्पश्चात इन्होंने कई महत्वपूर्ण सुरक्षा क्षेत्रों में अपना योगदान दिया, १९५० आते-आते राम प्रसाद जी ने मन बना लिया था कि अब वे अपने क्षेत्र की जनता के बीच रह कर ही कार्य करेंगे. १९५१ के असेंबली चुनाव में लैंसडौन क्षेत्र का प्रतिनिधित्व करने का विचार मन में आया व बात शीर्ष नेतृत्व तक पहुंचाई गयी.

गोविन्द बल्लभ पन्त जी ने बात यह कह कर टाल दी कि वे सरकार के लिए कितने उपयोगी हैं ये वे नहीं जानते। राम प्रसाद जी अब निश्चय कर चुके थे, उन्होंने कांग्रेस मुखयालय में जाकर शीर्ष नेतृत्व के साथ अपॉइंटमेंट का फॉर्म भरा, एक महीने बाद वे नेहरू जी के पास पहुँच गए. कमरे में नेहरू जी , पटेल जी व पन्त जी बैठे थे . नेहरू जी कप्तान साहब को जानते थे, बोले, "बताइये कप्तान नौटियाल, बोलिये!", राम प्रसाद जी ने स्पष्ट कहा, “मुझे टिकेट चाहिए”

नेहरू जी बोले , “पन्त जी नहीं मानते...... ”

मुलाकात समाप्त हुई , राम प्रसाद जी लौट गए ; बाद में पता चला कि टिकट दे दी गयी है. यह जिम्मेदारी भी नौटियाल जी ने बखूबी निभाई व लगातार दो बार भारतीय राष्टीय कांग्रेस के टिकट से लैंसडौन सीट से विधायक चुने गए.

लैंसडौन विधानसभा से विधायक के रूप में जनता की सेवा

लैंसडौन विधान सभा क्षेत्र से अपने दो कार्यकालों में कप्तान नौटियाल ने ‘सड़क मार्गों ’, ‘पेयजल योजनाओं ’ व ‘सहकारी वित्तीय संस्थाओं ’ को प्राथमिकता दी।गढ़वाल व कुमायूं को देश की मुख्यधारा से पूर्ण रूप से जोड़ने का महत्व व चीन बॉर्डर से जुड़ा हुआ क्षेत्र होने के कारण इसके रणनीतिक तौर से महत्वपूर्ण स्थान होने का आभास उन्हें पहले से ही था, अतः उनकी पहली प्राथमिकता एक व्यापक सड़क जाल बिछाने की थी. इनमे से प्रमुख हैं-

राम नगर - मरचूला - बीरोंखाल - थलीसैण मोटर मार्ग और डेरियाखाल - रिखणीखाल – बीरोंखाल मोटर मार्ग :-

राम नगर-बीरोंखाल मोटर मार्ग को उन्होंने जनता के सहयोग से व श्रम दान द्वारा पूरा करवाया। सड़क मार्ग तैयार होने के बाद सबसे बड़ी समस्या यह थी की उनके पास कोई गाड़ियां यही थी , इसके लिए उन्होंने जगह-जगह जाकर बैठकें की, कोआपरेटिव सोसाइटीज़ का गठन करके जनता से शेयर्स के रूप में धन इकटठा करवाया व तब जाकर दो सेकंड हैण्ड बस ख़रीदी . आज उनके द्वारा स्वीकृत कराये गए सड़क मार्गों का बड़ा हिस्सा “राष्ट्रीय राज मार्गों ” से जुड़ा हुआ है.

1956 में इन्होंने ‘यूजर्स ट्रांसपोर्ट सोसाइटी लिमिटेड’ की नींव रखी व अपने दूसरे कार्यकाल के आरम्भ में ही इसकी स्थापना कर दी। कप्तान नौटियाल जब तक ‘यूजर्स ट्रांसपोर्ट’ के अध्यक्ष रहे तब तक कंपनी के पास 24 बसें हो गयी थी जिन्हें गढ़वाल व कुमाऊं के विभिन्न रुट्स पर चलाया जाता था.पेयजल योजनाएं-

हिमालय के निचले क्षेत्रों में बसे गांवों में पीने के पानी की बड़ी भयंकर समस्या होती है, जल सम्पन्न प्रदेश होने के बाबजूद भी आज भी कई गांवों में पीने का पानी उपलब्ध नहीं है. राम प्रसाद जी ने इस समस्या को समझा व कई पेयजल योजनाएं मंजूर करवाईं. इनमे से एक महत्वपूर्ण व प्रसिद्द योजना ‘डालागांव पेयजल परियोजना’ के नाम से जानी जाती है. इस परियोजना के तहत एक ही बार में करीब एक दर्जन से भी ज्यादा गांवों को पीने का स्वच्छ पानी पाइप लाइन्स के जरिये पहुँचाया गया.कोआपरेटिव बैंक्स की स्थापना-

राम प्रसाद जी न केवल एक निर्भीक क्रांतिकारी थे बल्कि एक दूरदर्शी नायक भी थे उन्होंने 1950 के दौर में ही ‘वित्तीय समावेश’ के महत्व को समझ लिया था, इसके लिए उन्होंने गढ़वाल व कुमाऊं में कई कोआपरेटिव बैंक्स खुलवाए. इनमे गढ़वाल क्षेत्र के लैंसडौन, बीरोंखाल व नौगांवखाल में स्थापित कोआपरेटिव बैंक्स प्रमुख है. कई कोआपरेटिव सोसाइटीज की स्थापना व इनके सुचारू संचालन के लिए इन्होंने जनता के बीच जाकर वित्तीय जागरूकता उत्पन्न की व छोटी-छोटी कीमत के शेयर्स चलाये, सबसे पहले खुद शेयर खरीदे व जनता को हिस्सेदार बनाकर क्षेत्र के वित्तीय सशक्तिकरण का दूरदर्शी कार्य करने का प्रयास किया.

देहत्याग

राम प्रसाद नौटियाल जनता के बीच में रहकर जनता के लिए कार्य करने वाले नायकों में से थे, जनता के लिए कार्य करने हेतु ही वह सरकार द्वारा दिए गए सुनहरे अवसरों को छोड़कर चुनावों में सम्मलित हुए व अपने दूरदर्शी नायक होने का परिचय सड़क मार्गों, पेयजल योजनाओं व वित्तीय संस्थाओं की स्थापना करवा कर दिया. इनके अंतिम दिन कोटद्वार में एकांत में बीते; कुछ समय के लिए बीमार रहने के पश्चात् लखनऊ में इन्होंने 24 Dec1980 को संसार का त्याग किया।

Rani Gaidinliu

Rani Gaidinliu: Daughter of the Hills

Aditi Shah

The Indian struggle for independence was hard-fought at many levels. We tell you the story of Gaidinliu. A Naga freedom fighter from Manipur, she fought against the British and missionaries, was arrested, tortured, dubbed a sorceress and forced to go underground - to fight for her beliefs and the rights of her people.

The Princely State of Manipur or the Kangleipak Kingdom became a British protectorate in 1824. While the royal family and the ruling elite were from the Meitei community which followed Vaishnavism , there were also a large number of Naga tribes living in the hills of Manipur. One such tribe was the Rongmei. Originally a tribe of head hunters, they had settled to a more sedentary life in the Manipur hills. It was in this tribe, that Gaidinliu was born on 26 January 1915, in Nungkao village in the Tamenglong district of Manipur.

Haipou Jadonang|E-pao net

In the 1920s, there was a fair amount of unrest across the Naga tribes in the region. The growing missionary work along the hill settlements, which had begun earlier in the 19th century CE, was threatening the traditional way of life that the Nagas followed. This started a reaction and a movement referred to as the Heraka (literally meaning Pure), which spread across the Naga lands. Interestingly this movement was headed by Gaidinliu’s cousin Haipou Jadonang. Heraka was not just a reactionary movement but also a social-religious one that sought to cleanse social ills, reduce ritual sacrifices, and streamline Naga religious beliefs, though many continued to see it as an anti-Christian movement. Jadonang became the spiritual leader of the movement and wanted to unite all the Naga tribes against the British.

16-year-old Gaidinliu would head the movement after the death of her cousin.

While Maharaja Chandrachud Singh was the titular Maharaja of Manipur, the real power was wielded by the British Political Agent JC Higgins, who was alarmed by the Heraka movement’s activities. In 1931 Jadonang was captured by the British and killed. Gaidinliu, who was just 16 years old then, took over as the leader of the Heraka movement.

Naga warriors|Digital library of University of Houston

Under Gaidinliu’s leadership, the religious movement was transformed into a struggle for freedom. She frequently invoked the name of Gandhi and connected the Naga movement with the wider movement for independence across India. She also began her version of a ‘non-cooperation’ movement, the no-tax campaign, which made collection of taxes from tribal areas very difficult.

The British saw Gaidinliu as a threat and dubbed her as some sort of ‘pagan Sorceress’! They also announced a reward of Rs. 500 and a 10 year tax holiday for any village which would betray her and lead them to her. But Gaidinliu had so much support, that instead of giving in the Naga tribals rallied around her, even taking on the Assam Rifles of the British army in armed conflicts in the North Cachar Hills (16 February 1932) and the Hangrum village (18 March 1932).

Map of Manipur|E-pao net

Nehru would award the title ‘Rani’ to Gaidinliu after she was released.

Hotly pursued by the police and army, Gaidinliu and her followers moved across villages in what are now Assam, Nagaland and Manipur. In October 1932, Gaidinliu was in Pulomi village in Manipur where her followers started building a wooden fortress to cover her. Captain MacDonald, the commander of the Assam Rifles, sent the forces in the opposite direction to lull the Naga forces into a false sense of security. Then, on 17th October 1932, he is said to have made a sudden attack on the village and captured Gaidinliu and her followers.

Gaidinliu was taken to Imphal and convicted on charges of murder and abatement of murder after a trial. She was sentenced to life imprisonment by the Political Agent's Court. From 1933 to 1947, she stayed in Guwahati, Shillong, Aizawl and Tura jails. After the Interim Government of India was set up in 1946, Gaidinliu by now called the ‘Daughter of the Hills’ was released on Prime Minister Nehru's orders. Nehru even gave her the title of ‘Rani’.

Zeliangrong celebrating the birth Centenary of Rani Gaidinliu at Imphal, Manipur in 2015|E-pao net

After India’s independence, Gaidinliu picked up other causes. Among the first, was a resistance movement against the Naga National Council (NNC) which advocated secession from India. Instead, Gaidinliu campaigned for a separate Zeliangrong territory within the Union of India. The term ‘Zeliangrong’ refers to the Zeme, Liangmai and Rongmei Naga tribes combined together living in the borderlands of Assam, Manipur and Nagaland.

Gaidinliu also did not stop promoting the Heraka movement. In her words, ‘Loss of religion is the loss of culture, loss of culture is the loss of identity.’ However, this time she had to face opposition from the Naga leaders within. She was warned of serious consequences if she were not to change her stand. This forced her to go underground again in 1960.

A fighter to the end, Gaidinliu at this point organised a private army of about a thousand men equipped with rifles to fight for her demand for a single Zeliangrong district. By 1966, after six years of hard underground life, and by now over 50 years old, Gaidinliu reached an agreement with the Government of India and came out from her hideout. The terms were that she could not go back to her village, but instead work for the betterment of her people using peaceful, democratic and non-violent means by staying at Kohima itself.

Tomb of Rani Gaidinliu at Longkao|E-pao net

Recognition would finally come to her in the form of the "Tamrapatra Freedom Fighter Award" in 1972, the Padma Bhushan (1982) and the Vivekananda Seva Award (1983). In 1991, Gaidinliu returned to her birthplace Longkao, where she died on 17 February 1993 at the age of 78.

A recipient of numerous awards, there is even a shore patrol vessel named after Rani Gaidinliu, by the Hindustan Shipyard at Visakhapatnam (it was commissioned in 2010).

Cover Image: E-pao net

https://www.livehistoryindia.com/herstory/2017/07/25/gaidinliu---daughter-of-the-hills-

Roshan Singh

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Thakur Roshan Singh

Thakur Roshan Singh (22 January 1892, Shahjahanpur district - 19 December 1927, Allahabad) was a brave Indian revolutionary who was previously sentenced in the Bareilly shooting case during Non Cooperation Movement of 1921-22. After release from Bareilly Central Jail, he joined the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association in 1924. Although he had not taken part in the Kakori conspiracy (Aug 1925) yet he was arrested and confined to capital punishment of death sentence along with Ram Prasad 'Bismil' ,Asfakullah Khan and Rajendra Lahiri by the then British Government

Ram Singh Kuka

Ram Singh Kuka was a soldier, a religious leader and a prominent contributor to the Indian freedom movement. He was the founder of the Kuka movement. His policy of non-cooperation with the British was immensely popular among the masses, mainly in Punjab.

Ram Singh was born at Bhaini in Ludhiana district of Punjab in 1816. He joined as a soldier in the Sikh army and there he came under the influence of Bhai Balak Singh. After Balak Singh’s death he took up the responsibility of the missionary works. He fought against the caste system among Sikhs, encouraged inter-caste marriages and widow remarriages.

Ram Singh was strongly opposed to the British rule and he started an intense non-cooperation movement against them. Led by him, the people boycotted English education, mill made cloths and other imported goods. The Kuka or the Namdhari movement picked momentum with time and the British reacted violently killing many Kuka freedom fighters. Ram Singh was promptly deported to Rangoon. Later on he was sent to Andaman under life imprisonment. He passed away on November 29, 1885.

Baba Ram Singh had such a great influence on his followers that even after his death they refused to believe that he was really dead and would return again to guide them. His method of non-cooperation and civil disobedience was later adopted by Mahatma Gandhi .

Facts and Information about Ram Singh Kuka

Nick Name Satguru
Born 3 February 1816 (Sri Bhaini Sahib, Punjab)
Died 18 January 1872 (Dhaka, Bangladesh)
Nationality Indian
Guru Sikh Gurus
Philosophy Philosophy of Guru Granth Sahib
Sect Namdhari
Motto Civilize the world!
Formation 1857
Type Religious and Spiritual
Legal Status Active
Purpose Educational, Religious Studies, Spirituality
Headquarters India, Punjab, Sri Bhaini Sahib
Father Sardar Jassa Singh
Early Education Bhaini Sahib in Gumukhi and Gurbani
Army Service He served the Khalsa army under Kanwar Naunihal Singh, the grandson of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, for several years.
Boycott He involved masses in the boyott of British-run educational institutions, law courts and foreign-made goods.
Fight for Independence Ram Singh played a significant role in ending British rule in India.
Formed “Sant Khalsa” Sant Khalsa was founded by him, which eventually led to the Kuka movements.
Guru Gobind Singh’s Granth Disregarding idols, Ram Singh considered Granth Sahib, written by Guru Gobind Singh, the most sacred text.
Malerkotla Massacre Following the Malerkotla massacre in 1872, Bhaini Sahib was sieged and the Kuka movement was forbidden by law.
Arrest and capture Ram Singh was imprisoned at Alahabad and was later deported to Burma.
Namdharis’ beliefs The Kukas consider him “amar”, or an immortal being.

राम सिंह कुका की जीवनी

राम सिंह कुका एक सैनिक, धार्मिक नेता और भारतीय स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन के एक प्रमुख योगदान कर्ता थे। राम सिंह कुका, कुका आंदोलन के संस्थापक थे। अंग्रेजों के साथ उनकी असहयोग की नीति, मुख्यतः पंजाब में जनता के बीच बेहद लोकप्रिय थी।
राम सिंह कुका का जन्म वर्ष 1816 में पंजाब के लुधियाना जिले के भैनी गाँव में हुआ था। राम सिंह कुका सिख सेना में एक सैनिक के रूप में शामिल हुए और वहाँ पर वे भाई बालक सिंह से मिलकर काफी प्रभावित हुए। भाई बालक सिंह की मृत्यु के बाद, राम सिंह कुका ने धर्म-प्रचारक कार्यों की जिम्मेदारियों को संभाला। राम सिंह कुका ने सिखों के बीच जाति व्यवस्था के खिलाफ लड़ाई लड़ी थी और उन्होंने अंतरजातीय विवाह और विधवा पुनर्विवाह के लिए लोगों को प्रोत्साहित किया था।

राम सिंह कुका ने ब्रिटिश शासन का पूर्ण रूप से विरोध किया और उनके खिलाफ गहन असहयोग आंदोलन की शुरुआत की। राम सिंह कुका के नेतृत्व में लोगो ने अंग्रेजी शिक्षा, मीलों में बने कपड़े और बाहर से आए अन्य आयातित सामानों का भी बहिष्कार किया। कुका या नामधारी आंदोलन ने समय के साथ अपनी गति बढ़ा दी थी और ब्रिटिश ने कई कुका स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों को हिंसक रूप से मारने का विरोध किया था। राम सिंह कुका को बंदी बनाकर रंगून भेज दिया गया और उसके बाद उन्हें आजीवन कारावास की सजा सुनाकर अंडमान जेल भेज दिया गया। 29 नवंबर 1885 में राम सिंह कुका का निधन हो गया था।
बाबा राम सिंह का उनके अनुयायियों पर इतना गहरा प्रभाव पड़ा था कि उनकी मृत्यु के बाद भी उनके अनुयायियों ने विश्वास नहीं किया कि वह वास्तव में मर चुके हैं। उनको लगता था कि लोगों का मार्ग दर्शन करने के लिए वह वापस लौट आएंगे। राम सिंह कुका की मृत्यु के बाद, असहयोग और सविनय अवज्ञा की प्रणाली को बाद में महात्मा गांधी द्वारा अपनाया गया था।
राम सिंह कुका के बारे में कुछ जानने योग्य तथ्य और जानकारी
उपनाम सतगुरू
जन्म स्थान 3 फरवरी 1816 (श्री भैनी साहिब, पंजाब)
मृत्यु 18 जनवरी 1872 (ढाका, बांग्लादेश)
राष्ट्रीयता भारतीय
गुरु सिख गुरु
दर्शन गुरु ग्रंथ साहिब के दर्शन
संप्रदाय नामधारी
सिद्धांत दुनिया को सभ्य बनाना
गठन 1857
वर्ग धार्मिक और आध्यात्मिक
कानूनी स्थिति सक्रिय
उद्देश्य शैक्षिक, धार्मिक अध्ययन, आध्यात्मिकता
मुख्यालय भारत, पंजाब, श्री भैनी साहिब
पिता सरदार जस्सा सिंह
प्रारंभिक शिक्षा भैनी साहिब के गुरुमुखी और गुरुबानी में
सेना में कार्य उन्होंने कई वर्षों तक महाराजा रणजीत सिंह के पोते कुँवर नौनिहाल सिंह के अधीन खालसा सेना के साथ कार्य किया।
बहिष्कार उन्होंने जनता को शामिल करके ब्रिटिश शैक्षणिक संस्थानों, कानून अदालतों और विदेशी वस्तुओं का बहिष्कार किया।
स्वतंत्रता के लिए लड़े भारत में ब्रिटिश शासन का अंत करने में राम सिंह ने एक महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई थी।
“संत खालसा” का गठन राम सिंह द्वारा संत खालसा की स्थापना की गई थी, जिसने अंत में कुका आंदोलन का नेतृत्व किया था।
गुरु गोविन्द सिंह के ग्रंथ गुरु गोबिंद सिंह द्वारा मूर्तियों के विरूद्ध, लिखित ग्रंथपाठमें राम सिंह ग्रंथ साहिब को सबसे पवित्र माना जाता है।
मलेरकोटला नरसंहार वर्ष 1872 में मलेरकोटला नरसंहार के बाद, भैनी साहिब को घेर लिया गया था और कानून द्वारा कुका आंदोलन को निषिद्ध कर दिया गया था।
गिरफ्तारी और कैद करना राम सिंह को इलाहाबाद में गिरफ्तार किया गया था। उसके बाद उन्हें बर्मा (म्यांमार) भेज दिया गया था।
नामधारी की मान्यताएं

https://hindi.mapsofindia.com/who-is-who/history/ram-singh-kuka-in-hindi

Ramnath Biswas

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Ramnath Biswas

রামনাথ বিশ্বাস

Born 13 January 1894

Baniachong, Assam Province, British India

Died 1 November 1955 (aged 61)

Kolkata, West Bengal, India
Nationality Indian

Occupation Soldier, Globe trotter, Writer

Ramnath Biswas (Bengali: রামনাথ বিশ্বাস, romanized: Ramnath Bishshash; 13 January 1894 – 1 November 1955) was an Indian revolutionary, soldier, globetrotter and travelogue writer. He is known for circumnavigating the globe by bicycle.

Early life

Ramnath was born to Birajanath Biswas and Gunamayee Devi in the year 1894 in the Vidyabhusanpara village of Baniachong in the Sylhet District of Assam which now falls under Habiganj District of Bangladesh. In his childhood he attended the Harischandra High School till the eighth grade. He had to quit studies due to the untimely death of his father.

Career

Ramnath started his career as a manager at the Jatiya Bhandar Samiti, a Swadeshi enterprise based in Sylhet. Jatiya Bhandar Samiti had a motor car repairing workshop and Ramnath learnt driving. During his tenure in this organization, he also learnt how to ride a bicycle and became quite expert at it. Then he left the job at Jatiya Bhandar Samiti and took up another job. During this time he secretly joined the Anushilan Samiti. However, his association with the revolutionary group became public and he was expelled from his job. During this time the First World War broke out. Ramnath joined the Bengali Paltan and went to the war in Mesopotamia. In 1924, he took up a job with the British Navy and moved to British Malaya.

World tours

1st tour (1931-33)

In 1931, Ramnath embarked on his first world tour on a bicycle. In his possession he had a pair of slippers, two wrappers, a bicycle and a box containing tools for bicycle repair. The bicycle frame had a metal board with the message - "Round the world, Hindoo traveller". On 7 July 1931, Ramnath started his journey from Queen Street in Singapore. The expatriate Indians of Singapore gathered on the occasion to wish him success. He cycled through Malaya, Siam, Indochina, China, Korea, Japan and reached Canada. In Canada, he was arrested and jailed for a month. In 1934, he returned to India. On his return to his native place the village arranged huge felicitation programme at the historic Eralia grounds. At the programme, while sharing his experience of his world tour, Ramnath described Baniachang as the largest village of the world.

2nd tour (1934-36)

In 1934, Ramnath embarked on his second world tour. This time he travelled through India, Afghanisthan, Persia, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Turkey, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Hungary, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, France and reached England. He toured Scotland as well. The long arduous journey took toll on his health. In 1936, he returned from London in a ship via Port Said and reached Mumbai. After regaining his health and finess, he travelled to Santiniketan to meet Rabindranath Tagore.

3rd tour (1938-40)

In 1938, he embarked on his third world tour. This time he travelled to Africa. From Mumbai, he travelled to Mombasa in a ship. He started on his bicycle from Mombasa and travelled through Kenya, Uganda, Nyasaland, Rhodesia and reached South Africa. From there he travelled to the United States. He returned home in 1940.

Later life

After the Partition of India, his native place became a part of Pakistan. Ramnath didn't emigrate. However, when he wanted to publish a book on his travelogues, he couldn't find a publisher. He himself founded a publication house by the name of Paryatak Prakashana and began to publish his books. After he few years he left East Pakistan and settled in Kolkata. After his arrival at Kolkata, he began to publish his travelogues in Anandabazar Patrika. He died in 1955.

Publications

Ramnath wrote more than 30 books. The following is an incomplete list.

Andhakarer Afrika

Ajker Amerika

Jujitsu Japan

Tarun Turki

Duranta Dakshin Afrika

Nigro Jatir Natun Jiban

Prashanta Mahasagare Ashanti

Bedouiner Deshe

Bhabaghurer Bishwabhraman

Bhietnamer Bidrohi Bir

Maranbijayi Chin

Mao Maoer Deshe

Malayesia Bhraman

Lal Chin

Bidrohi Balkan

Sarbaswadhin Shyam

Holiwuder Atmakatha

Tour Round The World Without Money

रामचंद्र भंगी

(??--30.3.1919)

प्रथम विश्वयुद्ध के समय भारतीयों ने अंग्रेज सेना में भर्ती होकर पूरा सहयोग दिया था। फिर भी ब्रिटिश सरकार भारत को स्वायत्त शासन का अधिकार देने को तैयार नहीं थी। इसलिए युद्ध की समाप्ति के पूर्व ही 10 दिसंबर 1917 को इंग्लैंड हाई कोर्ट के जज सर सिहनी रौलट की अध्यक्षता में कमेटी का गठन किया गया जिसे ऐसे कानूनों की रूपरेखा तैयार करने को कहा गया जिनसे क्रांतिकारियों के षड्यंत्रों का सामना किया जा सके।

15 अप्रैल 1918 को सर रोलट ने अपनी रिपोर्ट भारत मंत्री को पेश की। कमेटी ने क्रांतिकारियों को कुचलने के सख्त सुझाव दिए थे। इसलिए भारत में इसका भारी विरोध हुआ।

महात्मा गांधी ने भी इसका घोर विरोध किया था। फिर भी 18 मार्च 1919 को रौलट एक्ट कानून बन गया। 30 मार्च को रौलट एक्ट के विरुद्ध देशभर में दुकानों तथा कारखानों में हड़ताल करने की घोषणा की गई। एक दिन का अनशन करने का भी निर्णय हुआ। बाद में हड़ताल का दिन 6 अप्रैल कर दिया गया। इसी बीच दिल्ली में 30 मार्च 1919 को ही सत्याग्रह कर दिया गया।

दिल्ली रेलवे स्टेशन पर झगड़ा हो गया। रेलवे पुलिस ने 2 लोगों को गिरफ्तार कर लिया। गिरफ्तारी को लेकर लोगों में गुस्सा था। लोगों ने प्रदर्शन किया। पुलिस ने उन पर गोली चला दी। इससे 8 लोग शहीद और करीब 20 लोग घायल हो गए। उन शहीदों में रामचंद्र भंगी भी था। रामचंद्र भंगी एक निष्ठावान तथा कर्मठ कार्यकर्ता था।

रौलट एक्ट को भारतीयों ने काला कानून कहा और इससे देश में अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ वातावरण तैयार हो गया। जलियांवाला बाग हत्याकांड की जड़ में अंग्रेजों द्वारा बनाया गया यह दमनकारी रौलट एक्ट था।

संदर्भ

पुस्तक-दलित वीर और वीरांगनाएं

प्रथम अजिल्द हिंदी संस्करण 2015

https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=1865472120410107&id=1703045756652745

Rama Kirva

Subcaste : Mahadeo (Mahadev)

Clan : Kirva (Kirwa)

Movement : Koli And Bhil Rising Against British & Revolt Of Kolis

Profession : Revolutionary

After The Establishment Of British Rule In Deccan. Nearly Twenty Year Was Passed Before The Warlike Kolis Brought To Order. In 1829, British Got Resistance From Deccan Peoples. Rama Kirva And Ramji Bhangre Was Leaders (Sardar Or Sarkar) Of Kolis. Rama Kirva Ravaged The British Territory Far And Wide. They Both Belong To Mahadeo Koli Community Of Maharashtra. Rama Kirva & Ramji Bhangre Fought Against British Rule.

In 1830 Rama Kirva Also Joined By Bhil Community. He Became Famous When He Led Revolt Of Koli & Bhil Force At The Time Of Koli Rising Against British Government. Rama Kirva Was A Stout & Powerful Man With Extremely Fine Figur & Good Features Noted For Excelling All The Kolis In Agility. When British Government Got Success In Catching Or Killing The Some Members Of Rebels, Rama Kirva Was Escaped.

In July 1830, Rama Kirva Again Collected A Large Force Of Bhils & Kolis. Rama Kirva Gave Great & Fiercely Trouble Plundering Both Above & Below Sahyadri.He Was Plundering From Ahmednagar, Thane & Pune. The Troops Under Captain Luykin Of 17Th Regiment N. L , Lieutenant Lioyd Of The 11Th Regiment & Lieutenant Forbes Of The 13Th Regiment Worked Hard With Great Energy Against Koli Revolutionary Rama Kirva. But They Was Fail Didn't Got Success.

After Unsuccessful Movement Captains Of 17th , 11th , 13th Regiment Try To Collect Information About The Rama Kirva But Captains Was Fail Again. But They Got Support From Brahmin Community Of Konkan . From Brahmins They Got Full Support & Thorough Knowledge Of The Hills. Rama Kirva & His Members Was Plundering British . After Two Years The Troops Of Regiments Was Able To Fight With Rama Kirva. The Captains Of British Regiments Attacked On The Hills With Troops Of Heavy MenPower. This Was Successful Attack Of British Government Rama Kirva Was Arrested Here . Many Of Rebels Were Taken To Pune & Thana. Rama Kirva And His Friends Was Taken To The Ahmadnagar. In Ahmadnagar , There Koli Sardar Ramaji Kirva Naik Was Hanged By British Government As Rebel.

नाईक रामाजी राव किरवा मराठा साम्राज्य मे रतनगढ़ किले के सुबेदार थे। उन्होंने भारतीय स्वतन्त्रता आन्दोलन महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई। किरवा ने सुबेदार रामजी भांगरे से प्रेरणा लेकर अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ आंदोलन छेड़ दिया। उनका जन्म महाराष्ट्र के एक कोली परिवार में हुआ था।

१८१८ मे जब ब्रिटिश सरकार ने मराठा साम्राज्य अंत किया तो उस समय ब्रिटिश सरकार को महाराष्ट्र मे जगह जगह विद्रोह का सामना करना पड़ा जिनमें से एक विद्रोह किरवा के नेतृत्व मे पनप रहा था। किरवा ने कोली लोगों का एक क्रांतिकारी समूह बनाया और ब्रिटिश सरकार को चुनौती दी बाद मे भील के लोग भी उनके साथ मिल गए।

आंदोलन

महाराष्ट्र मे मराठा साम्राज्य खत्म होने के पश्चित अंग्रेजों ने अपने राज स्थापित किया जिसके चलते महाराष्ट्र में जगह जगह विद्रोह हुए जिनमें से रामजी भांगरे के विद्रोह से प्रभावित होकर किरवा ने भी अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ हथियार उठा लिए। किरवा भांगरे के साथ मिल गया और ब्रिटिश अधीन क्षेत्रों मे काफी व्यापक विद्रोह किया। किरवा ने सरकार के कधीन गांवो पर हमला करना सुरु कर दिया।

१८३० मे किरवा को कोली क्रांतिकारीयों के साथ-साथ भील जाती के लोगों ने भी जोइन किया। कुछ समय बाद एक मुठभेड़ के दौरान सरकार ने किरवा के कुछ साथीयों को पकड़ लिया लेकिन किरवा को नही पकड़ पाए।

जुलाई १८३० मे किरवा के साथ ओर कुछ लोग जुड़े और पश्चिमी घाट मे सरकारी की काफी नुकसान हुआ। किरवा ने सरकार अधीन क्षैत्रो को लुटा एवं अहमदनगर, ठाणे और पुणे मे सरकारी दफ्तर और कार्यायल पर कबजा कर लिया। सरकार ने कैप्टन ल्युकिन के नेतृत्व मे १७वी रेजीमेंट , लैफ्टेनेंट ल्योड के नेतृत्व में ११वी रेजीमेंट और लैफ्टेनेंट फोर्ब्स के नेतृत्व में १३वी रेजीमेंट किरवा के विद्रोह को दफन करने के लिए भेजी लेकिन किरवा ने सरकार को चकमा दे दिया। सरकारी अधिकारी ने किरवा से समझौता करना चहा जिसके बदले किरवा मुंह मागी रकम और ज़मीन जायदाद पा सकता था लेकिन किरवा ने इंकार कर दिया।

सरकार ने विद्रोहीयो के बारे मे जानकारी जुटानी सुरू कर दी। सुरू आंत मे तो किसी से कोई भी जानकारी नही मिली लेकिन बाद मे महाराष्ट्र मे कोंकण के चीतपावन ब्राह्मणों ने अंग्रेजों का पूरा साथ दिया। १८३३ मे ब्रिटिश सरकार ने पूरी ताकत के साथ किरवा और अन्य क्रांतिकारीयों पर एक सफल हमला किया। इस दौरान क्रांतिकारीयों और अंग्रेजों के बीच काफी समय तक लड़ाई वाजी जीसमे किरवा और उकसे साथीयों को बंदी बना लिया गया। ज्यादातर बाघीयों को पूणे और ठाने ले जाया गया लेकिन रामा किरवा और अन्य मुख्य साथीयों को अहमदनगर ले गए जहां उन्हें दोषी करार देते हुए फांसी की सज़ा सुनाई गई।

Posted 11th March 2017 by Koli Prem Singhji Mahaur

Ramji Maloji Sakpal

Ramji Maloji Sakpal

Native name रामजी मालोजी सकपाळ

Born 14 November 1838

💀Died 2 February 1913 (aged 74)

Mumbai, Maharashtra 2 February 1913 (aged 74)

👩 Spouse(s)

Bhimabai

Jijabai

Ramji Maloji Sakpal (14 November 1838 – 2 February 1913), also known as Ramji Ambedkar, was the father of B. R. Ambedkar, a social activist, and a Subedar-major in the army of British India. Subedar-major Ramji Maloji Sakpal, father of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, served in Mahar Regiment. He was posted at Mhow which is presently known as Dr. Ambedkar Nagar Town, where Dr. B. R. Ambedkar was born. There is the memorial of the birth called as Bhim Janmabhoomi, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Memorial at Mhow.Every year, people gather there to celebrate the Ambedkar Jayanti the birth anniversary of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. This year’s 128th Birth Anniversary celebration was presided over by Hon. Kamal Nath, the 18th Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh. Refer “Thousands throng Mhow to celebrate Ambedkar Jayanti”, the Times of India,

https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/indore/thousands-throng-mhow-to-celebrate-ambedkar-jayanti/articleshow/58186977.cms

Ramadevi Choudhury

From Wikipedia

Ramadevi Choudhury

ରମାଦେବୀ ଚୌଧୁରୀ

Born 3 December 1899

Satyabhamapur village, Cuttack district

Died 22 July 1985 (aged 85)

Cuttack, Orissa

Nationality Indian

Other names Maa Rama Devi

Occupation Indian independence activist, social reformer

Ramadevi Choudhury(Odia: ରମାଦେବୀ ଚୌଧୁରୀ) (3 December 1899 – 22 July 1985), also known as Rama Devi, was an Indian freedom fighter and a social reformer. She was called Maa (Mother) by the people of Odisha.

Family

She was the daughter of Gopal Ballav Das and the niece of Utkal Gaurab Madhusudan Das. At the age of 15, she married Gopabandhu Choudhury, then a Deputy Collector.

Role during Independence

Together with her husband, she joined the Indian independence movement in 1921. She was highly influenced by Mahatma Gandhi and took an active part in Non Cooperation Movement. She used to go from village to village to encourage women to join the independence movement. Others who influenced her were Jai Prakash Narayan, Vinoba Bhave and her uncle, Madhusudan Das. In 1921, she had her first meeting with Gandhiji and, together with her husband, joined the Non Cooperation Movement. The same year they joined the Indian National Congress and started wearing khadi. In 1930, she took active part in the Salt Satyagraha movement at Orissa level. She went to Inchudi and Srijang, with other activist like Kiranbala Sen, Maltidevi, Sarala Devi, Pranakrushna Padhiari. She and her colleagues were arrested in November 1930 and placed in different jails by the British. She was arrested several times (in 1921, 1930, 1936, 1942) with other women independence activists like Sarala Devi, Malati Choudhury and others and was sent to jail. She attended the 1931 Karachi session of the Indian National Congress and, at that time, requested leaders to hold the next session in Orissa. In 1932 after her release from Hazaribagh jail, she was actively involved in Harijan welfare. She stated the Asprushyata Nibarana Samiti under instructions from Gandhiji, for the eradication of untouchability. The institution was later renamed the Harijan Sewa Sangha. She was closely involved in Gandhiji's 1932 and 1934 visits to Orissa as well as the visits of, Kasturba, Sardar Patel, Rajendra Prasad, Maulana Azad, Jawaharlal Nehru and others. She started an Ashram at Bari, which Gandhiji named Sewaghar. During the Quit India Movement of 1942, members of Rama Devi's entire family, including her husband, Gopabandhu Choudhury, were arrested. After the death of Kasturba Gandhi, Gandhji assigned her work as the representative of the Orissa chapter of the Kasturba Trust.

Role after independence of India

After the Independence of India in 1947, Rama Devi dedicated herself to the cause of Bhoodan and Gramdan movement of Acharya Vinoba Bhave. In 1952 she along with her husband she travelled on foot about 4000 kilometres across the state to propagate the message of giving land and wealth to the landless and poor. From 1928, Rama Devi stayed in the Alaka Ashram at Jagatsingpur.

She helped set up the Utkal Khadi Mandal and also established a Teachers’ Training Centre and Balwadi at Ramchandrapur. In 1950 she set up a Tribal Welfare Centre at Dumburugeda. During the 1951 famine she and Malati worked in famine relief in Koraput. She worked to aid soldiers affected by the Indo-Chinese War of 1962.

During the Emergency she protested by bringing out her own newspaper along with Harekrushna Mahatab and Nilamani Routray. The Gram Sevak Press, was banned by the government and was arrested along with other leaders from Orissa like Nabakrushna Choudhuri, Harekrushna Mahatab, Manmohan Chowdhury, Smt. Annapurna Moharana, Jaykrushana Mohanty, and others.

She established a primary school, Shishu Vihar and a cancer hospital at Cuttack.

Honours

In recognition of her services to the nation, Ramadevi was awarded the Jamnalal Bajaj Award on 4 November 1981 and the Doctor of Philosophy (Honoris causa) by Utkal University on 16 April 1984.

Memorials

Ramadevi Women's University at Bhubaneshwar is named in her memory. It is the first women's university in eastern India, established as such since 2015. There is a museum dedicated to her within the university premises. The school – Shishu Vihar – started by her at Cuttack is now named Ramadevi Shishu Vihar.

Death

She died on 22 July 1985.

Rajendra Nath Lahiri

Born 29 June 1901

Pabna District, Bengal Presidency

Died 17 December 1927 (aged 26)

Gonda Jail, United Provinces

Education Banaras Hindu University

Organization Hindustan Republican Association

Movement Indian independence movement

Rajendra Lahiri (29 June 1901 – 17 December 1927), full name Rajendra Nath Lahiri, was an Indian revolutionary, who was the mastermind behind Kakori conspiracy and Dakshineshwar bombing. He was active member of Hindustan Republican Association aimed at ousting the British from India.

