अब्राहम लिंकन
मुक्त ज्ञानकोश विकिपीडिया से
अब्राहम लिंकन
कार्य काल
१८६१ – १८६५
राजनैतिक पार्टी रिपब्लिकन
धर्म ईसाई
अब्राहम लिंकन (१२ फरवरी, १८०९ - १५ अप्रैल १८६५) अमेरिका के सोलहवें राष्ट्रपति थे। इनका कार्यकाल १८६१ से १८६५ तक था। ये रिपब्लिकन पार्टी से थे। उन्होने अमेरिका को उसके सबसे बड़े संकट - गृहयुद्ध (अमेरिकी गृहयुद्ध) से पार लगाया। अमेरिका में दास प्रथा के अंत का श्रेय लिंकन को ही जाता है।
अब्राहम लिंकन का जन्म एक गरीब अश्वेत परिवार में हुआ था। वे प्रथम रिपब्लिकन थे जो अमेरिका के राष्ट्रपति बने। उसके पहले वे एक वकील, इलिअन्स स्टेट के विधायक (लेजिस्लेटर), अमेरिका के हाउस ऑफ् रिप्रेस्न्टेटिव्स के सदस्य थे। वे दो बार सीनेट के चुनाव में असफल भी हुए।
वकालत
वकालत से कमाई की दृष्टि से देखें तो अमेरिका के राष्ट्रपति बनने से पहले अब्राहम लिंकन ने बीस साल तक वकालत की। लेकिन उनकी वकालत से उन्हें और उनके मुवक्किलों को जितना संतोष और मानसिक शांति मिली वह धन-दौलत बनाने के आगे कुछ भी नहीं है। उनके वकालत के दिनों के सैंकड़ों सच्चे किस्से उनकी ईमानदारी और सज्जनता की गवाही देते हैं।
लिंकन अपने उन मुवक्किलों से अधिक फीस नहीं लेते थे जो ‘उनकी ही तरह गरीब’ थे। एक बार उनके एक मुवक्किल ने उन्हें पच्चीस डॉलर भेजे तो लिंकन ने उसमें से दस डॉलर यह कहकर लौटा दिए कि पंद्रह डॉलर पर्याप्त थे। आमतौर पर वे अपने मुवक्किलों को अदालत के बाहर ही राजीनामा करके मामला निपटा लेने की सलाह देते थे ताकि दोनों पक्षों का धन मुकदमेबाजी में बर्बाद न हो जाये इसके बदलें में उन्हें न के बराबर ही फीस मिलती थी। एक शहीद सैनिक की विधवा को उसकी पेंशन के 400 डॉलर दिलाने के लिए एक पेंशन एजेंट 200 डॉलर फीस में मांग रहा था। लिंकन ने उस महिला के लिए न केवल मुफ्त में वकालत की बल्कि उसके होटल में रहने का खर्चा और घर वापसी की टिकट का इंतजाम भी किया।
लिंकन और उनके एक सहयोगी वकील ने एक बार किसी मानसिक रोगी महिला की जमीन पर कब्जा करने वाले एक धूर्त आदमी को अदालत से सजा दिलवाई. मामला अदालत में केवल पंद्रह मिनट ही चला. सहयोगी वकील ने जीतने के बाद फीस में बँटवारकन ने उसे डपट दिया। सहयोगी वकील ने कहा कि उस महिला के भाई ने पूरी फीस चुका दी थी और सभी अदालत के निर्णय से प्रसन्न थे परन्तु लिंकन ने कहा – “लेकिन मैं खुश नहीं हूँ! वह पैसा एक बेचारी रोगी महिला का है और मैं ऐसा पैसा लेने के बजाय भूखे मरना पसंद करूँगा. तुम मेरी फीस की रकम उसे वापस कर दो.”
आज के हिसाब से सोचें तो लिंकन बेवकूफ थे। उनके पास कभी भी कुछ बहुतायत में नहीं रहा और इसमें उन्हीं का दोष था। लेकिन वह हम सबमें सबसे अच्छे मनुष्य थे, क्या कोई इस बात से इनकार कर सकता है?
लिंकन कभी भी धर्म के बारे में चर्चा नहीं करते थे और किसी चर्च से सम्बद्ध नहीं थे। एक बार उनके किसी मित्र ने उनसे उनके धार्मिक विचार के बारे में पूछा. लिंकन ने कहा – “बहुत पहले मैं इंडियाना में एक बूढ़े आदमी से मिला जो यह कहता था ‘जब मैं कुछ अच्छा करता हूँ तो अच्छा अनुभव करता हूँ और जब बुरा करता हूँ तो बुरा अनुभव करता हूँ’. यही मेरा धर्म है’।
बेटे के अध्यापक को अब्राहम लिंकन का पत्र
अब्राहम लिंकन ने यह पत्र अपने बेटे के स्कूल प्रिंसिपल को लिखा था। लिंकन ने इसमें वे तमाम बातें लिखी थीं जो वे अपने बेटे को सिखाना चाहते थे।
सम्माननीय महोदय,
मैं जानता हूँ कि इस दुनिया में सारे लोग अच्छे और सच्चे नहीं हैं। यह बात मेरे बेटे को भी सीखना होगी। पर मैं चाहता हूँ कि आप उसे यह बताएँ कि हर बुरे आदमी के पास भी अच्छा हृदय होता है। हर स्वार्थी नेता के अंदर अच्छा लीडर बनने की क्षमता होती है। मैं चाहता हूँ कि आप उसे सिखाएँ कि हर दुश्मन के अंदर एक दोस्त बनने की संभावना भी होती है। ये बातें सीखने में उसे समय लगेगा, मैं जानता हूँ। पर आप उसे सिखाइए कि मेहनत से कमाया गया एक रुपया, सड़क पर मिलने वाले पाँच रुपए के नोट से ज्यादा कीमती होता है।
आप उसे बताइएगा कि दूसरों से जलन की भावना अपने मन में ना लाएँ। साथ ही यह भी कि खुलकर हँसते हुए भी शालीनता बरतना कितना जरूरी है। मुझे उम्मीद है कि आप उसे बता पाएँगे कि दूसरों को धमकाना और डराना कोई अच्छी बात नहीं है। यह काम करने से उसे दूर रहना चाहिए।
आप उसे किताबें पढ़ने के लिए तो कहिएगा ही, पर साथ ही उसे आकाश में उड़ते पक्षियों को धूप, धूप में हरे-भरे मैदानों में खिले-फूलों पर मँडराती तितलियों को निहारने की याद भी दिलाते रहिएगा। मैं समझता हूँ कि ये बातें उसके लिए ज्यादा काम की हैं।
मैं मानता हूँ कि स्कूल के दिनों में ही उसे यह बात भी सीखना होगी कि नकल करके पास होने से फेल होना अच्छा है। किसी बात पर चाहे दूसरे उसे गलत कहें, पर अपनी सच्ची बात पर कायम रहने का हुनर उसमें होना चाहिए। दयालु लोगों के साथ नम्रता से पेश आना और बुरे लोगों के साथ सख्ती से पेश आना चाहिए। दूसरों की सारी बातें सुनने के बाद उसमें से काम की चीजों का चुनाव उसे इन्हीं दिनों में सीखना होगा।
आप उसे बताना मत भूलिएगा कि उदासी को किस तरह प्रसन्नता में बदला जा सकता है। और उसे यह भी बताइएगा कि जब कभी रोने का मन करे तो रोने में शर्म बिल्कुल ना करे। मेरा सोचना है कि उसे खुद पर विश्वास होना चाहिए और दूसरों पर भी। तभी तो वह एक अच्छा इंसान बन पाएगा।
ये बातें बड़ी हैं और लंबी भी। पर आप इनमें से जितना भी उसे बता पाएँ उतना उसके लिए अच्छा होगा। फिर अभी मेरा बेटा बहुत छोटा है और बहुत प्यारा भी।
आपका
अब्राहम लिंकन
सफल होने के लिए अपनाएं अब्राहम लिंकन के ये विचार
अब्राहम लिंकन अमेरिका के 16वें राष्ट्रपति थे, और शायद अब तक के इतिहास में सबसे मशहूर भी. ऐसे में जानिए कि आखिर उनकी कौन सी बातें और सोच उन्हें मशहूर और कालजयी बनाती हैं.