Early life

Rajendra Lahiri was born on 29 June 1901 in the village of Lahiri Mohanpur in a brahmin family of Pabna District, Bengal Presidency (now in Bangladesh). His father, Kshitish Mohan Lahiri, owned a large estate there.

Dakshineswar bomb incident

Lahiri took part in the Dakshineswar bombing incident and absconded. He went to Banaras and started studying. He was a M.A. student in Department of History, Banaras Hindu University when the revolutionary activities started in Uttar Pradesh. He joined the Hindustan Republican Association along with many other Bengali friends.

Kakori conspiracy

He was Mastermind behind the Kakori train robbery on 9 August 1925. He was arrested and tried in the previous bomb case of Dakshineswar in Bengal and sent to jail for ten years rigorous imprisonment. When the legal proceedings started in Lucknow for the train robbery, he was also included in the Kakori conspiracy case and tried with several other revolutionaries.

Death

He was found guilty after a long trial and was hanged in the Gonda district jail on 17 December 1927, two days before the scheduled date, along with Thakur Roshan Singh, Ashfaq Ullah and Ram Prasad Bismil.

Raghoji Bhangare

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Indian Freedom Fighter

Naik Raghojirao Ramjirao Bhangre

Patil of Devgaon

नाईक राघोजीराव रामजीराव भांगरे

Born

Raghoji

8 November 1805

Devgaon, Akole

Died 2 May 1848

Cause of death Hanged

Nationality Indian

Other names Raghuji, Raghojee

Occupation Patil of Devgaon

Era British era

Organization Bandkari

Title Indian Freedom Activist

Patil of DevgaonChief of Kolis of Bhangre clan

Predecessor Ramjirao Manajirao Bhangre

Movement Indian independence movement

Parent(s)

Ramjirao Manajirao Bhangre (father)

Family Manaji Bhangare (Grandfather), Bapuji Bhangare (Brother)

Raghoji Rao Bhangre statue in Ahmadnagar

Raghojirao Ramjirao Bhangre also spell Bhangaria (8 November 1805 – 2 May 1848) was an Indian revolutionary who challenged and defied the British power in Maharashtra. He was the son of Ramji Bhangre, a Koli who also resisted the British rule and was subsequently hanged in Cellular Jail. he was only ten years old when he took up arms against British rule in Maharashtra

Early life

Raghoji Rao was born in 1805 to Ramji Rao Bhangre in Deogaon of Akole in Western Ghat of Maharashtra in British India. His family members were Mahadev Koli and were active in Indian independence movement. His father Ramji Bhangre also served in the British Police but latter gave up the job and revolted against British government.

Revolutionary activities

In 1818, the Maratha Empire was defeated by British in the Battle of Koregaon. After that the tribals of Maharashtra took to slavery and Raghoji Rao raised against British rule in the minor age. He captured the British treasure and he was declared as an Outlaw. After that he resisted the government in Poona. In 1844, Raghoji Rao with his brother Bapuji Bhangre cut off the nose of an officer. After that the Captain Giberne seized a party of rebels. At 20 September 1844, Raghuji killed an officer and ten constables in the hills. In 1845, his rebellion spread over Pune, Satara and Purandar. A reward of five thousands rupees was announced for the capture of Raghoji.

Death

On 2 January 1848, Bangre was caught by Lieutenant-General Gell and hanged.

Tribute

In 2014, The Chief minister of Maharashtra, Prithviraj Chavan inaugurated a Circuit House in Thane named after Raghoji

रामजी लाल सहायक

उत्तर प्रदेश के मेरठ के रामजी लाल सहायक ने 1942 के आंदोलन में दलित नवयुवकों को बड़ी संख्या में गोलबंद किया था. आज़ादी मिलने के बाद इन्होंने अपने को पूर्ण रूप से समाज सेवा में लगा दिया. 1966 में वे उत्तर

1942 के आंदोलन के ये दलित जननायक गांव-गांव और कस्बे-कस्बे में मिल जाएंगे, ज़रूरत है इन पर शोध कर इन्हें सामने लाने की. इन दलित जन नायकों में ज़्यादातर कांग्रेसी थे. लेकिन इनके लिए आज़ादी की लड़ाई सिर्फ़ अंग्रेजों से देश की मुक्ति की लड़ाई नहीं थी, किन्तु अछूतपन से मुक्ति और दलित मुक्ति की लड़ाई से भी जुड़ी थी.

इसीलिए उनमें से ज़्यादातर स्वतंत्रता सेनानी के साथ साथ दलित समाज के समाज सुधारक भी बन कर उभरे. इनमें से कई आज़ादी के बाद बनी राज्य सरकारों में मंत्री तक बने, लेकिन इनमें से कई आज भी अनाम हैं. आज जब इस 'भारत छोड़ो आंदोलन' को याद कर रहे हैं तो हमें उन्हें भी याद करने की ज़रूरत है.

रणबीरी वाल्मीकि

1857 की क्रान्ति में दलित वीरांगना रणबीरी वाल्मीकि का योगदान17 फरवरी 2019 | Narendra valmiki (इस आर्टिक्ल को 362 बार पढ़ा जा चुका है)

भारत देश के नागरिकों को अपने वीर सपूतों पर गर्व है, जिन्हों2ने देश की मर्यादा की रक्षा करते हुए अपना सर्वस्व लूटा दिया। इतिहास में ऐसे कई लाल हुए हैं, जिन्होंने अपनी जान से भी अधिक महत्व आजादी को दिया है। यही कारण है कि कृतज्ञ भारत ऐसे वीरों और वीरांगनाओं को हमेशा याद करेगा। भारतीयों ने ब्रिटिशों की दासता से मुक्ति प्राप्त करने हेतु सर्वप्रथम प्रयास 1857 में किया था, जिसे प्रथम भारतीय स्वतंत्रता संग्राम के नाम से जाना जाता है। इस गदर की शुरूआत 10 मई, 1857 को मेरठ की क्रान्तिकारी धरा से हुई थी। अंग्रेजी सत्ता को नष्ट करने के लिए न केवल क्रान्तिकारियों अपितु भारतीय जनता ने भी खुलकर भाग लिया था। जिन महानतम विभूतियों ने अपने देश की आजादी में अपने प्राणों की बलि दी उनमें से एक थी, रणबीरी वाल्मीकि जो कि जनपद मुजफ्फरनगर के अन्तर्गत आने वाले क्षेत्र शामली तहसील की रहने वाली थी। शामली आज एक स्वतन्त्र जनपद है। शामली को 28 सितम्बर 2011 में उत्तर प्रदेश की तत्कालीन मुख्यमंत्री बहन कु0 मायावती के कार्यकाल के दौरान जिले का दर्जा मिला। बहन जी ने शामली को प्रबुद्धनगर नाम दिया था, जो बाद में बदलकर पुनः जुलाई 2012 में शामली कर दिया गया है। यह क्षेत्र गंगा-यमुना दोआब क्षेत्र में आता है। महाभारत काल में शामली ‘कुरु’ क्षेत्र का हिस्सा था। उस समय शामली जनपद मुजफ्फरनगर जनपद की एक तहसील हुआ करती थी। 13 मई, 1857 को पूरा मुजफ्फरनगर जनपद क्रान्तिमय हो गया था। मुजफ्फरनगर के आसपास के क्षेत्रों (जैसे शामली तहसील) में भी विद्रोह प्रबल था। इस समय तहसील शामली अपनी स्थिति के कारण विद्रोह का केन्द्र बिन्दु थी। शामली में विद्रोह का नेतृत्व चौधरी मोहर सिंह तथा कैराना में सैयद - पठान कर रहे थे। चौधरी मोहर सिंह के पास एक फौज की टुकड़ी थी, जो उनके कुशल नेतृत्व की पहचान थी। 1857 की इस क्रान्ति में महिलाएँ भी किसी से पीछे नहीं थी। वे भी अपने परिवारों को छोड़कर 1857 के महासंग्राम में बढ़ चढ़ कर हिस्सा ले रही थी। इन्हीं क्रान्तिकारी महिलाओं में से एक थी रणबीरी वाल्मीकि, जो चौधरी मोहर सिंह के नेतृत्व में लड़ी जा रही जंग में शामिल थी। रणबीरी वाल्मीकि एक कुशल तलवारबाज थी। उनकी इस कुशलता से खुश होकर ही चौधरी मोहर सिंह ने उन्हें अपनी टुकड़ी में शामिल किया था। उस समय मि0 सी0 ग्राण्ट ज्वाइन्ट मजिस्ट्रेट ने जिला प्रशासन की बागडोर सम्भाली, तब विद्रोह अपनी चरम सीमा पर था। परन्तु वह विद्रोह को दबाने में असफल रहा और इन हालात में चौधरी मोहर सिंह और उनके साथियों ने शामली तहसील पर मई माह में अपना कब्जा कर लिया। वहाँ के तत्कालीन तहसीलदार इब्राहिम खाँ ने भाग कर अपनी जान बचाई। शामली तहसील पर चौधरी मोहर सिंह का कब्जा लगभग दो माह तक चलता रहा। अगस्त माह तक शामली तहसील पर चौधरी मोहर सिंह का कब्जा बरकरार रहा। अंग्रेजी अफसर मि0 एडवर्ड को मोहर सिंह का यह कब्जा पच नहीं रहा था। उन्होंने मि0 सी0 ग्राण्ट ज्वाइन्ट मजिस्ट्रेट के नेतृत्व में एक फौजी टुकड़ी शामली में भेजी। इसकी सूचना मोहर सिंह को भी मिल गई थी। तब मोहर सिंह ने शामली में जंग होने के हालात में तथा शामली को बर्बाद होने से बचाने के लिए अपने क्रान्तिकारी वीरों एवं वीरांगनाओं के साथ जिनमें रणबीरी वाल्मीकि भी शामिल थी, बनत गाँव के पास पहुँच कर मोर्चा जमा लिया। यहीं पर अंग्रेजी सैनिकों और क्रान्तिकारियों के बीच संघर्ष होने लगा। मोहर सिंह एवं उसके साथी अंग्रेजी सैनिकों के सरों को कलम करने लगे। इस संघर्ष में रणबीरी वाल्मीकि ने अपने रण कौशल का परिचय देते हुए दुश्मनों के दाँत खट्टे कर दिए और उन्होंने कई अंग्रेजी सैनिकों को मौत के घाट उतार दिया। इससे अंग्रेजों की सेना में खलबली मच गई। अंग्रेजी सैनिक जो कि आधुनिक हथियारों से लैस थे, ने विचलित होकर महिला क्रान्तिकारियों पर गोलियाँ बरसानी शुरू कर दी जिनमें बहुत सी महिलाओं सहित रणबीरी वाल्मीकि भी आजादी की भेंट चढ़ गई। इस प्रकार से इस क्रान्तिकारी दलित वीरांगना ने भारत भूमि की स्वतंत्रता के लिए अपने प्राणों की बलि देकर न केवल दलित समाज का सिर गर्व से ऊँचा किया है बल्कि सम्पूर्ण भारतवर्ष का नाम रोशन किया है। वर्तमान में संघर्षशील महिलाओं के लिए भी उन्होंने एक उदाहरण प्रस्तुत किया है। वीरांगना रणबीरी वाल्मीकि जी का नाम भारतीय इतिहास में सदैव सुनहरे अक्षरों में दर्ज रहेगा।

सन्दर्भः-

1. डॉ0 प्रवीन कुमार (2016) स्वतन्त्रता आन्दोलन में सफाई कामगार जातियों का योगदान (1857-1947), सम्यक प्रकाशन, नई दिल्ली, पृ.सं. 88.

2. मौ0 उमर कैरानवी (2007) कैराना कल और आज, कैराना वेबसाइट समिति द्वारा प्रकाशित, पृ.सं. 30.

3. इंटनेट स्रोत - विकिपीडिया।

● लेखक - नरेन्द्र वाल्मीकि (पीएचडी शोध छात्र), मो.नं. 9720866612

रामचंद्र वीरप्पा

1942 में आईएनए में शामिल हुए थे रामचंद्र

आजादी के जांबाज सिपाही रामचंद्र का जन्म 8 जुलाई 1922 को हुआ था। बचपन से ही आजादी की भावना उनमें कूट-कूटकर भरी थी। 6 जुलाई 1940 को वे हांगकांग-सिंगापुर रॉयल तोपखाना में भर्ती है। बाद में रासबिहारी बोस के एक पर्चे को पढ़कर 1942 में आईएनए में भर्ती हो गए। नेताजी सुभाषचंद्र बोस से वे काफी प्रभावित थे और आजादी की लड़ाई में कूद पड़े। सिंगापुर, मलाया, इंडोनेशिया, जावा, सुमात्रा में उनकी तैनाती रही। वहीं रंगून व मणिपुर में ब्रिटिश सेना के साथ सीधा मुकाबला हुआ। इस दौरान उनको जेल में काफी यातनाएं सहनी पड़ीं। 23 मई 2019 को उनका निधन हो गया।

आजादी के इस सिपाही को कई बार सम्मानित किया गया। 9 अगस्त 2010 को तत्कालीन राष्ट्रपति प्रतिभा पाटिल ने राष्ट्रपति भवन बुलाकर सम्मानित किया। 15 अगस्त 1972 को तत्कालीन प्रधानमंत्री इंदिरा गांधी ने ताम्रपत्र देकर सम्मानित किया। 15 अगस्त 1985 को तत्कालीन मुख्यमंत्री भजनलाल ने, 21 अक्टूबर 1997 को तत्कालीन मुख्यमंत्री बंसीलाल ने उनको सम्मानित किया। Born in 1908 in Humanabad, Bidar district of Karnakata. His father was Veerappa. He done his study upto 7th only. He took part in Hyderabad State indendence movement under banner of Congress.

वीरप्पा 2004 के चुनावों में लगातार पाँचवीं बार लोकसभा में चुन कर आए थे.

वह लोकसभा में कर्नाटक के बीदर संसदीय चुनाव क्षेत्र का प्रतिनिधित्व करते थे.

रामचंद्र वीरप्पा अप्रैल के चुनाव में पूरी तरह स्वस्थ थे.

उन्होंने कुछ समय पहले बीबीसी से एक विशेष बातचीत में कहा था कि वह अपना सौवाँ जन्मदिन एक सांसद के रूप में मनाना चाहते हैं.

वह अधिकतर समय कांग्रेस के सांसद रहे.

1991 में भारतीय जनता पार्टी में शामिल होने के बारे उन्होंने कहा था कि वे भाजपा की विचारधारा से प्रभावित होकर पार्टी में शामिल नहीं हुए थे.

उनका कहना था कि काँग्रेस ने उन्हें टिकट नहीं दिया इसलिए भाजपा में शामिल हो गए.

वीरप्पा दलित थे लेकिन उन्हें ब्राह्मण और लिंग्यत समुदायों का समर्थन मिलता रहा.

Rajaram Meghwal Burial Place

Jodhpur, India

Legend has it a commoner volunteered to be buried alive in the foundation so that the great fortress could be built.

Mehrangarh. YANN FORGET/WIKIMEDIA COMMONS/CC-BY-SA-3.0.

Rajaram Meghwal Burial Place

अमर शहीद राजाराम मेघवाल (राजिया )

शेर नर राजाराम मेघवाल भी जोधपुर नरेशो के हित के लिए बलिदान हो गए थे !मोर की पुंछ के आकर !वाले जोधपुर किले की नीव जब सिंध के ब्राह्मण ज्योतिषी गनपत ने राव जोधाजी के हाथ से वि ० स० 1516 में रखवाई गई तब उस नीव में मेघवंशी राजाराम जेठ सुदी 11 शनिवार (इ ० सन 1459 दिनाक 12 मई ) को जीवित चुने गए क्यों की राजपूतो में यह एक विश्वास चला आ रहा था की यदि किले की नीव में कोई जीवित पुरुष गाडा जाये तो वह किला उनके बनाने वालो के अधिकार में सदा अभय रहेगा !इसी विचार से किले की नीव में राजाराम (राजिया )गोत्र कडेला मेघवंशी को जीवित गाडा गया था ! उसके उअपर खजाना और नक्कार खाने की इमारते बनी हुई हैं ,इनके साथ गोरा बाई सती हुई थी !राजिया के सहर्ष किये हुए आत्म त्याग एवम स्वामी भक्ति की एवज में राव जोधाजी राठोड ने उनके वंशजो को जोधपुर किले पास सूरसागर में कुछ भूमि भी दी जो राज बाग के नाम से प्रसिद्ध हैं !और होली के त्यौहार पर मेघवालो की गेर को किले में गाजे बजे साथ जाने का अधिकार हैं जो अन्य किसी जाती को नही हैं !परन्तु उस वीर के आदर्श बलिदान के सामने यह रियायते कुछ भी नही हैं !

कंही -कंही राजिया और कालिया दो पुरुषो को नीव में जीवित गाड़े जाने का वर्तान्त भी लिखा मिलता हैं जो दोनों ही मेघवाल जाती के थे !

इस अपूर्व त्याग के कारण राज्य की और से प्रकाशित हुई कई हिंदी और अंग्रेजी पुस्तको में राजिया भाम्बी के नाम का उल्लेख श्रदा के साथ किया हैं !

आज से लगभग 135 वर्ष पहले इ ० सन 1874 (विक्रम संवत 1931 )में जोधपुर राज्य ने "THI JODHPUR FORT "नाम की अंग्रेजी पुस्तिका प्रकाशित की थी ,उनके पेज 1 पंक्ति 12 में अमर शहीद राजाराम मेघवंशी (भाम्बी )के आदर्श त्याग के विषय में यह लिखा हैं :-

-------------"its (Jodhpur )foundation was laid in 1459 A.D. when a man "bhambi rajiya "was interred alive in tha foundeto invoke good fortuneon its defenders and to ensurs its imprognabilityt "............"(vide "tha jodhpur for"page 1 line 12 frist edition ,1874 A.D.published by jodhpur state )

अर्थात ........इस किले (जोधपुर गढ़ ) की नीव इ ० सन 1459 (विक्रम संवत 1516 )में रखी थी तब एक राजिया भाम्बी (मेघवंशी)इस किले के स्थायित्व के लिए जीवित इसकी नीव में चुना गया )

वि ०स ० 1946 फाल्गुन सुदी 3 शनिवार( इ ०सन 1890 तारीख 22 फरवरी )को इंग्लेंड के ,राजकुमार प्रिंस एल्बर्ट विकटर ऑफ़ वेल्स ,भारत यात्रा करते जोधपुर तब स्टेट की और से "गाइड टु जोधपुर "(जोधपुर पथ प्रदर्शक )नाम की अंग्रेजी पुस्तक प्रकाशित हुई !उसके पृष्ठ 7 में राजाराम के लिए छपा :-.......................................

"......."tha fort (jodhpur)...............when tha foundation was laid ,aman rajiya bhambi by name ,was interred alive ,as an ausppicious omen,in a corner over which were built two apartments now occupied by tha treasury and tha nakar khana (country band) .in consideration of this sacrfice ,rao jodha bestowed a piece of land "raj bai bag"near sursagar,on tha desendants of tha deceased and exempted them from "begar"or forced lebour .........("vide guide to jodhpur 1890 A<D<page 7 published by tha order of H.H. tha maharaja jaswant singh G.C.S.I.,and maharaj dhiraj col .sir pratap singh K.C.S.I.&c. jodhpur on tha auspicious of tha visit his royal highness tha prince albert victor of wales. 1890 A.D. page 7)

Amar shahid Rajaram Meghwal

Book “Amar shahid Rajaram Meghwal” is written by Dr ML parihar. This is a book about meghwansh community’s history. meghwal, bhambhi is a many name of meghwansh community. meghwal community live in rajasthan state. Meghwansh samaj ka gauravshaali Itihaas is the best of meghwal samaj. this book is the best book.

पुस्तक समीक्षा

विशाल जोधपुर किले की नींव में दलितों की बलि की दास्तान

राजस्थान में राजा रजवाड़ों के जमाने से तालाबों, किलों, मंदिरों व यज्ञों में ज्योतिषियों की सलाहपर शूद्रों को जीवित गाड़कर या जलाकर बलि देने की परम्परा थी। अमर शहीद राजा राम मेघवाल भी उनमें से एक है। जोधपुर के राजा राव जोधा के शासन काल में जोधपुर की पहाड़ियों पर विशाल मेहरानगढ़ किले का निर्माण हुआ था। इसी गगनचुम्बी भव्य किले की नींव में ज्योतिषी गणपतदत्त की सलाह पर 15 मई 1459 को दलित राजाराम मेघवाल उसकी माता केसर व पिता मोहणसी को नींव में चुना गया। राजपूत राजाओं में यह अंधविश्वास चला आ रहा था कि यदि किसी किले की नींव में कोई जीवित पुरूष की बलि दी जाय तो वह किला हमेशा राजा के अधिकार में रहेगा, हमेशा विजयी होगा और राजा का खजाना हमेशा भरा रहेगा। उस काल में सामाजिक व धार्मिक व्यवस्था के अनुसार अछूत की छाया तक से घृणा की जाती थी लेकिन जब नर बलि की बात आती थी तो हमेशा अछूतों को पकड़ कर जिंदा गाड़ा जाता था। शूरवीर कहलाने वाले न क्षत्रिय आगे आते थे, न विद्वान कहलाने वाले पंडित और न ही राजा का गुणगान करने वाले चाटुकार अपनी नरबलि के लिए तैयार होते थे।

राजाराम के इस महान बलिदान को जातिवादी मानसिकता के इतिहासकारों ने सिर्फ डेढ़ लाइन में समेट लिया। जहां राजाराम की बलि दी गई थी उस स्थान के ऊपर विशाल किले का खजाना व नक्कारखाने वाला भाग स्थित है। किले में रोजाना हजारों देशी-विदेशी पर्यटक आते हैं लेकिन उन्हें उस लोमहर्षक घटना के बारे में कुछ भी नहीं बताया जाता है। एक दीवार पर एक छोटा-सा पत्थर जरूर चिपकाया गया है जो किसी पर्यटक को नजर ही नहीं आता है उस पत्थर पर धुंधले अक्षरों में राजाराम की शहादत की तारीख खुदी हुई है। राजाराम मेघवंशी की शहादत जैसी घटनाओं की अनगिनत कहानियां राजस्थान के हर कोने में बिखरी पड़ी हैं। महाराणा प्रताप की सेना में लड़ने वाले दलित आदिवासियों का महान योगदान रहा है। विदेशी आक्रमणकारियों की गुलामी से देश को आजाद कराने में न जाने कितने दलितों आदिवासियों ने कुर्बानी दी लेकिन इतिहास में उनका कहीं भी नामोनिशान नहीं है। दलित चिंतकों, संतों, क्रांतिकारियों व बलिदानियों को इतिहास में पूरी तरह से हाशिए पर रखा। अब दलितों द्वारा अपना गौरवषाली इतिहास लिखा जा रहा है। इसी कड़ी में ''अमर शहीद राजाराम मेघवाल'' नामक पुस्तक उस लोमहर्षक घटना की सच्चाई को सामने लाने वाली है जिसमें राव भाटों की बहियों, शिलालेखों व कई ऐतिहासिक दस्तावेजों को शामिल किया गया है। डा. एल.एल. परिहार द्वारा लिखित पुस्तक जहां एक ओर दलितों में वैचारिक जागृति पैदा करती है वहीं दूसरी ओर राजा, शासक, अमीर या आम व्यक्ति को यह सीख देती है कि धार्मिक कुप्रथाओं, अंधविश्विसों व अमानवीय परम्पराओं के आगे नतमस्तक न हों व अपने विवेक, तर्क व बुद्धि का प्रयोग कर वैज्ञानिक सोच के साथ मानव कल्याण की राह चलें। महा मानव बुद्ध की राह चलें। करुणा, दया, प्रेम, मैत्री व शील का पालन करें। अंधविश्वासों, पाखण्डों, कर्मकांडों व कुप्रथाओं से समाज व देश का भारी नुकसान हुआ है। जिसका सबसे अधिक खामियाजा दलित वंचित वर्ग को भुगतना पड़ा है। इतिहास की यह लघु पुस्तक आवश्यक चित्रों के कारण काफी पठनीय व रोचक बन गई है। मूल्य मात्र 60 रूपये रखा ताकि मजदूर भी खरीदकर पढ़ सके।

समीक्षक-सुनील कुमार

प्रकाशक- बुद्धम पबिलशर्स

http://www.meghnet.in/2014/03/rajaram-meghwal.html

Sambhudhan Phonglo

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Born 16 February 1850

Longkhor, Assam, British India

Died 12 February 1883 (aged 32)

Cachar district, India

Cause of death Killed by British Regime

Nationality Indian

Known for Armed resistance against the British Raj

Sambhudhan Phonglo was born in 1850 in the tiny village of Longkhor, near the ancient goddess Ranachandi of the Dimasa KachariKings at Maibang in the North Cachar Hills (present Dima Hasao District). His father was Deprondao Phonglo and mother Khasaidi, who had five sons Sambhudhan, Umakant, Ramakant, Ramcharan alias Ramren and Haisholong. Of them, Sambhudhan was the eldest and Haisholong, the youngest. Though the exact date of his birth was not known. Sambhudhan was stated to have born at dawn on the Falgoon Purnima of Indian almanac. He spent his childhood at Longkhor. He then moved over to Gonjung. Thence, he moved to Saupra a small village near Nanadisa. He was restless. He left this place also and shifted over to Semdikhor, near Mahur. While staying in this village, he was married to Nasadi. The village Dihur Phonglo, which existed on the bank of the river of Mahur (Dihur) was named after Sambhudhan Phonglo. A tank known as Sambhudhan-ni-dikhor, meaning Sambhudhan's tank also existed on the bank of Motinala which had been dug out by Sambhudhan and therefore named after his name. Sambhudhan was very tall, handsome and well made. His eyes were black and ears a bit large in size, His complexion was fair.

In 1832, the British annexed Southern Cachar and the Northern Cachar was annexed by the British in 1854 on the death of Tula Ram. But the British acted very treacherously after the annexation of the territory. They did not tag the Northern Cachar with South Cachar, but unscrupulously annexed the territory to the district of NAGAON. The territory was then placed under the charge of a Junior Political Officer with headquarters at Asalu. Subsequently, in 1866, this territory had been sliced away and distributed among the neighboring district of NAGAON and Naga Hills. Thus, while parts of the Diyung Valley and the Kopili Valley had been given to the district of Nowgong, a large portion was joined with the newly created district of Naga Hills. The rest formed the territory of the North Cachar Hills comprising exclusively the hilly region. Sambhudhan Phonglo was not happy with the divide and rule policy of the British, which was intended to weaken the native people. He could not console his mind that the Whites should rule the non-whites. He pondered over the matter and took the view that if the native people were going to lose freedom, why should they help the foreign power to consolidate its position? To lose freedom was to embrace slavery. Would it be worth-while for them to live under the aliens as slaves? Hardships could be endured but not slavery.

Sambhudhan therefore decided to go rebellious. He observed that though the British had annexed the territory, they were yet to conquer the heart of the native people. He therefore considered that everything was not already lost. He resolved to prepare for a last-ditch battle. Sambhudhan toured extensively in the North Cachar Hills for mass contact and organization. He, therefore, succeeded in inspiring the villagers to raise their voice against the British. He was able to recruit a large number of youths to form revolutionary force. From among his followers, he selected two- Man Singh and Molongthong and appointed Man Singh as Principal Adviser and Molongthong a Subordinate Commander under him. When he found that he had succeeded in enrolling a sufficient number of youths, he decided to impart them training in batches at a selected place. The Mahur Valley where his village Semdikhor situated was not an inconvenient place for establishment of his training center. But a devotee of Siva, Sambhudhan preferred Maibang. Villagers came forward voluntarily and rendered their services to the training center. While at Mahur, the recruited youths were living scattered here and there in their own villages. But after his establishment at Maibang, they were brought to the training center in batches-each batch consisting of thirty to forty for training at a time.

Kaneganti Hanumanthu

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Kaneganti Hanumanthu was a freedom fighter who rebelled against British Rule and spearheaded the Palnadu Rebellion against tax. He was executed by the British General Rutherford. He was born in Minchalapadu in the Durgi mandal which is in Palnadu in Guntur district. A local peasant leader, he refused to pay British taxes and participated in a revolt over the issue. He was killed while resisting British police forces at the age of 30. The following rebellion cry is attributed to Hanumanthu:

Neeru pettava, Natu vesava Kota kosava, Kuppa nurchava Endhuku kattali ra sisthu?

Translation: Have you ever irrigated the land, or plant a seed in your life? Ever harvested or trashed a field? Why would I pay you any tax for what is mine?

सुखबीर सिंह

स्वतंत्रता सेनानी सुखबीर सिंह का निधन,

आजादी की लड़ाई में कई बार गए थे जेल

यूपी डेस्क, अमर उजाला, मेरठ

देश की आजादी के आंदोलन में कई बार जेल गए वयोवृद्घ स्वतंत्रता सेनानी सुखबीर सिंह गौतम का निधन हो गया। वह 98 वर्ष के थे। मंगलवार को उनकी अंतिम यात्रा उनके निवास ‘सेनानी भवन’ दुर्गा नगर कैलाशपुरी से सूरजकुंड के लिए सुबह 11 बजे रवाना हुई। इसके बाद अंतिम संस्कार किया गया। सोमवार को ही उनका निधन हो गया था।

पूर्व डिप्टी कमिश्नर वाणिज्य कर एसके गौतम के पिता सुखबीर सिंह ने देश की आजादी के लिए लड़ाई लड़ी। महात्मा गांधी के साथ कदम से कदम मिलाकर उन्होंने आंदोलनों में भाग लिया। अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ उन्होंने सत्याग्रह आंदोलन में महती भूमिका निभाई। इसी का परिणाम रहा कि 17 अगस्त 1941 को उन्हें गिरफ्तार कर मुजफ्फरनगर जेल भेज दिया गया। 9 माह की जेल और उस समय 40 चालीस रुपये के जुर्माने के बाद उन्हें छोड़ा गया। वर्ष 1942 में भी अंग्रेजों ने उन्हें पकड़ लिया और यातनाएं दी। लेकिन उन्होंने झुकने और माफी मांगने से साफ इंकार कर दिया। 17 अगस्त से 24 अगस्त तक उन्हें यातनाएं दी जाती रहीं। मगर सुखबीर सिंह नहीं टूटे। बाद में उन्हें गंभीर हालत में ट्रेन में बैठा दिया और कहा कि यदि वापस लौटे तो ठीक नहीं होगा। सुखवीर सिंह अपने दोस्तों के पास पहुंचे और उपचार कराने के बाद फिर से देश को आजाद कराने की तैयारियों में जुट गए।

23 वर्ष की उम्र से ही उन्होंने गांधी आश्रम में बतौर कार्यकर्ता काम शुरू कर दिया था। वर्ष 1985 तक आश्रम के संचालक के पद पर कार्यरत रहे। उन्होंने ताउम्र खादी व्रत का पालन किया। हमेशा खादी के ही वस्त्र पहने। संस्था में भी अपनी ईमानदारी और सिद्धांतों के लिए जाने जाते रहे। सुखबीर सिंह अपने पीछे पत्नी पुष्पा, पुत्र एसके गौतम और भरा पूरा परिवार छोड़ गए हैं।सुखबीर सिंह सैनी जी का जन्म 5.11.1917 को ब्रिटिश भारत में वर्तमान के कस्बा-गंगोह, जिला-सहारनपुर, उत्तर प्रदेश में हुआ था।

सुखबीर जी ने आजादी की लड़ाई में प्रमुखता से भाग लिया जिसके कारण ब्रिटिश सरकार ने उन्हें आर्य समाज निजाम हैदराबाद सत्याग्रह के दौरान 2 वर्ष 6 माह कारावास में रखा।

सुखबीर जी का परिनिर्वाण आजाद भारत में आदर्श नगर रुड़की, जिला-हरिद्वार, उत्तराखंड में 8.1.2013 को हुआ।

Santi Pasi

Santi Pasi: Inhabitant of m. Sunidha, p.s. Tarapur, distt. Munger, Bihar. He actively participated in the Civil Disobedience movement of 1930. He joined the 4000 strong crowd which had assembled around the Tarapur Police Station with the object of hoisting the Congress Flag over it on 15 February 1932ññthe day that was declared the ëJhanda Satyagrah Diwasí by the local Congress Committee. The police first warned the assemblage to disperse and then opened indiscriminate firing on it. He was critically injured in the firing and died on the spot. [Poll/Special (Confd.), F. No. 24 (II)/1932, BSAP; BMSAI, 2, p. 443]

Sundari Mohan Das

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Sundari Mohan Das

Born 17 December 1857

Dighli, Sylhet district, now in Bangladesh

Died 4 April 1950 (aged 92)

Kolkata, West Bengal

Nationality Indian

Alma mater Sylhet Government Pilot High School

F.A Presidency College

M.B. Calcutta Medical College

Spouse(s) Hemangini Das

Sundari Mohan Das was the founder principal of the Calcutta National Medical College. He was born in Sylhet on 17 December 1857. He took his M.D. degree from Calcutta Medical College. Formerly he was Principle Emeritus of the National Medical Institute and Chittaranjan Hospital, Calcutta; President of the Indian Medical Association, Bengal Branch; Chairman of the Standing Health Committee; Calcutta Corporation; Chairman Nursing and Mandatory Examination Board; Chairman Eden.... committee Nursing Council's Bengal; Chairman Board Of Directors Universal Drug House Pvt. Ltd. A marble statue of Dr. Sundari Mohan Das was unveiled by Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy, Chief Minister of West Bengal on 15 January 1956 at Calcutta National Medical College.

Birth

The paternal home of Late Dr. Sundarimohon Das was in the village of Dighli, in the Sylhet District, now in Bangladesh. He was born in Sylhet on 17 December 1857. It was the time when the first war of Independence against British Rule - the Sepoy Mutiny- was raising its head all through India. He was born on the very day when the mutiny broke out at Latu, a village on the Eastern Border area of the district of Sylhet, then under British occupation.

On getting the news of the mutiny at Latu, many families started on evacuation from Sylhet town by boat and Sundarimohan's mother, who was in her sixth month of pregnancy, was also among the evacuees. Sundarimohan was born on one of such boats before the mature time. The newborn baby was so delicate that he had to be put in a cotton basket and there was great doubt whether the child would survive long.

His father Swarup Chandra Das (also known as Dewan Swarup Chand) had been serving as a Dewan in the Sylhet Collectorate which at that time was under Dacca Commissariat. Later Swarup Chandra was promoted and transferred to Calcutta as Head Dewan of Kalighat. Gabindapur and Sutanuit which were, during that period, under East India Company.

Education

Sundarimohan's school education started in Sylhet. He passed the entrance examination from the Sylhet Government Pilot High School. After passing his examination Sundarimohan came to Calcutta (modern Kolkata) to prosecute his further studies. He passed his F.A. Examination from the Presidency College. He took his M.B. degree from the Calcutta Medical College. He was a good scholar all through his educational career and earned scholarship starting from the lowest school stage up to the stage in the Calcutta medical college.

Student life and public work

While he was a student in the medical college he became a member of the Chaitra Mela, later termed Hindu or National Mela, founded as the Indian Olympic for physical training.

Several friends and their vows

The great orator and National leader Bipin Chandra Pal, poet Ananda Chandra Mitra and Sundarimohan Das, all hailing from Sylhet, were great friends. All four had come under the influence of Sivanath Sastri and became Brahmos. It was again under his influence that these four friends along with others as far back as 1876, took some vows signing their names with their own blood that:

"Self-rule (Swaraj) is our birth-right and we must not serve under foreigner (i.e. the British)."

"We shall accumulate no personal wealth and spend all the balance after meeting necessary expenses for the service of the country and the people."

"We shall not Co-operate with the British administration and the country and the people."

"We shall marry widows to show that widows have right to marry."

"We shall not buy or use foreign goods."

All of them remained true to their vows up to the last days of their lives.

Service and social work in Sylhet

After passing his M.B. examination Sundarimohan went to Sylhet as a private practitioner, but he could not be satisfied with this limited sphere of activities. During his short period of stay in Sylhet, he took the lead in establishing a Brahmos samaj there in co-operation with some of the liberal minded citizens of Sylhet town. For his double defiance - his widow marriage and starting of Brahmos samaj – he was driven out his paternal home.

While he was in Sylhet he extensively toured the rural areas of the district. The total lack of female education, the widespread prevalence of all of sorts of superstition among the people and the horrible condition of child delivery then prevailing in society moved him to the core of his heart. With like minded people he started opening a girls' school, and started a campaign against all sorts of corruptions and superstitions and for the improvement of maternity services. It was his experiences gathered mainly in the rural areas of his district that supplied him the materials and provided him with the basis for writing his famous book in easy Bengali, Briddha Dhatri Rojnamcha (Diary of an old midwife).

Service in Calcutta

Coming back to Calcutta, Sundarimohan joined the Calcutta Municipal corporation as a health inspector. At the time of his service under Calcutta corporation, plague broke out in the city and as a preventive measure, he ordered for destroying some stocks of sugar and salt owned by a few British firms. On this issue he came into conflict with the chairman of the corporation, who was British. The chairman asked him to resign and he resigned at once, refusing to compromise with what he felt to be wrong.

It was about the same period that his book Municipal Darpan was written and published. It was written in simple Bengali, in a dialogue form for educating the citizen of Calcutta on matters relating to public health.

Swadeshi Movement (1905)

Sundarimohan had been one of the leaders in the great Swadeshi Movement of Bengali (1905-1910). He had composed a number of inspiring songs on the boycotting of British goods and British education, etc. He led processions on such issues and took an active part in organising "National Education", particularly on technical and medical lines. He was the main organiser of the National Council of Education and one of the founder-members of Bengali Technical Institute (present-day Jadavpur University).

Swadesh industry

The Swadeshi Movement was not just a negative movement to Sundarimohan. He keenly felt that unless the British goods could be replaced by Swadeshi goods through organising Swadeshi industrial production, this movement could not be successful. It was a fond dream of Sundarimohan that India must be made self-sufficient in industrial products. He had imported knitting machineries for the production of hosiery goods at his Sukea Street house where he trained unemployed youths on this line. It was the twenty five thousand (i.e. over Rs.1,25,000/- in today's rupee value) for the project. As a doctor, he keenly felt the dependence of the country on foreign medicines imported from foreign countries. He set about fighting against this dependence by establishing indigenous pharmaceutical industry in India. He knew the Ayurvedic system of medicine and read Charka and Susruta. His aim was to produce medicines from the various rich herbs available in India in vast quantities, applying modern scientific processes, and also from the modern chemical ingredients. With this purpose in view, he sent his son late Premaananda Das to America in 1908, for studying Pharmaceutical Chemistry. Premananda came back to India after 5 years training and obtaining the degrees M.S. (Master Of Science) and Ph.C. (Pharmaceutical Chemistry) (first in India) from Michigan; also a diploma in Bacteriology and Business Administration from Harvard University acquired practical experiences in big pharmaceutical works in Europe and America.

A political fighter for freedom

Any form of struggle or movement aimed against the British rule and for India's freedom was sacrosanct to him. So we find him among the front rankers of swadeshi movement. The terroristic revolutionary struggle in Bengal also received his unstinted help and support. As a matter of fact his residence in Calcutta was one of the centre for experimenting and making bombs during that period. The great revolutionary Ullaskar dutta would pass a good part of his time in Sundarimohan's house. Another son of Sylhet, Radhakisore Sharma, was actively connected in manufacture bombs in Sundarimohan's residence but he escaped imprisonment by becoming a Vaishnav Babaji at Brindaban. Many terrorist revolutionaries received shelter and protection from the police-hunts in his house and he would contribute good sums for this movement.

It was almost the same period the "extremist" leaders of Calcutta- Aurobindo ghosh, Deshbandu chittaranjan Das Shyamsundar Chakraborty, Mrahmabandha Upadhya, Liakat Hussain and such others- under the leadership of Bipinchandra pal, would regularly meet in his house at 73 Sukea Street hotly discussing the course of movement for achieving "Swaraj" and it was in his course of movement for achieving "Swaraj" and it was in his house that the "Swaraj samity" was first formed This "Swaraj Samity" was the precursor of the well-known "Swarajya Party" of Deshbandhu das. During Non-Cooperation movement initiative by Mahatma Gandhi we also find him whole-heartedly throwing himself for making the students strike successfully particularly the strike of the Medical Students in Calcutta. His activities in relation to making the Medical Students strike a success, will be discussed later on.

Role in "Swaraj" Corporation

In 1924 when Deshbandhu chittaranjan Das became the first elected mayor of newly formed Calcutta Corporation on being requested by him, Sundarimohan became the Chairman of public health Committee of the corporation. His contributions in Public Health measures may be summarised as follows:- a) Liberal financial and other aids to non-governmental medical institutions and hospitals. Such ids were formerly almost limited to government hospitals and institutions. b) Formation of public health associations in every ward with the citizens' representatives, for the first time. c) Opening of medical centres in different parts the city. d) Provision for junior nurses training with purposes of widening the scope of nurse training for the poorer sections. e) Appointment of trained "dhais" for attending the maternity cases, going from house to house and setting up of Maternity Homes in different parts of the city. f) First inception of co-operatives supply of pure milk at cheaper rates children and hospital patients.

Main sphere of activities

His main sphere of activities gradually veered round in organisation independent medical institutions and hospitals, free from government control, for the service of the common people, though he remained connected with other social and political activities all through his life.

It was under his advice and inspiration that Chittaranjan Seva Sadan came into being and Dr. Sundarimohan Das was its first superintendent.

He gave his full co-operatives and active help when the reputed physician of Calcutta Dr. Radha Gobinda kar started the R.G. Kar medical school in the days of the Swadesi Movement. He served the institution as an honorary teacher for a pretty long time but severed his connection with it when it was taken over by the government. When the famous Kabiraj Shyamadas Bachaspati set up "Baidyasastra Pathi", Sundarimohan extended his helping hand there also. While Kabiraj Bachaspati was the principal of the Ayurvedic section, Sundarimahan was the principal of the allopathic section of the institution. He advocated independent research in Ayurvedic on scientific lines. His greatest contribution along this line was the establishment of the National Medical Institute. In the wake of the Non-Cooperation movement when the students of the Calcutta Medical College boycotted the Institution and came out, they raised the demand for an alternative non-government arrangement for their studies. It was Sundarimohan who came forward with the assurance that he would undertake this onerous task. So the National Medical Institute began to take shape in Calcutta. He was aided in this work by Dr. K. S. Roy and Dr. SR. C. Sengupta — two young and patriotic doctors of that time. Sundarimohan gave up his lucrative private practice, so that he might devote his whole time and energy to his new Institution. He acted as the Principal of this Institution without taking any remuneration, except conveyance expenses. This institute has now grown into Calcutta National Medical College — one of the foremost medical institutions of the country.

It was in the hospital of the National Medical Institute that Sundarimohan breathed his last on 4 April 1950. He had expressed his wish before his death that after his death, his body would be the property of his students and it would be utilised for teaching them dissection and anatomy. The hospital authorities, however, could not fulfil his last wish out of love and respect for this great and noble soul who had devoted long years of his life for the cause of Indian Freedom and in service of the people of the country.

Composition

It has already been noted that he had started composing also songs during Swadeshi Movement Period. He would also compose devotion songs which were of high standard. He altogether composed about 300 such songs. Not only that, he was also a very good singer of devotional songs and it was a part of his daily routine. He would get totally absorbed while singing Kirtans tears would flow down his eyes. Those present in his prayer gatherings could not but be moved, Rabindranath Tagore while coming and staying in Calcutta, would visit Sundari Mohan's place, at least twice or thrice a week for hearing his devotional songs (mostly "Kirtans"). It was already been mention that he was a regular writer mainly on public health affairs. His books "Saral Dharti Siksha & Susra Bidya" written in easy Bengali for junior nurse training and midwife training reared up a generation of Nurse and Midwife in Bengal, Assam, and Orissa, providing the helpless girls and widows from the middle class and backward poor families with opportunity of employment and honourable life social services. His last great literary works was the writing of his Autobiography which, if published would have been a rare contribution in the political and social history of Eastern India covering an important and glorious period of about a century. But it is a matter of great regard that this valuable manuscript could not yet its way to a publisher's desk.

डॉ सैयद महमूद

जंग ए आज़ादी का एक अज़ीम रहनुमा

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सैयद महमूद का जन्म 1889 में ग़ाज़ीपुर के सईदपुर, भिटारी में हुआ था। उनके पूर्वज बिहार के थे और बीच के कुछ सालो में उनका ख़ानदान ग़ाज़ीपुर चला गया था, जहाँ से वे फिर बिहार वापस आ गए।

सैयद महमूद के वालिद का नाम मुहम्मद उमर और दादा का क़ाज़ी फ़रज़ंद अली था। शुरुआती तालीम मुकम्मल करने बाद 1901 में अलीगढ़ भेजा गया जहां आपकी दोस्ती तसद्दुक़ अहमद ख़ान शेरवानी,अब्दुर रहमान बिजनौरी, सैयद हुसैन और सैफ़ुद्दीन किचलु वग़ैरा से हुई।

सैयद महमूद शुरु से ही कांग्रेस के समर्थक रहे और अलीगढ़ में अपने साथियों के साथ मिलकर लगातार युवा मुस्लिमो को कांग्रेस की तरफ़ लाने की कोशिश करते रहे। 1905 में बनारस हुए कांग्रेस सेशन मे अपने साथियों के साथ हिस्सा लिया।

फ़रवरी 1907 में सैयद महमूद ने कॉलेज प्राशासन के ख़िलाफ़ इस्ट्राईक कर दिया जिस वजह कर सैयद महमूद सहित छ: स्टुडेंट को सज़ा दी गई और इस तरह पढ़ाई के दौरान ही सियासत में हिस्सा लेने की वजह कर सैयद महमुद अलीगढ़ के मोहम्मडन एंग्लो ओरिएंटल कॉलेज से निकाल बाहर कर दिए गए।

इसके बाद सैयद महमूद बैरिस्टर बनने की नियत से लंदन गए। वहां भी सियासत जारी रहा और कुछ स्टुडेंट को मिला कर एक तंज़ीम बनाया और ‘अमीर अली’ से भिड़ गए जो इंगलैंड मे मुस्लिम लीग की लंदन शाखा चला रहे थे।

1909 में सैयद महमूद की मुलाक़ात और जान पहचान गांधी और नेहरु से लंदन मे हुई और यहां हुई दोस्ती ताउम्र क़ाएम रही, इसी दौरान कैम्ब्रिज से उन्होने मुग़ल दौर की सियासत और प्रशासन पर एक थेसिस लिखा और 1912 में जर्मनी के एक इदारे पी.एच.डी किया और सैयद महमूद से डॉक्टर सैयद महमूद हो कर हिन्दुस्तान लौटे।

1913 में डॉ सैयद महमूद ने पटना आ कर मौलाना मज़हरुल हक़ की ज़ेर ए निगरानी लीगल प्रैकटिस करने लगे। और 1915 में मौलाना मज़हरुल हक़ की भतीजी से शादी भी हो गई।

मौलाना मज़हरुल हक़ की ज़ेर ए निगरानी रहने की वजह कर डॉ सैयद महमूद मे उनकी बहुत सी ख़ुबी आ गई और इस तरह वो उन कुछ युवा मुस्लिम नेताओं में जाने गए जिन्होंने 1916 में कांग्रेस और मुस्लिम लीग के बीच लखनऊ पैक्ट करवाने में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका निभाई थी।

इसी दौरान डॉ सैयद महमूद ने होम रूल आन्दोलन हिस्सा लिया और ख़िलाफ़त तहरीक व असहयोग आंदोलन में हिस्सा लेने की ग़र्ज़ से वकालत का पेशा छोड़ दिया और साथ ही The Khilafat & England नाम से एक किताब भी लिखी।

1921 में डॉ सैयद महमूद ख़िलाफ़त कमिटी के महासचिव बने और 1922 में जेल भेज दिए गए। और जेल से छुटने के बाद 1923 में उन्हें अखिल भारतीय कांग्रेस कमेटी के उप महासचिव के पद के लिए जवाहर लाल नेहरु के साथ चुना गया, जिसके बाद महमुद और नेहरु की दोस्ती को एक नया आयाम मिला।

1929 में डॉ सैयद महमूद ने मुस्लिम नेशनलिस्ट पार्टी का गठन डॉ मुख़्तार अहमद अंसारी के साथ मिल कर किया।

1929 में ही कांग्रेस के महासचिव बने और इस पद पर 1936 तक बने रहे।

1930 में डॉ सैयद महमूद सविनय अवज्ञा आंदोलन में हिस्सा लेने की वजह कर मोती लाला नेहरू और जवाहर लाल नेहरु के साथ इलाहाबाद के नैनी जेल में क़ैद रहे।

1937 में केंद्रीय और प्रांतीय चुनावों में कांग्रेस की व्यापक जीत के बाद सैयद महमूद को बिहार का मुख्यमंत्री बनाने की बात थी, लेकिन लेकिन एैन मौक़े पर राजेंद्र प्रासाद की अंतरात्मा जाग गई और बिहार केसरी को मुख्यमंत्री बना दिया गया तो श्रीकृष्ण सिन्हा के मंत्रिमंडल में डॉ सैयद महमूद कैबिनेट मंत्री के रूप में शामिल हुए थे।

डॉ सैयद महमुद 1937 में बिहार की कांग्रेस सरकार में शिक्षा, विकास एवं रोज़गार के मंत्री रहे, उन्होने साल के आख़िर मे पटना शहर में एक बाढ़ कांफ़्रेंस का आयोजन किया जिसमे पहली बार एक बहु उपयोगी रिवर वैली कार्यकर्म के बारे में बात की गई, जिससे की बाढ़ के विनाशकारी असर को कम किया जा सके। डॉ राजेंंद्र प्रासाद ने डॉ सैयद महमुद को उनकी मेहनतो के लिए सराहा था।

इसी दौरान हिन्दी उर्दु के तनाज़ु के कम करने की नियात से एक अख़बार ‘रौशनी’ निकाला जो हिन्दी और उर्दु दोनो ज़ुबान मे शाय होता था।

1939 में डॉ सैयद महमुद ने एक किताब “आ प्लान ऑफ़ प्रोवेनशियल रिकंस्ट्रकशन” लिखा, जिसमे उन्होने खेती, सींचाई, शिल्प, स्वास्थ, शिक्षा, उधोग इत्यादी पर ज़ोर दिया, ये किताब इतनी मशहुर हुई के उसी साल इसका कई एडिशन शाय हुआ।

1940 में डॉ सैयद महमुद ने मुस्लिम लीग के बटवारे की निती का खुल कर विरोध किया और अखंड भारत की वकालत की।

1942 में कांग्रेस की उस कमिटी का हिस्सा थे जिसने “भारत छोड़ो” तहरीक छेड़ी, और इसी साल पुरे कांग्रेस की टीम के साथ गिरफ़्तार भी हुए, अहमदाबाद जेल मे रहे, हैजा होने की वजह कर काफ़ी कमज़ोर भी हुए और 1944 में जेल से रिहा कर दिए गए तब अंग्रेज़ो ने एलान किया के डॉ सैयद महमुद ने अंग्रेज़ो से माफ़ी मांगा है और जेल से बाहर आए हैं। डॉ सैयद महमूद को अपनी ग़लती का एहसास हुआ, उन्होने माना के उन्हे एैसा नही करना था। उन्होने गांधी सहीत अपने तमाम साथियों से इस ग़लती के लिए माफ़ी मांगी।

1946 मे हुए चुनाव में डॉ सैयद महमुद कांग्रेस के टिकट पर मोमिन कांफ़्रेंस के समर्थन से चम्पारण सीट से चुनाव मे जीत हासिल करते हैं।

1946-52 के दौरान डॉ सैयद महमुद यातायात, कृषि और उधोग मंत्रालय के कार्यभार को संभाला।

इसी दौरान बिहार मे मुस्लिम मुख़ालिफ़ फ़साद कांग्रेस द्वारा 26 अक्तुबर 1946 को छपरा शहर से शुरु किया गया।

जिसके बाद डॉ सैयद महमुद बिहार के वज़ीरआला श्री क्रिष्ण सिंह के साथ वहां पहुंच गए, इस लिए सुरतहाल पर जल्द क़ाबु पा लिया गया और इसके बाद डॉ सैयद महमुद श्री क्रिष्ण सिंह के साथ मुज़फ़्फ़रपुर के दौरे पर भी गए जिससे लोगो मे एतेमाद पैदा हुआ और अफ़सरों के हौसले भी बुलंद हुए, इधर तिरहुत ये इलाक़ा तो शांत रहा पर मगध का इलाक़ा पुरी तरह से कांग्रेसीयों की वजह कर जल उठा जिसमे पुरा पटना ज़िला, गया, जहानाबाद, नालंदा, नवादा, मुंगेर बर्बादी के दहाने पर खड़ा हो गया और 28 अक्तुबर 1946 तक तो ये आग पटना से होते हुवे भागलपुर, संथाल परगना से वापस छपरा पहुंच गई।

सरकारी आकड़े के हिसाब से लगभग तीस हज़ार लोग अपने ही हमवतन के ज़रिया क़त्ल कर दिए गए जिनमे बेशतर मुसलमान ही थे, जिसके बाद डॉ सैयद महमुद मुसन्निफ़ और शायर की तंकीद का निशाना बने, क्युंके बिहार में कांग्रेस की हुकुमत थी, और उसने फ़साद रोकने की जगह भड़काया था और डॉ सैयद महमुद बिहार की हुकुमत में एक उंचे ओहदे पर थे और उन्होने कुछ नही किया।

5 मार्च 1947 को दंगे के बाद कांग्रेस पर लगे इलज़ाम पर पर्दा डालने के लिए महात्मा गांधी पटना आकर डॉ सैयद महमूद के घर में ठहरे। (अब गांधी मैदान के उत्तर ए.एन. सिन्हा इंस्टिट्यूट)

7 मार्च 1947 को ख़ुदाई ख़िदमतगार के रज़ाकारों के साथ ख़ान अब्दुल ग़फ़्फ़ार ख़ान भी पटना चले आये और गांधी के साथ डॉ सैयद महमूद के घर में रुके।

1949 में डॉ सैयद महमुद ने हिन्दुस्तान के ख़ुनी बटवारे और उससे पहले हुए फ़साद को नज़र में रखते हुए एक किताब Hindu Muslim Accord लिखी जिसमें हिन्दुस्तान की गंगा जमुनी तहज़ीब पर रौशनी डाली गई।

1952 में डॉ सैयद महमुद पुर्वी चम्पारण से चुन कर लोकसभा गए और फिर 1957 मे गोपालगंज से चुनाव जीत कर सांसद बने।

7 दिसम्बर 1954 से 17 अप्रील 1957 तक डॉ सैयद महमुद विदेश मामले के लिए उप यूनियन मिनिस्टर का कार्य भार संभाला पर आंख की ख़राबी की वजह कर कार्यकाल पुरा नही कर सके अौर इस्तिफ़ा दे दिया। इस दौरान उन्होने ख़ाड़ी के देशों से, मिस्र से, ईरान से भारत के मज़बुत रिशते बनाने मे महत्वपुर्ण भुमिका निभाई।

साथ ही 18–24 अप्रील 1955 में हुए इतिहासिक Bandung Conference में भारत की जानिब से हिस्सा लिया, जिसमे पहली बार अफ़्रीक़ा और एशिया के देशो के बीच बड़े पैमाने पर कई मुद्दो पर बात हुई।

28 सितम्बर 1971 को डॉ सैयद महमुद का इंतक़ाल 82 साल की उम्र में हुआ।

by Md Umar Ashraf

Sambhudhan Phonglo

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Sambhudhan Phonglo

Born 16 March 1850

Longkhor, Assam, British India

Died 12 February 1883 (aged 32)

Cachar district, India

Cause of death Killed by British Regime

Nationality Indian

Known for Armed resistance against the British Raj

Sambhudhan Phonglo [16 March (Saturday) 1850 – 12 February 1883] was an Indian independent freedom fighter who fought against British colonial power in Assam.

The village Dihur Phonglo, which existed on the bank of the river of Mahur (Dihur) was named after Sambhudhan Phonglo. A tank known as Sambhudhan-ni-dikhor, meaning Sambhudhan's tank, also existed on the river.

His descendants are still there in Cachar, Assam

Early life

Phonglo was born in Longkhor near Maibang in the North Cachar Hills of what is today the Dima Hasao District. He was born reportedly on the Falgoon of Indian almanac. His father was Deprondao Phonglo and mother Khasaidi Phonglo. they had four younger brothers: Umakant, Ramakant, Ramcharan (alias Ramren) and Haisholong.

Phonglo spent his childhood at Longkhor, later moving over to Gonjung. Afterwards, he moved to Saupra, a small village near Nanadisa. As a young man, he moved to Semdikhor, near Mahur, where he married to Nasadi. Phoglo was reportedly tall, of fair complextion, with black eyes and large ears.

Opposition to British

In 1832, the British took control of Southern Cachar, and in 1854 Northern Cachar. Instead of combining the two territories, they annexed them to the district of Nagaon. The territory was then placed under the charge of a Junior Political Officer with headquarters at Asalu. In 1866, the territory was distributed between the districts of Nagaon and Naga Hills. Thus, while parts of the Diyung Valley and the Kopili Valley had been given to the district of Nowgong, a large portion was joined with the newly created district of Naga Hills. The rest formed the territory of the North Cachar Hills comprising exclusively the hilly region.

Phonglo opposed these moved. He felt that the British had no right to rule the people of Assam and that the territorial moves were intended to weaken them. Phonglo took the view that if the native people were going to lose freedom, then shouldn't they help the foreign power in consolidating its position. To lose freedom was to embrace slavery. It would not be worthwhile for them to live under the aliens as slaves, as hardships could be endured, but not slavery.

Insurrection

Phonglo decided to foment a rebellion against the British. He toured extensively in the North Cachar Hills, encouraging mass resistance, making contacts, and organizing followers. He was able to recruit a large number of youths to form a revolutionary force. Phonglo appointed Man Singh as his Principal Adviser and Molongthong a Subordinate Commander .

Phonglo started training his insurgents in Maibang. Villagers voluntarily rendered their services to the training center. Recruits were brought to Maibang in batches of thirty to forty.

Sangolli Rayanna

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Sangolli Rayanna

Born

Rayanna

15 August 1796

Sangolli,TQ: Bailhongal (Sampagavi) Dist: Belagavi (Dharawad)

Died 26 January 1831 (aged 34)

Nandagad,TQ: Khanapur (Beedi) Dist:Belagavi

Burial place Nandagad,TQ: Khanapur (Beedi) Dist:Belagavi

Nationality Indian

Other names Rayanna Bharamappa Rogannavar

Occupation Kittur Military Shetsanadi

Title Krantiveer

Sangolli Rayanna (15 August 1796 – 26 January 1831) was an Indian military Shetsanadi (Sainik) and warrior in the Kittur princely state of the Karnataka. He was the Shetsanadi of the Kingdom of Kittur ruled at the time by Rani Chennamma and fought the British East India Company till his death. His life was the subject of the 2012 Kannada film Sangolli Rayanna.Sangolli Rayanna, the 18th century warrior and freedom fighter of the Kuruba community

Activities

Sangolli Rayanna participated in the 1824 rebellion and was arrested by the British, who released him later. He continued to fight the British and wanted to install the adopted son of King Mallasarja and Rani Chennamma, namely Shivalingappa as the ruler of Kittur. He mobilised local people and started a guerilla type war against the British. He and his guerrilla army moved from place to place, burnt government offices, waylaid British troops and plundered treasuries. Most of his land was confiscated and what remained of it was heavily taxed. He taxed the landlords and built up an army from the masses. The British troops could not defeat him in open battle. Hence, by treachery, he was caught in April 1830 and tried by the British; and sentenced to death. Shivalingappa, the boy who was supposed to be the new ruler, was also arrested by the British.

Rayanna was executed by hanging from a Banyan tree about 4 kilometers from Nandagad in Belagavi district on 26 January 1831.

Rayanna was helped by Gajaveera, a Siddi warrior, in his revolt against the British in 1829–30.

Rayanna was buried near Nandagad. Legend says that a close associate Sangolli Bichugatti Channabasappa of Rayanna planted a banyan sapling on his grave. The tree is fully grown and stands to this day. An Ashoka Stambha was installed near the tree. A small temple in the name of Sangolli Rayanna was constructed at Sangolli village, in which stands a statue of Rayanna flanked by two wooden weights used for body building. Two wooden weights are original, those were used by Rayanna himself for body building. A community hall built in commemoration of Rayanna at Sangolli serves the villagers of Sangolli.[citation needed] Karnataka Government recently established Krantiveer Sangolli Rayanna authority its work progress of Krantiveer Sangolli Rayanna Sainik school,"Shouryabhoomi" Krantiveer Sangolli Rayanna rock garden and in "Veerabhoomi" Krantiveer Sangolli Rayanna museum.

In popular culture

सिदो-कान्हू 

Sidhu Kanhu : संथाल परगना को पहले जंगल तराई के नाम से जाना जाता था। संथाल आदिवासी लोग संथाल परगना क्षेत्र में 1790 ई0 से 1810 ई0 के बीच बसे। संथाल परगना को अंग्रेजो द्वारा दामिन ए कोह कहा जाता था और इसकी घोषणा 1824 को हुई और इसी संथाल परगाना में संथाल आदिवासी परिवार में दो विर भईयों का जन्म हुआ जिसे हम सिदो-कान्हू मुर्मू के नाम से जानते हैं।

परिचय:- सिदो-कान्हू मुर्मू का जन्म भोगनाडीह नामक गाँव में एक संथाल आदिवासी परवार में हुआ था। सिदो मुर्मू का जन्म 1815 ई0 में हुआ था एवं कान्हू मुर्मू का जन्म 1820 ई0 में हुआ था। संथाल विद्रोह में सक्रिय भूमिका निभाने वाले इनके दो भाई भी थे जिनका नाम चाँद मुर्मू और भैरव मुर्मू था। चाँद का जन्म 1825 ई0 में एवं भैरव का जन्म 1835 ई0 में हुआ था। इनके अलावा इनकि दो बहने भी थी जिनका नाम फुलो मुर्मू एवं झानो मुर्मू था। इन 6 भाई-बहनो का पिता का नाम चुन्नी माँझी था। Sidhu Kanhu

जन्म स्थान:- इन छः भाई बहनो का जन्म भोगनाडी गाँव मे हुआ था जो कि वर्तमान में झारखण्ड राज्य के संथाल परगाना परमण्ल के साहेबगंज जिला के बरहेट प्रखण्ड के भोगनाडीह में है।

संथाल विद्रोह (हूल आंदोलन):- सिदो-कान्हू ने 1855-56 मे ब्रिटिश सत्ता, साहुकारो, व्यपारियों व जमींदारो के खिलाफ एक विद्रोह कि शुरूवात कि जिसे संथाल विद्रोह या हूल आंदोलन के नाम से जाना जाता है। संथाल विद्रोह का नारा था करो या मरो अंग्रेजो हमारी माटी छोड़ो । सिदो ने अपनी दैवीय शक्ति का हवाला देते हुए सभी मांझीयों को साल की टहनी भेजकर संथाल हुल में शामिल होने के लिए आमंत्रन भेजा। 30 जून 1855 को भेगनाडीह में संथालो आदिवासी की एक सभा हुई जिसमें 10,000 संथाल एकत्र हुए जिसमें सिदो को राजा, कान्हू को मंत्री, चाँद को मंत्री एवं भैरव को सेनापति चुना गया। संथाल विद्रोह भोगनाडीह से शुरू हुआ जिसमें संथाल तीर-धनुष से लेस अपने दुश्मनो पर टुट पड़े

जबकि अंग्रेजो मे इसका नेतृत्व जनरल लॉयर्ड ने किया जो आधुनिक हथियार और गोला बारूद से परिपूर्ण थे इस मुठभेड़ में महेश महेश लाल एवं प्रताप नारायण नामक दरोगा कि हत्या कर दि गई इससे अंग्रेजो में भय का माहोल बन गया संथालो के भय से अंग्रेजो ने बचने के लिए पाकुड़ में मार्टिलो टावर का निर्माण कराया गया था जो आज भी झारखण्ड के पाकुड़ जिले में स्थित है। अंततः इस मुठभेड़ में संथालो कि हार हुई और सिदो-कान्हू को फांसी दे दी गई। Sidhu Kanhu
मृत्यु:- इस भयंकर मुठभेड़ में संथालो हार हुई क्योंकि ये लोग तीर धनुष से लड़ रहे थे जबकि अंग्रेजो के पास आधुनिक हथियार था। सिदो को अगस्त 1855 में पकड़कर पंचकठिया नामक जगह पर बरगद के पेड़ पर फांसी दे दि गई वह पेड़ आज भी पंचकठिया में स्थित है जिसे शहिद स्थल कहा जाता है जबकि कान्हू को भोगनाडीह में फांसी दे दी गई पर आज भी वह संथालो के दिलो में आज भी जिन्दा है एवं याद किए जाते है।

संथालो के इस हार पर भी अंग्रेजी हुकूमत को जड़ से हिला कर रख दिया था। कार्ल मार्क्स ने इस विद्रोह को ‘भारत का प्रथम जनक्रांति’ कहा था। आज भी 30 जून को भोगनाडीह में हूल दिवस पर सरकार द्वारा विकस मेला लगाया जाता है एवं विर शहिद सिदो-कान्हू को याद किया जाता है।

सिद्धू - कान्हू: संथाल विद्रोह के प्रणेता

परिचय
झारखण्ड का इतिहास साक्षी है कि अपनी देशज – जन चेतना की रक्षा के लिए वह निरंतर संघर्ष करता रहता है। बिहार के जनजातीय समाज में अब तक जितने भी संघर्ष हुए हैं, उनका एक प्रधान पहलु सामुदायिक पहचान बचाना रहा है जोत जमीन के रक्षा के लिए जमीन से जुड़े आदिवासियों के आंदोलन के एक लंबा इतिहास है। अपने भूमि व्यवस्था के शत – विशत होने और ईसाई मिशनरियों के प्रभाव के फलस्वरूप आदिवासी द्वारा अपनी संस्कृति को पुनर्जीवन देने के लिए भी आंदोलन हुए हैं, सामाजिक आंदोलन की पृष्ठभूमि में सामाजिक संरचना में बदलाव लाने या बदलाव का विरोध करने के लिए संगठित प्रयास ही रहा है।
भारतीय स्वतंत्रता – संग्राम में भी बिहार की जनजातियों का महत्वपूर्ण योगदान रहा है। 1857 का सिपाही विद्रोह वस्तुतः राष्ट्रीय स्तर पर अंग्रेजी शासन के विरूद्ध स्वतंत्रता की पहली लड़ाई मानी जाती है, किन्तु इसके पूर्व भी स्थानीय या क्षेत्रीय आधार पर आंदोलन हुए हैं। बिहार की जनजातियों ने अपनी समस्याओं, शोषण – उत्पीडन व जुल्म से विवश और व्यथित होकर अंग्रेजी शासन और उसके समर्थन तत्वों, जैसे जमींदार, महाजन अमला, पुलिस आदि के विरूद्ध विद्रोह किया है। 1789 से 1831 – 32 के बीच अनेक जनजातीय आन्दोलन हुए हैं जिनके लिए खूँटी – कट्टी व्यवस्था के विघटन के प्रति प्रतिशोध की भावना मुख्य रूप से उत्तरदायी रही है। 1831 में कोल विद्रोह हुआ। मुंडा, ही उराँव आदि सभी विद्रोह के केंद्र रहे। मानसून में भी भूमिजों का विद्रोह हुआ। इस विद्रोह के दौरान गाँव लुटे गए, जलाये गए तथा पुलिस, सैनिक और नागरिक मारे गये।

ब्रिटिश राज के शुरू के सौ सालों में नागरिक विद्रोहों का सिलसिला किसी खास मुद्दे व स्थानीय असंतोष के कारण चलता रहा। 1763 से 1856 के बीच देश भर में अंग्रेजों के विरूद्ध 40 से ज्यादा बड़े विद्रोह तो हुए। छोटे पैमाने पर तो इनकी संख्या बेशुमार है। धार्मिक नेताओं ने भी विद्रोह के झंडे लहराए। ऐसे ही कुछ विद्रोह बिहार की जनजातियों द्वारा हुए। दरअसल अधिकांश जनजातीय विद्रोहों में उनके जातीय हित की बुनियादी कारण रहे हैं। जनजातियों में संथालों का विद्रोह सबसे जबरजस्त था। भारत से अंग्रेजों को भगाने के लिए यह प्रथम जनक्रांति थी जो संथाल हूल के नाम से प्रसिद्ध हुई।
बिहार की जनजातियों में संथालों की संख्या सबसे अधिक है। इनका मुख्य निवास – स्थल संथाल परगना है जो छोटानागपुर के उत्तरी - पूर्वी छोर पर स्थित है। इनकी बहूलता के कारण ही संथाल परगना नाम दिया गया है। छोटानागपुर के उत्तरी – पूर्वी छोर पर स्थित है। इनकी बहूलता के कारण ही संथाल परगना नाम दिया गया है। छोटानागपुर में प्रवेश के बाद संथालों ने इसी क्षेत्र को अपना आवास स्थल बनाया। संथाल परगना तब भागलपुर कमिश्नरी का अंग था। हजारीबाग और वीरभूम जिले में संथाल बहुत पहले आ बसे थे। इन्हीं इलाकों से आकर ये संथाल परगना में आ बसे थे। यहाँ के मूल निवासी भोले – भाले पहाड़िया की ओर से कोई खास विरोध नहीं हुआ। जंगल को साफ कर खेती के लायक जमीन तैयार करते गए, गांव बसाते गये। ओ, मैले के विचारानुसार से सर्वप्रथम 1790 – 1810 के बीच यहाँ बसे। इनकी आवा जाही जारी रही। 1836 तक 427 गाँव से कम नहीं बसाये गये। 1851 तक यहाँ संथाली के 1473 गांव बस चुके थे। जिनकी आबादी लगभग 82,795 हो गयी थी।
छोटानागपुर में अंग्रेजों का अधिपत्य 1756 से ही हो चुका था, किन्तु यहाँ की जनजातियों पर नहीं। धीरे – धीरे शोषण और अत्याचार का शिकंजा कसता गया। 1850 तक यहाँ तक के चप्पे – चप्पे में शोषण छा चुका था। संथाल भी इसके शिकार हो गये। ऐसे तो संथाल भोले – भाले शांतिप्रिय और थोड़े से ही संतुष्ट होने वाले होते हैं किन्तु जब उनका शोषण बढ़ने लगा। साहबों की उपेक्षा, महाजनों का शोषण, अमला के भ्रष्टाचार अत्याचार बढ़ते गये। संथाल स्त्रियां भी इस अत्याचार से अछूती नहीं रही। बंगाली – बिहारी महाजन ऋण देकर भारी सूद वसूलते, छोटे बटखरे से इन्हें सामान बेचते और बड़े बटखरे से इनका उत्पादन को खरीदते। इन्हें ठगते भी और ऋण की वसूली बड़ी क्रूरता – कठोरता से करते। न्यायालय दूर, पुलिस संवेदना शून्य। इन्हें कोई इंसाफ नहीं मिलता था। धीरे – धीरे इनकी जमीन भी महाजन हड़पने लगे। अंग्रेजों ने मालगुजारी बढ़ा दी कर लगान नहीं देने पर इनकी संपति को कुर्की जब्ती व नीलामी होने लगी। स्वदेशी महाजन जमींदारी और विदेशी हुक्मरान दोनों ओर से दोहरी मार। इनकी नजर में दोनों दिकू थे जिसके लिए इनके मन में भयंकर आक्रोश पनप चुका था। अतंत: इनका धैर्य टूट गया। संथाल हूल इसी शोषण की देन है।
सिद्धू – कान्हू
संथाल हूल का नेतृत्व भोगनाडीह निवासी चुन्नी मांझी के चार पुत्रों ने किया। ये थे सिद्धू कान्हू, चाँद और भैरव। हूल के समय कान्हू की उम्र 35 वर्ष, चाँद की आयु 30 वर्ष और भैरव की उम्र 20 वर्ष बतायी जाती हैं। सिद्धू सबसे बड़ा था किन्तु उसकी जन्मतिथि 1825 के आस – पास मानी गई है। जब सिद्धू - कान्हू ने शोषण के विरूद्ध विद्रोह करने का संकल्प ले लिया तो जन समूह को एकजुट करने तथा एकत्रित करने के लिए परंपरागत ढंग से अपनाया। दूगडूगी पिटवा दी और साल टहनी का संदेशा गाँव – गाँव भेजवाया। साल टहनी क्रांति संदेश का प्रतीक है। 30 जून, 1855 की तिथि भगनाडीहा में विशाल सभा रैली के लिए निर्धारित की गई। तीर धनुष के साथ लोगों को सभा में लाने की जिम्मेवारी मांझी/परगनाओं को सौंपी गई। संदेश चारों ओर फ़ैल गया। दूरदराज के गांवों से पद - यात्रा करते लोग चल पड़े तीर – धनुष और पारंपरिक हथियारों से लैस कोई बीस हजार संथाल 30 जून को भगनाडीह पहुँच गये। इस विशाल सभा में सिद्धू कान्हू के अंग्रेज हमारी भूमि छोड़ के नारे गूँज उठे। कभी तिलक ने कहा था। स्वाधीनता हमारा जन्मसिद्ध अधिकार है, नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस ने कहा था – तुम हमें खून दो, मैं तुम्हें आजादी दूंगा और गाँधी ने नारा दिया था – करो या मरो। इनसे पहले ही उसी तर्ज पर सिद्धू ने ललकारा था – करो या मरो, अंग्रेजों हमारी पार्टी छोड़ दो।
सिद्धू का लोकतंत्र में विश्वास था। उसने समझ लिया था कि केवल संथालों द्वारा जन – आंदोलन संभव नहीं है। इसलिए औरों का भी सहयोग लिया। इस विद्रोह में अन्य लोग भी जैसे कुम्हार, चमार, ग्वाला, तेली, लोहार, डोम और मुस्लिम भी शामिल हो गये।
सिद्धू - कान्हू ने हूल को सजीव और सफल बनाने के लिए धर्म का भी सहारा लिया। मरांग बूरू (मुख्य देवता) और जाहेर – एस (मुख्य देवी) के दर्शन और उनके आदेश (अबुआ राज स्थापित करने के लिए) की बात को प्रचारित कर लोगों की भावना को उभारा। सखुआ डाली घर – घर भेजवा का लोगों तक निमंत्रण पहूंचाया कि मुख्य देवी – देवता का आशीर्वाद लेने के लिए 30 जून को भगनाडीह में जमा होना है। फलस्वरूप 30 जून को भगनाडीह में कोई 30 हजार लोग सशस्त्र इकट्ठे हो गये। उस सभा में सिद्धू को राजा, कान्हू को मंत्री, चाँद को प्रशासक और भैरव को सेनापति मनोनीत कर नये संथाल राज्य के गठन की घोषणा कर दी गई। महाजन, पुलिस, जमींदार, तेल अमला, सरकारी कर्मचारी के साथ ही नीलहे गोरों को मार भगाने का संकल्प लिया गया तथा लगान नहीं देने व सरकारी आदेश हिन् मानने का निश्चय किया गया। नीलहे गोरों ने नील खेतों के लिए संथाली को उत्साहित किया था पर शीघ्र ही उनका शोषण शुरू हो गया था जो बढ़ता ही गया। संथाल उनसे भी क्रोधित थे।
इसी समय एक घटना घटी। रेल निर्माण कार्य से जुड़े एक अंग्रेज ठीकेदार ने तीन संथाली मजदूरिनों का अपरहण कर लिया। यह आग में घी का काम किया। क्रांति की शुरूआत हो गई। कुछ संथालों ने अंग्रेजों पर आक्रमण कर दिया। तीन अंग्रेज मारे गये। और अपहृत स्त्रियाँ मुक्त कर ली गई। हूल यात्रा शुरू हुई तो कलकत्ता की ओर बढ़ती गई। गाँव के गाँव लुटे गए, जलाये गये और लोग मारे जाने लगे। कोई 20 हजार संथाली युवकों ने अंबर परगना के राजभवन पर धावा बोल दिया और 2 जूलाई को उस पर कब्जा का लिया। फूदनीपुर, कदमसर और प्यालापुर के अंग्रेजों को मार गिराया गया। निलहा साहबों की विशाल कोठियों पर अधिकार पर अधिकार कर लिया गया। 7 जुलाई को दिघी थाना के दारोगा और अंग्रेजों के पिट्टू, महेशलाल दत्त की हत्या कर दी गई। तब तक 19 लोगों को मौत के घाट उतार दिया गया था। सुरक्षा के लिए बनाये गये मारटेल टाबर से अंधाधुंध गोलियां चलाकर संथाल सैनिकों को भारी क्षति पहुँचायी गई। फिर भी बन्दूक का मुकाबला तीर – धनुष करता रहा। संथालों ने वीरभूमि क्षेत्र पर कब्जा कर लिया और वहां से अंग्रेजों को भगा दिया। वीरपाईति में अंग्रेज सैनिकों की करारी हारी हुई। रघुनाथपुर और संग्रामपुर की लड़ाई में संथाली की सबसे बड़ी जीत हुई। इस संघर्ष में एक यूरोपियन सेनानायक, कुछ स्वदेशी अफसर और 25 सिपाही मार दिए गये। अंग्रेज बौखला गये। भागलपुर कमिश्नरी के सभी जिलों में मार्शल लॉ लागू कर दिया गया। विद्रोहियों की गिरफ्तारी के लिए पुरस्कार की घोषणा कर दी गई। उनसे मुकाबला के लिए भी जबरदस्त बंदोबस्त हुआ। बडहैत की लड़ाई में चाँद भैरव कमजोर पड़ गये और जब अंग्रेजों की गोलियों के शिकार हो गए। अब अंग्रेजों ने सिद्धू – कान्हू के कुछ साथी लालच में आकर अंग्रेजों से मिल गये। गद्दारों के सहयोग से आखिर उपरबंदा गाँव के पास कान्हू को गिरफ्तार कर लिया गया। बड़हैत में 19 अगस्त को सिद्धू को भी पकड़ा गया। मेहर शकवार्ग ने उसे बंदी बनाकर भागलपुर जेल ले गया। दोनों भाईयों को खुलेआम फांसी दे दी गई। सिद्धू को बड़हैत में जिस स्थान पर दरोगा मारा गाया था और कान्हू को भगनाडीह में ही फांसी पर चढ़ा दिया गया। इसके साथ ही संथाल विद्रोह का सशक्त नेतृत्व समाप्त हो गया। धीरे – धीरे विद्रोह को कुचल दिया गया। 30 नवंबर को कानूनन संथाल परगना जिला की स्थापना हुई और इसके प्रथम जिलाधीश के एशली इडेन बनाये गये। पूरे देश से भिन्न कानून से संथाल परगना का शासन शुरू हुआ।

संथाल हूल का तो अंत हो गया। किन्तु दो वर्ष के बाद ही 1857 में होने वाले सिपाही विद्रोह – प्रथम स्वतंत्रता संग्राम - की पीठिका तैयार कर दी गई। आज भी इन चारों भाईयों पर छोटानागपुर को गर्व है और संथाली गीतों में आज भी सिद्धू – कान्हू याद किये जाते हैं। इन शहीदों की जयंती संथाल हूल दिवस के रूप में मनायी जाती है।
स्त्रोत: जनजातीय कल्याण शोध संस्थान, झारखण्ड सरकार

Saifuddin Kitchlew

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Saifuddin Kitchlew

Born 15 January 1888


Amritsar, Punjab, British India
Died 9 October 1963 (aged 75)


Delhi, India
Nationality Indian

Occupation freedom fighter, politician

Saifuddin Kitchlew (15 January 1888 – 9 October 1963) was an Indian freedom fighter, barrister, politician and later a leader of the peace movement. A member of Indian National Congress, he first became Punjab Provincial Congress Committee (Punjab PCC) head and later the General Secretary of the AICC in 1924. He is most remembered for the protests in Punjab after the implementation of Rowlatt Act in March 1919, after which on 10 April, he and another leader Satyapal, were secretly sent to Dharamsala. A public protest rally against their arrest and that of Gandhi, on 13 April 1919 at Jallianwala Bagh, Amritsar, led to the infamous Jallianwala Bagh massacre. He was also a founding member of Jamia Millia Islamia. He was awarded the Stalin Peace Prize (now known as Lenin Peace Prize) in 1952.