Abraham Lincoln Quotesaajtak.in [Edited By: स्नेहा]
नई दिल्ली, 15 अप्रैल 2016,
अब्राहम लिंकन अमेरिका के 16वें राष्ट्रपति थे, और शायद अब तक के इतिहास में सबसे मशहूर भी. ऐसे में जानिए कि आखिर उनकी कौन सी बातें और सोच उन्हें मशहूर और कालजयी बनाती हैं.
1. लगभग सारे शख्स परेशानियों का सामना कर सकते हैं, लेकिन यदि आप किसी शख्स के चरित्र का पता लगाना चाहते हैं तो उसे सत्ता सौंप दें.
2. इस बात का हमेशा ख्याल रखें कि सिर्फ आपका संकल्प ही आपकी सफलता के लिए मायने रखता है, कोई और चीज नहीं.
3. किसी भी शख्स के पास इतनी अच्छी याददाश्त नहीं होती कि वह अच्छा झूठा बन सके.
4. जिंदगी के अंत में साल मायने नहीं रखते, बल्कि उन बिताए गए सालों की जिंदादिली मायने रखती है.
5. आप आने वाले कल की जिम्मेदारियों से भागने के चक्कर में आज से मुंह नहीं मोड़ सकते.
6. आप चाहे जो भी करना चाहें, उसमें बेहतर करें.
7. अब जो कुछ लोग सफलता हासिल कर लेते हैं तो यह सबूत है कि आप भी सफल हो सकते हैं.
8. कोई भी शख्स इतना अच्छा नहीं हो सकता कि वह दूसरों पर बिना उनकी मर्जी के राज कर सके.
9. क्या मैं अपने दुश्मनों को तब तबाह नहीं करता जब मैं उन्हें अपना दोस्त बनाता हूं?
10. दोस्त तो वही होता है जिसके वही दुश्मन हों जो आपके हैं.
11. जब मैं अच्छा करता हूं तो अच्छा महसूस करता हूं, और जब मैं बुरा करता हूं तो बुरा महसूस करता हूं. यही मेरा धर्म है.
अब्राहम लिंकन से सीखें गिरकर संभलना
कई बार गिरने के बावजूद मंजिल तक कैसे पहुंचा जाता है, ये हमें अब्राहम लिंकन ने सिखाया. उनके जीवन से बहुत कुछ सीखा जा सकता है. अब्राहम लिंकन के विचारों और उनके जीवन की कुछ दिलचस्प बातों को जानें...
अब्राहम लिंकनaajtak.in [Edited by: वंदना भारती]नई दिल्ली, 12 फरवरी 2017,
अमेरिका को सबसे बड़े संकट 'गृह युद्ध' से उबारने और दासता खत्म करने वाले अब्राहम लिंकन का जन्म साल 1809 में 12 फरवरी को हुआ था. अमेरिका के 16वें राष्ट्रपति हैं.
अब्राहम लिंकन के जीवन और उनकी बातों में ऐसा बहुत कुछ है, जिससे सफलता की प्रेरणा ली जा सकती है. एक गरीब परिवार में जन्म लेने वाले अब्राहम कैसे राष्ट्रपति के पद तक पहुंच गए, यह कहानी बेहद रोचक है. राष्ट्रपति बनने से पूर्व वे दो बार सीनेट के चुनाव में असफल भी हुए थे.
क्या आप अब्राहम लिंकन के बारे में ये बातें जानते हैं?
पर अब्राहम लिंकन ने कभी हार नहीं मानी. उन्हें गिरकर संभलना आता था. अब्राहम लिंकन के विचारों और उनके जीवन के कुछ रोचक और दिलचस्प किस्सों को आप भी जानिये...
अब्राहम लिंकन ने अमेरिका को दास प्रथा से आजादी दिलाई.
लिंकन का मानना था कि किसी भी शख्स के पास इतनी अच्छी याददाश्त नहीं होती कि वह अच्छा झूठा बन सके. इसलिए झूठ बोलने से बचें और किसी दूसरे को झूठा बनाने के आरोप से भी बचें.
लिंकन को अपनी पालतू बिल्ली टैबी से बेहद प्यार था. टैबी हमेशा व्हाइट हाउस के डिनर टेबल पर ही खाना खाती थी.
सफल होने के लिए अपनाएं अब्राहम लिंकन के ये विचार
लिंकन कहते थे 'जब मैं कुछ अच्छा करता हूं तो अच्छा अनुभव करता हूं और जब बुरा करता हूं तो बुरा अनुभव करता हूं. यही मेरा मजहब है.'
लिंकन के अनुसार दुनिया का हर व्यक्ति परेशानियों का सामना कर सकता है, पर यदि आप किसी शख्स के चरित्र का पता लगाना चाहते हैं तो उसे सत्ता सौंप दें.
थैंक्सगिविंग डे को राष्ट्रीय पर्व के रूप में अब्राहम लिंकन ने ही मनाना शुरू किया था.
साल 1865 में अपनी हल्या से कुछ घंटे पहले ही उन्होंने सीक्रेट सर्विसेज का गठन किया था.
साल 1876 में चोरों ने 2 लाख डॉलर की फिरौती के लिए उनकी लाश चोरी करने की कोशिश की.
अब्राहम लिंकन हमेशा कहते थे कि इस बात का हमेशा ख्याल रखें कि सिर्फ आपका संकल्प ही आपकी सफलता के लिए मायने रखता है, कोई और चीज नहीं.
दोस्ती पर अब्राहम का अनोखे विचार थे. वो कहते थे कि क्या मैं अपने दुश्मनों को तब तबाह नहीं करता जब मैं उन्हें अपना दोस्त बनाता हूं? यानी दुश्मनों को दोस्त बना लो, दुश्मनी अपने आप खत्म हो जाएगी. वो ये भी कहते थे कि दोस्त तो वही होता है, जिसके वही दुश्मन हों जो आपके हैं.
Memories of Abraham Lincoln
On April 15 the United States commemorates the 150th anniversary of President Abraham Lincoln’s assassination. Events will include the re-enactment of his funeral in Springfield, IL, as well as talks and plays at Ford’s Theatre in Washington D.C., where Confederate sympathizer John Wilkes Booth shot him in 1865. Lincoln, who kept the Union together in the American Civil War and helped secure the end of slavery, has enduring appeal both in the United States and worldwide.--By Reuters
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US President Abraham Lincoln in a portrait taken by Anthony Berger in Washington on Feb. 9, 1864. The image from this sitting was the basis for the engraved portrait on the US five-dollar bill, according to the Library of Congress. On April 15 the United States commemorates the 150th anniversary of President Abraham Lincoln’s assassination. Events will include the re-enactment of his funeral in Springfield, Ill., as well as talks and plays at Ford’s Theatre in Washington D.C., where Confederate sympathizer John Wilkes Booth shot him in 1865. Lincoln, who kept the Union together in the American Civil War and helped secure the end of slavery, has enduring appeal both in the United States and worldwide. (Anthony Berger/Library of Congress via Reuters)
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The presidential box is arranged identically to the way it was the night President Abraham Lincoln was shot through this doorway at Ford's Theatre in Washington. (Jonathan Ernst/Reuters)
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The single-shot Deringer pistol John Wilkes Booth used to kill Abraham Lincoln is displayed at the Center for Education and Leadership at Ford's Theatre in Washington on March 20. President Lincoln was shot April 14, 1865, by the Confederate sympathizer Booth in the presidential box at the theater. (Jonathan Ernst/Reuters)
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Abraham Lincoln's iconic silk top hat, which he was wearing the night he was assassinated, is part of the museum display at Ford's Theatre in Washington, D.C. (Jonathan Ernst/Reuters)
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President Abraham Lincoln's blood-stained gloves that were tucked into his coat pocket at the time of his assassination are displayed at the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum in Springfield, Ill., on March 21. (Whitney Curtis/Reuters)
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An educational prop showing the reward offered for John Wilkes Booth is seen after Abraham Lincoln presenter and historian John Voehl gave a history lecture to students at Vandenberg Middle School at Vandenberg Air Force Base on March 27. (Lucy Nicholson/Reuters)
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Crowds are seen gathered along Pennsylvania Avenue to view the funeral procession of President Abraham Lincoln in this archive image from the Library of Congress taken in Washington on April 19, 1865. President Lincoln's funeral was held at the White House and his body was moved to the US Capitol where he lay in state before traveling by rail to Springfield, Ill., where he was buried. (Library of Congress via Reuters)
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President Abraham Lincoln's statue at the Lincoln Memorial is seen in Washington on March 27. The 170 ton, 19 foot high statue, formed from 28 blocks of Georgia marble, was sculpted by Daniel Chester French and dedicated in 1922. On April 15 the United States commemorates the 150th anniversary of President Abraham Lincoln's assassination. (Gary Cameron/Reuters)
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Abraham Lincoln presenter and historian John Voehl arrives to give a history lecture dressed as Lincoln at Vista del Monte retirement community in Santa Barbara, Ca., on March 31. (Lucy Nicholson/Reuters)
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Joseph Atkin wears a Statue of Liberty costume as he promotes Liberty Tax services in front of a statue of Abraham Lincoln in Chicago, Ill., on March 24. (Jim Young/Reuters)
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An actor dressed as President Abraham Lincoln plays soccer with young fans on the National Mall during a celebration of ten years of play for Major League Baseball's Washington Nationals franchise in Washington, D.C., on April 3. "Abe" is one of a group of mascots called "The Racing Presidents" who perform at the baseball team's games. (Jim Bourg/Reuters)
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A restaurant named after President Lincoln is seen in Chicago, Ill., on March 21. (Jim Young/Reuters)
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A young visitor views a display about President Lincoln at Ford's Theatre at the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum in Springfield, Ill., on March 21. (Whitney Curtis/Reuters)
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A visitor touches a mold of President Abraham Lincoln's face at the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum in Springfield, Ill., on March 21, 2015. (Whitney Curtis/Reuters)
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A visitor views an exhibit about President Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation at the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum in Springfield, Ill., on March 21. (Whitney Curtis/Reuters)
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Various global stamps with the image of former President Abraham Lincoln are displayed in the visitor center at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C., on March 27. (Gary Cameron/Reuters)
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Tourists leave a souvenir shop across the street from Ford's Theatre in Washington, D.C., on March 20. President Abraham Lincoln was shot April 14, 1865, by the Confederate sympathizer John Wilkes Booth in the presidential box at the theater while the president and a few guests watched the play Our American Cousin. (Jonathan Ernst/Reuters)
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A one cent US coin depicting Abraham Lincoln is shown in this photo Illustration in Encinitas, Ca., on March 26, 2015. (Mike Blake/Reuters)
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A young woman talks on the phone outside the Lincoln Waffle Shop across the street from Ford's Theatre in Washington, D.C., on March 20. (Jonathan Ernst/Reuters)
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A sign on the side of power plant along Interstate 55 advertises the city's tourist attractions in Springfield, Ill., on March 21. (Whitney Curtis/Reuters)
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Michael Naylor sits behind the counter of his antique store, Abe's Old Hat, across from the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum in Springfield, Ill., on March 21. (Whitney Curtis/Reuters)
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Uncut sheets of US five-dollar bills with the image of President Lincoln are inspected through a magnifying glass at the Bureau of Engraving and Printing in Washington, D.C., on March 26. (Gary Cameron/Reuters)
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A giant bust of US President Abraham Lincoln by artist David Adickes in a field outside of Williston, N.D. (Shannon Stapleton/Reuters)
Andrew Johnson
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Andrew Johnson
17th President of the United States
In office : April 15, 1865 – March 4, 1869
Preceded by : Abraham Lincoln
Succeeded by : Ulysses S. Grant
Spouse(s) : Eliza McCardle (m. 1827)
Children : 5
Parents :
Jacob Johnson
Mary McDonough
Profession : Tailor
Signature
Military service
Branch/service
United States ArmyYears of service :
1862–1865
Rank : Brigadier General
Battles/wars : American Civil War
Andrew Johnson (December 29, 1808 – July 31, 1875) was the 17th president of the United States, serving from 1865 to 1869. Johnson assumed the presidency as he was vice president of the United States at the time of the assassination of Abraham Lincoln. A Democrat who ran with Lincoln on the National Union ticket, Johnson came to office as the Civil War concluded. He favored quick restoration of the seceded states to the Union without protection for the former slaves. This led to conflict with the Republican-dominated Congress, culminating in his impeachment by the House of Representatives, but he was subsequently acquitted in the Senate by one vote. Johnson's main accomplishment as president was the Alaska purchase.