Early life

Kitchlew was born to the Kashmiri Muslim family of Azizuddin Kitchlew and Dan Bibi in Amritsar, Punjab. His father owned a pashmina and saffron trading business and originally belonged to a Brahmin family of Baramulla. His ancestor, Prakash Ram Kitchlew, had converted to Islam and his grandfather, Ahmed Jo migrated from Kashmir in the mid-19th century after the Kashmir famine of 1871.

Kitchlew went to Islamia High School in Amritsar, later obtaining a B.A. from Cambridge University, and a Ph.D. from a German university, before practising law in India.

Career

On his return he established his legal practice in Amritsar, and soon came in contact with Gandhi. In 1919, he was elected the Municipal Commissioner of the city of Amritsar. He took part in the Satyagraha (Non-cooperation) movement and soon left his practice to join the freedom movement, as well as the All India Khilafat Committee.

Political career

Jallianwala Bagh
Kitchlew was first exposed to Indian nationalism after public outcry over the Rowlatt Acts. Kitchlew was arrested with Gandhi and Dr. Satyapal for leading protests in Punjab against the legislation. To protest the arrest of the trio, a public meeting had gathered at the Jallianwala Bagh, when General Reginald Dyer and his troops fired upon the unarmed, civilian crowd. Hundreds were killed, and hundreds more injured. This act was the worst case of civilian massacre since the Indian rebellion of 1857 and riots broke out throughout the Punjab.

Political mainstream

Kitchlew rose in the Congress Party, heading its Punjab unit before rising to the post of AICC General Secretary, an important executive position in 1924. Kitchlew was also the chairman of the reception committee of the Congress session in Lahore in 1929-30, where on 26 January 1930, the Indian National Congress declared Indian independence and inaugurated an era of civil disobedience and revolution aimed to achieve full independence.

Kithclew was a founding leader of the Naujawan Bharat Sabha (Indian Youth Congress), which rallied hundreds of thousands of students and young Indians to nationalist causes. He was a member of the Foundation Committee of Jamia Millia Islamia, which met on 29 October 1920 and led to the foundation of Jamia Millia Islamia University.

He started an Urdu daily Tanzim and was instrumental in the establishment of Swaraj Ashram in January 1921 at Amritsar to train young men for national work and to promote Hindu-Muslim unity. Throughout the 1930-1934 struggles, Kitchlew was repeatedly arrested, and in all spent fourteen years behind bars.

Kitchlew supported a united Indian nationalism against British imperialism and opposed the partition of India, holding that a divided India would weaken Muslims, both economically and politically.

Post-independence

Kitchlew was opposed to the Muslim League's demand for Pakistan and later in the 1940s became President of the Punjab Congress Committee. In 1947 he strongly opposed the acceptance of the Partition of India. He spoke out against it at public meetings across the country, and at the All India Congress Committee session that ultimately voted for the resolution. He called it a blatant "surrender of nationalism for communalism". Some years after partition and Independence, he left the Congress. He moved closer to the Communist Party of India. He was the founder president of the All-India Peace Council and remained President of 4th Congress of All-India Peace Council, held at Madras in 1954, besides remaining Vice President of the World Peace Council.

Kitchlew moved to Delhi after his house burnt down during the partition of India riots of 1947, spending the rest of his life working for closer political and diplomatic relations with the USSR. He received the Stalin Peace Prize in 1952. In 1951, a Government Act made him, Jawaharlal Nehru, and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, life trustees of the Jallianwala Bagh National Memorial Trust.

He died on 9 October 1963, survived by a son, Toufique Kitchlew, who lives in a Lampur village on the outskirts of Delhi, and five daughters. While four of his daughters married men from Pakistan, one daughter, Zahida Kitchlew, was married to Malayalam music director M. B. Sreenivasan, a Hindu man.

Legacy

A colony in Ludhiana, Punjab, popularly called Kitchlu Nagar, is named after him. Indian Post released a special commemorative stamp featuring him in 1989. The Jamia Milia Islamia created a Saifuddin Kitchlew Chair at the MMAJ Academy of Third world Studies in 2009.

Sheetal (Asarganj)

On the afternoon of February 15 , 1932 , hundreds of freedom lovers set out to wave tricolor at Tarapur police station in Munger district . Those immortal fighters wore the national flag in their hands and laughed at the lips echoing the slogans of ' Vande Mataram ', 'Bharat Mata Ki Jai'. In the biggest shootout of the Indian freedom struggle , the patriots were ready to eat sticks and left home. The tricolor was hoisted at the local police station building after the martyrdom of more than 50 sons. After the incident, the British loaded the bodies of the martyrs in vehicles and washed them away in the Ganges river of Sultanganj .

Only 13 of the martyr sons were identified. Known martyrs include Vishwanath Singh (Chhathar), Mahipal Singh (Ramchua), Sheetal (Asarganj), Sukul Sonar (Tarapur), Santa Passi (Tarapur), Jonti Jha (Satkharia), Sinhareshwar Rajhans (Bihma), Badri Mandal (Dhanpura), Vasant Dhanuk (Lodhiya), Rameshwar Mandal (Padhabhara), Gabi Singh (Maheshpur), Ashrafi Mandal (Khasikari) and Chandi Mahato (Chorgaon) were. 31 unidentified bodies were also found, which were not identified. Some bodies were buried in the lap of Ganga .
According to the elders of the area, there was a plan to hoist the flag at Tarapur police station in Khawjari hill of Shambhuganj police station. Khajuri Pahad, Mandar, Barahat and Dholpahari were built for the protection of revolutionaries. To save the motherland, both the fighters and those who gave their lives, had plagued the British government . Historian DC Deenkar, in his book "Contribution of the Untouchables in the Freedom Struggle", also mentions the incident of Tarapur, specifically the contributions of Santa Pasi and Sheetal Chamar .

Shital



Shital: Resident of v. Jalalabad, p.s. Tarapur, distt. Munger, Bihar. Belonging to a lower class, he actively participated in the Civil Disobedience movement of 1930. He joined the 4000 strong crowd which had assembled around the Tarapur Police Station with the object of hoisting the Congress Flag over it on 15 February 1932ññthe day declared to be the ëJhanda Satyagrah Diwasí by the local Congress Committee. The police first warned the gathering to disperse and then opened indiscriminate fire on it. He was critically injured in the firing and died on the spot the same day. [Poll/Special (Confd.), F. No. 24 (II)/1932, BSAP; BMSAI, 2, p. 443; WWIM, I, p. 336]

Dr. Syed Mahmud

Dr. Syed Mahmud





Syed Mahmud was born in the village Syedpur Bhitari, Ghazipur (UP). His father's name was Md Umar and grandfather's name was Qazi Farzand Ali. His ancestors had come to Bihar during the Lodis (and had subsequently migrated to Ghazipur, only to return back to Bihar). But his political life started in Aligarh where he received his education during 1901-08. During his student days at Aligarh from 1901 to 1908 he had among his friends and class fellows persons like Tasadduq Ahmad Khan Shervani, Abdurrahman Bijnori, Syed Husain and Saifuddin Kitchlew. Though belonging to a very aristocratic family, Syed Mahmud was an ardent supporter of Congress from its very early days. Here he was among those few students, who were trying to make Muslims join the ongoing anti colonial nationalist struggle led by the Indian National Congress. He, along with his friends, participated in the annual session of the Congress in 1905 at Benaras. In February 1907, he led a strike against the British manned management of the college. It started with disciplinary action against a sharp student, Raja Ghulam Husain, who had some confrontation with a constable in the annual exhibition (numaish). Violating the assurance given by the European Principal to Mohsinul Mulk, six students (including the three students viz. Syed Mahmud, Tasadduq Sherwani and Abdur Rahman Bijnori) were punished.

Having expelled out of MAO College Aligarh, Syed Mahmud went to the Lincoln's Inn of London to become a barrister. Later, wrote a thesis on Mughal Politics and Administration from the Cambridge. He also got influenced with Pan Islamism under the influence of W.S. Blunt and E.G. Brown. Here also he organized some students and developed ideological conflicts with Ameer Ali (d.1928), who was running the London branch of the Muslim League. In 1909, in London he came in contact with Mahatma Gandhi and J.L. Nehru. In 1912, he obtained Ph.D. from Germany and came back to India, and from 1913 he started his legal profession in Patna under the able guidance of Mazharul Haq. In 1915, he married Mazharul Haq's niece. Throughout his career he insisted on communal harmony, played significant role in the Congress- League Pact of Lucknow in 1916. Served with the Home Rule League, AICC and gave up his legal practice to participate in the Khilafat Movement. He also authored, The Khilafat & England. In 1922, he was imprisoned. In 1923, he was elected Deputy General Secretary of the AICC along with Jawaharlal Nehru which resulted in close friendship between the two leaders. Nehru signed as witness at the marriage of Syed Mahmud's daughter. In 1929, with M.A. Ansari, he formed `Muslim Nationalist Party' within the Congress, and became the General Secretary of the Congress, and served in this capacity till 1936. In 1930, along with M.L. Nehru and J.L. Nehru he was imprisoned in the Naini Jail of Allahabad, for his participation in the Civil Disobedience Movement.

The S.K. Sinha led cabinet in Bihar made Syed Mahmud Minister for Education, Development and Planning in 1937. His emphasis was on providing primary education to largest possible number of people, worked for revision of curricula, appointed Urdu teachers in the Patna University. He fought for raising the proportion of Muslims in the government jobs and in the local bodies. To mitigate the Hindi-Urdu tension, he launched a bilingual (Urdu; Hindi) newspaper called Raushni. He also wrote a book, A Plan of Provincial Reconstruction (1939). It became so popular that several editions were re-printed in the same year. It displays his vision for the problems like public health, education and human resources, material resources of Bihar. This book dealt at length about rural indebtedness and agricultural finance. He was engaged in such exercise when other big leaders of Bihar were engaged in caste based factionalism, much lamented by Ram Manohar Lohia, Jaya Prakash Narayan and Sahajanand Saraswati.

During 1946-52, Syed Mahmud was the Minister for Transport, Industries and Agriculture in Bihar. In 1949 he suggested Nehru to enter into a particular military pact with Pakistan in order to safeguard the nation from China which could not materialize. Pained with communal partition of India, an optimist in him motivated him to write another book Hindu Muslim Accord (1949), celebrating the `Ganga-Jamuni Tehzeeb of India'. From 7th December 1954 to 17th April 1957 he was the Union Minister of State for External Affairs but resigned due to eye troubles. He participated in the historic Bandung Conference (1955), where the Panchsheel was spelled out. He played remarkable roles in India's useful diplomatic relations with the Gulf countries, Iran and Egypt.

By 1940s, the Muslim League leaders of Bihar had developed a low level hostility against him, so much so that they instructed their followers not to participate in the last rites (janaza) of his mother –in-law, the marriage ceremony of his daughter was sought to be disturbed by the lumpens claiming to be supporters of the Muslim League. In June 1961, the communal riots and the abdication of responsibilities by the state disillusioned him. It got further accentuated in the riots of 1964, when he started re-thinking the question of minorities in both India and Pakistan, founded the Muslim Majlis Mashawerat (MMM), yet he warned against having exclusively identity based political party in the India's secular democracy. He rather wanted it to act more as a pressure group. In April 1968 he left the MMM precisely because its leaders started talking in exclusivist language. In post-Independent Bihar, the Congress leaders acted only as caste leaders, established linear network of patronage distribution. For example, the Bhumihar and Rajput leaders had their `sub-contractors' in many districts, who established a large number of high schools and colleges, offering recruitments to their caste fellows. These employees acted as their electoral strength/booth managers. Syed Mahmud did not develop this kind of linear networks of patronage distribution. His eminence draw attention among the scholarly organizations likes Darul Musannefin Shibli Academy Azamgarh (UP) and they elected him as President. He served as Shibli Academy’s President till his last breath.
Surya Sen
Source: topyaps.com

He lead the Chittagong Armory Raid to prove that an armed uprising against the mighty British was possible. In his leadership, a group of sixty-four other revolutionaries captured the Police Armory, destroyed the telephones and telegraph lines and dislocated the railway lines to and from Chittagong. After capturing the town. they declared it as Gandhi’s Raj by hoisting the tricolor. They were eventually surrounded as they were greatly outmatched and overpowered by the British forces. Also, they could not find any ammunition. Sen was captured, tried and hanged. He used to be a school teacher before he became a revolutionary.
The Trio: Benoy, Badal & Dinesh



Source: Wikimedia

The trio is mostly remembered together for their attack on the Dalhousie Square in Kolkata. Their full names are Badal Gupta, Dinesh Gupta and Benoy Basu and all of them hailed from Bengal. Col N.S. Simpson, the Inspector General of Prisons, was infamous for brutally oppressing prisoners. The revolutionaries decided not only to murder him, but also to strike terror among British officials by launching an attack on the Secretariat Building – the Writers’ Building in Dalhousie Square, Kolkata. The three of them were dressed as Europeans when they went and killed Simpson, but they did not wish to get arrested. So, Badal consumed poison, while the other two shot themselves using revolvers. The Dalhousie Square was renamed as the B.B.D. Bagh after them.
Surendra Sai




Source: Wikimedia

The man died in obscurity despite protecting Western Orissa from the British rule along with a few other comrades. Eligible as the next in line to the throne of Sambalpur after the death of Maharaja Sai in 1827, he helped the lower caste tribal people in Sambalpur against the British by encouraging their language and culture development. Affectionately called Bira by the local people because of his swordsmanship, he began protesting from the age of 18 and spent some 17 years in jail after that. But he continued the protest till 1862, when he surrendered and went to jail. He spent 20 years in prison after his surrender. Also, Sambalpur was the last patch of land to be occupied by the British except for the princely state, and it is said that it was largely due to the efforts of Sai.

साने गुरूजी

मुक्त ज्ञानकोश विकिपीडिया से

छिनवाल में साने गुरूजी की प्रतिमा

पांडुरंग सदाशिव साने (२४ दिसम्बर १८९९ - ११ जून १९५०) मराठी के प्रसिद्ध लेखक, शिक्षक, सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता एवं भारत के स्वतंत्रता संग्राम सेनानी थे। वे साने गुरूजी के नाम से अधिक प्रसिद्ध हैं।

जीवन चरित

पाण्डुरंग साने जी का जन्म २४ दिसम्बर १८९९ को महाराष्ट्र के रत्नगिरि जनपद के पालगढ़ कस्बे में हुआ था। इनके पिताजी का नाम सदाशिव साने तथा माताजी का नाम यशोधाबाई साने था।

उनके जिवन में उनको मा कि शिक्षा का बहुत प्रभाव मिला। शिक्षा पुरी होने के बाद उन्होने अमलनेर के प्रताप हाई स्कूल में शिक्षक के पद पे काम किया। प्रताप हाई स्कूल में छात्रावास कि जिम्मेदारी सम्भालते हुए उन्हे बहुत प्रसिद्धि मिलि। उन्होने छात्रावास में छात्रो को खुद के जिवन के स्वावलम्बन का पाठ पढाया। अमलनेर में उन्होने तत्त्वज्ञान मंदीर में तत्त्वज्ञान कि शिक्षा ली।

सन १९२८ में उन्होने ‘विद्यार्थी’ नाम से मासिक कि शुरुवत कि। उन पर महात्मा गांधींजी के विचारो का बहुत प्रभाव था। वो खादी के कपड़ो का उपयोग करते थे। सन १९३० में उन्होने शिक्षक कि नौकरी छोड दी। शिक्षक कि नौकरी छोडने के बाद उन्होने सविनय कायदेभंग उपक्रम में भाग लिया।

साने गुरुजी का प्रकाशित साहित्य

अमोल गोष्टी

आपण सारे भाऊ भाऊ

आस्तिक

इस्लामी संस्कृति

कर्तव्याची हाक

कला आणि इतर निबंध

कला म्हणजे काय?

कल्की अर्थात् संस्कृतीचे भविष्य

'कुरल' नावाच्या तमिळ महाकाव्याचे मराठी भाषांतर

क्रांति

गीताहृदय

गुरुजींच्या गोष्टी

गोड गोष्टी (कथामाला), भाग १ से १०

भाग १ - खरा मित्र

भाग २ - घामाची फुले

भाग ३ - मनूबाबा

भाग ४ - फुलाचा प्रयोग

भाग ५ - दुःखी

भाग ६ - सोराब आणि रुस्तुम

भाग ७ - बेबी सरोजा

भाग ८ - करुणादेवी

भाग ९ - यती की पती

भाग १० - चित्रा नि चारू

गोड निबंध भाग १, २

गोड शेवट

गोष्टीरूप विनोबाजी

जीवनप्रकाश

तीन मुले

ते आपले घर

त्रिवेणी

दिल्ली डायरी

देशबंधु दास

धडपडणारी मुले

नवा प्रयोग

पंडित ईश्वरचंद्र विद्यासागर

पत्री

भगवान श्रीकृष्ण व इतर चरित्रे

भारतीय संस्कृती

मानवजातीचा इतिहास

मोरी गाय

मृगाजिन

रामाचा शेला

राष्ट्रीय हिंदुधर्म. (भगिनी निवेदिता की मूल पुस्तक का अनुवाद)

विनोबाजी भावे

विश्राम

श्याम खंड १, २

श्यामची आई

श्यामची पत्रे

सती

संध्या

समाजधर्म. (लेखक : भगिनी निवेदिता व साने गुरुजी)

साधना (साप्ताहिक) (संस्थापक, संपादक)

सुंदर पत्रे

सोनसाखळी व इतर कथा

सोन्या मारुती

स्त्री जीवन

स्वप्न आणि सत्य

स्वर्गातील माळ

हिमालयाची शिखरे व इतर चरित्रे

==जीव

नचरित==

जीव चरित

साने गुरुजी का जीवनचरित अनेक लेखकों ने लिखा है। उनमें से कुछ पुस्तकों एवं उनके लेखकों के नाम नीचे दिये गये हैं-

आपले साने गुरुजी -- लेखक डॉ॰ विश्वास पाटील

जीवनयोगी साने गुरुजी -- लेखक डॉ॰ रामचंद्र देखणे

निवडक साने गुरुजी -- लेखक रा.ग. जाधव

महाराष्ट्राची आई साने गुरुजी -- लेख्क वि.दा. पिंपळे

साने गुरुजी -- लेखक यदुनाथ थत्ते, रामेश्वर दयाल दुबे.

साने गुरुजी आणि पंढरपूर मंदिरप्रवेश चळवळीचे अध्यात्म -- लेखक आत्माराम वाळिंजकर

साने गुरुजी गौरव ग्रंथ -- लेखक रा.तु. भगत

साने गुरुजी जीवन परिचय -- लेखक यदुनाथ थत्ते

साने गुरुजी : जीवन, साहित्य आणि विचार -- लेखक ?

साने गुरुजी पुनर्मूल्यांकन -- भालचंद्र नेमाडे

साने गुरुजी यांची सुविचार संपदा -- लेखक वि.गो. दुर्गे

साने गुरुजी साहित्य संकलन -- लेखक प्रेम सिंह

सेनानी साने गुरुजी -- लेखक राजा मंगळवेढेकर

Santa Passi
Author: Jagran
मुंगेर जिले के तारापुर थाने पर तिरंगा फहराते हुए देश की स्वतंत्रता के 60 से अधिक दीवाने शहीद हो गए थे।
भागलपुर । मुंगेर जिले के तारापुर थाने पर तिरंगा फहराते हुए देश की स्वतंत्रता के 60 से अधिक दीवाने शहीद हो गए थे। 15 फरवरी 1932 की दोपहर में भारत माता की आजादी के सैकड़ों दीवाने मुंगेर जिले के तारापुर थाने पर तिरंगा फहराने के लिए जमा हुए थे। उन वीर बाकुरे सेनानियों की टोलियों ने फिरंगियों की गोलिया खाकर भी थाने पर तिरंगा फहरा कर ही दम लिया था। उसमें 60 से ज्यादा सपूतों को शहादत देनी पड़ी थी। लेकिन उसकी चिंता छोड़ सारे लोगबाग थाने पर ध्वज फहराने की सफलता के जश्न मनाने में डूब गए थे। उनमें देशभक्ति की भावना हिलोरें ले रही थीं।
उस गोलीकाड के बाद काग्रेस ने प्रस्ताव पारित कर हर साल देश में 15 फरवरी को तारापुर दिवस मनाने का निर्णय लिया था। पंडित जवाहरलाल नेहरू ने भी 1942 में तारापुर की यात्रा कर वहा के 34 शहीदों के बलिदान का उल्लेख किया था।
आजादी के उपरात हर वर्ष यहा यह दिवस समारोह पूर्वक मनाया जाने लगा। उसकी सभा में आज भी देश के उन वीर सपूतों की साहसिक गाथा सुनाई जाती है। 15 फरवरी को थाने पर तिरंगा लहराने को संकल्पित सेनानियों की जमघट लगी हुई थी। उनके हाथों में तिरंगे और होठों से वंदे मातरम व भारत माता की जय के नारे गूंज रहे थे। दो-तीन सेनानियों की टोली तिरंगा लिए थाने की ओर बढ़ती और फिरंगी सिपाहियों की गोलिया खाकर जमीन पर गिर जाती। इस तरह दर्जनों सेनानियों के शहीद होने के बाद आखिरकार उन्होंने थाने पर तिरंगा फहरा कर ही दम लिया था। भारतीय स्वतंत्रता संग्राम के सबसे बड़े गोली काडों में शुमार उस घटना को याद कर आज भी लोग देशभक्ति के जज्बे से भर उठते हैं। उन शहीदों की याद में उनके सिर नत हो जाते हैं।

तारापुर थाने पर तिरंगा फहराने का दायित्व युवा स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों के धावक दल को सौंपा गया था। उनका मनोबल बढ़ाने के लिए थाने के आसपास बड़ी संख्या में देशभक्त लोगों की भीड़ जमा थी। वे भारत माता की जय और वंदे मातरम के नारे लगा रहे थे। उनके इस अभियान को नाकामयाब बनाने के लिए ब्रितानी कलक्टर ई ओली एवं एसपी डब्ल्यू फ्लैग के नेतृत्व में बड़ी संख्या में पुलिस बल तैनात थे। हाथ में तिरंगा लिए भीड़ को चीरती स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों की टोली तीर की तरह थाने की ओर बढ़ती थी और पुलिस की बंदूक से छूटी गोलिया खाकर बीच राह में ही गिर पड़ते थे। वहा भारत माता की जय और गोलिया की तड़तड़ाहट के बीच अविराम संगति चल रही थी। लेकिन न कोई भाग रहा था और न देशभक्तों की टोलियों के पाव रुक थम रहे थे। उस अनूठी देशभक्ति के दम पर आखिरकार वे वहा तिरंगा फहराने में सफल रहे थे। घटना के बाद अंग्रेजों ने कई शहीदों के शव वाहनों में लाद कर सुल्तानगंज स्थित गंगा नदी में बहा दिए थे। शहीद सपूतों में से केवल 13 की ही पहचान हो पाई थी। उनमें विश्वनाथ सिंह (छत्रहार), महिपाल सिंह (रामचुआ), शीतल (असरगंज), सुकुल सोनार (तारापुर), संता पासी (तारापुर), झोंटी झा (सतखरिया), सिंहेश्वर राजहंस (बिहमा), बदरी मंडल (धनपुरा), वसंत धानुक (लौढिय़ा), रामेश्वर मंडल (पड़भाड़ा), गैबी सिंह (महेशपुर), अशर्फी मंडल (कष्टीकरी) तथा चंडी महतो (चोरगाव) शामिल थे। 31 अज्ञात शव भी मिले थे, जिनकी पहचान नहीं हो पाई थी। कुछ अन्य शव गंगा की गोद में समा गए थे।
तिलकामाझी भागलपुर विश्वविद्यालय के इतिहासकार प्रो. रमन सिन्हा के अनुसार स्वतंत्रता सेनानियों ने शभूगंज थाने के खौजरी पहाड़ के सुनसान स्थान पर बैठक कर तारापुर पुलिस थाने पर झडा फहराने की योजना बनाई थी। इतिहासकार डीसी डीन्कर ने अपनी पुस्तक 'स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में अछूतों का योगदान' में भी तारापुर की इस घटना का जिक्र करते हुए संता पासी के योगदान का विशेष रूप से उल्लेख किया है।

Sufi Amba Prasad

Sufi Amba Prasad, India's Forgotten Freedom FighterA firm promoter of Hindu-Muslim unity, Amba Prasad fought the colonial powers through his writings and was even arrested several times for exposing the injustices of colonial rule.

Bharat Dogra





Sufi Amba Prasad. Credit: Wikimedia Commons
Sufi Amba Prasad was one of our greatest freedom fighters, and yet he has remained forgotten even during the year of his death centenary. Prasad has probably been revered more in Iran where he died fighting colonial powers in Shiraz at the age of 58. While most of his life was devoted to the freedom struggle of India, Prasad was also a great journalist and writer.


Prasad was one of the heroes of the freedom struggle much admired by Bhagat Singh. In fact, Prasad was a frequent visitor to his family home and worked in very close collaboration with an uncle of Bhagat’s – Sardar Ajit Singh. When the going got too difficult for both of them in India and there was the apprehension of yet another arrest, they both escaped quietly to Iran where they continued their work in exile.


Prasad was born in Moradabad in 1858. One of his hands was missing right from birth and when he grew up, he used to jokingly tell his friends, “I must have lost a hand before dying while fighting in the 1857 war of independence. So when I was born again next year, one hand remained missing.”

It is a testimony to the great courage of this revolutionary that despite missing a hand, he engaged in battles with the police, served prison sentences and of course contributed greatly to the freedom struggle with his writings. It has been said that he even trained himself to be able to write with his foot.

Having completed his school, college and law education in Moradabad, Bareilly and Jalandhar, at a young age Prasad decided to serve his country through his writings in Urdu. He emerged as a firm promoter of Hindu-Muslim unity and at the age of 32, he started an Urdu weekly.

At 39, Prasad was arrested for his ‘seditious’ writings. Released in 1899 after serving a two-year prison sentence, he immediately plunged into exposing the injustices of colonial rule. The empire struck back in a more cruel way this time, sentencing him to six years imprisonment and confiscating of his properties. He was subjected to many cruelties in prison. He was denied medicine for his illness and frequently taunted by the jailor who would say, “Sufi, you still alive?”
Prasad survived all the hardships and upon his release, he contemptuously turned from colonial rulers who sought to buy a compromise. He joined a larger newspaper to earn a livelihood but could last there only for a short time because of the constraints placed on his writings.


It was at this stage that he happened to meet Ajit and they immediately took to each other like long-lost brothers. Their collaboration resulted in the rapid strengthening of anti-colonial work in Punjab and this, in turn, resulted in increased repression and arrests. Prasad, along with Ajit’s younger brother (Sardar Kishan Singh, the Bhagat’s father) escaped to Nepal. However, after a while, they were caught and brought back to Lahore. Somehow they could avoid a prison sentence. But Prasad could not remain silent.


He was very active in bringing out literature for the freedom movement and helping the Bharat Mata Book Society started by Ajit. His book The Rebel Messiah was banned and confiscated.


In 1909, Prasad started a newspaper called Peshwa, which led to increased surveillance of his work and activities. When another arrest appeared imminent, he escaped to Iran with Ajit to continue working for the freedom movement while in exile.

Here they also got involved with nationalist activities in Iran. When Ajit had to leave for Turkey, most of the burden of the work in Iran was shouldered by Prasad at a time when the British were also consolidating their hold over Iran and were on the lookout for Prasad. True to his calling, Prasad had started a newspaper even during his exile in Iran, which made it easier for him to be traced.

This ultimately led to a confrontation in Shiraz where Prasad faced his attackers with a revolver in his left hand. He fought very bravely but was finally overpowered and imprisoned. He was given the death sentence but died in jail. A large crowd gathered at his last rites in Iran. He had gained widespread respect in the country. A memorial, erected in his honour, is still visited by several people.

Bharat Dogra is a freelance journalist who has been involved with several social movements and initiatives.

Subodh Roy

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Subodh Roy

Personal details

Born 1915

Chittagong District, Bengal Province, British India (Now Bangladesh)

Died 26 August 2006

Calcutta, India

Nationality Bengali, Indian

Political party Communist Party of India (Marxist)

Profession Indian independence movement activist, Revolutionist

Subodh Roy (1915 – 26 August 2006) (also known as Jhunku Roy) was an Indian revolutionary socialist who was influential in the Indian independence movement, and a politician.

Biography

Subodh Roy was born in 1915 in a rich family at Chittagong in erstwhile-undivided Bengal. At the age of 14, he was the youngest participant in the Chittagong armoury raid in 1930-31 under the direction of the revolutionary leader Surya Sen (Masterda). Roy was in the first batch to be sentenced.

After the trial, Subodh Roy was deported to the Cellular Jail in Port Blair in 1934.

After the release from jail in 1940, he joined communist politics and became a member of the Communist Party of India. After the independence, he shifted to Calcutta and joined as a wholetimer at the Provincial Centre of the Party. After the split in Communist Party of India in 1964, Subodh Roy sided with the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)). And he was a longstanding member of the West Bengal state committee of the CPI(M).

Subodh Roy made a major scholarly contribution to the history of the communist movement. After research in the National Archives, he edited a book "Communism in India: Unpublished Documents"

Popular culture

Delzad Hilwade played the role of young Subodh Roy(Jhunku) while Vijay Varma played his older self in Bedabrata Pain's film Chittagong.

Tarak Nath Das

Published By : Jivani.org

तारकनाथ दास भारत के प्रसिद्ध क्रान्तिकारियों में से एक गिने जाते हैं। अरविन्द घोष, सुरेन्द्रनाथ बनर्जी तथा चितरंजन दास इनके घनिष्ठ मित्रों में से थे। क्रान्तिकारी गतिविधियों के कारण इन्होंने अपनी पढ़ाई बीच में ही छोड़ दी थी, लेकिन बाद में पुन: अध्ययन प्रारम्भ कर इन्होंने पी.एच. डी. की उपाधि प्राप्त की थी। तारकनाथ दास पर अमेरिका में मुकदमा चला था, जहाँ इन्हें क़ैद की सज़ा सुनाई गई थी।

तारकनाथ दास का जन्म 1884 में बंगाल में एक मध्यवर्गीय परिवार में हुआ था। कलकत्ता में कॉलेज में भाग लेने के दौरान, उन्हें ब्रिटिश विरोधी समाज में भर्ती कराया गया। 1905 तक, उन्होंने अपनी पढ़ाई छोड़ दी थी और एक भयानक छात्र के रूप में प्रच्छन्न भारत के आसपास भटक रहा था और क्रांतिकारी संदेश फैल रहा था। पुलिस द्वारा तलाश की थी, वह 1905 में जापान के एक साधु, या हिंदू तपस्वी के रूप में प्रच्छन्न होकर भाग गया। ब्रिटिश राजदूत ने प्रत्यर्पण की मांग करने के बाद दास, शरण की तलाश में यू.एस. से भाग गए। वह जुलाई, 1906 में सिएटल पहुंचे।

दास ने कैलिफोर्निया विश्वविद्यालय, बर्कले में नामांकित किया, और तुरंत भारतीय प्रवासियों के आयोजन के लिए काम किया। अपनी पढ़ाई और कार्यकर्ता राजनीति का समर्थन करने के लिए धन की आवश्यकता, दास ने यू.एस. इमिग्रेशन एंड नैचुरलाइजेशन सर्विस (आईएनएस) द्वारा एक दुभाषिया के रूप में सुरक्षित रोजगार दिया। उन्हें वैंकूवर, बीसी में तैनात किया गया था, जहां उनका काम यह सुनिश्चित करना था कि पूर्व भारतीय भारतीयों में से कोई भी उतर नहीं आया। अपने देशवासियों के साथ उनकी सहानुभूति ने उन्हें कनाडाई और अमेरिकी एजेंटों की पूछताछ में पारित करने के लिए आप्रवासियों को प्रशिक्षित करने का मौका दिया।

विदेश गमन

पुलिस के पीछे लग जाने पर युवा तारकनाथ 1905 ई. में साधु का वेश बनाकर ‘तारक ब्रह्मचारी’ के नाम से जापान चले गए। एक वर्ष वहाँ रहकर फिर अमेरिका में 'सेन फ़्राँसिस्को' पहुँचे। यहाँ उन्होंने भारत में अंग्रेज़ों के अत्याचारों से विश्व जनमत को परिचित कराने के लिए ‘फ़्री हिन्दुस्तान’ नामक पत्र का प्रकाशन आरंभ किया। उन्होंने ‘ग़दर पार्टी’ संगठित करने में लाला हरदयाल आदि की भी सहायता की। पत्रकारिता तथा अन्य राजनीतिक गतिविधियों के साथ उन्होंने अपना छूटा हुआ अध्ययन भी आरंभ किया और 'वाशिंगटन यूनिवर्सिटी' से एम. ए. और 'जॉर्जटाउन यूनिवर्सिटी' से पी-एच. डी. की उपाधि प्राप्त की।

सज़ा

प्रथम विश्वयुद्ध आरंभ होने पर वे शोध-कार्य के बहाने जर्मनी आ गए और वहाँ से भारत में 'अनुशीलन पार्टी' के अपने साथियों के लिए हथियार भेजने का प्रयत्न किया। इसके लिए उन्होंने यूरोप और एशिया के अनेक देशों की यात्रा की। बाद में जब वे अमेरिका पहुँचे तो उनकी गतिविधियों की सूचना अमेरिका को भी हो गई। इस पर तारकनाथ दास पर अमेरिका में मुकदमा चला और उन्हें 22 महीने की क़ैद की सज़ा भोगनी पड़ी।

संस्थाओं की स्थापना

इसके बाद तारकनाथ दास ने अपना ध्यान ऐसी संस्थाएँ स्थापित करने की ओर लगाया, जो भारत से बाहर जाने वाले विद्यार्थियों की सहायता करें। ‘इंडिया इंस्टिट्यूट’ और कोलम्बिया का ‘तारकनाथ दास फ़ाउंडेशन’ दो ऐसी संस्थाएं अस्तित्व में आईं। वे कुछ समय तक कोलम्बिया यूनिवर्सिटी में राजनीति शास्त्र के प्रोफ़ेसर भी रहे। लम्बे अंतराल के बाद 1952 में वे भारत आए और कोलकाता में ‘विवेकानंद सोसाइटी’ की स्थापना की। इस महान् देश-भक्त का 22 दिसंबर, 1958 को अमेरिका में देहांत हो गया।

एक मिशन की उत्पत्ति

बंगाली उत्साह को बढ़ावा देने के क्रम में शिवाजी के अलावा एक महानतम बंगाली नायक राजा सीताराम राय के उपलब्धियों की स्मृति में एक त्योहार की शुरूआत की गयी। 1906 के प्रारंभिक महीनों में, बंगाल की पूर्व राजधानी जेसोर के मोहम्मदपुर में सीताराम उत्सव की अध्यक्षता करने के लिए जब बाघा जतिन या जतिंद्र नाथ मुखर्जी को आमंत्रित किया गया तो उनके साथ तारक भी इसमें शामिल हुए. इस अवसर पर, एक गुप्त बैठक का आयोजन किया गया जिसमें तारक, श्रीश चंद्र सेन, सत्येन्द्र सेन और अधर चन्द्र लस्कर सहित जतिन भी उपस्थित थे: सभी को एक के बाद एक विदेश में उच्च शिक्षा प्राप्त करने के लिए जाना था। 1952 तक उस गुप्त बैठक के उद्देश्य के बारे में किसी को जानकारी नहीं थी, जब बातचीत के दौरान तारक ने इसके बारे में बताया। विशिष्ट उच्च शिक्षा के साथ, उन्हें सैन्य प्रशिक्षण और विस्फोटकों का ज्ञान प्राप्त करना था। उन्होंने विशेष रूप से भारत की स्वतंत्रता के फैसले के पक्ष में स्वतन्त्र पश्चिमी देशों के लोगों के बीच सहानुभूति का वातावरण बनाने का आग्रह किया

अकादमिक कैरियर

1924 में उनके छूटने के बाद तारक ने लम्बे समय की दोस्त और दान करने वाली मेरी किटिंगे मोर्स से शादी की। वह नेशनल एसोसिएशन फॉर द एड्वांसमेंट ऑफ कलर्ड पिपुल और नेशनल वूमेन पार्टी संस्थापक सदस्य थी। उनके साथ, वे यूरोप की एक विस्तारित दौरे पर गए थे। उन्होंने अपनी गतिविधियों के लिए म्यूनिख को मुख्यालय बनाया। यह वहां था जहां उन्होंने भारत इंस्टिट्यूट की स्थापना की थी, जहां सराहनीय भारतीय छात्रों को जर्मनी में उच्च शिक्षा प्राप्त करने के लिए छात्रवृत्ति दी जाती थी।

Tarak Nath Das

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

তারকনাথ দাস

Born 15 June 1884

Kanchrapara, 24 Parganas, Kancharapara , Bengal, British India

Died 22 December 1958 (aged 74)

New York City

Spouse(s) Mary Keatinge Morse

Taraknath Das (or Tarak Nath Das) (Bengali: তারকনাথ দাস) (15 June 1884 – 22 December 1958) was an anti-British Bengali Indian revolutionary and internationalist scholar. He was a pioneering immigrant in the west coast of North America and discussed his plans with Tolstoy, while organising the Asian Indian immigrants in favour of the Indian independence movement. He was a professor of political science at Columbia University and a visiting faculty in several other universities.