Johnson was born in poverty in Raleigh, North Carolina, and never attended school. Apprenticed as a tailor, he worked in several frontier towns before settling in Greeneville, Tennessee. He served as alderman and mayor there before being elected to the Tennessee House of Representatives in 1835. After brief service in the Tennessee Senate, Johnson was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives in 1843, where he served five two-year terms. He became governor of Tennessee for four years, and was elected by the legislature to the U.S. Senate in 1857. In his congressional service, he sought passage of the Homestead Bill, which was enacted soon after he left his Senate seat in 1862. As Southern slave states, including Tennessee, seceded to form the Confederate States of America, Johnson remained firmly with the Union. He was the only sitting senator from a Confederate state who did not resign his seat upon learning of his state's secession. In 1862, Lincoln appointed him as military governor of Tennessee after most of it had been retaken. In 1864, Johnson, as a War Democrat and Southern Unionist, was a logical choice as running mate for Lincoln, who wished to send a message of national unity in his reelection campaign; their ticket easily won. When Johnson was sworn in as vice president in March 1865, he gave a rambling speech, after which he secluded himself to avoid public ridicule. Six weeks later, the assassination of Lincoln made him president.
Johnson implemented his own form of Presidential Reconstruction – a series of proclamations directing the seceded states to hold conventions and elections to reform their civil governments. When Southern states returned many of their old leaders, and passed Black Codes to deprive the freedmen of many civil liberties, Congressional Republicans refused to seat legislators from those states and advanced legislation to overrule the Southern actions. Johnson vetoed their bills, and Congressional Republicans overrode him, setting a pattern for the remainder of his presidency. Johnson opposed the Fourteenth Amendment, which gave citizenship to former slaves. In 1866, Johnson went on an unprecedented national tour promoting his executive policies, seeking to break Republican opposition. As the conflict between the branches of government grew, Congress passed the Tenure of Office Act, restricting Johnson's ability to fire Cabinet officials. When he persisted in trying to dismiss Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, he was impeached by the House of Representatives, and narrowly avoided conviction in the Senate and removal from office. After failing to win the 1868 Democratic presidential nomination, Johnson left office in 1869.
Returning to Tennessee after his presidency, Johnson sought political vindication, and gained it in his own eyes when he was elected to the Senate again in 1875, making Johnson the only former president to serve in the Senate. He died five months into his term. Johnson's strong opposition to federally guaranteed rights for African Americans is widely criticized. He is regarded by many historians as one of the worst presidents in American history.
Early life and career
Childhood
Johnson's childhood home, located at the Mordecai Historic Park in Raleigh, North Carolina
Andrew Johnson was born in Raleigh, North Carolina, on December 29, 1808, to Jacob Johnson (1778–1812) and Mary ("Polly") McDonough (1783–1856), a laundress. He was of English, Scots-Irish, and Irish ancestry. He had a brother William, four years his senior, and an older sister Elizabeth, who died in childhood. Johnson's birth in a two-room shack was a political asset in the mid-19th century, and he would frequently remind voters of his humble origins. Jacob Johnson was a poor man, as had been his father, William Johnson, but he became town constable of Raleigh before marrying and starting a family. Both Jacob and Mary were illiterate, and had worked as tavern servants, while Johnson never attended school and grew up in poverty. Jacob died of an apparent heart attack while ringing the town bell, shortly after rescuing three drowning men, when his son Andrew was three. Polly Johnson worked as a washerwoman and became the sole support of her family. Her occupation was then looked down on, as it often took her into other homes unaccompanied. Since Andrew did not resemble either of his siblings, there are rumors that he may have been fathered by another man. Polly Johnson eventually remarried to a man named Turner Doughtry, who was as poor as she was.
Johnson's mother apprenticed her son William to a tailor, James Selby. Andrew also became an apprentice in Selby's shop at age ten and was legally bound to serve until his 21st birthday. Johnson lived with his mother for part of his service, and one of Selby's employees taught him rudimentary literacy skills. His education was augmented by citizens who would come to Selby's shop to read to the tailors as they worked. Even before he became an apprentice, Johnson came to listen. The readings caused a lifelong love of learning, and one of his biographers, Annette Gordon-Reed, suggests that Johnson, later a gifted public speaker, learned the art as he threaded needles and cut cloth.
Johnson was not happy at James Selby's, and after about five years, both he and his brother ran away. Selby responded by placing a reward for their return: "Ten Dollars Reward. Ran away from the subscriber, two apprentice boys, legally bound, named William and Andrew Johnson ... [payment] to any person who will deliver said apprentices to me in Raleigh, or I will give the above reward for Andrew Johnson alone." The brothers went to Carthage, North Carolina, where Andrew Johnson worked as a tailor for several months. Fearing he would be arrested and returned to Raleigh, Johnson moved to Laurens, South Carolina. He found work quickly, met his first love, Mary Wood, and made her a quilt as a gift. However, she rejected his marriage proposal. He returned to Raleigh, hoping to buy out his apprenticeship, but could not come to terms with Selby. Unable to stay in Raleigh, where he risked being apprehended for abandoning Selby, he decided to move west.
Move to Tennessee
Johnson left North Carolina for Tennessee, traveling mostly on foot. After a brief period in Knoxville, he moved to Mooresville, Alabama. He then worked as a tailor in Columbia, Tennessee, but was called back to Raleigh by his mother and stepfather, who saw limited opportunities there and who wished to emigrate west. Johnson and his party traveled through the Blue Ridge Mountains to Greeneville, Tennessee. Andrew Johnson fell in love with the town at first sight, and when he became prosperous purchased the land where he had first camped and planted a tree in commemoration.
In Greeneville, Johnson established a successful tailoring business in the front of his home. In 1827, at the age of 18, he married 16-year-old Eliza McCardle, the daughter of a local shoemaker. The pair were married by Justice of the Peace Mordecai Lincoln, first cousin of Thomas Lincoln, whose son would become president. The Johnsons were married for almost 50 years and had five children: Martha (1828), Charles (1830), Mary (1832), Robert (1834), and Andrew Jr. (1852). Though she suffered from Tuberculosis, Eliza supported her husband's endeavors. She taught him mathematics skills and tutored him to improve his writing. Shy and retiring by nature, Eliza Johnson usually remained in Greeneville during Johnson's political rise. She was not often seen during her husband's presidency; their daughter Martha usually served as official hostess.
Johnson's tailoring business prospered during the early years of the marriage, enabling him to hire help and giving him the funds to invest profitably in real estate. He later boasted of his talents as a tailor, "my work never ripped or gave way." He was a voracious reader. Books about famous orators aroused his interest in political dialogue, and he had private debates on the issues of the day with customers who held opposing views. He also took part in debates at Greeneville College.