Early life

Tarak was born at Majupara, near Kanchrapara, in the 24 Parganas district of West Bengal. Coming from a lower-middle-class family, his father Kalimohan was a clerk at the Central Telegraph Office in Calcutta. Noticing the flair of this brilliant student with the pen, his headmaster encouraged him to appear in an essay contest on the theme of patriotism. Impressed by the quality of the paper by a school boy of sixteen years, one of the judges, the Barrister P. Mitter, founder of the Anushilan Samiti, asked his associate Satish Chandra Basu to recruit the boy. On passing his Entrance Examination with very high marks, in 1901, Tarak went to Calcutta and got himself admitted to the well-known General Assembly's Institution (now Scottish Church College) for university studies. In his secret patriotic activity, he found full support from his elder sister Girija.

Genesis of a mission

To stir Bengali enthusiasm, commemoration of the achievements of Raja Sitaram Ray, one of the greatest Bengali Hindu heroes, was introduced as a festival, in addition to Shivaji. In the early months of 1906, Bagha Jatin or Jatindra Nath Mukherjee was accompanied by Tarak when the former was invited to preside over the Sitaram Festival at Mohammadpur in Jessore, the ancient capital of Bengal. On this occasion, during a closeted meeting around Jatin were present, in addition to Tarak, Shrish Chandra Sen, Satyendra Sen and Adhar Chandra Laskar: all the four, one after the other, were to leave for higher studies abroad. Nothing was known about the object of this meeting till in 1952 when, during a conversation, Tarak spoke of it. Along with specific higher education, they were to acquire military training and knowledge of explosives. They were especially urged to create a climate of sympathy among people of the free Western countries in favour of India's decision to win freedom.

Life in North America

Disguised as a monk under the name of Tarak Brahmachari, he left for Madras on a lecture tour. After Swami Vivekananda and Bipin Chandra Pal he was the first person in the region who raised such a passion by his patriotic speeches. Among young revolutionaries he particularly inspired Nilakantha Brahmachari, Subrahmania Shiva and Chidambaram Pillai. In 1905, he went to Japan to escape persecution by British authorities. However, the Meiji government started cracking down on liberation movements after they renewed a treaty with the British. On 16 July 1907, Tarak reached Seattle. After earning his livelihood as a farm-worker, he was appointed at the laboratory of the University of California, Berkeley, before enrolling himself as a student. Simultaneously, qualifying as translator and interpreter of the American Civil Administration, he entered the Department of Immigration, Vancouver, in January 1908. There he witnessed the arrival of William C. Hopkinson (1878–1914) of the Calcutta Police Information Service, appointed as Immigration Inspector and interpreter for Hindi, Punjabi and Gurumukhi. During seven long years, until his assassination (by a Sikh), Hopkinson was required to send detailed and regular reports to the Government of India about the presence of such student radicals as Tarak, and monitor a group of pro-British Sikh informants headed by Bela Singh.

With Panduranga Khankoje (B.G. Tilak's emissary), Tarak founded the Indian Independence League. Adhar Laskar arrived from Calcutta with funds sent by Jatin Mukherjee (also known as Bagha Jatin), permitting Tarak to start his journal Free Hindustan in English, as well as its Gurumukhi edition, Swadesh Sevak ('Servants of the Motherland') by Guran Ditt Kumar who came from Calcutta on 31 October 1907. Free Hindustan has been claimed by Constance Brissenden as "the first South Asian publication in Canada, and one of the first in North America." They were assisted by Professor Surendra Mohan Bose, who was an expert in explosives. Through regular correspondence, personalities like Tolstoy, Hyndman, Shyamji Krishnavarma, Madame Cama, encouraged Tarak in his venture. Described as "community spokesman", he had established Hindustani Association in Vancouver in 1907.

Fully conversant with existing laws, Tarak served the needs of his compatriots, most of whom were illiterate migrants from the Punjab region. In Millside, near New Westminster, he founded the Swadesh Sevak Home, a boarding school for the children of the Asian Indian immigrants. Apart from that, this school also held evening classes on English and mathematics, and thus helped the immigrants to write letters to their families or to their employers. This also helped them in fostering greater awareness of their duties towards India and their rights in their adopted homeland. There were about two thousand Indians, mostly Sikh, on the west coast of Canada and North America. The majority worked in agriculture and construction. After an initial setbacks, these Indian farmers succeeded in obtaining a bumper crop of rice in California in the early 1910s, and a good number of them worked on the building of the Western Pacific Railway in California, along with indentured immigrants from China, Japan, Korea, Norway and Italy. Radicals like Tarak mobilised the Indian community to retaliate against anti-Indian violence and politics of exclusion.

Being a suspect of extracting bribes from the Asian Indian immigrants, Hopkinson used his influence to make Tarak a scapegoat and eventually got him expelled from Canada by the middle of 1908. Leaving Bose, Kumar and Chagan Khairaj Varma (also known as Husain Rahim) in charge of the compatriots' fate, Tarak left Vancouver to better concentrate on the areas from Seattle to San Francisco. On reaching Seattle, since its July 1908 issue, Free Hindustan became a more overtly anti-British organ, with a motto from Tarak: "To protest against all tyranny is a service to humanity and the duty of civilization." The Irish revolutionary George Freeman of the NYC-based Gaelic American newspaper was looked upon as the real leader of the anti-British movement, closely connected with two Indians, Samuel L. Joshi and Barakatullah. Invited by Fitzgerald, Tarak issued the August and the succeeding numbers of Free Hindustan from New York. In 1908, Tarak joined the Norwich University, Northfield, Vermont, "a high-class engineering and military establishment, in order to receive military training. He also applied for enlistment (…) in the Vermont National Guard…" Despite his popularity among the students of all ethnic origins, he was rusticated from that institution due to his anti-British activities (such as editing Free Hindustan). By the end of 1909, he returned to Seattle.

Founding the Ghadar Party

"A direct appeal to the Sikhs" appeared in the September–October 1909 issue of the Free Hindustan, reproduced by the Swadesh Sevak; the article ended with : "Coming in contact with free people and institutions of free nations, some of the Sikhs, though laborers in the North American Continent, have assimilated the idea of liberty and trampled the medals of slavery…"In March 1912 a letter published in The Punjabee' asked for a leader to come and help organise Indians in the area in view of the rising revolutionary spirit. Originally they discussed inviting Kumar and then Sardar Ajit Singh. However, when Tarak arrived he suggested inviting Lala Hardayal, whom he knew from his days at Stanford University. Hardayal agreed to work with him setting up the Hindi Association of the Pacific Ocean, which provided the first basis for the Ghadar Party. "Many of the leaders were of other parties and from different parts of India, Hardayal, Ras Bihari Bose, Barakatulah, Seth Husain Rahim, Tarak Nath Das and Vishnu Ganesh Pingley… The Ghadar was the first organized violent bid for freedom after the rising of 1857. Many hundreds paid the price with their lives," wrote Khushwant Singh.

From Berlin to Kabul

In 1914, he was admitted as a Research Fellow at the University of California at Berkeley. Tarak passed his M.A. examination and started his PhD dissertation on International Relationship and International Law, while joining the teaching staff of that university. He later earned his PhD degree from the University of Washington in political science. To have a greater freedom of action, in that year he also acquired American citizenship. With the help of professors like Robert Morss Lovett, Upham Pope, Arthur Rider at UC Berkeley and David Starr Jordan and Stuart of Palo Alto (of Stanford University), Tarak established the East India Association. He was invited by the International Students' Association as a delegate of the American universities. He had already been informed about the Indo-German Plan and in January 1915, met Virendranath Chattopadhyay in Berlin. For that meeting, Barakatullah and Hardayal also arrived in Berlin. They all formed a close group to accompany Raja Mahendra Pratap in his Kabul expedition.

In April 1916 the Shiraz-ul-Akhbar of Kabul reproduced a speech by Tarak from a Constantinople paper : it praised the work of the German officers busy training the Ottoman army and the intrepidity and bravery of the Turks. He pointed out that it was Germany and Austria who declared war and not the Allies, and that their reason for doing so was to purify the earth of the brutal atrocities practised on mankind by their enemies, and to save the unfortunate inhabitants of India, Egypt, Persia, Morocco and Africa from the English, French and Russians who had forcibly seized their countries and had reduced them to slavery. Tarak stressed the point that Turkey entered the war not only to defend her own country and to maintain her liberty, but also to put new life into 300 million Muslims, and to establish the Afghan state on a firmer basis, one that would act as a link with 350 million Indians, both Hindus and Muslims, as its supporters and helpers. (Political, p. 304)

Tarak returned to California in July 1916. After that he set out for Japan with the project of a vast study on Japanese Expansion and its Significance in World Politics. This study appeared as a book in 1917 with the title, Is Japan a menace to Asia ?. The foreword of this book was written by the former Chinese Prime Minister Tang Shaoyi. In collaboration with Rash Behari Bose and Herambalal Gupta, he was about to leave on a mission to Moscow, when Tarak was called back to appear in the infamous Hindu German Conspiracy Trial. The all-white jury accused him as "the most dangerous criminal" and it was proposed to withdraw his American citizenship and surrender him to the British police. On 30 April 1918, he was sentenced to twenty-two months in Leavenworth federal prison.

Academic career

After his release in 1924 (Das was in Williamstown, Mass in the summers of 1921 and 1922, so he could not have been in prison until 1924), Tarak married his long-time friend and benefactress Mary Keatinge Morse. She was a founding member of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the National Woman's Party. With her, he went on an extended tour of Europe. He made Munich his headquarters for his activities. It was there that he founded the India Institute, that awarded scholarships to meritorious Indian students who pursued higher studies in Germany. He maintained a close contact with Sri Aurobindo, and pursued inner spiritual discipline. On his return to the United States, Tarak was jointly appointed as the professor of political science at the Columbia University and a Fellow of the Georgetown University. With his wife, he opened the resourceful Taraknath Das Foundation in 1935, to promote educational activities and to foster cultural relations between the US and Asian countries.

The Tarak Nath Das Foundation

Currently, this foundation awards grant money to Indian graduate students studying in the United States, who have completed or are about to complete one year of graduate work, and are working towards a degree. There are Tarak Nath Das funds at about a dozen universities in the States. Only the fund at Columbia University, called the Mary Keatinge Das Fund, has a fairly significant amount of money in it and the income is used to fund lectures and conferences on India. Other participatory universities are the University of Pittsburgh, New York University, the University of Washington, the University of Virginia, Howard University, Yale University, the University of Chicago, the University of Michigan, the University of Wisconsin–Madison, American University, and the University of Hawaii at Manoa.

Later life

Tarak was among those who suffered emotionally from the Partition of India in 1947 and vehemently opposed the process of balkanisation of South Asia till his last day. After forty-six years in exile, he revisited his motherland in 1952, as a Visiting Professor of the Watumull Foundation. He founded the Vivekananda Society in Calcutta. On 9 September 1952, he presided over the public meeting to celebrate the 37th anniversary of Bagha Jatin's heroic martyrdom, urging the youth to revive the values upheld by his mentor, Jatindâ. He died upon return to the United States on 22 December 1958, aged 74.

ठाकोर जीवाभाई

1857 में, जब अंग्रेजों ने लूनावाड़ा में अंग्रेजी सेना को तैनात किया। अंग्रेजी सेना कि तैनाती के बाद ही लूनावाड़ा के खानपुर के कोली राजा ठाकोर जीवाभाई के नेतृत्व में कोलियों ने दिसंबर 1857 में अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ हथियार उठा लिए और मरने-मारने पर आ गए। कोलियों ने अंग्रेजों को मारना शुरू कर दिया इसके जवाब में अंग्रेजों ने केपटन बकले (Captain Buckle) के साथ और सेना भेजी और कोलियों पर हमला कर दिया। कोलियों की लड़ाकु मानसिकता को देखते हुए अंग्रेजों ने कोलियों के खानपुर नगर पर भयंकर हमला किया और खानपुर को ही जला दिया इस हमले में काफी कोली विद्रोही शहिद हो गए। इसके बाद आनंद नगर का पटेल भी ठाकोर जीवाभाई के साथ मिल गया और फिर से ठाकोर जीवाभाई ने 2000 कोली और भीलों की फौज खडी करदी। वरोडा रियासत का गायकवाड़ राजा अंग्रेजों के साथ था और अंग्रेजों ने इस बार देर ना करते हुए बरोडा रीयासत से अपनी सेना भेजी और कोलीयों पर हमला करके कोली विद्रोह को दफ़न कर दिया। कोली श्री जीवाभाई ठाकोर को गिरफ्तार करके फांसी पर लटका दिया। लूनावाड़ा क्षेत्र में सभी छोटे बड़े राजाओं में से ठाकोर जीवाभाई ही ऐसे राजा थे जिन्होंने सबसे पहले 1857 में अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ विद्रोह किया था।

Koli Uprising In Khanpur, Gujarat 1857

In 1857, when the British deployed the English army in Lonavada. Only after the deployment of the English army, the Kolis, under the leadership of Koli King Thakor Jivabhai of Khanpur In Lonavada, took up arms against the British in December 1857 and . In response to this, the British sent Captain Buckle with the army and attacked the Kolis. the British made a fierce assault on the Kolis Of Khanpur city and burnt Khanpur . In this attack, many Koli rebels were martyred. After this, Anand Nagar's Patel got together with Thakor Jivabhai and again Thakor Jivabhai Made An Army Of 2000 Kolis & Bhils. The Gaekwad king of Varoda was with the British, and the British did not delay this time, sending their troops from the region of baroda and dispersed the Kolis & buried the Koli Rebellion. Koli King. Jivabhai Thakor Was Hanged. Thakore Jivabhai was the only king among all of the small & big kings in the Lunawada area who first rebelled against the British in 1857.

by Koli Prem Singhji Mahaur

Thakore/Thakor Freedom Fighters

From Khadia, Gujarat

Caste : Koli

Title : Thakore/ThakorMovement : Independence Movement Of 1857

Ratnaji Thakor And Rangaji Thakor Was Two Koli Brothers From Tajpur Village Near Ahmedabad.

Ratnaji Thakor And Rangaji Thakor Was Soldiers In The British Battalion At Shahibag Cantonment At Ahmedabad.

When 1857 Revolution Started , Ratnaji Thakor And Rangaji Thakor Led The Mutiny (Revolt) And Escaped With Firearms From British Army. They Became Rebels.

They Were Chased By British Battalion Under Captain Palm And Captain Tailor.

In The End, British Army Surrounded The Tajpur Village To Catch Koli Rebels Ratnaji Thakor And Rangaji Thakor. Ratnaji And Rangaji Thakor Were killed By British Bullets. They Laid Their Lives Fighting Against British.

khadia itihas samiti with the support of local administration & the proud residents of TAJPUR village celebrates the 9th august as the martyr day & day of remembrance of these great freedom fighters.

रत्नाजी ठाकोर और रंगाजी ठाकोर अहमदाबाद के पास ताजपुर गाव से दो कोली भाई थे। रत्नाजी ठाकोर और रंगाजी ठाकोर अहमदाबाद की शाहिबाग छावनी कि ब्रिटिश बटालियन में फोजी थे। जब 1857 कि क्रांति का आगाज हुआ तो कोली श्री रत्नाजी ठाकोर और कोली श्री रंगाजी ठाकोर ने अंग्रेजों के खिलाफ विद्रोह कर दिया और विद्रोह का नेतृत्व भी किया और अंग्रेजों ने उनको बागी घोषित कर दिया। रत्नाजी ठाकोर और रंगाजी ठाकोर के नेतृत्व में काफि कोली विद्रोह में शामिल हो गए। रत्नाजी ठाकोर और रंगाजी ठाकोर हथियारों के साथ अपने ताजपुर गाव आ गए और गांव वालों को भी इकट्ठा करने लगे। रत्नाजी ठाकोर और रंगाजी ठाकोर की देशभक्ति,जोश और जुनून को देखते हुए अंग्रेजों ने तूरंत ही ब्रिटिश बटालियन के साथ केपटन पाल्म (Captain Palm) और केपटन टैलर (Captain tailor) को ताजपुर गाव भेजा और किसी भी हालत में विद्रोह को दफन करने के आदेश दिए। केपटन पाल्म और केपटन टैलर ने पूरे ताजपुर गांव को चारों तरफ से घेर लिया और रत्नाजी ठाकोर और रंगाजी ठाकोर को पकड़कर विद्रोह को समाप्त करने के लिए कहा लेकिन रत्नाजी और रंगाजी नही माने। अंग्रेजों ने दोनों भाइयों को गोलीयों से भून दिया। दोनों भाई मात्रभूमि के लिए शहिद हो गए।

खाडीया इतिहास समिति हर वर्ष 9 अगश्त को कोली श्री रत्नाजी ठाकोर और रंगाजी ठाकोर की याद में शहिद दिवस बनाती है।

by Koli Prem Singhji Mahaur

Location: Khadia, Ahmedabad, Gujarat, India.

Tanguturi Prakasam

Source: Wikimedia

A politician and a freedom fighter, he was first the Chief Minister of the Madras Presidency and then the Chief Minister of the Andhra state. He started his career as a lawyer, but gave up his practice in 1921 and was drawn to the freedom movement. One of his most famous acts was in 1928 during the protests against Simon Commission in Madras. The police had imposed a ban on protests in some areas, and had warned of shooting people who violated orders. He faced the police, tore open his shirt, bared his chest and dared them to shoot if they could. This singular act of defiance won him the title of Andhra Kesari (Lion of Andhra).

Tilka Manjhi

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Baba Tilka Majhi (or Jabra paharia) was the first Adivasi leader who took up arms against the British in the 1784, around 70 years before Mangal Pandey. He organized the Adivasis to form an armed group to fight against the resource grabbing and exploitation of British.

History

Statue of Tilka Majhi, Dumka, Jharkhand

The year 1784 is considered as the first armed rebellion against the British and was the beginning of Paharia. It was due to great famine in 1770 and the consequences of Court of Directors orders influenced by William Pitt the Younger -- Court of Director issued ten year of the settlement of Zamindari and later in 1800 - this resulted in minimum chance to negotiate between local Zamdindars and Santhal villagers. Baba Tilka Majhi attacked Augustus Cleveland, British commissioner [lieutenant], and Rajmahal with a Gulel (a weapon similar to slingshot) who died later. The British surrounded the Tilapore forest from which he operated but he and his men held them at bay for several weeks. When he was finally caught in 1784, he was tied to the tail of a horse and dragged all the way to the collector's residence at Bhagalpur, Bihar, India. There, his lacerated body was hung from a Banyan tree.

A statue to him was erected at the spot where he was hanged, after Indian independence, which is nearby residence of S.P. Bhagalpur and named after him. Also the Bhagalpur University was renamed after him - Tilka Manjhi Bhagalpur University. Another statue was established in dumka town, Jharkhand.

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तानाजी की प्रतिमा

Badal वीर निष्ठावान कोली क्षत्रिय कोलिया सरदार थे। वे छत्रपति शिवाजी महाराज के साथ मराठा साम्राज्य, हिंदवी स्वराज्य स्थापना के लिए सूबेदार (किल्लेदार) की भूमिका निभाते थे । तानाजी छत्रपति शिवाजी महाराज के बचपन के मित्र थे वे बचपन मे एक साथ खेले थे वें १६७० ई. में सिंहगढ़ की लड़ाई में अपनी महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका के लिए प्रसिद्ध हैं। उस दिन सुभेदार तानाजी मालुसरेजी के पुत्र रायबा के विवाह की तैयारी हो रही थी, तानाजी मालुसरे जी छत्रपती शिवाजी महाराज जी को आमंत्रित करने पहुंचे तब उन्हें ज्ञात हुआ की कोंढाणा पर छत्रपती शिवाजी महाराज चढ़ाई करने वाले हैं, तब तानाजी मालुसरे जी ने कहा राजे मैं कोंढाणा पर आक्रमण करुंगा |अपने पुत्र रायबा के विवाह जैसे महत्वपूर्ण कार्य को महत्व न देते हुए उन्होने शिवाजी महाराज की इच्छा का मान रखते हुए कोंढाणा किला जीतना ज़्यादा जरुरी समझा। छत्रपती शिवाजी महाराज जी की सेना मे कई सरदार थे परंतु छत्रपति शिवाजी महाराज जी ने वीर तानाजी मालुसरे जी को कोंंढाना आक्रमण के लिए चुना और कोंढणा "स्वराज्य" में शामिल हो गया लेकिन तानाजी मारे गए थे। छत्रपति शिवाजी ने जब यह समाचार सुनी तो वो बोल पड़े "गढ़ तो जीत लिया, लेकिन मेरा "सिंह" नहीं रहा (मराठी - गढ़ आला पण सिंह गेला)।

तानाजीराव का जन्म १७वीं शताब्दी में महाराष्ट्र के कोंकण प्रान्त में महाड के पास 'उमरथे' में हुआ था। वे बचपन से छत्रपति शिवाजी के साथी थे। ताना और शिवा एक-दूसरे को बहुत अछी तरह से जानते थे। तानाजीराव, शिवाजी के साथ हर लड़ाई में शामिल होते थे। ऐसे ही एक बार शिवाजी महाराज की माताजी लाल महल से कोंडाना किले की ओर देख रहीं थीं। तब शिवाजी ने उनके मन की बात पूछी तो जिजाऊ माता ने कहा कि इस किले पर लगा हरा झण्डा हमारे मन को उद्विग्न कर रहा है। उसके दूसरे दिन शिवाजी महाराज ने अपने राजसभा में सभी सैनिकों को बुलाया और पूछा कि कोंडाना किला जीतने के लिए कौन जायेगा? किसी भी अन्य सरदार और किलेदार को यह कार्य कर पाने का साहस नहीं हुआ किन्तु तानाजी ने चुनौती स्वीकार की और बोले, "मैं जीतकर लाऊंगा कोंडाना किला"।

तानाजीराव के साथ उनके भाई सूर्याजी मालुसरे और मामा ( शेलार मामा) थे। वह पूरे ३४२ सैनिकों के साथ निकले थे। तानाजीराव मालुसरे शरीर से हट्टे-कट्टे और शक्तिपूर्ण थे। कोंडाणा का किला रणनीतिक दृष्टि से बहुत महत्वपूर्ण स्थान पर स्थित था और शिवाजी को इसे कब्जा करना के लिए बहुत महत्वपूर्ण था।
कोंडाणा तक पहुंचने पर, तानाजी और ३४२ सैनिकों की उनकी टुकड़ी ने पश्चिमी भाग से किले को एक घनी अंधेरी रात को घोरपड़ नामक एक सरीसृप की मदद से खड़ी चट्टान को मापने का फैसला किया। घोरपड़ को किसी भी ऊर्ध्व सतह पर खड़ी कर सकते हैं और कई पुरुषों का भार इसके साथ बंधी रस्सी ले सकती है। इसी योजना से तानाजी और उनके बहुत से साथी चुपचाप किले पर चढ़ गए। कोंडाणा का कल्याण दरवाजा खोलने के बाद मुग़लों पर हमला किया।
किला उदयभान राठौड़ द्वारा नियंत्रित किया जाता था, जो राजकुमार जय सिंह-१ द्वारा नियुक्त किया गया था। उदय भान राठौड़ के नेतृत्व में ५००० मुगल सैनिकों के साथ तानाजी का भयंकर भयंकर युद्ध हुआ। तानाजी एक लड़ाई लड़े । इस किले को अन्ततः जीत लिया गया, लेकिन इस प्रक्रिया में, तानाजी गंभीर रूप से घायल हो गए थे और युद्ध में वीरगति को प्राप्त हुए। जब छत्रपती शिवाजी महाराज जी को यह दुःखद वार्ता मिली तो वे अत्यंत दुखी एवं आहात हुये । छत्रपती शिवाजी महाराज ने काहा - मराठी - "गढ़ आला, पण सिंह गेला".अर्थ -"हमने गढ़ तो जीत लिया, लेकिन मेने मेरा सिंह खो दिया" Ghad jita par Singh nahi

स्मारक

तानाजी मालुसरे की स्मृति में कोंढाणा दुर्ग का नाम बदलकर सिंहगढ़ कर दिया गया है। पुणे नगर के 'वाकडेवाडी' नामक भाग का नाम बदलकर 'नरबीर तानाजी वाडी' कर दिया गया है। इसके अतिरिक्त तानाजी के अनेकों स्मारक हैं।

ताना भगत 

ताना भगत आन्दोलन की शुरुआत वर्ष 1914 ईं. में बिहार में हुई थी। यह आन्दोलन लगान की ऊँची दर तथा चौकीदारी कर के विरुद्ध किया गया था। इस आन्दोलन के प्रवर्तक 'जतरा भगत' थे, जिसे कभी बिरसा मुण्डा, कभी जमी तो कभी केसर बाबा के समतुल्य होने की बात कही गयी है। इसके अतिरिक्त इस आन्दोलन के अन्य नेताओं में बलराम भगत, गुरुरक्षितणी भगत आदि के नाम प्रमुख थे।

आन्दोलन की शुरुआत

'मुण्डा आन्दोलन' की समाप्ति के क़रीब 13 वर्ष बाद 'ताना भगत आन्दोलन' शुरू हुआ। यह ऐसा धार्मिक आन्दोलन था, जिसके राजनीतिक लक्ष्य थे। यह आदिवासी जनता को संगठित करने के लिए नये 'पंथ' के निर्माण का आन्दोलन था। इस मायने में यह बिरसा मुण्डा आन्दोलन का ही विस्तार था। मुक्ति-संघर्ष के क्रम में बिरसा मुण्डा ने जनजातीय पंथ की स्थापना के लिए सामुदायिकता के आदर्श और मानदंड निर्धरित किये थे।

आदर्श तथा मानदण्ड

ताना भगत आन्दोलन में उन आदर्शों और मानदंडों के आधर पर जनजातीय पंथ को सुनिश्चित आकार प्रदान किया गया। बिरसा ने संघर्ष के दौरान शांतिमय और अहिंसक तरीके विकसित करने के प्रयास किये। ताना भगत आन्दोलन में अहिंसा को संषर्ष के अमोघ अस्त्र के रूप में स्वीकार किया गया। बिरसा आन्दोलन के तहत झारखंड में ब्रिटिश हुकूमत के ख़िलाफ़ संघर्ष का ऐसा स्वरूप विकसित हुआ, जिसको क्षेत्रीयता की सीमा में बांधा नहीं जा सकता था। इस आन्दोलन ने संगठन का ढांचा और मूल रणनीति में क्षेत्रीयता से मुक्त रह कर ऐसा आकार ग्रहण किया कि वह महात्मा गाँधी के नेतृत्व में जारी आज़ादी के 'भारतीय राष्ट्रीय आन्दोलन' का अविभाज्य अंग बन गया।

जतरा भगत का योगदान

प्राप्त ऐतिहासिक जानकारी के अनुसार जतरा भगत, जो उराँव जाति के थे, उनके नेतृत्व में इस आन्दोलन के लिए जो संगठन नये पंथ के रूप में विकसित हुआ, उसमें क़रीब 26 हज़ार सदस्य शामिल थे। वह भी वर्ष 1914 के दौर में। जतरा भगत का जन्म वर्तमान गुमला ज़िले के बिशुनपुर प्रखंड के चिंगारी गांव में 1888 में हुआ था। जतरा भगत ने 1914में आदिवासी समाज में पशु बलि, मांस भक्षण, जीव हत्या, शराब सेवन आदि दुर्गुणों को छोड़ कर सात्विक जीवन यापन करने का अभियान छेड़ा। उन्होंने भूत-प्रेत जैसे अंधविश्वासों के ख़िलाफ़ सात्विक एवं निडर जीवन की नयी शैली का सूत्रपात किया। उस शैली से शोषण और अन्याय के ख़िलाफ़ लड़ने की नयी दृष्टि आदिवासी समाज में पनपने लगी। तब आन्दोलन का राजनीतिक लक्ष्य स्पष्ट होने लगा था। सात्विक जीवन के लिए एक नये पंथ पर चलने वाले हज़ारों आदिवासी जैसे सामंतों, साहुकारों और ब्रिटिश हुकूमत के ख़िलाफ़ संगठित 'अहिंसक सेना' के सदस्य हो गये।

स्वदेशी आन्दोलन से जुड़ाव

जतरा भगत के नेतृत्व में ऐलान हुआ कि "मालगुज़ारी नहीं देंगे, बेगारी नहीं करेंगे और कर नहीं देंगे"। इसके साथ ही जतरा भगत का विद्रोह 'ताना भगत आन्दोलन' के रूप में सुर्खियों में आ गया। आन्दोलन के मूल चरित्र और नीति को समझने में असमर्थ अंग्रेज़ सरकार ने घबराकर जतरा भगत को 1914 में गिरफ्तार कर लिया। उन्हें डेढ़ साल की सजा दी गयी। जेल से छूटने के बाद जतरा का अचानक देहांत हो गया, लेकिन ताना भगत आन्दोलन अपनी अहिंसक नीति के कारण निरंतर विकसित होते हुए महात्मा गाँधी के 'स्वदेशी आन्दोलन' से जुड़ गया। यह तो कांग्रेस के इतिहास में भी दर्ज है कि 1922 में कांग्रेस के गया सम्मेलन और 1923 के नागपुर सत्याग्रह में बड़ी संख्या में ताना भगत शामिल हुए थे। 1940 में रामगढ़ कांग्रेस में ताना भगतों ने महात्मा गाँधी को 400 रुपये की थैली दी थी।

ताना भगतों की शाखाएँ

कालांतर में रीति-रिवाजों में भिन्नता के कारण ताना भगतों की कई शाखाएं पनप गयीं। उनकी प्रमुख शाखा को 'सादा भगत' कहा जाता है। इसके अतिरिक्त 'बाछीदान भगत', 'करमा भगत', 'लोदरी भगत', 'नवा भगत', 'नारायण भगत', 'गौरक्षणी भगत' आदि कई शाखाएं हैं।

अधिनियम का निर्माण

1948 में भारत की आज़ाद सरकार ने 'ताना भगत रैयत एग्रिकल्चरल लैंड रेस्टोरेशन एक्ट' पारित किया। यह अधिनियम अपने आप में ब्रिटिश हुकूमत के ख़िलाफ़ ताना भगतों के आन्दोलन की व्यापकता और उनकी कुर्बानी का आईना था। इस अधिनियम में 1913 से 1942 तक की अवधि में अंग्रेज़ सरकार द्वारा ताना भगतों की नीलाम की गयी जमीन को वापस दिलाने का प्रावधान किया गया था।झारखंड का आदिवासी समुदाय टाना भगत विश्व का इकलौता और अनोखा समुदाय हैं जिसकी रग-रग में राष्ट्र प्रेम का लहू आज भी दौड़ता है.

Brajesh Roy

खादी की धोती, खादी का कुर्ता और सिर पर खादी की गांधी टोपी. घर की महिलाएं भी पुरुषों के साथ खादी की सूती साड़ी पहने. इस वेशभूषा के साथ हर दिन अपने घर के आंगन में तिरंगे की पूजा और भारत माता की वंदना. वो भी किसी खास दिन नहीं बल्कि ये खास पूजा वंदना हर दिन. परिवार के सभी सदस्य स्नान करके हर दिन अपने घर के आंगन में लगे तिरंगा झंडे के सामने मौजूद होकर हर दिन अपने राष्ट्र प्रेम की अविरल धारा का प्रवाह जारी रखते हैं.

गांव में यह सब कुछ सिर्फ एक घर में नहीं होता बल्कि राष्ट्र भक्ति का यह अद्धभूत नजारा सुबह सबेरे हर घर के आंगन में दिखाई देता है. भारत माता और अपने देश के लिए ऐसी श्रद्धा और भक्ति रखने वाले ये हैं झारखंड के आदिवासी टाना भगत समुदाय.

भूखे पेट देशभक्ति की मशाल जला रहे हैं टाना भगत
तिरंगे की पूजा और भारत माता की वंदना से अपने दिनचर्या की शुरुआत करने वाले महात्मा गांधी के अनुयायी झाररखंड के आदिवासी टाना भगत पूरी दुनिया में बेमिसाल हैं. अंग्रेजी हुकूमत के खिलाफ विद्रोह का बिगुल फूंकने वाला झारखंड का आदिवासी समुदाय टाना भगत विश्व का इकलौता और अनोखा समुदाय हैं जिसकी रग-रग में राष्ट्र प्रेम का लहू आज भी दौड़ता है. .
आज भी हर घर में हर दिन तिरंगे की पूजा और भारत माता की वंदना होती है. बगैर तिरंगे की पूजा और भारत माता की वंदना किए ये समुदाय अन्न का एक दाना भी ग्रहण नहीं करता है. देश भक्ति का ऐसा जज्बा शायद ही किसी ने कहीं देखा हो. बावजूद इसके आज भी इन्हें भर पेट भोजन नसीब नहीं होता. इसके पीछे की कहानी बड़ी मार्मिक है.
महात्मा गांधी के अनुयायी के तौर पर देश में पहचान रखने वाले आदिवासी टाना भगतों ने 1914 में अपने गुरु जतरा टाना भगत और तुरिया टाना भगत के नेतृत्व में अंग्रेजी हुकूमत के साथ जमींदारी प्रथा का विरोध करना शुरू किया था. वर्तमान झारखंड के रांची, लोहरदगा, गुमला, सिमडेगा और पलामू हिस्से में रहने वाले आदिवासी टाना भगतों के अहिंसावादी आंदोलन की जानकारी महात्मा गांधी को भी मिली थी. फिर गांधी जी से 1921 में टाना भगतों की मुलाकात हुई इसके बाद यह समुदाय पूरी तरह गांधी के रंग में रंग गया.
गांधी जी के आह्वान पर 1921-1922 में असहयोग आंदोलन में शामिल होकर इन्होंने अंग्रेजों को मालगुजारी देना बंद कर दिया. बदले में अंग्रेजी सरकार ने 786 टाना भगत परिवार की 4500 एकड़ जमीन तत्कालीन रातू महाराजा को निर्देश देकर नीलाम करवा दी थी. तब महात्मा गांधी ने इन आजादी के दीवानों को देश के आजाद होने पर जमीन वापसी का भरोसा दिलाया था.
आजादी के बाद गांधी जी की बातों को मानते हुए भारत सरकार ने तत्कालीन बिहार के मुख्यमंत्री श्री कृष्ण सिंह के हाथों 125 परिवार को 1000 एकड़ जमीन वापस भी हुई थी. लेकिन उसके बाद से शेष टाना भगत परिवार के लोग केंद्र सरकार से लेकर बिहार सरकार और वर्तमान झारखण्ड सरकार से गुहार लगा कर थक चुके हैं. नीलाम हुई इनकी जमीन आज तक इन्हें वापस नहीं मिल पाई है. आज आदिवासी टाना भगत परिवार की संख्या झारखण्ड में पांच हजार से भी ज्यादा है.
जिस जमीन के मालिक थे आज उसी जमीन पर मजदूरी करते हैं
आदिवासी टाना भगत परिवार से एक विधायक भी अविभाजित बिहार के समय रहा, गंगा टाना भगत. पूर्व कांग्रेसी विधायक गंगा टाना भगत आज भी अपने समुदाय के हक की लड़ाई लड़ रहे हैं. इसी क्रम में रांची में 25 सितंबर 2012 को कांग्रेस उपाध्यक्ष राहुल गांधी से भी टाना भगतों ने रांची में मुलाकात की थी. उस समय केंद्र में कांग्रेस यूपीए की सरकार थी. लेकिन मामला फिर भी सिफर ही रहा.

2014 में झामुमो नेतृत्व वाली यूपीए सरकार के मुख्यमंत्री हेमंत सोरेन ने भी इन्हें सिर्फ भरोसा ही देने का काम किया था. अब ये टाना भगत समुदाय 15 अगस्त स्वतंत्रता दिवस के पावन मौके पर झारखंड के वर्तमान मुख्यमंत्री रघुवर दास से मिलकर अपनी लंबित जमीन वापसी की मांग करने वाला है.
टाना भगतों की विवशता का आलम आज यह है कि जिस जमीन के ये कभी मालिक थे, आज उसी जमीन पर मजदूरी करते हैं. फिर भी दो जून की रोटी इन्हें नसीब नहीं है. गरीबी और लाचारी आज टाना भगतों की पहचान बन गई है. पलायन और अशिक्षा इनकी किस्मत है. बूढ़ों की जिंदगी खेत में बीत रही है तो जवान टाना भगत पेट की खातिर पलायन को मजबूर हैं. मासूम बच्चे गांव की गलियों में नजर आते हैं. बावजूद इसके राष्ट्र प्रेम और भक्ति से ही आज भी इनकी दिनचर्या की शुरुआत होती है. हर दिन घर के आंगन में सजे तिरंगे की पूजा और भारत माता की वंदना करना नहीं भूलते.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Tana Bhagat Movement

Statue of Veer Jatra Tana Bhagat in Ranchi District, Jharkhand
Duration 1914 - 1919
Location Chhotanagpur district of Bihar, India
Also known as Oraon Tana Bhagat Movement
Type Satyagraha
Organised by Jatra Bhagat and Turia Bhagat
Participants Tana Bhagats, Oraon, Munda

Tana Bhagat Movement (1914-1919) was a tribal uprising of a section of the Tana Bhagats and Oraons under the leadership of Jatra Oraon occurring during the late colonial period in the Chhotanagpur region of Bihar, India.

The Tana Bhagats opposed the taxes imposed on them by the British and they staged a Satyagraha (civil disobedience movement) even before Gandhi's satyagraha movement. They opposed the zamindars, the banias (moneylenders), the missionaries, the Muslims and the British state. Tana Bhagats are followers of Mahatma Gandhi, and believes in Ahimsa(Non-violence).

Tipu Sultan

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Tipu Sultan
Badshah
Nasib-ud-Daulah
Mir Fateh Ali Bahadur Tipu

Sultan of Mysore
Reign 10 December 1782 – 4 May 1799
Coronation 29 December 1782
Predecessor Hyder Ali
Successor Krishnaraja Wodeyar III (as Wodeyar ruler)


Born 20 November 1750[1]
Devanahalli, present-day Bangalore, Karnataka
Died 4 May 1799 (aged 48)[1]
Srirangapatna, present-day Mandya, Karnataka
Burial
Srirangapatna, present-day Mandya, Karnataka

Spouse Khadija Zaman Begum and 2 or 3 others
Issue Shezada Hyder Ali, Ghulam Muhammad Sultan Sahib and many others

Names
Badshah Nasib-ud-Daulah Sultan Mir Fateh Ali Bahadur Saheb Tipu

House Mysore
Father Hyder Ali
Mother Fatima Fakhr-un-Nisa
Religion Islam

Tipu Sultan (born Sultan Fateh Ali Sahab Tipu, 20 November 1750 – 4 May 1799), also known as Tipu Sahab or the Tiger of Mysore, was the ruler of the Kingdom of Mysore based in South India and a pioneer of rocket artillery. He introduced a number of administrative innovations during his rule, including a new coinage system and calendar, and a new land revenue system which initiated the growth of the Mysore silk industry. He expanded the iron-cased Mysorean rockets and commissioned the military manual Fathul Mujahidin. He deployed the rockets against advances of British forces and their allies during the Anglo-Mysore Wars, including the Battle of Pollilur and Siege of Seringapatam.

Napoleon Bonaparte, the French commander-in-chief, sought an alliance with Tipu Sultan. Both Tipu Sultan and his father used their French-trained army in alliance with the French in their struggle with the British, and in Mysore's struggles with other surrounding powers, against the Marathas, Sira, and rulers of Malabar, Kodagu, Bednore, Carnatic, and Travancore. Tipu's father, Hyder Ali, rose to power and Tipu succeeded him as the ruler of Mysore upon his father's death in 1782. He won important victories against the British in the Second Anglo-Mysore War and negotiated the 1784 Treaty of Mangalore with them after his father died from cancer in December 1782 during the Second Anglo-Mysore War.

Tipu's conflicts with his neighbours included the Maratha–Mysore War which ended with the signing of the Treaty of Gajendragad. The treaty required that Tipu Sultan pay 4.8 million rupees as a one-time war cost to the Marathas, and an annual tribute of 1.2 million rupees in addition to returning all the territory captured by Hyder Ali.

Tipu remained an implacable enemy of the British East India Company, sparking conflict with his attack on British-allied Travancore in 1789. In the Third Anglo-Mysore War, he was forced into the Treaty of Seringapatam, losing a number of previously conquered territories, including Malabar and Mangalore. He sent emissaries to foreign states, including the Ottoman Empire, Afghanistan, and France, in an attempt to rally opposition to the British.

In the Fourth Anglo-Mysore War, Combined force of British East India Company supported by the Marathas & Nizam of Hyderabad . They defeated Tipu, and he was killed on 4 May 1799 while defending his fort of Seringapatam.

Despite preserving the image of a devout Muslim througout his life, in post-colonial Indian subcontinent he is applauded not only as a ruler who fought against British colonialism, but also for his progressive attitude towards religious diversity, although he has also been criticised for the repression of Hindus of Malabar and Christians of Mangalore for both religious and political reasons.

Early years

Childhood

Tippu's birthplace, Devanahalli.

Tipu Sultan confronts his opponents during the Siege of Srirangapatna.

Tipu Sultan was born on 20 November 1750 (Friday, 20th Dhu al-Hijjah, 1163 AH) at Devanahalli in present-day Bangalore Rural district, about 33 km (21 mi) north of Bangalore city. He was named "Tipu Sultan" after the saint Tipu Mastan Aulia of Arcot. Being illiterate, Hyder was very particular in giving his eldest son a prince's education and a very early exposure to military and political affairs. From the age of 17 Tipu was given independent charge of important diplomatic and military missions. He was his father's right arm in the wars from which Hyder emerged as the most powerful ruler of southern India.

Tipu's father, Hyder Ali, was a military officer in service to the Kingdom of Mysore who had become the de facto ruler of Mysore in 1761 while his mother Fatima Fakhr-un-Nisa was the daughter of Mir Muin-ud-Din, the governor of the fort of Kadapa. Hyder Ali appointed able teachers to give Tipu an early education in subjects like Urdu, Persian, Arabic, Kannada, Quran, Islamic jurisprudence, riding, shooting and fencing.

Early military service

A flintlock blunderbuss, built for Tipu Sultan in Srirangapatna, 1793–94. Tipu Sultan used many Western craftsmen, and this gun reflects the most up-to-date technologies of the time.

Tipu Sultan was instructed in military tactics by French officers in the employment of his father. At age 15, he accompanied his father against the British in the First Mysore War in 1766. He commanded a corps of cavalry in the invasion of Carnatic in 1767 at age 16. He also distinguished himself in the First Anglo-Maratha War of 1775–1779.

Alexander Beatson, who published a volume on the Fourth Mysore War entitled View of the Origin and Conduct of the War with Tippoo Sultaun, described Tipu Sultan as follows: "His stature was about five feet eight inches; he had a short neck, square shoulders, and was rather corpulent: his limbs were small, particularly his feet and hands; he had large full eyes, small arched eyebrows, and an aquiline nose; his complexion was fair, and the general expression of his countenance, not void of dignity".

Second Anglo-Mysore War

In 1779, the British captured the French-controlled port of Mahé, which Tipu had placed under his protection, providing some troops for its defence. In response, Hyder launched an invasion of the Carnatic, with the aim of driving the British out of Madras. During this campaign in September 1780, Tipu Sultan was dispatched by Hyder Ali with 10,000 men and 18 guns to intercept Colonel Baillie who was on his way to join Sir Hector Munro. In the Battle of Pollilur, Tipu decisively defeated Baillie. Out of 360 Europeans, about 200 were captured alive, and the sepoys, who were about 3800 men, suffered very high casualties. Munro was moving south with a separate force to join Baillie, but on hearing the news of the defeat he was forced to retreat to Madras, abandoning his artillery in a water tank at Kanchipuram.

Mural of the Battle of Pollilur on the walls of Tipu's summer palace, painted to celebrate his triumph over the British

Tipu Sultan defeated Colonel Braithwaite at Annagudi near Tanjore on 18 February 1782. Braithwaite's forces, consisting of 100 Europeans, 300 cavalry, 1400 sepoys and 10 field pieces, was the standard size of the colonial armies. Tipu Sultan seized all the guns and took the entire detachment prisoner. In December 1781 Tipu Sultan successfully seized Chittur from the British. Tipu Sultan had thus gained sufficient military experience by the time Hyder Ali died on Friday, 6 December 1782 – some historians put it at 2 or 3 days later or before, (Hijri date being 1 Muharram, 1197 as per some records in Persian – there may be a difference of 1 to 3 days due to the Lunar Calendar). Tipu Sultan realised that the British were a new kind of threat in India. He became the ruler of Mysore on Sunday, 22 December 1782 (The inscriptions in some of Tipu's regalia showing it as 20 Muharram, 1197 Hijri – Sunday), in a simple coronation ceremony. He then worked on to check the advances of the British by making alliances with the Marathas and the Mughals. The Second Mysore War came to an end with the 1784 Treaty of Mangalore.

Ruler of the Mysore

Flag of Mysore during the reign of Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan.


Tipu Sultan seated on his throne (1800), by Anna Tonelli

In 1780, Tipu crowned himself Badshah or Emperor of Mysore, and struck coinage.


Tipu Sultan's summer palace at Srirangapatna, Karnataka

Conflicts with Maratha Confederacy

The Maratha Empire, under its new Peshwa Madhavrao I, regained most of Indian subcontinent, twice defeating Tipu's father, who was forced to accept Maratha Empire as the supreme power in 1764 and then in 1767. In 1767 Maratha Peshwa Madhavrao defeated both Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan and entered Srirangapatna, the capital of Mysore. Hyder Ali accepted the authority of Madhavrao who gave him the title of Nawab of Mysore.

However Tipu Sultan wanted to escape from the treaty of Marathas and therefore tried to take some Maratha forts in Southern India, which were captured by Marathas in the previous war. Tipu also stopped the tribute to Marathas which was promised by Hyder Ali. This brought Tipu in direct conflict with the Marathas, leading to Maratha–Mysore War Conflicts between Mysore (under Tipu) and Marathas:
Siege of Nargund during February 1785 won by Mysore
Siege of Badami during May 1786 in which Mysore surrendered
Siege of Adoni during June 1786 won by Mysore
Battle of Gajendragad, June 1786 won by Marathas
Battle of Savanur during October 1786 won by Mysore
Siege of Bahadur Benda during January 1787 won by Mysore

Conflict ended with Treaty of Gajendragad in March 1787, as per which Tipu returned all the territory captured by Hyder Ali to Maratha Empire. Tipu agreed to pay four year arrears of tribute which his father Hyder Ali had agreed to pay to Maratha Empire (4.8 million rupees), The Marathas agreed to address Tipu sultan as "Nabob Tipu Sultan Futteh Ally Khan".
The Invasion of Travancore by Sultanate of Mysore (1766–1790)



Tipu Sultan at the lines of Travancore.

In 1766, when Tipu Sultan was just 15 years old, he got the chance to apply his military training in battle for the first time, when he accompanied his father on an invasion of Malabar. After the incident- Siege of Tellicherry in Thalassery in North Malabar, Hyder Ali started losing his territories in Malabar. Tipu came from Mysore to reinstate the authority over Malabar. After the Battle of the Nedumkotta (1789–90), due to the monsoon flood, the stiff resistance of the Travancore forces and news about the attack of British in Srirangapatnam he went back.
Third Anglo-Mysore War




Cannon used by Tipu Sultan's forces at the battle of Srirangapatna 1799


Very small Cannon used by Tipu Sultan's forces now in Government Museum (Egmore), Chennai

In 1789, Tipu Sultan disputed the acquisition by Dharma Raja of Travancore of two Dutch-held fortresses in Cochin. In December 1789 he massed troops at Coimbatore, and on 28 December made an attack on the lines of Travancore, knowing that Travancore was (according to the Treaty of Mangalore) an ally of the British East India Company. On account of the staunch resistance by the Travancore army, Tipu was unable to break through the Tranvancore lines and the Maharajah of Travancore appealed to the East India Company for help. In response, Lord Cornwallis mobilised company and British military forces, and formed alliances with the Marathas and the Nizam of Hyderabad to oppose Tipu. In 1790 the company forces advanced, taking control of much of the Coimbatore district. Tipu counter-attacked, regaining much of the territory, although the British continued to hold Coimbatore itself. He then descended into the Carnatic, eventually reaching Pondicherry, where he attempted without success to draw the French into the conflict.


General Lord Cornwallis, receiving two of Tipu Sultan's sons as hostages in the year 1793.

In 1791 his opponents advanced on all fronts, with the main British force under Cornwallis taking Bangalore and threatening Srirangapatna. Tipu harassed the British supply and communication and embarked on a "scorched earth" policy of denying local resources to the invaders. In this last effort he was successful, as the lack of provisions forced Cornwallis to withdraw to Bangalore rather than attempt a siege of Srirangapatna. Following the withdrawal, Tipu sent forces to Coimbatore, which they retook after a lengthy siege.

The 1792 campaign was a failure for Tipu. The allied army was well-supplied, and Tipu was unable to prevent the junction of forces from Bangalore and Bombay before Srirangapatna. After about two weeks of siege, Tipu opened negotiations for terms of surrender. In the ensuing treaty, he was forced to cede half his territories to the allies, and deliver two of his sons as hostages until he paid in full three crores and thirty lakhs rupees fixed as war indemnity to the British for the campaign against him. He paid the amount in two instalments and got back his sons from Madras.
Napoleon's attempt at a junction



Louis XVI receives the ambassadors of Tipu Sultan in 1788. Tipu Sultan is known to have sent many diplomatic missions to France, the Ottoman Empire, Sultanate of Oman, Zand Dynasty and Durrani Empire.

In 1794, with the support of French Republican officers, Tipu helped found the Jacobin Club of Mysore for 'framing laws comfortable with the laws of the Republic'. He planted a Liberty Tree and declared himself Citizen Tipoo.

One of the motivations of Napoleon's Invasion of Egypt was to establish a junction with India against the British. Bonaparte wished to establish a French presence in the Middle East, with the ultimate dream of linking with Tippoo Sahib. Napoleon assured the French Directory that "as soon as he had conquered Egypt, he will establish relations with the Indian princes and, together with them, attack the English in their possessions." According to a 13 February 1798 report by Talleyrand: "Having occupied and fortified Egypt, we shall send a force of 15,000 men from Suez to India, to join the forces of Tipu-Sahib and drive away the English." Napoleon was unsuccessful in this strategy, losing the Siege of Acre in 1799 and at the Battle of Abukir in 1801.

Although I never supposed that he (Napoleon) possessed, allowing for some difference of education, the liberality of conduct and political views which were sometimes exhibited by old Hyder Ali, yet I did think he might have shown the same resolved and dogged spirit of resolution which induced Tipu Sahib to die manfully upon the breach of his capital city with his sabre clenched in his hand.
— Sir Walter Scott, commenting on the abdication of Napoleon Bonaparte in 1814

Death

Fourth Anglo-Mysore War


The Last Effort and Fall of Tipu Sultan by Henry Singleton, c. 1800


The spot in Srirangapatana where Tipu's body was found

Horatio Nelson defeated François-Paul Brueys D'Aigalliers at the Battle of the Nile in Egypt in 1798. Three armies marched into Mysore in 1799—one from Bombay and two British, one of which included Arthur Wellesley. They besieged the capital Srirangapatna in the Fourth Mysore War. There were more than 26,000 soldiers of the British East India Company, approximately 4,000 Europeans and the rest Indians; while Tipu Sultan's forces numbered only 30,000. The betrayal by Tipu Sultan's ministers in working with the British and weakening the walls to make an easy path for the British.

When the British broke through the city walls, French military advisers told Tipu Sultan to escape via secret passages and to fight the rest of the wars from other forts, but he refused.

Tipu Sultan was killed at the Hoally (Diddy) Gateway, which was located 300 yards (270 m) from the N.E. Angle of the Srirangapatna Fort. He was buried the next afternoon at the Gumaz, next to the grave of his father. Many members of the British East India Company believed that Nawab of Carnatic Umdat Ul-Umra secretly provided assistance to Tipu Sultan during the war and sought his deposition after 1799.

Administration

Tipu introduced a new calendar, new coinage, and seven new government departments, during his reign, and made military innovations in the use of rocketry.
Mysorean rockets



Tipu Sultan organised his Rocket artillery brigades known as Cushoons, Tipu Sultan expanded the number of servicemen in the various Cushoons from 1500 to almost 5000. The Mysorean rockets utilised by Tipu Sultan, were later updated by the British and successively employed during the Napoleonic Wars.

Dr APJ Abdul Kalam, the former President of India, in his Tipu Sultan Shaheed Memorial Lecture in Bangalore (30 November 1991), called Tipu Sultan the innovator of the world's first war rocket. Two of these rockets, captured by the British at Srirangapatna, were displayed in the Royal Artillery Museum in London. According to historian Dr Dulari Qureshi Tipu Sultan was a fierce warrior king and was so quick in his movement that it seemed to the enemy that he was fighting on many fronts at the same time. Tipu managed to subdue all the petty kingdoms in the south. He was also one of the few Indian rulers to have defeated British armies.

Tipu Sultan's father had expanded on Mysore's use of rocketry, making critical innovations in the rockets themselves and the military logistics of their use. He deployed as many as 1,200 specialised troops in his army to operate rocket launchers. These men were skilled in operating the weapons and were trained to launch their rockets at an angle calculated from the diameter of the cylinder and the distance to the target. The rockets had twin side sharpened blades mounted on them, and when fired en masse, spun and wreaked significant damage against a large army. Tipu greatly expanded the use of rockets after Hyder's death, deploying as many as 5,000 rocketeers at a time. The rockets deployed by Tipu during the Battle of Pollilur were much more advanced than those the British East India Company had previously seen, chiefly because of the use of iron tubes for holding the propellant; this enabled higher thrust and longer range for the missiles (up to 2 km range).

British accounts describe the use of the rockets during the third and fourth wars. During the climactic battle at Srirangapatna in 1799, British shells struck a magazine containing rockets, causing it to explode and send a towering cloud of black smoke with cascades of exploding white light rising up from the battlements. After Tipu's defeat in the fourth war the British captured a number of the Mysorean rockets. These became influential in British rocket development, inspiring the Congreve rocket, which was soon put into use in the Napoleonic Wars.

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Navy

In 1786 Tipu Sultan, again following the lead of his father, decided to build a navy consisting of 20 battleships of 72 cannons and 20 frigates of 62 cannons. In the year 1790 he appointed Kamaluddin as his Mir Bahar and established massive dockyards at Jamalabad and Majidabad. Tipu Sultan's board of admiralty consisted of 11 commanders in service of a Mir Yam. A Mir Yam led 30 admirals and each one of them had two ships. Tipu Sultan ordered that the ships have copper-bottoms, an idea that increased the longevity of the ships and was introduced to Tipu by Admiral Suffren.

Economy

The peak of Mysore's economic power was under Tipu Sultan in the late 18th century. Along with his father Hyder Ali, he embarked on an ambitious program of economic development, aiming to increase the wealth and revenue of Mysore. Under his reign, Mysore overtook Bengal Subah as India's dominant economic power, with highly productive agriculture and textile manufacturing. Mysore's average income was five times higher than subsistence level at the time.

Tipu Sultan laid the foundation for the construction of the Kannambadi dam (present-day Krishna Raja Sagara or KRS dam) on the Kaveri river, as attested by an extant stone plaque bearing his name, but was unable to begin the construction. The dam was later built and opened in 1938. It is a major source of drinking water for the people of Mysore and Bangalore.

The Mysore silk industry was first initiated during the reign of Tipu Sultan. He sent an expert to Bengal Subah to study silk cultivation and processing, after which Mysore began developing polyvoltine silk.

Under Tipu Sultan, Mysore had some of the world's highest real wages and living standards in the late 18th century, higher than Britain, which in turn had the highest living standards in Europe. Mysore's average per-capita income was five times higher than subsistence level, i.e. five times higher than $400 (1990 international dollars), or $2,000 per capita. In comparison, the highest national per-capita incomes in 1820 were $1,838 for the Netherlands and $1,706 for Britain.

Road development

Tipu Sultan was considered as pioneer of road construction, especially in Malabar, as part of his campaigns, he connected most of the cities by roads.
Foreign relations

Mughal Empire

Both Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan owed nominal allegiance to the Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II; both were described as Nabobs by the British East India Company in all existing treaties. But unlike the Nawab of Carnatic, they did not acknowledge the overlordship of the Nizam of Hyderabad.

Immediately after his coronation as Badshah, Tipu Sultan sought the investiture of the Mughal emperor. He earned the title "Nasib-ud-Daula" with the heavy heart of those loyal to Shah Alam II. Tipu was a selfdeclared "Sultan" this fact drew towards him the hostility of Nizam Ali Khan, the Nizam of Hyderabad, who clearly expressed his hostility by dissuading the Mughal emperor and laying claims on Mysore. Disheartened, Tipu Sultan began to establish contacts with other Muslim rulers of that period.

Tipu Sultan was the master of his own diplomacy with foreign nations, in his quest to rid India of the East India Company and to ensure the international strength of France. Like his father before him he fought battles on behalf of foreign nations which were not in the best interests of Shah Alam II.

After Ghulam Qadir had Shah Alam II blinded on 10 August 1788, Tipu Sultan is believed to have broken into tears.


Tipu Sultan's forces during the Siege of Srirangapatna.

After the Fall of Seringapatam in 1799, the blind emperor did remorse for Tipu, but maintained his confidence in the Nizam of Hyderabad, who had now made peace with the British.Afghanistan

After facing substantial threats from the Marathas, Tipu Sultan began to correspond with Zaman Shah Durrani, the ruler of the Afghan Durrani Empire, so they could defeat the British and Marathas. Initially, Zaman Shah agreed to help Tipu, but the Persian attack on Afghanistan's Western border diverted its forces, and hence no help could be provided to Tipu.Ottoman Turkey

In 1787, Tipu Sultan sent an embassy to the Ottoman capital Constantinople, to the Ottoman Sultan Abdul Hamid I requesting urgent assistance against the British East India Company. Tipu Sultan requested the Ottoman Sultan to send him troops and military experts. Furthermore, Tipu Sultan also requested permission from the Ottomans to contribute to the maintenance of the Islamic shrines in Mecca, Medina, Najaf and Karbala.

However, the Ottomans were themselves in crisis and still recuperating from the devastating Austro-Ottoman War and a new conflict with the Russian Empire had begun, for which Ottoman Turkey needed British alliance to keep off the Russians, hence it could not risk being hostile to the British in the Indian theatre.

Due to the Ottoman inability to organise a fleet in the Indian Ocean, Tipu Sultan's ambassadors returned home only with gifts from their Ottoman brothers.

Nevertheless, Tipu Sultan's correspondence with the Ottoman Turkish Empire and particularly its new Sultan Selim III continued till his final battle in the year 1799.Persia and Oman

Like his father before him, Tipu Sultan maintained friendly relations with Mohammad Ali Khan, ruler of the Zand Dynasty in Persia. Tipu Sultan also maintained correspondence with Hamad bin Said, the ruler of the Sultanate of Oman.France


In his attempts to junction with Tipu Sultan, Napoleon annexed Ottoman Egypt in the year 1798. Both Hyder Ali and Tipu sought an alliance with the French, the only European power still strong enough to challenge the British East India Company in the subcontinent. In 1782, Louis XVI concluded an alliance with the Peshwa Madhu Rao Narayan. This treaty enabled Bussy to move his troops to the Isle de France (now Mauritius). In the same year, French Admiral De Suffren ceremonially presented a portrait of Louis XVI to Haidar Ali and sought his alliance.

Napoleon conquered Egypt in an attempt to link with Tipu Sultan. In February 1798, Napoleon wrote a letter to Tipu Sultan appreciating his efforts of resisting the British annexation and plans, but this letter never reached Tipu and was seized by a British spy in Muscat. The idea of a possible Tipu-Napoleon alliance alarmed the British Governor, General Sir Richard Wellesley (also known as Lord Wellesley), so much that he immediately started large scale preparations for a final battle against Tipu Sultan.

Social system

Judicial system

Tipu Sultan appoints Judges from both communities for Hindu and Muslim subjects. Qadi for Muslims and Pandit for Hindu in each province. Upper courts also having similar system.

Moral Administration

Usage of liquor and prostitution were strictly prohibited in his administration. Usage and agriculture of psychedelics, such as Cannabis, were also prohibited.

Polyandry in Kerala was prohibited by Tipu Sultan. He passed a decree for all women to cover their breasts, which was not practised in Kerala in previous era.

The decree is as follows:In the whole of the territories of the Balaghat (i.e., in the country below the ghats) most of the Hindu women go about with their breasts and heads uncovered. This is animal-like. No one of these women should hereafter go out without a fuller robe and a veil.

Religious policy

On a personal level, Tipu was a devout Muslim, saying his prayers daily and paying special attention to mosques in the area. As a Muslim ruler of a predominantly Hindu country, some of his policies have evoked controversy. The mainstream view considers Tipu's administration to have been tolerant. Regular endowments were made during this period to about 156 Hindu temples, including the famed Ranganathaswami Temple at Srirangapatna.

His religious legacy has become a source of considerable controversy in India, with some groups (including Christians and even Muslims) proclaiming him a great warrior for the faith or Ghazi for both religious and political reasons. On one hand, many sources mention the appointment of Hindu officers in Tipu's administration and his land grants and endowments to Hindu temples, which are cited as evidence for his religious tolerance. On the other hand, various sources describe the massacres, imprisonment and forced conversion of Hindus (Kodavas of Coorg, Nairs of Malabar) and Christians (Catholics of Mangalore), the destruction of churches and temples, and the clamping down on Muslims (Mappila of Kerala, the Mahdavia Muslims, the rulers of Savanur and the people of Hyderabad State), which are sometimes cited as evidence for his intolerance.

British accounts

Historians such as Brittlebank, Hasan, Chetty, Habib, and Saletare, amongst others, argue that controversial stories of Tipu Sultan's religious persecution of Hindus and Christians are largely derived from the work of early British authors (who were very much against Tipu Sultan's independence and harboured prejudice against the Sultan) such as James Kirkpatrick and Mark Wilks, whom they do not consider to be entirely reliable and likely fabricated. A. S. Chetty argues that Wilks' account in particular cannot be trusted.

Irfan Habib and Mohibbul Hasan argue that these early British authors had a strong vested interest in presenting Tipu Sultan as a tyrant from whom the British had liberated Mysore. This assessment is echoed by Brittlebank in her recent work where she writes that Wilks and Kirkpatrick must be used with particular care as both authors had taken part in the wars against Tipu Sultan and were closely connected to the administrations of Lord Cornwallis and Richard Wellesley, 1st Marquess Wellesley.

The French were allies of Tipu Sultan. Francois Fidele Ripaud de Montaudevert, a French soldier who fought for Tippu, in his diary entry of 14 January 1799 writes: "I'm disturbed by Tipu Sultan's treatment of these most gentle souls, the Hindus. During the siege of Mangalore, Tipu's soldiers daily exposed the heads of many innocent Brahmins within sight from the fort for the Zamorin and his Hindu followers to see."

Relations with Muslims

During his campaigns of clamping down on groups that helped the British, Tipu Sultan targeted several Muslim groups, including the Mappila Muslims of Malabar, the Mahadevi Muslims, and the Nawab of Savanur and Nizam.

Relations with Hindus
Hindu officers

Tipu Sultan's treasurer was Krishna Rao, Shamaiya Iyengar was his Minister of Post and Police, his brother Ranga Iyengar was also an officer, and Purnaiya held the very important post of "Mir Asaf". Moolchand and Sujan Rai were his chief agents at the Mughal court, and his chief "Peshkar", Suba Rao, was also a Hindu.

Regular endowments to 156 Hindu temples

The Editor of Mysore Gazette reports of correspondence between his court and temples, and his having donated jewellery and deeded land grants to several temples, which he was compelled to for forming alliances with Hindu rulers. Between 1782 and 1799 Tipu Sultan issued 34 "Sanads" (deeds) of endowment to temples in his domain, while also presenting many of them with gifts of silver and gold plate.

The Srikanteswara Temple in Nanjangud still possesses a jeweled cup presented by the Sultan He also gave a greenish linga; to Ranganatha temple at Srirangapatna, he donated seven silver cups and a silver camphor burner. This temple was hardly a stone's throw from his palace from where he would listen with equal respect to the ringing of temple bells and the muezzin's call from the mosque; to the Lakshmikanta Temple at Kalale he gifted four cups, a plate and Spitoon in silver.

Sringeri incident, Maratha sacking, and rebuilding temple

During the Maratha–Mysore War in 1791, a group of Maratha horsemen under Raghunath Rao Patwardhan raided the temple and matha of Sringeri Shankaracharya. They wounded and killed many people, including Brahmins, plundered the monastery of all its valuable possessions, and desecrated the temple by displacing the image of goddess Sarada.

The incumbent Shankaracharya petitioned Tipu Sultan for help. About 30 letters written in Kannada, which were exchanged between Tipu Sultan's court and the Sringeri Shankaracharya, were discovered in 1916 by the Director of Archaeology in Mysore. Tipu Sultan expressed his indignation and grief at the news of the raid:

"People who have sinned against such a holy place are sure to suffer the consequences of their misdeeds at no distant date in this Kali age in accordance with the verse: "Hasadbhih kriyate karma rudadbhir-anubhuyate" (People do [evil] deeds smilingly but suffer the consequences crying)."

He immediately ordered the Asaf of Bednur to supply the Swami with 200 rahatis (fanams) in cash and other gifts and articles. Tipu Sultan's interest in the Sringeri temple continued for many years, and he was still writing to the Swami in the 1790s.

Controversial figure

In light of this and other events, historian B. A. Saletare has described Tipu Sultan as a defender of the Hindu dharma, who also patronised other temples including one at Melkote, for which he issued a Kannada decree that the Shrivaishnava invocatory verses there should be recited in the traditional form. The temple at Melkote still has gold and silver vessels with inscriptions indicating that they were presented by the Sultan. Tipu Sultan also presented four silver cups to the Lakshmikanta Temple at Kalale. Tipu Sultan does seem to have repossessed unauthorised grants of land made to Brahmins and temples, but those which had proper sanads (certificates) were not. It was a normal practice for any ruler, Muslim or Hindu, on his accession or on the conquest of new territory.

Noted for his persecution of Christians, historian Thomas Paul notes that Tipu had shifted his hatred for the British to Catholics of Mangalore and other Christian communities of South India.According to historian Praxy Fernandes, Tipu Sultan was "an enlightened monarch who followed a se cular policy towards his subjects."

C. Hayavadana Rao wrote about Tipu in his encyclopaedic court history of Mysore. He asserted that Tipu's "religious fanaticism and the excesses committed in the name of religion, both in Mysore and in the provinces, stand condemned for all time. His bigotry, indeed, was so great that it precluded all ideas of toleration". He further asserts that the acts of Tipu that were constructive towards Hindus were largely political and ostentatious rather than an indication of genuine tolerance.

In Contrary to the writings of Historian B.A. Saletare, an article published by the New Indian Express in Nov 2016, mentions about the mass murdering of the Mandyam Iyengars. it states as "On the evening of Deepavali that more than 700 Mandyam Iyengars who congregated at Narasimhaswamy temple on the banks of Cauvery at Srirangapatna town, capital of Tipu Sultan, were killed by Tipu's army on charges of colluding with British while supporting Maharani Lakshmammanni, according to Lakshmi Thatchar, a Sanskrit scholar and a researcher.

Persecution of Hindus outside Mysore

Kodagu (Coorg)


A soldier from Tipu Sultan's army, using his rocket as a flagstaff.

Tipu got Runmust Khan, the Nawab of Kurnool, to launch a surprise attack upon the Kodavas who were besieged by the invading Muslim army. 500 were killed and over 40,000 Kodavas fled to the woods and concealed themselves in the mountains.[113] Thousands of Kodavas were seized along with the Raja and held captive at Seringapatam.

Mohibbul Hasan, Prof. Sheikh Ali, and other historians cast great doubt on the scale of the deportations and forced conversions in Coorg in particular. Hassan says that it is difficult to estimate the real number of Kodava captured by Tipu.

In a letter to Runmust Khan, Tipu himself stated:

"We proceeded with the utmost speed, and, at once, made prisoners of 40,000 occasion-seeking and sedition-exciting Kodavas, who alarmed at the approach of our victorious army, had slunk into woods, and concealed themselves in lofty mountains, inaccessible even to birds. Then carrying them away from their native country (the native place of sedition) we raised them to the honour of Islam, and incorporated them into our Ahmedy corps."North Malabar

In 1788, Tipu entered into Malabar to quell a rebellion. Nairs were surrounded with offers of death or circumcision. Chirakkal's Nair Raja who was received with distinctions for surrendering voluntarily was later hanged. Tipu then divided Malabar into districts, with three officers in each district given the task of numbering productive trees, collecting revenue and giving religious orders to Nairs.

During his invasion of Malabar, Tipu forcefully converted over 400,000 Hindus to Islam. He sent a letter on January 19, 1790 to Bekal's governor Budruz Zuman Khan. It says:

Don't you know I have achieved a great victory recently in Malabar and over four lakh Hindus were converted to Islam? I am determined to march against that cursed Raman Nair (Raja of Travancore) very soon. Since I am overjoyed at the prospect of converting him and his subjects to Islam, I have happily abandoned the idea of going back to Srirangapatanam now.
Inscriptions

On the handle of the sword presented by Tipu to Marquess Wellesley was the following inscription:

"My victorious sabre is lightning for the destruction of the unbelievers. Ali, the Emir of the Faithful, is victorious for my advantage, and moreover, he destroyed the wicked race who were unbelievers. Praise be to him (God), who is the Lord of the Worlds! Thou art our Lord, support us against the people who are unbelievers. He to whom the Lord giveth victory prevails over all (mankind). Oh Lord, make him victorious, who promoteth the faith of Muhammad. Confound him, who refuseth the faith of Muhammad; and withhold us from those who are so inclined from the true faith. The Lord is predominant over his own works. Victory and conquest are from the Almighty. Bring happy tidings, Oh Muhammad, to the faithful; for God is the kind protector and is the most merciful of the merciful. If God assists thee, thou will prosper. May the Lord God assist thee, Oh Muhammad, with a mighty great victory."

During a search of his palace in 1795, some gold medals were found in the palace, on which the following was inscribed on one side in Persian: "Of God the bestower of blessings", and the other: "victory and conquest are from the Almighty". These were carved in commemoration of a victory after the war of 1780.

The following is a translation of an inscription on the stone found at Seringapatam, which was situated in a conspicuous place in the fort:

"Oh Almighty God! dispose the whole body of Kafirs (infidels)! Scatter their tribe, cause their feet to stagger! Overthrow their councils, change their state, destroy their very root! Cause death to be near them, cut off from them the means of sustenance! Shorten their days! Be their bodies the constant object of their cares (i.e., infest them with diseases), deprive their eyes of sight, make black their faces (i.e., bring shame), destroy in them organs of speech! Slay them as Shedaud (i .e. the Prince who presumptuously aimed at establishing a paradise for himself and was slain by command of God); drown them as Pharaoh was drowned, and visit them with the severity of the wrath. Oh Avenger! Oh Universal Father ! I am depressed and overpowered, grant me thy assistance."

The Mysore Gazetteer states that this inscription should have been engraved after the Cornwallis Treaty, stating it showed his inveterate rancour and determined hostility to the English.

Persecution of Mangalorean Catholics

Background : Hyder Ali learned that the Mangalorean Catholics had helped the British in their conquest of Mangalore, behaviour he considered treasonous. He summoned a Portuguese officer and several Christian priests from Mangalore to suggest an appropriate punishment to impose on the Mangalorean Catholics for their treachery. The Portuguese officer suggested the death penalty for those Catholics who helped the British as a typical punishment for the betrayal of one's sovereign in Catholic nations. But Hyder Ali exhibited a diplomatic stance and instead imprisoned those Christians who were condemned for treachery.


The Jamalabad fort route. Mangalorean Catholics had travelled through this route on their way to Seringapatam

Tipu is considered to be anti-Christian by several historians, while Alan Machado in his book 'Slaves of Sultans', argues that by expelling Christian priests, Tipu was only following precedent set by European rivals. Historian J. B. Prashant More in his paper 'Tipu Sultan and the Christians' argues that Tipu's encounters and dealings with the Christians of both European and Indian origin were in accordance with the spirit of his times and also had a political dimension. The captivity of Mangalorean Catholics at Seringapatam, which began on 24 February 1784 and ended on 4 May 1799, remains the most disconsolate memory in their history.

Soon after the Treaty of Mangalore in 1784, Tipu gained control of Canara. He issued orders to seize the Christians in Canara, confiscate their estates, and deport them to Seringapatam, the capital of his empire, through the Jamalabad fort route. However, there were no priests among the captives. Together with Fr. Miranda, all the 21 arrested priests were issued orders of expulsion to Goa, fined Rupees 200,000, and threatened with death by hanging if they ever returned.