Johnson's slaves
In 1843, Johnson purchased his first slave Dolly, who was 14 years old at the time. Soon after, he purchased Dolly's half-brother Sam. Dolly had three children--Liz, Florence and William.
In 1857, Andrew Johnson purchased Henry, who was 13 at the time. Henry would later accompany the Johnson Family to the White House.
Sam Johnson and his wife Margaret had nine children. Sam became a commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau and was known for being a proud man who negotiated the nature of his work with the Johnson family. Notably, he received some monetary compensation for his labors and negotiated with Andrew Johnson to receive a tract of land which Andrew Johnson deeded to him in 1867. According to Andrew Johnson's daughter Martha, Sam did not belong to Andrew Johnson, but instead Andrew Johnson belonged to Sam.
Ultimately, Johnson owned at least ten slaves. He was said to have had a compassionate and familial relationship toward them. Andrew Johnson's slaves were freed on August 8, 1863. A year later, all of Tennessee's slaves were freed. As a sign of appreciation, Andrew Johnson was given a watch by the newly-emancipated slaves inscribed with "…for his untiring energy in the cause of Freedom."
Political rise
Tennessee politician
Johnson helped organize a mechanics' (working men's) ticket in the 1829 Greeneville municipal election. He was elected town alderman, along with his friends Blackston McDannel and Mordecai Lincoln. Following the 1831 Nat Turner slave rebellion, a state convention was called to pass a new constitution, including provisions to disenfranchise free people of color. The convention also wanted to reform real estate tax rates, and provide ways of funding improvements to Tennessee's infrastructure. The constitution was submitted for a public vote, and Johnson spoke widely for its adoption; the successful campaign provided him with statewide exposure. On January 4, 1834, his fellow aldermen elected him mayor of Greeneville.
Eliza McCardle Johnson
In 1835, Johnson made a bid for election to the "floater" seat which Greene County shared with neighboring Washington County in the Tennessee House of Representatives. According to his biographer, Hans L. Trefousse, Johnson "demolished" the opposition in debate and won the election with almost a two to one margin. During his Greeneville days, Johnson joined the Tennessee Militia as a member of the 90th Regiment. He attained the rank of colonel, though while an enrolled member, Johnson was fined for an unknown offense. Afterwards, he was often addressed or referred to by his rank.
In his first term in the legislature, which met in the state capital of Nashville, Johnson did not consistently vote with either the Democratic or the newly formed Whig Party, though he revered President Andrew Jackson, a Democrat and fellow Tennessean. The major parties were still determining their core values and policy proposals, with the party system in a state of flux. The Whig Party had organized in opposition to Jackson, fearing the concentration of power in the Executive Branch of the government; Johnson differed from the Whigs as he opposed more than minimal government spending and spoke against aid for the railroads, while his constituents hoped for improvements in transportation. After Brookins Campbell and the Whigs defeated Johnson for reelection in 1837, Johnson would not lose another race for thirty years. In 1839, he sought to regain his seat, initially as a Whig, but when another candidate sought the Whig nomination, he ran as a Democrat and was elected. From that time he supported the Democratic party and built a powerful political machine in Greene County. Johnson became a strong advocate of the Democratic Party, noted for his oratory, and in an era when public speaking both informed the public and entertained it, people flocked to hear him.
In 1840, Johnson was selected as a presidential elector for Tennessee, giving him more statewide publicity. Although Democratic President Martin Van Buren was defeated by former Ohio senator William Henry Harrison, Johnson was instrumental in keeping Tennessee and Greene County in the Democratic column. He was elected to the Tennessee Senate in 1841, where he served a two-year term. He had achieved financial success in his tailoring business, but sold it to concentrate on politics. He had also acquired additional real estate, including a larger home and a farm (where his mother and stepfather took residence), and among his assets numbered eight or nine slaves.
United States Representative (1843–1853)
Having served in both houses of the state legislature, Johnson saw election to Congress as the next step in his political career. He engaged in a number of political maneuvers to gain Democratic support, including the displacement of the Whig postmaster in Greeneville, and defeated Jonesborough lawyer John A. Aiken by 5,495 votes to 4,892. In Washington, he joined a new Democratic majority in the House of Representatives. Johnson advocated for the interests of the poor, maintained an anti-abolitionist stance, argued for only limited spending by the government and opposed protective tariffs With Eliza remaining in Greeneville, Congressman Johnson shunned social functions in favor of study in the Library of Congress. Although a fellow Tennessee Democrat, James K. Polk, was elected president in 1844, and Johnson had campaigned for him, the two men had difficult relations, and President Polk refused some of his patronage suggestions.
Johnson believed, as did many Southern Democrats, that the Constitution protected private property, including slaves, and thus prohibited the federal and state governments from abolishing slavery. He won a second term in 1845 against William G. Brownlow, presenting himself as the defender of the poor against the aristocracy. In his second term, Johnson supported the Polk administration's decision to fight the Mexican War, seen by some Northerners as an attempt to gain territory to expand slavery westward, and opposed the Wilmot Proviso, a proposal to ban slavery in any territory gained from Mexico. He introduced for the first time his Homestead Bill, to grant 160 acres (65 ha) to people willing to settle the land and gain title to it. This issue was especially important to Johnson because of his own humble beginnings.
In the presidential election of 1848, the Democrats split over the slavery issue, and abolitionists formed the Free Soil Party, with former president Van Buren as their nominee. Johnson supported the Democratic candidate, former Michigan senator Lewis Cass. With the party split, Whig nominee General Zachary Taylor was easily victorious, and carried Tennessee. Johnson's relations with Polk remained poor; the President recorded of his final New Year's reception in 1849 that
Among the visitors I observed in the crowd today was Hon. Andrew Johnson of the Ho. Repts. [House of Representatives] Though he represents a Democratic District in Tennessee (my own State) this is the first time I have seen him during the present session of Congress. Professing to be a Democrat, he has been politically, if not personally hostile to me during my whole term. He is very vindictive and perverse in his temper and conduct. If he had the manliness and independence to declare his opposition openly, he knows he could not be elected by his constituents. I am not aware that I have ever given him cause for offense.
Johnson, due to national interest in new railroad construction and in response to the need for better transportation in his own district, also supported government assistance for the East Tennessee and Virginia Railroad.
The Andrew Johnson House, built in 1851 in Greeneville, Tennessee
In his campaign for a fourth term, Johnson concentrated on three issues: slavery, homesteads and judicial elections. He defeated his opponent, Nathaniel G. Taylor, in August 1849, with a greater margin of victory than in previous campaigns. When the House convened in December, the party division caused by the Free Soil Party precluded the formation of the majority needed to elect a Speaker. Johnson proposed adoption of a rule allowing election of a Speaker by a plurality; some weeks later others took up a similar proposal, and Democrat Howell Cobb was elected.