Tipu ordered the destruction of 27 Catholic churches. Among them included the Church of Nossa Senhora de Rosario Milagres at Mangalore, Fr Miranda's Seminary at Monte Mariano, Church of Jesu Marie Jose at Omzoor, Chapel at Bolar, Church of Merces at Ullal, Imaculata Conceicão at Mulki, San Jose at Perar, Nossa Senhora dos Remedios at Kirem, Sao Lawrence at Karkal, Rosario at Barkur, Immaculata Conceição at Baidnur. All were razed to the ground, with the exception of The Church of Holy Cross at Hospet, owing to the friendly offices of the Chauta Raja of Moodbidri.

According to Thomas Munro, a Scottish soldier and the first collector of Canara, around 60,000 people, nearly 92 percent of the entire Mangalorean Catholic community, were captured; only 7,000 escaped. Francis Buchanan gives the numbers as 70,000 captured, from a population of 80,000, with 10,000 escaping. They were forced to climb nearly 4,000 feet (1,200 m) through the jungles of the Western Ghat mountain ranges. It was 210 miles (340 km) from Mangalore to Seringapatam, and the journey took six weeks. According to British Government records, 20,000 of them died on the march to Seringapatam.

According to Mr. Silva of Gangolim, a survivor of the captivity, if a person who had escaped from Seringapatam was found, the punishment under the orders of Tipu was the cutting off of the ears, nose, feet and one hand. Gazetteer of South India describes Tipu Sultan forcibly circumcising 30,000 West Coast Christians and deporting them to Mysore.

Tipu's persecution of Christians even extended to captured British soldiers. For instance, there were a significant number of forced conversions of British captives between 1780 and 1784. Following their disastrous defeat in the 1780 Battle of Pollilur, 7,000 British men along with an unknown number of women were held captive by Tipu in the fortress of Seringapatnam. Of these, over 300 were circumcised and given Muslim names and clothes and several British regimental drummer boys were made to wear ghagra cholis and entertain the court as nautch girls or dancing girls. After the 10-year-long captivity ended, James Scurry, one of those prisoners, recounted that he had forgotten how to sit in a chair and use a knife and fork. His English was broken and stilted, having lost all his vernacular idiom. His skin had darkened to the swarthy complexion of negroes, and moreover, he had developed an aversion to wearing European clothes.

During the surrender of the Mangalore fort which was delivered in an armistice by the British and their subsequent withdrawal, all the Mestizos and remaining non-British foreigners were killed, together with 5,600 Mangalorean Catholics. Those condemned by Tipu Sultan for treachery were hanged instantly, the gibbets being weighed down by the number of bodies they carried. The Netravati River was so putrid with the stench of dying bodies, that the local residents were forced to leave their riverside homes.

The Archbishop of Goa wrote in 1800, "It is notoriously known in all Asia and all other parts of the globe of the oppression and sufferings experienced by the Christians in the Dominion of the King of Kanara, during the usurpation of that country by Tipu Sultan from an implacable hatred he had against them who professed Christianity."

The British officer James Scurry, who was detained a prisoner for 10 years by Tipu Sultan along with the Mangalorean Catholics

Tipu Sultan's invasion of the Malabar had an adverse impact on the Syrian Malabar Nasrani community of the Malabar coast. Many churches in the Malabar and Cochin were damaged. Most of the coconut, arecanut, pepper and cashew plantations held by the Syrian Malabar farmers were also indiscriminately destroyed by the invading army. As a result, when Tipu's army invaded Guruvayur and adjacent areas, the Syrian Christian community fled Calicut and small towns like Arthat to new centres like Kunnamkulam, Chalakudi, Ennakadu, Cheppadu, Kannankode, Mavelikkara, etc. where there were already Christians. They were given refuge by Sakthan Tamburan, the ruler of Cochin and Karthika Thirunal, the ruler of Travancore, who gave them lands, plantations and encouraged their businesses. Colonel Macqulay, the British resident of Travancore also helped them.

The coinage system

The coinage of Tipu Sultan is one of most complex and fascinating series struck in India during the 18th century. Local South India coinage had been struck in the area that became Mysore since ancient times, with the first gold coinage introduced about the 11th century (the elephant pagoda), and other pagodas continuing through the following centuries. These pagoda were always in the South Indian style until the reign of Haidar Ali (1761-1782), who added pagodas with Persian legends, plus a few very rare gold mohurs and silver rupees, always in the name of the Mughal emperor Shah Alam II plus the Arabic letter "ح" as the first letter of his name. His successor, Tipu Sultan, continued to issue pagodas, mohurs and rupees, with legends that were completely new. As for copper, the new large paisa was commenced by Haidar Ali in AH1195, two years before his death, with the elephant on the obverse, the mint on the reverse, and was continued throughout the reign of Tipu Sultan, who added other denominations. Tipu Sultan introduced a set of new Persian names for the various denominations, which appear on all of the gold and silver coins and on some of the copper. They were:

Copper: Qutb "قطب" for the 1/8 paisa (Persian for the pole star) -- Akhtar "اختر" for the 1/4 paisa (star) -- Bahram "بهرام" for the 1/2 paisa (the planet Mars) -- Zohra "زهره" for the paisa (the planet Venus) -- either Othmani "عثمانی" for the double-paisa (the third caliph of the Rashidun) or Mushtari "مشتری" (the planet Jupiter).

Silver: Khizri "خضری" for the 1/32 rupee (Khizr the prophet) -- Kazimi "کاظمی" for the 1/16 rupee (for Musa, the seventh Shi'ite Imam) -- Ja'fari "جعفری" for the 1/8 rupee (Ja'far al-Sadiq, the sixth Shi'ite Imam) -- Bâqiri "باقری" for the 1/4 rupee (Muhammad al-Baqir, the fifth Imam) -- Abidi "عبیدی" for the 1/2 rupee (Ali Zain al-'Abidin, the fourth Imam) -- Imami for the rupee (reference to the 12 Shi'ite Imams) -- Haidari "حیدری" for the double-rupee (lion, for Ali b. Abi Talib, who was both the fourth caliph and the first Shi'ite Imam).

Gold: Faruqi "فاروقی" for the pagoda (Umar al-Faruq, the second caliph) -- Sadîqi "صدیقی" for the double-pagoda (Abu Bakr al-Sadiq, the first caliph) -- Ahmadi "احمدی" for the four-pagoda ( "most praised ", one of the name of the Prophet Muhammad). During his first 4 years, the large gold coin was the mohur, with an average weight of about 10.95g (AH1197-1200), replaced with the four-pagoda of 13.74g with the calendar change to the Mauludi "مولودی" system (AM1215-1219).

Coinage dating system

The denomination does not appear on the Hijri dated gold coins, but was added on all the Mauludi dated pieces.

At the beginning of his first year, Tipu Sultan abandoned the Hijri dating system and introduced the Mauludi system (from the Arabic word "walad ", which means "birth "), based on the solar year and the birth year of the Prophet Muhammad (actually 571 AD, but for some perplexing reason reckoned as 572 by Tipu Sultan for his staff).

From the beginning of his reign, Tipu Sultan added the name of the Indian cyclic year on the large silver and gold coins, including this double-pagoda, together with his regnal year. Each of the names is Persian, though in several examples, the meaning of the names in India was different from the Iranian meaning (not indicated here). According to the Indian meanings, these are the cyclic years: Zaki "زکي" for cyclic 37, which corresponded to his year 1 ( "pure ") -- Azâl "أزل" for 38 ( "eternity ", year 2) -- Jalal "جَلال" for 39 ( "splendor ", year 3) -- Dalv "دَلو" for 40 (the sign of Aquarius, year 4) -- Shâ "شاه" for 41 ( "king ", year 5) -- Sârâ "سارا" for 42 ( "fragrant ", year 6) -- Sarâb "سراب" for 43 ( "mirage ", for year 7) -- Shitâ "شتا" for 44 ( "winter ", year 8) -- Zabarjad "زبرجد" for 45 ( "topaz ", year 9) -- sahar "سَحَر" ( "dawn ", year 10) -- Sâher "ساحِر" ( "magician ", year 11).

Assessment and legacy

Among his many innovations, Tipu introduced new coin denominations and new coin types, including this handsome copper double paisa weighing over 23 gm. The coin on the left also contains the emblem of the Sultanate of Mysore.

Assessments of Tipu Sultan have often been passionate and divided. Successive Indian National Congress governments have often celebrated Tipu Sultan's memory and monuments and relics of his rule while the Bharatiya Janata Party has been largely critical. School and college textbooks in India officially recognize him as a "freedom-fighter" along with many other rulers of the 18th century who fought European powers.

In 1990, a television series on him, The Sword of Tipu Sultan was directed by Bollywood actor Sanjay Khan based on a historical novel by Bhagwan Gidwani.

The original copy of the Constitution of India bears a painting of Tipu Sultan.

The 14th and current Indian president Ram Nath Kovind hailed Tipu Sultan in his address to the Karnataka Assembly on the occasion of the Diamond Jubilee celebrations of the state secretariat Vidhana Soudha saying “Tipu Sultan died a heroic death fighting the British. He was also a pioneer in the development and use of Mysore rockets in warfare. This technology was later adopted by the Europeans.“

Tipu Sultan is also admired as a hero in Pakistan. Pakistan's Prime Minister Imran Khan has said that he admires Tipu Sultan as a freedom fighter.
Family


The mausoleum housing Tipu's tomb is another example of Islamic architecture. Tipu's flag is in the foreground.


The tomb of Tipu Sultan at Srirangapatna. Tipu's tomb is adjacent to his mother's and father's graves.

Tipu had several wives. One of them, Sindh Sahiba, was quite renowned for her beauty and intelligence and whose grandson was Sahib Sindh Sultan also known as His Highness Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Ahmed Halim-az-Zaman Khan Sultan Sahib. Tipu's family was sent to Calcutta by the British. Many other descendants continue to live in Kolkata.

His sons are:

Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Hyder Ali Khan Sultan (1771 – 30 July 1815)
Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Abdul Khaliq Khan Sultan (1782 – 12 September 1806)
Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Muhi-ud-din Ali Khan Sultan (1782 – 30 September 1811)
Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Mu'izz-ud-din Ali Khan Sultan (1783 – 30 March 1818)
Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Mi'raj-ud-din Ali Khan Sultan (1784? – ?)
Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Mu'in-ud-din Ali Khan Sultan (1784? – ?)
Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Muhammad Yasin Khan Sultan (1784 – 15 March 1849)
Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Muhammad Subhan Khan Sultan (1785 – 27 September 1845)
Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Muhammad Shukrullah Khan Sultan (1785 – 25 September 1830)
Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Sarwar-ud-din Khan Sultan (1790 – 20 October 1833)
Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Muhammad Nizam-ud-din Khan Sultan (1791 – 20 October 1791)
Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Muhammad Jamal-ud-din Khan Sultan (1795 – 13 November 1842)
Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Munir-ud-din Khan Sultan (1795 – 1 December 1837)
His Highness Shahzada Sir Sayyid walShareef Ghulam Muhammad Sultan Sahib, KCSI (March 1795 – 11 August 1872)
Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Ghulam Ahmad Khan Sultan (1796 – 11 April 1824)
Shahzada Sayyid walShareef Hashmath Ali Khan Sultan (expired at birth)

Sword and tiger



Tipu Sultan's Tiger. Victoria and Albert Museum, London

Tipu Sultan had lost his sword in a war with the Nairs of Travancore during the Battle of the Nedumkotta (1789), in which he was forced to withdraw due to the severe joint attack from the Travancore army and British army. The Nair army under the leadership of Raja Kesavadas again defeated the army of Tipu near Aluva. The Maharaja, Dharma Raja, gave the famous sword to the Nawab of Arcot, from whom the sword was taken away forcibly by the British after annexing Arcot and sent to London. The sword was on display at the Wallace Collection, No. 1 Manchester Square, London.

Tipu was commonly known as the Tiger of Mysore and adopted this animal as the symbol (bubri/babri) of his rule. It is said that Tipu Sultan was hunting in the forest with a French friend. They came face to face with a tiger there. The tiger first pounced on the French soldier and killed him. Tipu's gun did not work, and his dagger fell on the ground as the tiger jumped on him. He reached for the dagger, picked it up, and killed the tiger with it. That earned him the name "the Tiger of Mysore". He even had French engineers build a mechanical tiger for his palace. The device, known as Tipu's Tiger, is on display in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London. Not only did Tipu place relics of tigers around his palace and domain, but also had the emblem of a tiger on his banners and some arms and weapons. Sometimes this tiger was very ornate and had inscriptions within the drawing, alluding to Tipu's faith - Islam. Historian Alexander Beatson reported that "in his palace was found a great variety of curious swords, daggers, fusils, pistols, and blunderbusses; some were of exquisite workmanship, mounted with gold, or silver, and beautifully inlaid and ornamented with tigers' heads and stripes, or with Persian and Arabic verses".

The last sword used by Tipu in his last battle, at Sri Rangapatnam, and the ring worn by him were taken by the British forces as war trophies. Till April 2004, they were kept on display at the British Museum London as gifts to the museum from Maj-Gen Augustus W.H. Meyrick and Nancy Dowager. At an auction in London in April 2004, Vijay Mallya purchased the sword of Tipu Sultan and some other historical artefacts, and brought them back to India.

In October 2013, another sword owned by Tipu Sultan and decorated with his babri (tiger stripe motif) surfaced and was auctioned by Sotheby's. It was purchased for £98,500 by a telephone bidder.

Tipu Sultan Jayanti

In 2015, the Government of Karnataka, under the leadership of then Chief Minister Siddaramaiah from the Congress party, began to celebrate Tipu's birth anniversary as the "Tipu Sultan Jayanti". The Congress regime declared it as an annual event to be celebrated on 20 November. It was officially celebrated in Karnataka initially by the Minority Welfare department, and later by the Kannada & Culture department. However, on 29 July 2019, the next Chief Minister B. S. Yediyurappa, who belongs to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), ordered the celebrations cancelled, saying: "Legislators from Kodagu had highlighted incidents of violence during Tipu Jayanti." The previous Congress government’s decision to organise the Jayanti was also seen as the party’s move to pander to the minorities.

Objecting against the cancellation of the celebrations, the previous Chief Minister Siddaramaiah said: "BJP has cancelled it because of their hatred towards minorities. It’s a big crime. He [Tipu] was a king of Mysore and fought against the British [as] a freedom fighter. It was during his time when the foundation was laid for the Krishna Raja Sagara dam. He also tried to improve industry, agriculture and trade". The previous year, not a single JD(S) leader, including the then chief minister HD Kumaraswamy, attended the event, turning it into a fiasco.

The Lok Sabha Congress leader, Mallikarjun Kharge, also earlier criticized BJP and RSS for their opposition against holding the celebrations, and asked: "When RSS can celebrate Nathuram Godse, can't we celebrate Tipu Sultan?”

In fiction

He has a role in G.A.Henty's 1896 book The Tiger of Mysore, and is also mentioned in Henty's 1902 At the Point of the Bayonet, which deals with much the same period.
In Jules Verne's Mysterious Island, Captain Nemo is described as Tipu's nephew.
Tipu's life and adventures were the central theme of a short-running South Indian television series The Adventures of Tipu Sultan, and of a more popular national television series The Sword of Tipu Sultan.
He was portrayed by Paidi Jairaj in the 1959 Indian historical drama film Tipu Sultan, directed by Jagdish Gautam.
Naseem Hijazi's novels Muazam Ali and Aur Talvar Ṭūṭ Gaye (And The Sword Broke) describe Tipu's wars.
Wilkie Collins's novel The Moonstone contains an account of Tipu and the fall of Srirangapatna in the prologue.
In The Surprising Adventures of Baron Munchausen by Rudolf Erich Raspe, Munchausen vanquishes Tipu near the end of the novel.
Sharpe's Tiger is a novel by Bernard Cornwell in which Napoleonic–era British soldier Richard Sharpe fights at Seringapatam, later killing Tipu.
Tipu appears as a "Great Person" in the video games, Sid Meier's Civilization: Revolution and Sid Meier's Civilization IV.

In his historical novels on the Seringapatam captivity of Konkani Catholics by the Konkani littérateur V.J.P. Saldanha, Belthangaddicho Balthazar (Balthazar of Belthangady), Devache Krupen (By the Grace of God), Sardarachi Sinol (The sign of the Knights) and Infernachi Daram (The gates of Hell), Tipu is portrayed as "cunning, haughty, hard-hearted, revengeful, yet full of self-control".

U Tirot Singh

Mahasweta Dey

June 16th 2019

The early 19th century was a period of great turbulence in the North-Eastern region of present-day India. The Anglo-Burmese War had come to an end with the signing of the Treaty of Yandabo (1826), which finally paved the way for the entry of the East India Company into Assam and other areas of the North East.

In the early days of British rule in Assam, David Scott was appointed as the Agent of the Governor-General for the entire eastern frontier, from Cachar (Silchar in Assam) to Sylhet (in present-day Bangladesh) in the south, to Sikkim in the north. He was also the Special Civil Commissioner of North-East Rongpur (present-day Goalpara and Garo Hills) and Judge of Circuit and Appeal in the Zilla of Sylhet.

Scott was an ambitious British officer, whose primary aim was to consolidate British rule in the region.One of the main strategies of the British in India was to create a sound network of connectivity across the country, to maintain control over the provinces. With the beginning of British control over the Brahmaputra valley, Scott started seeking avenues to open up a direct route of transportation and communication from Assam through densely forested areas right up to the Surma Valley. He wanted to build a road connecting Guwahati to Sylhet (around 230 km), thus saving travel time through the malaria-infested region.

Map of the Khasi kingdoms |Wikimedia Commons

Since the road would have to pass through Meghalaya, Scott arranged a meeting with U Tirot Singh (‘U’ is the masculine article in the Khasi language), one of the constitutionally chosen chiefs or ‘Syiems’ in the province of Nongkhlow (Nongklaw). Nongkhlow is now a village in the Nongstoin subdistrict of the West Khasi Hills district of Meghalaya, roughly 63 km from Shillong and about 101 km from Guwahati. This route was chosen by the British since it would be the fastest route to Sylhet as well as the rest of Bengal, and thus connect them to the rest of the country.

Tirot Singh was a constitutional head of Nongkhlow. He was the king of the Khadsawphra Syiemship. There were 25 petty states in the Khasi Hills. Of these, 15 were presided over by the Syiems; even though all the heads belonged to the same clan, they were all chosen by popular election.

Statue of Tirot Singh|Wikimedia Commons

Tirot Singh was a visionary leader and well loved by his people. He had the interest of his people in mind and so, when the British led by Scott approached him with the proposal to build a road connecting Guwahati to Sylhet, he welcomed the idea, thinking it would give him and his tribe access as well as control over the duars or passes in Assam and a flourishing trade route right up to the Surma Valley (in present-day Bangladesh).

With this end in view, Tirot Singh and the other chiefs held a durbar or a court with David Scott in 1827.

After an intensive discussion among the chiefs, they granted their consent to the construction of a road from Rani (near Guwahati) via Nongkhlow to the Surma Valley. The work started at once and, soon, bungalows came up at Nongkhlow. For about 18 months, work proceeded smoothly and the officers mixed freely with the local tribesmen and maintained cordial relations.

British historian, Sir Edward Gait mentions in his book ‘The History of Assam’ (1906) that in April 1829, there arose a sense of great alarm among the Khasis in Nongkhlow when a Bengali peon told them that the British had ulterior motives for building that road. He said they were planning to levy taxes on the local people and subjugate them as soon as the road was completed.

Children of the Khasi tribe|Wikimedia Commons

Tirot Singh also learned of reinforcements being brought in to Guwahati. He convened another durbar and also instructed the British to vacate Nongkhlow. The latter, of course, paid no heed. This angered Tirot Singh and he led a sudden attack on a small band of officers on 4th April 1829 (Prof P N Dutta - Glimpse into the History of Assam, Shillong, 1986 ). One of the officers, Lt Bedingfield was lured to a meeting and killed, while another officer, Lt Burlton, continued to defend himself and tried to flee towards Guwahati but he was overtaken and put to death. Sir Gait, in his narration, mentions that Scott himself had a narrow escape as he had left for Cherrapunjee (Sohra) shortly before the attack.

Nongkhlow Cave|Wikimedia Commons

Alarmed at the sudden development, British troops were immediately summoned from both Sylhet and Kamrup, and drastic steps were taken to put down the rebellion. The Khasis under Tirot Singh offered stiff resistance to the British, resorting mainly to guerilla warfare and the hilly terrain worked to their advantage. But, sadly, they were armed only with native weapons like bows, arrows and swords, which eventually proved futile against the sophisticated guns and battle strategy of the British.

In spite of these drawbacks, the Khasis didn’t give up easily and the conflict dragged on for four long years. But, as days passed, one chief after another began to accept submission. Tirot Singh was also injured and took refuge in the surrounding caves. Even, today, anyone travelling to those areas can get a glimpse of these hiding places, which are preserved with great pride.

Nohkalikai falls near Cherrapunji|Wikimedia Commons

Unfortunately, Tirot Singh was betrayed and his hideout given away by a native who had been bribed by the British, and Tirot Singh was forced to surrender on 9th January 1833. After a namesake trial, Tirot Singh was deported to Dhaka (in present-day Bangladesh), where he died in captivity.

Prof David R Syiemlieh, who has done extensive research and is credited with the discovery of the details regarding the death and last days of Tirot Singh, mentions in In Pursuit of History, Discussion on Collection and Interpretation of Data (NEHU journal publication; Vol XIII) that although Tirot Singh was actually deported to faraway Dhaka, he was treated like a native ruler and granted an allowance. Prof Syiemlieh offers documented proof that he had been under house arrest but was allowed to move around in his palanquin in and around Dhaka.

His research led to the discovery that Tirot Singh breathed his last on 17th July 1835. It is believed that he died of a stomach ailment. These findings led the Meghalaya government to dedicate 17th July as Tirot Singh Day and a state holiday. The Tirot Singh Award for Arts and Literature is also a very prestigious state award.

Tirot Singh was not only one of the most loved and respected Syiems, but his patriotism and courage have also made him a household name in Meghalaya. A true son of the soil, who had the welfare of his people at heart, he didn’t hesitate to retaliate as soon as he realized the real motives of the British. David Scott still exists and is broken into many segments frequented by trekking enthusiasts. The most favoured section, 16 km long, extends from Mawphlang to Lad Mawphlang in Meghalaya’s Eastern Khasi Hills and is called the David Scott Trail. While pushing this trail, you can still get a glimpse of the horse-cart track that Scott built from Sohra (Cherrapunjee) to Bangladesh. The route is littered with jaw-dropping vistas but, if you ever make it this far, spare a thought for the son of the soilwho gave his life for his people and for these hills.

https://www.livehistoryindia.com/history-daily/2019/06/16/u-tirot-singh-meghalayas-fight-for-freedom

Umaji Naik Khomene

Umaji Naik Khomane, also known as Raje Umaji Naik, was a prominent Indian revolutionary and freedom fighter from Maharashtra, celebrated for his resistance against British colonial rule in the early 19th century. Belonging to the Ramoshi-Berad community, he led a significant rebellion against the British East India Company, earning a lasting legacy as a symbol of defiance and social justice. Below is a comprehensive account of his life, contributions, and legacy.

Early Life and Background

• Community: Umaji Naik was born into the Ramoshi-Berad community, a nomadic group historically associated with roles as warriors, night patrol guards, and intelligence gatherers during the Maratha Empire. The Ramoshis migrated from Telangana to Maharashtra and were known for their martial skills and loyalty to Maratha rulers, particularly during the reign of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj.
• Socio-Economic Context: After the fall of the Maratha Empire following the Third Anglo-Maratha War (1817–1818), the British East India Company annexed Maratha territories, including Pune. The imposition of heavy taxes, discriminatory laws, and the British Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 (which later branded the Ramoshi-Berad as a "criminal tribe") marginalized communities like the Ramoshis, stripping them of their traditional roles and livelihoods. This socio-economic oppression fueled Umaji Naik's rebellion.
• Birth and Early Life: While exact details about his birth date and place are scarce, Umaji Naik is believed to have been born around the late 18th or early 19th century in Maharashtra, likely in the Pune region. Historical records are limited due to the oral tradition of his community's history and British suppression of such narratives.

Role as a Freedom Fighter

Umaji Naik emerged as a leader of the Ramoshi-Berad community and other marginalized groups, organizing them to resist British rule. His rebellion was both a fight for independence and a response to the socio-economic injustices faced by his people.

• Rebellion Against the British (1826–1832):
  • Context: After the British defeated the Marathas, they imposed harsh policies, including heavy taxation and the disarmament of local communities. The Ramoshis, who had served as guards and soldiers under the Marathas, were left jobless and stigmatized. Umaji Naik rallied these disaffected groups to challenge British authority.
  • Guerrilla Warfare: Umaji Naik adopted guerrilla tactics, leveraging his knowledge of the rugged terrain of Maharashtra’s Sahyadri mountains. He led raids on British outposts, looted their treasuries, and disrupted their administrative control. His attacks targeted symbols of British oppression, such as tax collectors and revenue offices.
  • Charter of Demands (1830): In a bold move, Umaji Naik issued a charter of demands to the British, seeking the restoration of land rights, employment opportunities, and dignity for his community. He demanded that the Ramoshis be employed as hill watchmen and fort guards, roles they had historically held. When the British rejected these demands, he escalated his rebellion, declaring himself a "Raja" and issuing a manifesto to overthrow British rule.
  • Support Base: Umaji Naik mobilized not only the Ramoshi-Berad but also other tribal and marginalized communities, such as the Kolis and Bhils, creating a broad-based resistance movement. His leadership inspired many to join the fight against colonial exploitation.
• Key Actions:
  • He organized attacks on British-controlled villages and towns, redistributing looted wealth to the poor, which earned him a Robin Hood-like reputation among locals.
  • His forces operated from the forests and hills, making it difficult for the British to capture him.
  • Umaji Naik’s rebellion posed a significant challenge to British authority in western Maharashtra, particularly in the Pune and Satara regions.

Capture and Execution

• British Response: The British, alarmed by Umaji Naik’s growing influence, launched a manhunt to capture him. They offered rewards for information leading to his arrest and deployed troops to suppress his rebellion.
• Betrayal and Capture: In 1831, Umaji Naik was betrayed by some locals, possibly due to the British reward or internal rivalries. He was captured near Jejuri, a town in Pune district.
• Execution: On February 3, 1832, Umaji Naik was executed by hanging in Pune. The British publicly displayed his execution to deter other rebels, but his martyrdom only strengthened the resolve of his followers and inspired future resistance movements.

Legacy and Impact

• Symbol of Resistance: Umaji Naik is remembered as a fearless leader who fought against colonial oppression and championed the rights of marginalized communities. His rebellion was one of the earliest organized resistances against British rule in Maharashtra, predating the larger 1857 Revolt.
• Cultural Impact: In Maharashtra, Umaji Naik is celebrated as a folk hero, particularly among the Ramoshi-Berad and other tribal communities. His life and struggle are recounted in folk songs, ballads, and oral traditions.
• Recognition:
  • The Government of Maharashtra honors his legacy through various memorials and tributes. For instance, a statue of Umaji Naik stands in Pune, and his name is associated with schemes for the upliftment of the Ramoshi community.
  • He is recognized as a freedom fighter in Indian history, with his contributions highlighted in regional histories of Maharashtra’s anti-colonial struggles.
• Social Justice: Umaji Naik’s fight was not only against foreign rule but also for the dignity and rights of oppressed communities. His rebellion highlighted the intersection of caste, class, and colonial exploitation, making him a symbol of resistance against both external and internal injustices.

Historical Significance

Umaji Naik’s rebellion was a precursor to later tribal and peasant uprisings against British rule, such as the Bhil and Koli revolts. His use of guerrilla tactics and mobilization of marginalized groups set a precedent for future freedom fighters. While his movement was localized, it contributed to the broader narrative of resistance that culminated in India’s independence in 1947.

Sources and Further Reading

• Historical Records: Much of Umaji Naik’s story is preserved in oral traditions and limited colonial records. British accounts often portrayed him as a bandit, while Indian narratives celebrate him as a revolutionary.
• Books and Articles: Works on Maharashtra’s freedom struggle, such as those by historians like G.S. Sardesai and regional Marathi literature, provide insights into his life.
• Web Resources: Websites like those maintained by the Government of Maharashtra or cultural organizations in Pune offer details on his contributions.

Conclusion

Umaji Naik Khomane was a trailblazing freedom fighter whose courage and leadership galvanized marginalized communities against British colonial rule. His rebellion, rooted in both anti-colonial and social justice ideals, remains a powerful chapter in India’s struggle for freedom. Today, he is revered as a hero in Maharashtra, embodying the spirit of resistance against oppression.

Unniyarcha

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Unniyarcha (sometimes spelled Unniarcha) is a popular legendary warrior and heroine mentioned in the Vadakkan Pattukal, the old ballads of North Malabar. She was from famous Thiyyar Chekavar family of Puthooram Veed at Kadathanad.Her father's name was kannappa chekaver.She is believed to have lived in northern part of Kerala, India during the 16th century. She is a popular character in Kerala's folklore remembered for her valour and skills in martial art of Kalaripayattu.She was trained in kalari at the age of seven.
History
Attummanammel Unniyarcha was from the famous Puthooram Veedu of North Malabar. Unniyarcha was married to Attumanammel Kunjiraman.Attamael kumjiram had a kalari known as Puthussery kalari which is still there at kannur district of kerala. She was the sister of Aromal Chekavar and Unnikannan. Unniyarcha spurned Chandu Chekavar (or Chanthu)love for her, which led to the murder of her brother Aromal by Chanthu chekavar. Later, Aromalunni, the son of Unniyarcha, took revenge against Chanthu. Unniyarcha is praised for her bravery and beauty and chronicles have to this day kept the legend alive.
In popular culture
The legend of Unniyarcha has been made into films such as Unniyarcha (1961), Oru Vadakkan Veeragatha (1989), and Puthooramputhri Unniyarcha (2002). A television serial titled Unniyarcha was aired in Asianet (2006).Her character was also shown in Veeram (2016)

Udaiya Chamar

Udaiya Chamar (late 18th–early 19th century) was an early Indian freedom fighter and Dalit warrior from the Chamar community, renowned for his fierce resistance against British colonial forces in the pre-1857 era. As a loyal associate of the Nawab of Chhatari, he symbolized the unsung contributions of Dalit and Bahujan communities to India's independence struggle. His acts of bravery, including single-handedly killing hundreds of British soldiers, are celebrated in Dalit folklore and historical narratives, though detailed records remain sparse due to the marginalization of subaltern voices. Below is a comprehensive overview of his life, contributions, and legacy, drawn from available historical accounts.

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Early Life and Background

• Birth and Origins: Specific details about Udaiya Chamar's birth date and early years are not well-documented, reflecting the limited archival focus on Dalit figures from the era. He was born in the late 18th century in the Chhatari region (present-day Ghazipur district, Uttar Pradesh), into the Chamar community—a Scheduled Caste group historically associated with leatherwork and facing severe caste-based oppression.
• Family and Influences: Udaiya rose as a trusted warrior and close friend of Nawab Nahar Khan of Chhatari, a Muslim Rajput ruler and staunch opponent of British expansionism. This alliance highlights cross-community solidarity against colonial rule, with Udaiya serving as a key military aide in the Nawab's court. His background as a Dalit underscores the broader participation of marginalized groups in early anti-colonial resistance, often overlooked in mainstream histories.

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Role in the Freedom Struggle

• Context of Resistance: Udaiya's activism occurred during the early phases of British consolidation in northern India, amid policies like land revenue reforms and subsidiary alliances that encroached on princely states like Chhatari. The Nawab's opposition to these "wrong policies" (as described in contemporary accounts) fueled localized revolts, predating the more famous 1857 Rebellion.
• Key Battles (1804–1807):
  • 1804 Revolt: Udaiya, enraged by British interference and exploitative measures, led attacks alongside the sons of Nawab Nahar Khan. He is credited with single-handedly killing numerous British soldiers—accounts vary from dozens to hundreds—disrupting colonial outposts and supply lines in the Ghazipur-Chhatari area. His guerrilla-style tactics earned him notoriety among the British, who viewed him as a formidable threat.
  • 1807 Capture and Martyrdom: After sustained resistance, Udaiya was captured by British forces. He was tried summarily and hanged in 1807 as a rebel, becoming one of the earliest documented Dalit martyrs against colonial rule. His execution was part of a broader British strategy to suppress princely and subaltern uprisings through public hangings to instill fear.
• Military Prowess: Described as a "beloved warrior" and the Nawab's favorite, Udaiya's valor was acknowledged even by his adversaries. He fought without formal arms, relying on local knowledge and sheer determination, embodying the spirit of grassroots resistance.

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Contributions and Significance

• Dalit Empowerment: Udaiya's story challenges the narrative that Dalits were passive or pro-British during the freedom struggle. As a Chamar leader, he exemplified how oppressed castes actively resisted both colonial and caste hierarchies, inspiring later Dalit movements.
• Broader Impact: His actions weakened British control in eastern Uttar Pradesh temporarily and contributed to the cumulative pressure that led to larger revolts like 1857. He is often grouped with other early Bahujan heroes, such as Tilka Manjhi and Matadin Valmiki, in Dalit historiographies.
• Literary and Cultural Depictions: Udaiya features in regional folklore, ballads, and oral traditions of Ghazipur, where he is portrayed as a symbol of unyielding courage. Modern retellings appear in Dalit literature and media, emphasizing his role in "Bahujan" (oppressed majority) narratives.

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Legacy and Recognition

• Posthumous Remembrance: Despite his heroism, Udaiya remained largely forgotten in official histories until Dalit scholars and activists revived his story in the late 20th century. Articles in publications like Navodaya Times (2016) and Dalit Dastak (2018) highlighted him as an "unsung hero," countering upper-caste centric accounts of independence.
• Modern Tributes: In Uttar Pradesh, local commemorations and Dalit cultural events honor him annually. His narrative aligns with Ambedkarite efforts to reclaim Dalit history, and he is invoked in discussions on caste and colonialism. No major memorials exist, but community-led initiatives, including books like those on "Dalit Studies in Higher Education," keep his memory alive.
• Challenges in Documentation: Fact-checks have clarified misattributions, such as viral photos falsely claiming to depict him (actually of unrelated figures like a Kaibarta fisherman). This underscores the need for authentic sourcing in subaltern histories.

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Key Contributions Summarized

Aspect	Details
Timeline	Active 1804–1807; hanged on 19 September 1807
Affiliation	Loyal to Nawab Nahar Khan of Chhatari
Major Acts	Killed hundreds of British soldiers in guerrilla attacks; disrupted colonial expansion
Community Impact	Pioneered Dalit-Bahujan resistance; symbol of cross-caste anti-colonial alliance
Historical Era	Pre-1857; early British subsidiary alliances period

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Udaiya Chamar's life stands as a testament to the bravery of Dalit warriors in India's long freedom saga, reminding us that independence was forged not just by elites but by the marginalized who bore the brunt of oppression. His story, though brief in records, resonates as a call for inclusive historiography.

Umabai Kundapur

Biography of a Remarkable Woman (1892-1992)

by Jyotsna Kamat

First Online: October 04, 2000

Last Updated On: June 06, 2019

I had the unique privilege of meeting this remarkable lady, at Hubli, in my early years of All India Radio. At that time, she had taken voluntary retirement after a very hectic life of freedom struggle and social service of nearly 50 years. In India, the freedom fighters automatically became politicians and people at the helm of affairs, because of their incarceration and life in jail in British India and most died holding important post. But Umabai shunned limelight from the beginning and refused all voluntary post s and honors that came her way, came unasked and unhindered for. Her life and achievements are record of a long life of unselfish service to mother India.

Umabai Kundapur

(1892-1992)

Umabai was born in Mangalore (locate) as Bhavani Golikeri to parents Golikeri Krishna Rao and Jungabai in 1892. She had four brothers besides. They were early migrants to Mumbai, then an upcoming metropolis of international importance. She was married at the age of 13 to Sanjiv Rao Kundapur. Her father-in-law Anandarao Kundapur was a reformist and staunch believer in upliftment of women. Under his encouragement, Umabai continued education after marriage and passed the matriculation examination. Thereafter she helped the father-in-law in educating women through Gaundevi Mahila Samaj, Mumbai.

The great funeral procession of Lokmanya Tilak in 1920 left a lasting impression on young Umabai. Half a million people had assembled with hardly handful policemen to control the crowd. Congress organization and voluntary service in those days were exemplary and Umabai was drawn towards freedom struggle and became a volunteer. She started advocating Khadi, wrote and enacted play on Swadeshi and recruited women volunteers by going door to door. At the age of 25, she lost her husband (who died of tuberculosis). Ananda Rao tried his best to console the young daughter-in-law. They then came to Hubli and Anada Rao started the Karnataka Press. In the premises, a school for girls "Tilak Kanya Shala" started and Umabai became in charge.

Dr. N. S. Hardikar had started Hindustani Seva Dal (HSD) in 1921 in order to organize Indian Youth. He had realized after his specialization in medicine in United States and return to post-Tilak India, that lack of organization at national level was the greatest impediment in creating (national) awareness regarding freedom struggle. Hubli-Dharwad became the hub of Hindustani Seva Dal (HSD) and youths from different parts of South India and Maharashtra started coming to Hubli and receive training in drill, camp life, spinning, weaving, shramadan (voluntary work). All national leaders (including Jawaharlal Nehru who came to Hubli to inaugurate industrial exhibition) visited Hubli, right under the vigilant eye of British police.

 Umabai became leader of women's wing of Seva Dal.

The All India Congress Session of 1924 at Belgaum (locate) was a historical event. That was the only time when Gandhiji presided over the session and it was a big challenge for Dr. Hardikar and Umabai to organize to national event. Umabai recruited more than 150 women volunteers, touring the entire state. Even tonsured widows came forward to offer their services. Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya, was greatly impressed by the mild-mannered but iron-willed charming lady. "It was the biggest turning point in my life. I joined as a volunteer and I still continue to be her camp follower," wrote she in 1952.