Once the Speaker election had concluded and Congress was ready to conduct legislative business, the issue of slavery took center stage. Northerners sought to admit California, a free state, to the Union. Kentucky's Henry Clay introduced in the Senate a series of resolutions, the Compromise of 1850, to admit California and pass legislation sought by each side. Johnson voted for all the provisions except for the abolition of slavery in the nation's capital. He pressed resolutions for constitutional amendments to provide for popular election of senators (then elected by state legislatures) and of the president (chosen by the Electoral College), and limiting the tenure of federal judges to 12 years. These were all defeated.
A group of Democrats nominated Landon Carter Haynes to oppose Johnson as he sought a fifth term; the Whigs were so pleased with the internecine battle among the Democrats in the general election that they did not nominate a candidate of their own. The campaign included fierce debates: Johnson's main issue was the passage of the Homestead Bill; Haynes contended it would facilitate abolition. Johnson won the election by more than 1600 votes. Though he was not enamored of the party's presidential nominee in 1852, former New Hampshire senator Franklin Pierce, Johnson campaigned for him. Pierce was elected, but he failed to carry Tennessee. In 1852, Johnson managed to get the House to pass his Homestead Bill, but it failed in the Senate. The Whigs had gained control of the Tennessee legislature, and, under the leadership of Gustavus Henry, redrew the boundaries of Johnson's First District to make it a safe seat for their party. The Nashville Union termed this "Henry-mandering"; lamented Johnson, "I have no political future."
Governor of Tennessee (1853–1857)
Attribution: William Brown Cooper, Sitter: Andrew Johnson, Date: 1856
If Johnson considered retiring from politics upon deciding not to seek reelection, he soon changed his mind. His political friends began to maneuver to get him the nomination for governor. The Democratic convention unanimously named him, though some party members were not happy at his selection. The Whigs had won the past two gubernatorial elections, and still controlled the legislature. That party nominated Henry, making the "Henry-mandering" of the First District an immediate issue. The two men debated in county seats the length of Tennessee before the meetings were called off two weeks before the August 1853 election due to illness in Henry's family. Johnson won the election by 63,413 votes to 61,163; some votes for him were cast in return for his promise to support Whig Nathaniel Taylor for his old seat in Congress.
Tennessee's governor had little power: Johnson could propose legislation but not veto it, and most appointments were made by the Whig-controlled legislature. Nevertheless, the office was a "bully pulpit" that allowed him to publicize himself and his political views. He succeeded in getting the appointments he wanted in return for his endorsement of John Bell, a Whig, for one of the state's U.S. Senate seats. In his first biennial speech, Johnson urged simplification of the state judicial system, abolition of the Bank of Tennessee, and establishment of an agency to provide uniformity in weights and measures; the last was passed. Johnson was critical of the Tennessee common school system and suggested funding be increased via taxes, either statewide or county by county—a mixture of the two was passed. Reforms carried out during Johnson's time as governor included the foundation of the State's public library (making books available to all) and its first public school system, and the initiation of regular state fairs to benefit craftsmen and farmers.
Although the Whig Party was on its final decline nationally, it remained strong in Tennessee, and the outlook for Democrats there in 1855 was poor. Feeling that reelection as governor was necessary to give him a chance at the higher offices he sought, Johnson agreed to make the run. Meredith P. Gentry received the Whig nomination. A series of more than a dozen vitriolic debates ensued. The issues in the campaign were slavery, the prohibition of alcohol, and the nativist positions of the Know Nothing Party. Johnson favored the first, but opposed the others. Gentry was more equivocal on the alcohol question, and had gained the support of the Know Nothings, a group Johnson portrayed as a secret society. Johnson was unexpectedly victorious, albeit with a narrower margin than in 1853.
When the presidential election of 1856 approached, Johnson hoped to be nominated; some Tennessee county conventions designated him a "favorite son". His position that the best interests of the Union were served by slavery in some areas made him a practical compromise candidate for president. He was never a major contender; the nomination fell to former Pennsylvania senator James Buchanan. Though he was not impressed by either, Johnson campaigned for Buchanan and his running mate, John C. Breckinridge, who were elected.
Johnson decided not to seek a third term as governor, with an eye towards election to the U.S. Senate. In 1857, while returning from Washington, his train derailed, causing serious damage to his right arm. This injury would trouble him in the years to come.
United States Senator
Homestead Bill advocate
Senator Johnson, 1859
The victors in the 1857 state legislative campaign would, once they convened in October, elect a United States Senator. Former Whig governor William B. Campbell wrote to his uncle, "The great anxiety of the Whigs is to elect a majority in the legislature so as to defeat Andrew Johnson for senator. Should the Democrats have the majority, he will certainly be their choice, and there is no man living to whom the Americans and Whigs have as much antipathy as Johnson." The governor spoke widely in the campaign, and his party won the gubernatorial race and control of the legislature. Johnson's final address as governor gave him the chance to influence his electors, and he made proposals popular among Democrats. Two days later the legislature elected him to the Senate. The opposition was appalled, with the Richmond Whig newspaper referring to him as "the vilest radical and most unscrupulous demagogue in the Union".
Johnson gained high office due to his proven record as a man popular among the small farmers and self-employed tradesmen who made up much of Tennessee's electorate. He called them the "plebeians"; he was less popular among the planters and lawyers who led the state Democratic Party, but none could match him as a vote-getter. After his death, one Tennessee voter wrote of him, "Johnson was always the same to everyone ... the honors heaped upon him did not make him forget to be kind to the humblest citizen." Always seen in impeccably tailored clothing, he cut an impressive figure, and had the stamina to endure lengthy campaigns with daily travel over bad roads leading to another speech or debate. Mostly denied the party's machinery, he relied on a network of friends, advisers, and contacts. One friend, Hugh Douglas, stated in a letter to him, "you have been in the way of our would be great men for a long time. At heart many of us never wanted you to be Governor only none of the rest of us Could have been elected at the time and we only wanted to use you. Then we did not want you to go to the Senate but the people would send you."
The new senator took his seat when Congress convened in December 1857 (the term of his predecessor, James C. Jones, had expired in March). He came to Washington as usual without his wife and family; Eliza would visit Washington only once during Johnson's first time as senator, in 1860. Johnson immediately set about introducing the Homestead Bill in the Senate, but as most senators who supported it were Northern (many associated with the newly founded Republican Party), the matter became caught up in suspicions over the slavery issue. Southern senators felt that those who took advantage of the provisions of the Homestead Bill were more likely to be Northern non-slaveholders. The issue of slavery had been complicated by the Supreme Court's ruling earlier in the year in Dred Scott v. Sandford that slavery could not be prohibited in the territories. Johnson, a slaveholding senator from a Southern state, made a major speech in the Senate the following May in an attempt to convince his colleagues that the Homestead Bill and slavery were not incompatible. Nevertheless, Southern opposition was key to defeating the legislation, 30–22. In 1859, it failed on a procedural vote when Vice President Breckinridge broke a tie against the bill, and in 1860, a watered-down version passed both houses, only to be vetoed by Buchanan at the urging of Southerners. Johnson continued his opposition to spending, chairing a committee to control it.
He argued against funding to build infrastructure in Washington, D.C., stating that it was unfair to expect state citizens to pay for the city's streets, even if it was the seat of government. He opposed spending money for troops to put down the revolt by the Mormons in Utah Territory, arguing for temporary volunteers as the United States should not have a standing army.
Secession crisis
Johnson in 1860
In October 1859, abolitionist John Brown and sympathizers raided the federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry, Virginia (today West Virginia). Tensions in Washington between pro- and anti-slavery forces increased greatly. Johnson gave a major speech in the Senate in December, decrying Northerners who would endanger the Union by seeking to outlaw slavery. The Tennessee senator stated that "all men are created equal" from the Declaration of Independence did not apply to African Americans, since the Constitution of Illinois contained that phrase—and that document barred voting by African Americans. Johnson, by this time, was a wealthy man who owned a few household slaves, 14 slaves, according to the 1860 Federal Census.
Johnson hoped that he would be a compromise candidate for the presidential nomination as the Democratic Party tore itself apart over the slavery question. Busy with the Homestead Bill during the 1860 Democratic National Convention in Charleston, South Carolina, he sent two of his sons and his chief political adviser to represent his interests in the backroom deal-making. The convention deadlocked, with no candidate able to gain the required two-thirds vote, but the sides were too far apart to consider Johnson as a compromise. The party split, with Northerners backing Illinois Senator Stephen Douglas while Southerners, including Johnson, supported Vice President Breckinridge for president. With former Tennessee senator John Bell running a fourth-party candidacy and further dividing the vote, the Republican Party elected its first president, former Illinois representative Abraham Lincoln. The election of Lincoln, known to be against the spread of slavery, was unacceptable to many in the South. Although secession from the Union had not been an issue in the campaign, talk of it began in the Southern states.
Johnson took to the Senate floor after the election, giving a speech well received in the North, "I will not give up this government ... No; I intend to stand by it ... and I invite every man who is a patriot to ... rally around the altar of our common country ... and swear by our God, and all that is sacred and holy, that the Constitution shall be saved, and the Union preserved." As Southern senators announced they would resign if their states seceded, he reminded Mississippi Senator Jefferson Davis that if Southerners would only hold to their seats, the Democrats would control the Senate, and could defend the South's interests against any infringement by Lincoln. Gordon-Reed points out that while Johnson's belief in an indissoluble Union was sincere, he had alienated Southern leaders, including Davis, who would soon be the president of the Confederate States of America, formed by the seceding states. If the Tennessean had backed the Confederacy, he would have had small influence in its government.
Johnson returned home when his state took up the issue of secession. His successor as governor, Isham G. Harris, and the legislature organized a referendum on whether to have a constitutional convention to authorize secession; when that failed, they put the question of leaving the Union to a popular vote. Despite threats on Johnson's life, and actual assaults, he campaigned against both questions, sometimes speaking with a gun on the lectern before him. Although Johnson's eastern region of Tennessee was largely against secession, the second referendum passed, and in June 1861, Tennessee joined the Confederacy. Believing he would be killed if he stayed, Johnson fled through the Cumberland Gap, where his party was in fact shot at. He left his wife and family in Greeneville.
As the only member from a seceded state to remain in the Senate and the most prominent Southern Unionist, Johnson had Lincoln's ear in the early months of the war. With most of Tennessee in Confederate hands, Johnson spent congressional recesses in Kentucky and Ohio, trying in vain to convince any Union commander who would listen to conduct an operation into East Tennessee.
Military Governor of Tennessee
Johnson's first tenure in the Senate came to a conclusion in March 1862 when Lincoln appointed him military governor of Tennessee. Much of the central and western portions of that seceded state had been recovered. Although some argued that civil government should simply resume once the Confederates were defeated in an area, Lincoln chose to use his power as commander in chief to appoint military governors over Union-controlled Southern regions. The Senate quickly confirmed Johnson's nomination along with the rank of brigadier general In response, the Confederates confiscated his land and his slaves, and turned his home into a military hospital. Later in 1862, after his departure from the Senate and in the absence of most Southern legislators, the Homestead Bill was finally enacted. Along with legislation for land-grant colleges and for the transcontinental railroad, the Homestead Bill has been credited with opening the American West to settlement.
As military governor, Johnson sought to eliminate rebel influence in the state. He demanded loyalty oaths from public officials, and shut down all newspapers owned by Confederate sympathizers. Much of eastern Tennessee remained in Confederate hands, and the ebb and flow of war during 1862 sometimes brought Confederate control again close to Nashville. However, the Confederates allowed his wife and family to pass through the lines to join him. Johnson undertook the defense of Nashville as well as he could, though the city was continually harassed by cavalry raids led by General Nathan Bedford Forrest. Relief from Union regulars did not come until General William S. Rosecrans defeated the Confederates at Murfreesboro in early 1863. Much of eastern Tennessee was captured later that year.
When Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation in January 1863, declaring freedom for all slaves in Confederate-held areas, he exempted Tennessee at Johnson's request. The proclamation increased the debate over what should become of the slaves after the war, as not all Unionists supported abolition. Johnson finally decided that slavery had to end. He wrote, "If the institution of slavery ... seeks to overthrow it [the Government], then the Government has a clear right to destroy it." He reluctantly supported efforts to enlist former slaves into the Union Army, feeling that African Americans should perform menial tasks to release white Americans to do the fighting. Nevertheless, he succeeded in recruiting 20,000 black soldiers to serve the Union.
Vice President (1865)
Poster for the Lincoln and Johnson ticket by Currier and Ives
In 1860, Lincoln's running mate had been Maine Senator Hannibal Hamlin. Vice President Hamlin had served competently, was in good health, and was willing to run again. Nevertheless, Johnson emerged as running mate for Lincoln's reelection bid in 1864.
Lincoln considered several War Democrats for the ticket in 1864, and sent an agent to sound out General Benjamin Butler as a possible running mate. In May 1864, the President dispatched General Daniel Sickles to Nashville on a fact-finding mission. Although Sickles denied he was there either to investigate or interview the military governor, Johnson biographer Hans L. Trefousse believes Sickles's trip was connected to Johnson's subsequent nomination for vice president. According to historian Albert Castel in his account of Johnson's presidency, Lincoln was impressed by Johnson's administration of Tennessee. Gordon-Reed points out that while the Lincoln-Hamlin ticket might have been considered geographically balanced in 1860, "having Johnson, the southern War Democrat, on the ticket sent the right message about the folly of secession and the continuing capacity for union within the country." Another factor was the desire of Secretary of State William Seward to frustrate the vice-presidential candidacy of his fellow New Yorker, former senator Daniel S. Dickinson, a War Democrat, as Seward would probably have had to yield his place if another New Yorker became vice president. Johnson, once he was told by reporters the likely purpose of Sickles' visit, was active on his own behalf, giving speeches and having his political friends work behind the scenes to boost his candidacy.