In 1932, Umbai was jailed for four months and kept in Yerawada. News of death of her old and ailing father-in-law, who was her only emotional support reached her after a week. Sarojini Naidu who was also in the same jail tried her best to console her and advised to work from "behind the screen" and avoid all visible activities. When she came back after her jail term, the British government had confiscated the press and the school was sealed. "Bhagini Mandal" the voluntary organization she started was declared unlawful. But Umabai did not withdraw. Her small house became shelter for all types of freedom fighters, some eagerly sought and hounded by the police. No tax campaign and salt campaign were at their peak. People were imprisoned mindlessly and many were women. When they were released from different prisons, they were hapless. The Tongawallas of Hubli invariably brought such women fighters to Umabai's house, who provided food shelter and money for their return journey.

The earthquake of Bihar (1934) brought forth fearlessness and perseverance of Umabai to forth. It was then as is now, most backward state and women never left the "purdah" even in extreme adverse circumstances. Umabai and her batch of volunteers worked day and night in refugee camps. It was at this time that she came in close contact with national leaders like Babu Rajendra Prasad, Acharya Kripalani and others.

1942 and the "Chale Jav!" (Quit India) movement offered another challenge. Many underground workers appeared at her Hubli house at unearthly hours seeking food and monetary help. She helped one and all, at a great risk and sought solace in behind the curtain.

In 1946 Mahatma Gandhi himself appointed her as the agent for Karnataka branch of Kasturba Trust. It was formed for rural upliftment by training Grama Sevikas in health programs, child-welfare, and adult education. Not a single resource was available for such voluntary organization from the Government in those days. She took the begging bowl and collected funds. First recruits were destitute, young widows, unmarried orphans and other unfortunate women. Very soon they were trained in different arts and crafts and were self-supporting. Umabai became a household name in Karnataka.

After the Indian independence, she could have easily entered the politics and many coveted posts waited for her because most of the national leaders knew her. But she remained a worker through and through. She even refused the Tamra-patra Award (given to the frontline freedom fighters) and also national and state pensions accorded to such people. She lived in an small cottage like home "Ananda-Smriti" built in memory of her most respected father-in-law.

Kamat's Potpourri

Umabai Kundapur (far left) with Anand Rao (father-in-law) and husband Sanjiv Rao (right)

Photograph circa 1905

Late Dr. N. S. Hardikar has paid a glowing tribute to this remarkable lady. -- "No other woman in Karnataka, as far as my knowledge goes, has done sustained work in the political, social, and educational fields for such a long period as Umabai has done. Leaders, workers, and volunteers came and worked for some time and disappeared from the field. But Umabai remained at her post even as Jawaharlal does. Unassuming she worked and works without expecting any reward. That is a great thing in a worker, a worker who is devoted to the service of humanity."

Many women workers who shine today as leaders mix only with political forces and move with leaders, but hardly mingle with women folk or helped them directly to solve their own problems. Umabai never cared for publicity and in discussing "big" projects at the cost of her sisters. That was a great quality in her. Very rarely have we seen this in other women workers.

Umabai Kundapur

Umabai Kundapur: The fearless leader who sheltered freedom fighters from the British

Umabai Kundapur was the founder of 'Bhagini Mandal' and the leader of women's wing of Hindustani Seva Dal. She was also the head of the Karnataka branch of Kasturba Trust

Shweta Ganjoo

She was the leader of women’s wing of Seva Dal. She was the founder of ‘Bhagini Mandal‘. She was the fearless leader who educated young girls at the ‘Tilak Kanya Shala‘. She was the iron-willed lady who sheltered the freedom fighters from the British. Mahatma Gandhi appointed her as the head of the Karnataka branch of the Kasturba Trust. Umabai Kundapur was the down-to-earth freedom campaigner who served her country fearlessly till her last breath.

Early Life

Umabai Kundapur was born as Bhavani Golikeri to Golikeri Krishna Rao and Jungabai in Mangalore in 1892. She was married to Sanjiv Rao Kundapur at a young age of 13. Her father-in-law Anandarao Kundapur was a progressive thinker and believed in uplifting the condition of women. Under his guidance, Umbai continued her education and passed her matriculation examination.

Life as a teacher

After completing her education, Umabai helped her father-in-law in educating women through Gaundevi Mahila Samaj in Mumbai. Umabai was just 25 when she lost her husband. After his death, Ananda Rao and Umabai came to Hubli, where he started the Karnataka Press. He also started a school for girls ‘Tilak Kanya Shala’, which was led by Umabai.

Umabai Kundapur (Photo: Kamat)

Life as a freedom fighter

In 1921, Dr. NS Hardikar started Hindustani Seva Dal to organize Youth and Hubli became the hub of its activities. Umabai became the leader of the women’s wing of the Hindustani Seva Dal.

In 1924, she helped Dr. Hardikar recruit over 150 women to help in Belgaum session of the All India Congress. In 1932, she was arrested and kept in Yerwada jail for four months. While she was in jail, the British confiscated Karnataka Press, sealed her school and declared her NGO ‘Bhagini Mandal’ as unlawful. Undeterred by the happenings, Umabai decided to keep fighting. Her small house became a shelter for women freedom fighters. She not only housed them in her home but also gave them money for their return journey.

In 1946, Mahatma Gandhi appointed her the head of the Karnataka branch of Kasturba Trust. Umbai along with other women took to begging bowl to collect funds for uplifting the condition of the villages by training Grama Sevikas in child-welfare, health programs, and education.

After Independence, she lived in a small home called ‘Ananda Smriti’ built in the memory of her father-in-law.

As India celebrates 70 years of independence, we bring you stories of women who were part of the Indian Independence Struggle. You might have heard about some of them but most do not find a mention in our history books or popular memory. These were ordinary women from all walks of life who managed to make extraordinary contributions to the cause of freedom. This series is our tribute to these women and their exemplary work. We bring you 70 stories of courage and valour over the next one week leading up to 15th August 2017. Write to us, if you have any names to add to this list. Email: inuthsocial@indianexpress.com

https://www.inuth.com/india/women-freedom-fighters-of-india/umabai-kundapur-the-fearless-leader-who-sheltered-freedom-fighters-from-the-british/

Uda Devi Pasi

Uda Devi Pasi (1830–1857), also known as Uda Devi, was a prominent Dalit freedom fighter from the Pasi community during India's First War of Independence in 1857. Often hailed as a "Dalit Veerangana" (brave Dalit woman warrior), she symbolized resistance against British colonial rule and caste-based oppression. Belonging to a community stigmatized as a "criminal caste" under British laws like the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871, Uda Devi's story highlights the overlooked contributions of marginalized groups to the revolt. She fought alongside her husband and led an all-women battalion, becoming an enduring icon for Dalit and women's empowerment.

Early Life

Uda Devi was born on June 30, 1830, in Ujariya village (now part of Gomti Nagar) in Lucknow district, Uttar Pradesh, into a Pasi family—a Scheduled Caste community traditionally involved in toddy-tapping and facing severe social discrimination. Little is documented about her childhood, but she married Makka Pasi, a skilled wrestler and soldier in the army of Begum Hazrat Mahal, the wife of the deposed Nawab Wajid Ali Shah of Awadh. The couple lived in Lucknow, where Uda Devi honed her marksmanship skills, possibly influenced by her husband's military background. Her life reflected the resilience of Pasi women amid colonial exploitation and caste hierarchies.

Role in the 1857 Revolt

The Indian Rebellion of 1857 erupted as a widespread uprising against British East India Company rule, triggered by grievances like the annexation of Awadh and cultural insensitivities (e.g., greased cartridges). Uda Devi played a pivotal role in the defense of Lucknow, aligning with Begum Hazrat Mahal's forces. She formed and commanded the "Dalit Veeranganas"—an all-women battalion of Pasi and other Dalit fighters—who provided crucial support to the rebel army.

Her most legendary exploit occurred during the Battle of Sikandar Bagh on November 16, 1857. As British forces, led by Sir Colin Campbell, advanced to recapture Lucknow, Uda Devi climbed a tall pipal tree near the Sikandar Bagh gardens for a strategic vantage point. Armed with two heavy cavalry pistols (looted from British armories), she rained fire on the troops from above, killing or wounding over a dozen soldiers. Eyewitness accounts from British officer William Forbes-Mitchell noted the unusual downward trajectories of bullets, later attributing them to snipers in trees. Uda Devi's precision and bravery disrupted the assault, buying time for Indian forces. She fought not just for independence but also against the systemic erasure of Dalit voices in the freedom struggle.

Death

Uda Devi was fatally shot during the intense crossfire at Sikandar Bagh on November 16, 1857, at the age of 27. Her body was discovered beside the tree, with one pistol still loaded and unused ammunition in her pouch, underscoring her unyielding determination. She died shortly after learning of her husband Makka Pasi's death in the same battle, reportedly vowing to avenge him by intensifying her fight. Her martyrdom marked the end of a fierce stand that delayed British victory in Lucknow.

Legacy and Cultural Impact

Uda Devi's story was initially suppressed in mainstream histories, which often centered upper-caste figures like Rani Lakshmibai, sidelining Dalit contributions. However, Dalit oral traditions and later scholarship revived her narrative, portraying her as a symbol of intersectional resistance—against colonialism, casteism, and patriarchy.

• Commemorations: The Pasi community annually gathers at her martyrdom site in Sikandar Bagh on November 16 to honor her with memorials and cultural programs. Today, November 16, 2025, marks her 168th death anniversary, with events likely held across Uttar Pradesh.
• Government Recognition: In 2021, under the Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav initiative, the Uttar Pradesh government named a women's battalion of the Provincial Armed Constabulary after her, alongside units for Rani Avantibai and Jhalkaribai, promoting her as a role model for female police officers.
• Modern Influence: She inspires Dalit literature, feminist movements, and social justice campaigns. Books like Women Heroes and Dalit Assertion in North India by Badri Narayan detail her as a catalyst for Dalit assertion. Statues and plaques in Lucknow, including at Gomti Nagar, keep her memory alive. Her tale challenges caste narratives, emphasizing how Pasi warriors like "Maharaja" Bijli Pasi (a legendary ancestor credited with founding Bijnor) contributed to regional history.

Uda Devi's life exemplifies courage in the face of overwhelming odds, reminding us that India's freedom struggle was a collective effort across castes and genders. Her unfulfilled ammunition pouch stands as a metaphor for unfinished battles for equality.

Usha Mehta

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Usha Mehta

Dr. Usha Mehta in 1996

Born 25 March 1920

Gujarat, India

Died 11 August 2000 (aged 80)

Education PhD in Gandhian thought

Occupation Activist, Professor

Employer Wilson College, Mumbai(till 1980)[1]

Gandhi Peace Foundation

Known for Gandhian and freedom fighter of India

Awards Padma Vibhushan (1998)

Usha Mehta (25 March 1920 – 11 August 2000[2]) was a Gandhian and freedom fighter of India. She is also remembered for organizing the Congress Radio, also called the Secret Congress Radio, an underground radio station, which functioned for few months during the Quit India Movement of 1942. In 1998, the Government of India conferred on her Padma Vibhushan, the second highest civilian award of Republic of India.

Early life

Usha was born in Saras village near Surat in Gujarat. When she was just five years old, Usha first saw Gandhi while on a visit to his ashram at Ahmedabad. Shortly afterwards, Gandhi arranged a camp near her village in which little Usha participated, attending sessions and doing a little spinning.

In 1928, eight-year-old Usha participated in a protest march against the Simon Commission and shouted her first words of protest against the British Raj: "Simon Go Back." She and other children participated in early morning protests against the British Raj and picketing in front of liquor shops. During one of these protests marches, the policemen charged the children, and a girl carrying the Indian flag fell down along with the flag. Angry at this incident, the children took the story to their parents. The elders responded by dressing up the children in the colours of the Indian flag (saffron, white and green) and sending them out in the streets a few days later. Dressed in the colours of the flag, the children marched again, shouting: "Policemen, you can wield your sticks and your batons, but you cannot bring down our flag."

Usha's father was a judge under the British Raj. He therefore did not encourage her to participate in the freedom struggle. However, this limitation was removed when her father retired in 1930. In 1932, when Usha was 12, her family moved to Bombay, making it possible for her to participate more actively in the freedom movement. She and other children distributed clandestine bulletins and publications, visited relatives in the prisons, and carried messages to these prisoners.

Usha grew up highly influenced by Gandhi and became one of his followers. She made an early decision to remain celibate for life and took up a spartan, Gandhian lifestyle, wearing only Khādī clothes and keeping away from luxuries of all types. Over time, she emerged as a prominent proponent of Gandhian thought and philosophy.

Usha's initial schooling was in Kheda and Bharuch and then in Chandaramji High School, Bombay. She was an average student. In 1935, her matriculation examinations placed her among the top 25 students in her class. She continued her education at Wilson College, Bombay, graduating in 1939 with a first-class degree in philosophy. She also began studying law, but ended her studies in 1942 to join the Quit India Movement. Thereafter, beginning at age 22, she participated in the freedom movement full-time.

Role in freedom struggle

Gandhi and the Congress had announced that the Quit India Movement would commence on 9 August 1942 with a rally at Gowalia Tank grounds in Mumbai. Nearly all leaders including Gandhi were arrested before that date. However, a vast crowd of Indians gathered at Gowalia Tank Ground on the appointed day. It was left to a group of junior leaders and workers to address them and hoist the national flag.

On 14 August 1942, Usha and some of her close associates began the Secret Congress Radio, a clandestine radio station. It went air on 27 August.The first words broadcast in her voice were: "This is the Congress radio calling on [a wavelength of] 42.34 meters from somewhere in India." Her associates included Vithalbhai Jhaveri, Chandrakant Jhaveri, Babubhai Thakkar and Nanka Motwani, owner of Chicago Radio, who supplied equipment and provided technicians. Many other leaders, including Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia, Achyutrao Patwardhan and Purushottam Trikamdas, also assisted the Secret Congress Radio. The radio broadcast recorded messages from Gandhi and other prominent leaders across India. To elude the authorities, the organizers moved the station's location almost daily. Ultimately, however, the police found them on 12 November 1942 and arrested the organizers, including Usha Mehta. All were later imprisoned.

The Criminal Investigation Department (CID), a wing of the Indian Police, interrogated her for six months. During this time, she was held in solitary confinement and offered inducements such as the opportunity to study abroad if she would betray the movement. However, she chose to remain silent and, during her trials, asked the Judge of the High Court whether she was required to answer the questions. When the judge confirmed that she was not mandatory, she declared that she would not reply to any of the questions, not even to save herself. After the trial, she was sentenced to four years' imprisonment (1942 to 1946). Two of her associates were also convicted. Usha was imprisoned at Yeravda Jail in Pune. Her health deteriorated and she was sent to Bombay for treatment at Sir J. J. Hospital. In the hospital, three to four policemen kept a round-the-clock watch on her to prevent her from escaping. When her health improved, she was returned to Yeravda Jail. In March 1946, she was released, the first political prisoner to be released in Bombay, at the orders of Morarji Desai, who was at that time the home minister in the interim government.

Although the Secret Congress Radio functioned only for three months, it greatly assisted the movement by disseminating uncensored news and other information banned by the British-controlled government of India. Secret Congress Radio also kept the leaders of the freedom movement in touch with the public. Reminiscing about those days, Usha Mehta described her involvement with the Secret Congress Radio as her "finest moment" and also as her saddest moment, because an Indian technician had betrayed them to the authorities.

Post-independence

After her incarceration, Usha's failing health prevented her from participating in politics or social work. The day India gained independence, Usha Mehta was confined to bed and could not attend the official function in New Delhi. She later re-commenced her education and wrote a doctoral dissertation on the political and social thought of Gandhi, earning a PhD from the University of Bombay. She had a long association with Mumbai university in many capacities: as a student, as a research assistant, as a lecturer, a professor, and finally as the head of the department of civics and politics. She retired from the University of Bombay in 1980.

Even after India's independence, Usha continued to be socially active, particularly in spreading the Gandhian thought and philosophy. Over the years. she authored many articles, essays, and books in English and Gujarati, her mother tongue. She was elected the president of Gandhi Smarak Nidhi, a trust dedicated to the preservation of Gandhian heritage. The Nidhi acquired Mani Bhavan in Mumbai, residence of Sardar Patel's daughter Manibehn Patel, where Gandhi used to reside during his visits to the city and converted it into a Gandhi memorial. She was the president of Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi. She also actively participated in the affairs of Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan. The Government of India associated her with a number of celebrations of India's 50th anniversary of freedom.

The Union of India conferred on her Padma Vibhushan in 1998, the second highest civilian award of India.

Later years

With time, Usha grew increasingly unhappy with the developments taking place in the social, political, and economic spheres of independent India. Once, in an interview to India Today, she expressed her feelings in these words: "Certainly this is not the freedom we fought for." She added that the freedom fighters of her generation felt that "once people were ensconced in positions of power, the rot would set in." However, in her words, "we didn’t know the rot would sink in so soon." Nevertheless, she did not deny the achievements of free India since the independence: "India has survived as a democracy and even built a good industrial base," she said. "Still, it is not the India of our dreams".

In August 2000, although she was suffering from fever, Usha participated like she did every year in the anniversary celebrations related to the Quit India Movement in August Kranti Maidan. She returned home weak and exhausted. Two days later, she died peacefully on 11 August 2000 at the age of 80, survived by her elder brother and three nephews. One of her nephews, Ketan Mehta, a noted Bollywood filmmaker. The other nephew is Dr Yatin Mehta, a well-known anaesthetist who was formerly the Director of Escorts Hospital and is associated with Medicity in Gurgaon now. The third nephew is Dr Nirad Mehta, who joined the Army and is now at P.D. Hinduja National Hospital, Mumbai.

उक्यांग नागवा जी

(??.??.????--30.12.1862)

मेघालय के वनवासी क्रान्तिवीर

उक्यांग नागवा मेघालय के एक क्रान्तिकारी वीर थे । 18वीं शताब्दी में मेघालय की पहाड़ियों पर अंग्रेजों का शासन नही था। वहां खासी और जयन्तियाँ जनजातियां स्वतन्त्र रूप से रहती थी। इस क्षेत्र में आज के बांग्लादेश और सिल्चर के 30 छोटे-छोटे राज्य थे। इनमें से एक जयन्तियापुर था ।

अंग्रेजों ने जब यहाँ हमला किया, तो उन्होंने ‘फूट डालो और राज करो’ की नीति के अन्तर्गत जयन्तियापुर को पहाड़ी और मैदानी भागों में बाँट दिया। इसी के साथ उन्होंने निर्धन वनवासियों को धर्मान्तरित करना भी प्रारम्भ किया। राज्य के शासक ने भयवश इस विभाजन को मान लिया; पर जनता और मन्त्रिपरिषद ने इसे स्वीकार नही किया। उन्होंने राजा के बदले उक्यांगनागवा जी को अपना नेता चुन लिया। उक्यांग ने जनजातीय वीरों की सेना बनाकर जोनोई की ओर बढ़ रहे अंग्रेजों का मुकाबला किया और उन्हें पराजित कर दिया।

लेकिन अंग्रेजों की शक्ति असीम थी। उन्होंने 1860 में सारे क्षेत्र पर दो रुपये गृहकर ठोक दिया। जयन्तिया समाज ने इस कर का विरोध किया। उक्यांग नागवा एक श्रेष्ठ बाँसुरीवादक भी थे। वह वंशी की धुन के साथ लोकगीत गाते थे। इस प्रकार वह अपने समाज को तीर और तलवार उठाने का आह्नान करते थे। अंग्रेज इसे नही समझते थे, परंतु स्थानीय लोग इस कारण संगठित हो गये और वेे हर स्थान पर अंग्रेजों को चुनौती देने लगे।

अंग्रेज़ों ने कर वसूली के लिए कठोर उपाय अपनाने प्रारम्भ किये; परंतु उक्यांग के आह्नान पर किसी ने कर नही दिया। इस पर अंग्रेजों ने उन भोले वनवासियों को जेलों में ठूँस दिया। इतने पर भी उक्यांग नागवा उनके हाथ नही लगे। वह गाँवों और पर्वतों में घूमकर देश के लिए मर मिटने को समर्पित युवकों को संगठित कर रहे थे। धीरे-धीरे उनके पास अच्छी सेना हो गयी।

उक्यांग ने योजना बनाकर एक साथ सात स्थानों पर अंग्रेज टुकड़ियों पर हमला बोला। सभी जगह उन्हें अच्छी सफलता मिली। यद्यपि वनवासी वीरों के पास उनके परम्परागत शस्त्र ही थे; पर गुरिल्ला युद्ध प्रणाली के कारण वे लाभ में रहे। वे अचानक आकर हमला करते और फिर पर्वतों में जाकर छिप जाते थे। इस प्रकार 20 माह तक लगातार युद्ध चलता रहा।

अंग्रेज इन हमलों और पराजयों से परेशान हो गये। वे किसी भी कीमत पर उक्यांग को जिन्दा या मुर्दा पकड़ना चाहते थे। उन्होंने पैसे का लालच देकर उसके साथी उदोलोई तेरकर को अपनी ओर मिला लिया। उन दिनों उक्यांग बहुत घायल थे। उसके साथियों ने इलाज के लिए उन्हें मुंशी गाँव में रखा हुआ था। उदोलोई ने अंग्रेजों को यह सूचना दे दी।

फिर क्या था? सैनिकों ने साइमन के नेतृत्व में मुंशी गाँव को चारों ओर से घेर लिया। उक्यांग की स्थिति लड़ने की बिल्कुल नही थी। इस कारण उसके साथी नेता के अभाव में टिक नही सके। फिर भी उन्होंने समर्पण नहीं किया और युद्ध जारी रखा। अंग्रेजों ने घायल उक्यांग को पकड़ लिया।

उन्होंने प्रस्ताव रखा कि यदि तुम्हारे सब सैनिक आत्मसमर्पण कर दे, तो हम तुम्हें छोड़ देंगे; परंतु वीर उक्यांग नागवा ने इसे स्वीकार नही किया। अंग्रेजों के अमानवीय अत्याचार भी उनका मस्तक झुका नही पाये। अंतत: 30 दिसम्बर 1862 को उन्होंने मेघालय के उस वनवासी वीर को सार्वजनिक रूप से जोनोई में ही फाँसी दे दी।

ऐसे वीर बहादुर को शत शत नमन करते हुए आओ हम प्रतिज्ञापन करें कि हम देशहित को सर्वोपरि रखेंगे।

चौधरी साहब की वॉल से : 30.12.2018

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Veerapandiya Kattabomman

He was a courageous Palyekar chieftain from Tamil Nadu in the 18th century. He waged a war with the British sixty years before the Indian War of Independence (the 1857 rebellion) occurred in the Northern parts of India. He was captured and hanged in 1799 CE. His fort was destroyed and his wealth was looted by the British army. He basically protested against the sovereignty of the East India Company and refused to pay their taxes.

Veer Narayan Singh

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Veer Narayan Singh

Born 1795

Sonakhan (bank of river Jonk), Chhattisgarh

Died 1857

Veer Narayan Singh (1795–1857) was a landlord from Sonakhan, Chhattisgarh. He spearheaded the 1857 war of Indian independence in Chhattisgarh.

He is also known and considered as "The 1st Chhattisgarhi freedom fighter". His ancestor were from Gond tribal group and were residing in Sarangarh. Later on, they changed their affiliation from Gond to Binjhwar tribe and moved to Sonakhan in Raipur district. His great grandfather was Deewan of Sonakhan and at the age of thirty five he took over the landlordship rights from his father Ram Rai. He was thirty-five years old when he became the landlord of Sonakhan, Youngest landlord in the region. The British arrested him in 1856 for looting a trader's grain stocks and distributing it amongst the poor in a severe famine year. In 1857 with the help of the soldiers of the British Army at Raipur, Veer Narayan Singh Binjhwar escaped from prison. He reached Sonakhan and formed an army of 500 men. Under the leadership of Smith, a powerful British army was dispatched to crush the Sonakhan army. Veer Narayan Singh's martyrdom has been resurrected in the 1980s and he has become a potent symbol of Chhattisgarhi pride. He was executed on 10 December 1857. He became the first martyr from Chhattisgarh in the War of Independence. Government of Chhattisgarh named a cricket stadium Shaheed Veer Narayan Singh International Cricket Stadium after him.

Buildings named after him

S.NoName of Building, stadiumconstructed by

1 Shahid Veer Narayan Singh International Cricket Stadium, Parsada New Raipur CG Govt

2 Shahid Veer Narayan singh Commercial Complex, near Ghadi chowk RDA

3.School on His name

S No.Detail

1 Govt. Shahid Veer Narayan Singh College (GSVNSC) Government Shahid Veer Narayan Singh College, Bilaigarh Chhattisgarh runs course(s) in Arts stream(s). Affiliated to : Pt. Ravishankar Shukla University Discipline : Arts Established Year : 1988 Categories : Government,Co-Education Language of Instruction : English

2 Sahid Veer Narayan Singh H.S. Vidayalya Bhilai School Address Vaishali Nagar Bhilai, Durg, Chhattisgarh, Postal Code: 490023 India

3 Shahid Govt. Ps Sahid Veer Narayan Singh School Address:-Veer Narayan Singh Nagar,Crc Khursipar, Durg, Chhattisgarh, Postal Code: 490011 India

4 SHAHID VEER NARAYAN SINGH Govt. Hr. Sec. School BHILAI BAZAR. Korba CG

MONUMENT 1.Shahid Veer Narayan Singh Smarak near Rajbhavan Inaugurated by His Highness Giani Zail Singh ( President, Republic of India) on 18 February 1984,

This square is known as Shahid Veer narayan singh Chowk

Vinayak Sitaram Sarwate

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Vinayak Sitaram Sarwate

विनायक सीताराम सरवटे

Born 1884

Died 1972

Nationality Indian

Children Shalini Moghe, Nalini Moghe, Dr Malini Harmalkar, Kalindi Sarwate], Vasudev, Vishnu and Vasant Sarwate

Vinayak Sitaram Sarwate (Marathi: विनायक सीताराम सरवटे) (1884-1972) was a Marathi freedom fighter, political leader, and author from Indore.

He founded with his daughter, Shalini Moghe, "Bal Niketan Sangh", an organization in social service and education.

He was awarded the Padma Bhushan, third highest civilian honour of India by the President of India, in 1966

Veerapandiya Kattabomman

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Kattabomman Naiyakar

Palaiyakkarar of Tenkasi

Veerapandiya Kattabomman on a 1999 stamp

Reign Ended 16 October 1799

Successor British Rule

Born 03 January 1760

Panchalankurichi, India

Died 16 October 1799 (aged 39)

Kayathar, India

Spouse Jakkammal

Father Jagaveera Kattabomman

Mother Arumugathammal

Veerapandiya Kattabomman (Tamil: வீரபாண்டிய கட்டபொம்மன்)  was an 18th-century Tamil Palayakarrar and chieftain in Tamil Nadu, India. He refused to accept the sovereignty of the British East India Company and waged a war against them. He was captured by the British with the help of the ruler of the kingdom of Pudukottai, Vijaya Raghunatha Tondaiman, and at the age of 39 he was hanged at Kayathar on 16 October 1799.

He was a Vatuka (northerner), a loose term for a group of Telugu-speaking castes which includes families who claim to have moved south to settle in the arid Tirunelveli region after the collapse of the Nayaka-controlled Vijayanagara Empire in 1565. They had previously had some prominence in the imperial court and may have been adept at farming in dry conditions, although it is also possible that they had no choice but to settle where they did because the other significant community of Tirunelveli – the Maravars – had already occupied the more favourable areas. Kattabomman was a member of the Rajakambalam Nayakar caste, with the other two Vadugan communities being the Kammavars and the Reddies.

Legacy

Kattabomman memorial at Kayathar

The historian Susan Bayly says that Kattabomman is considered a Robin Hood-like figure in local folklore and is the subject of several traditional narrative ballads in the kummi verse form. The site of his execution at Kayathar has become a "powerful local shrine" and at one time sheep were sacrificed there. The Government of Tamil Nadu maintains a memorial at Kayathar and the remnants of the old fort at Panchalankurichi is protected by the Archaeological Survey of India. In 2006, the Tirunelveli district administration organised a festival at Panchalankurichi on his birth anniversary.

The Tamil-language film Veerapandiya Kattabomman, starring Sivaji Ganesan, is based on his life.

To commemorate the bicentenary of Kattabomman's hanging, the Government of India released a postal stamp in his honour on 16 October 1999. The Indian Navy communications centre at Vijayanarayanam is named INS Kattabomman.

Controversies[edit]

Tamil poet Kannadasan wrote a script about Kattabomman which was adapted into Sivagangai Seemai. According to him Maruthu Pandiyars were the real freedom fighters, not Kattabomman. Kannadasan's assertion was supported by writer Tamilvanan, who criticised Kattabomman's glorification.

Vasudev Balwant Phadke

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Father Of Indian Armed Rebellion

Vasudev Balwant Phadke

Bust of Phadke in Mumbai

Born 4 November 1845

Shirdhon village, Panvel taluka, Raigad district, British India

Died 17 February 1883 (aged 37)

Occupation Revolutionary and Indian independence activist

Vasudev Balwant Phadke (4 November 1845 – 17 February 1883) also known as ‘Father Of Indian Armed Rebellion’ was an Indian independence activist and revolutionary who sought India's independence from colonial rule. Phadke was moved by the plight of the farming community and believed that Swaraj was the only remedy for their ills. With the help of the Koli, Bhil and Dhangar communities in the region, he formed a revolutionary group of the Ramoshi people. The group started an armed struggle to overthrow the colonial government, launching raids on wealth European businessmen to obtain funds for the purpose. Phadke came to prominence when he got control of the city of Pune for a few days after catching colonial soldiers off-guard during one a surprise attack.

Early years

Vasudev Balwant Phadke house at Shirdhon village

Phadke was born on 4 November 1845 in Shirdhon village of Panvel taluka, now in Raigad district, Maharashtra.[citation needed] As a child, he preferred learning skills like wrestling, riding over high school education and dropped out of school. Eventually he moved to Pune and took the job as a clerk with military accounts department in Pune for 15 years. Krantiveer Lahuji Vastad Salve a then prominent social figure based in Pune was his mentor. Salve, an expert wrestler, operated a TALIM (training center for wrestling). Salve preached the importance of independence from colonial rule. Salve belonged to the Mang community, an untouchable community, taught Phadke the importance of getting backward castes into mainstream independence movement. It was during this period that Phadke began attending lectures by Mahadeo Govind Ranade which mainly focused on how the economic policies of the colonial government hurt the Indian economy. Phadke was deeply hurt by how this was leading to widespread ill-effects in the society. In 1870, he joined a public agitation in Pune that was aimed at addressing people's grievances. Phadke founded an institution, the Aikya Vardhini Sabha, to educate the youth. While working as clerk, he was not able to see his dying mother due to the delay in approval of his leave. This incident enraged Phadke and was to be the turning point in his life.

Co-founding of Maharashtra Education Society

Phadke was one the earliest person graduate from a British-established institution in Bombay presidency. In 1860, along with fellow social reformers and revolutionaries Laxman Narhar Indapurkar and Waman Prabhakar Bhave, Phadke co-founded the Poona Native Institution (PNI) which was later renamed as the Maharashtra Education Society (MES). Through the PNI, he went on set up Bhave School in Pune. Today, the MES runs over 77 institutions in various parts of Maharashtra.

Rebellion

In 1875, after the then Gaekwad ruler of Baroda was deposed by the colonial government, Phadke launched protest speeches against the government. Severe famine coupled with the apathy of the colonial administration propelled him to tour the Deccan region, urging people to strive for an independent Indian republic. Unable to get support from the educated classes, he gathered a band of people from the Ramoshi caste. People from the Kolis, Bhils and Dhangars were also included later. He taught himself to shoot, ride and fence. He organised around 300 men into an insurgent group that aimed at gaining Indian independence from colonial rule. Phadke intended to build an army of own but lacking funds they decided to break into government treasuries. The first raid was done in a village called Dhamari in Shirur taluka in Pune district. The income tax which was collected and sent to the colonial government was kept in the house of local business man Balchand Fojmal Sankla. They attacked the house and took the money for the benefit of famine stricken villagers. There they collected about four hundred rupees but this led to his being branded as a dacoit. To save himself Phadke had to flee from village to village, sheltered by his sympathisers and well-wishers, mostly the lower class of the society. Impressed by his zeal and determination, the villagers of Nanagaum offered him protection and cover in the local forest. The general plot would be to cut off all the communications of British forces and then raid the treasury. The main purpose of these raids was to feed famine-affected farmer communities. Phadke performed many such raids in areas near Shirur and Khed talukas in Pune.

Meanwhile, the leader of Ramoshi, Daulatrav Naik, who was the main supporter of Phadke, headed towards the Konkan area on the western coast. On 10–11 May 1879, they raided Palaspe and Chikhali, looting around 1.5 lakh rupees. While returning towards Ghat Matha, Major Daniel attacked Naik, who was shot dead. His death was a setback to Phadke's revolt: the loss of support forced him to move south to the Shri Shaila Mallikarjun shrine. Later, Phadke recruited about 500 Rohilas to begin a fresh fight.

Capture and death

Phadke's plans to organise several simultaneous attacks against the colonial government nationwide were met with very limited success. He once had a direct engagement with the colonial army in the village of Ghanur, whereafter the government offered a bounty for his capture. Not to be outdone, Phadke in turned offered a bounty for the capture of the Governor of Bombay, announced a reward for the killing of each European, and issued other threats to the government. He then fled to Hyderabad State to recruit Rohilla and Arabs into his organisation. A British Major, Henry William Daniell and Abdul Haque, Police Commissioner to the Nizam of Hyderabad, pursued the fleeing Phadke day and night. The British move to offer a bounty for his capture met with success: someone betrayed Phadke, and he was captured in a temple after a fierce fight at the district of Kaladgi on 20 July 1879 while he was on his way to Pandharpur.

From here he was taken to Pune for trial. Ganesh Vasudeo Joshi, also known as Sarvajanik Kaka, defended his case.[5] Phadke and his comrades were housed in the district session court jail building, near Sangam bridge, which now happens to be the state C.I.D. building. His own diary provided evidence to have him sentenced for life. Phadke was transported to jail at Aden, but escaped from the prison by taking the door off from its hinges on 13 February 1883. He was soon recaptured and then went on a hunger strike, dying on 17 February 1883.

Recognition

Phadke on a 1984 stamp of India

Phadke became known as the father of the Indian armed rebellion in that he provided the inspiration for fellow members of the independent movement. Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay's patriotic novel Anand Math incorporated various contemporary acts performed by Phadke during his activities. As the colonial government did not like this, Bankim had to print up to five editions of the book to tone down these stories.

In 1984, the Indian Postal Service issued a 50 paise stamp in honour of Phadke. A chowk in South Mumbai near Metro Cinema is named in his honour.

Vasudev Balwant Phadke, a Marathi movie directed by Gajendra Ahire, was released in December 2007.

Warsi Ali

Some British and Indian historians considered the first freedom struggle of 1857 to be a soldier rebellion. It is true that the role of Indian soldiers was important in this war. The first Indian soldier named Mangal Pandey had played a bugle of revolution in Barrackpore Cantonment, this incident affected the provinces of the Northwest. In places like Kanpur, Delhi, Allahabad, Lucknow, Meerut, Patna and Danapur, the soldiers set up a flag of revolt. Despite this, we can not call it as a soldier rebellion.

In fact, the first freedom movement of 1857 was such a mass movement, in which all the King-Maharaja Samant, the government official, the sadhu and the sannyasis etc. actively participated. The educated class of Charter Act of 1833 started revolt. Due to the efforts of some people of Bombay and Madras, there were some things in the Charter Act of 1853 which were related to Indian interests. But in the act of 1833 it started to be violated.

Dalhousie's policy dissatisfied the Indian royalty. Highly educated classes were denied government jobs, so there was a grave dissidence against the government. That's why the government started making pottery instead of lotte. It was opposed by prisoners Being constrained, the government had to withdraw the order. It had far-reaching consequences. This incident was addressed by some people by the name of 'Lota Rebellion'.

The Revolution of 1857 also happened in Bihar. Plans for revolution were started at places like Patna and Danapur etc. The ruler of Jagadishpur, Kunwar Singh, had contact with Nana Sahib. Harkishan Singh and his supporters were spreading the spirit of revolution in the soldiers of Bihar in Danapur Cantonment. Peer Ali of Patna was organizing the Muslims.

Patna's Commissioner S. Taylor believed that the revolution of revolution in Bihar would definitely be there. So they have CID on them. Laid a trap. At the same time, he got the information that the police of Tirhut district are opposing the Jamaadant Waris Ali Brittanyas. He kept his contact with the revolutionaries. The government's vision of a government officer to co-ordinate the rebels was treason. By the government order his house was surrounded, at that time he was writing a letter to Gea's Ali Karim, a revolutionary. In this raids, many objectionable letters were received from his house. By forming this basis, he was arrested on 23 June 1857 and sent to Major Holmes. Major Homes sent it to the Commissioner of Danapur Kachher. There, they were sued and sentenced to death. On July 6, 1857, Waris Ali was hanged on the gallows.

Waris Ali used to love his wife very much. So they sacrificed their life for him. He was an ordinary person. He had a connection with the royal family of Delhi. We do not get any information about this when he took a job in a company.

After the sacrifice of the Waris Ali, the wave of revolution spread throughout the province. Here, Pir Ali was also hanged in Patna. Commander Taylor made many revolutionaries prisoners and prosecuted them, their homes were deserted. He believed that by crushing the revolution, he would stop but his effect was reversed. The soldiers of Danapur also made a revolution and they met the army of Babu Kunwar Singh.

Dwarwar was killed while fighting with Kunwar Singh. The British military casualties occurred. The revolution soon spread to other parts of Bihar. The revolution spread in Gaya, Chhapra, Ara, Muzaffarpur, Bhagalpur etc. In Gorakhpur, a group of rebels came up.

It means to say that the sacrifice of the warrior Ali was not in vain. The revolution of the 1857 revolution shook the company and finally the British Empress Queen Victoria ended the rule of the company in India and the burden of the rule of Hindusthan under its own government.

An Indian secretary was appointed to establish control over governance in India. At this time the British government made big promises to calm the flames of revolution, but the government did not fulfill them. Waris Ali was a great warrior of 1857 revolution, whose sacrifice can never be forgotten.