To sound a theme of unity, Lincoln in 1864 ran under the banner of the National Union Party, rather than the Republicans. At the party's convention in Baltimore in June, Lincoln was easily nominated, although there had been some talk of replacing him with a Cabinet officer or one of the more successful generals. After the convention backed Lincoln, former Secretary of War Simon Cameron offered a resolution to nominate Hamlin, but it was defeated. Johnson was nominated for vice president by C.M. Allen of Indiana with an Iowa delegate as seconder. On the first ballot, Johnson led with 200 votes to 150 for Hamlin and 108 for Dickinson. On the second ballot, Kentucky switched to vote for Johnson, beginning a stampede. Johnson was named on the second ballot with 491 votes to Hamlin's 17 and eight for Dickinson; the nomination was made unanimous. Lincoln expressed pleasure at the result, "Andy Johnson, I think, is a good man." When word reached Nashville, a crowd assembled and the military governor obliged with a speech contending his selection as a Southerner meant that the rebel states had not actually left the Union.
1865 cartoon showing Lincoln and Johnson using their talents as rail-splitter and tailor to repair the Union
Although it was unusual at the time for a national candidate to actively campaign, Johnson gave a number of speeches in Tennessee, Kentucky, Ohio, and Indiana. He also sought to boost his chances in Tennessee while reestablishing civil government by making the loyalty oath even more restrictive, in that voters would now have to swear they opposed making a settlement with the Confederacy. The Democratic candidate for president, George McClellan, hoped to avoid additional bloodshed by negotiation, and so the stricter loyalty oath effectively disenfranchised his supporters. Lincoln declined to override Johnson, and their ticket took the state by 25,000 votes. Congress refused to count Tennessee's electoral votes, but Lincoln and Johnson did not need them, having won in most states that had voted, and easily secured the election.
Now Vice President-elect, Johnson was anxious to complete the work of reestablishing civilian government in Tennessee, although the timetable for the election of a new governor did not allow it to take place until after Inauguration Day, March 4. He hoped to remain in Nashville to complete his task, but was told by Lincoln's advisers that he could not stay, but would be sworn in with Lincoln. In these months, Union troops finished the retaking of eastern Tennessee, including Greeneville. Just before his departure, the voters of Tennessee ratified a new constitution, abolishing slavery, on February 22, 1865. One of Johnson's final acts as military governor was to certify the results.
Johnson traveled to Washington to be sworn in, although according to Gordon-Reed, "in light of what happened on March 4, 1865, it might have been better if Johnson had stayed in Nashville." He may have been ill; Castel cited typhoid fever, though Gordon-Reed notes that there is no independent evidence for that diagnosis. On the evening of March 3, Johnson attended a party in his honor; he drank heavily. Hung over the following morning at the Capitol, he asked Vice President Hamlin for some whiskey. Hamlin produced a bottle, and Johnson took two stiff drinks, stating "I need all the strength for the occasion I can have." In the Senate Chamber, Johnson delivered a rambling address as Lincoln, the Congress, and dignitaries looked on. Almost incoherent at times, he finally meandered to a halt, whereupon Hamlin hastily swore him in as vice president. Lincoln, who had watched sadly during the debacle, then went to his own swearing-in outside the Capitol, and delivered his acclaimed Second Inaugural Address.
In the weeks after the inauguration, Johnson only presided over the Senate briefly, and hid from public ridicule at the Maryland home of a friend, Francis Preston Blair. When he did return to Washington, it was with the intent of leaving for Tennessee to reestablish his family in Greeneville. Instead, he remained after word came that General Ulysses S. Grant had captured the Confederate capital of Richmond, Virginia, presaging the end of the war. Lincoln stated, in response to criticism of Johnson's behavior, that "I have known Andy Johnson for many years; he made a bad slip the other day, but you need not be scared; Andy ain't a drunkard."
Presidency (1865–1869)
Accession
Contemporary woodcut of Johnson being sworn in by Chief Justice Chase as Cabinet members look on, April 15, 1865
On the afternoon of April 14, 1865, Lincoln and Johnson met for the first time since the inauguration. Trefousse states that Johnson wanted to "induce Lincoln not to be too lenient with traitors"; Gordon-Reed agrees.
That night, President Lincoln was shot and mortally wounded by John Wilkes Booth, a Confederate sympathizer. The shooting of the President was part of a conspiracy to assassinate Lincoln, Johnson, and Seward the same night. Seward barely survived his wounds, while Johnson escaped attack as his would-be assassin, George Atzerodt, got drunk instead of killing the vice president. Leonard J. Farwell, a fellow boarder at the Kirkwood House, awoke Johnson with news of Lincoln's shooting at Ford's Theatre. Johnson rushed to the President's deathbed, where he remained a short time, on his return promising, "They shall suffer for this. They shall suffer for this." Lincoln died at 7:22 am the next morning; Johnson's swearing in occurred between 10 and 11 am with Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase presiding in the presence of most of the Cabinet. Johnson's demeanor was described by the newspapers as "solemn and dignified". Some Cabinet members had last seen Johnson, apparently drunk, at the inauguration. At noon, Johnson conducted his first Cabinet meeting in the Treasury Secretary's office, and asked all members to remain in their positions.
The events of the assassination resulted in speculation, then and subsequently, concerning Johnson and what the conspirators might have intended for him. In the vain hope of having his life spared after his capture, Atzerodt spoke much about the conspiracy, but did not say anything to indicate that the plotted assassination of Johnson was merely a ruse. Conspiracy theorists point to the fact that on the day of the assassination, Booth came to the Kirkwood House and left one of his cards. This object was received by Johnson's private secretary, William A. Browning, with an inscription, "Don't wish to disturb you. Are you at home? J. Wilkes Booth."
Johnson presided with dignity over Lincoln's funeral ceremonies in Washington, before his predecessor's body was sent home to Springfield, Illinois, for interment. Shortly after Lincoln's death, Union General William T. Sherman reported he had, without consulting Washington, reached an armistice agreement with Confederate General Joseph E. Johnston for the surrender of Confederate forces in North Carolina in exchange for the existing state government remaining in power, with private property rights to be respected. This did not even acknowledge the freedom of those in slavery. This was not acceptable to Johnson or the Cabinet who sent word for Sherman to secure the surrender without making political deals, which he did. Further, Johnson placed a $100,000 bounty (equivalent to $1.67 million in 2019) on Confederate President Davis, then a fugitive, which gave him the reputation of a man who would be tough on the South. More controversially, he permitted the execution of Mary Surratt for her part in Lincoln's assassination. Surratt was executed with three others, including Atzerodt, on July 7, 1865.
Reconstruction
Background
Upon taking office, Johnson faced the question of what to do with the Confederacy. President Lincoln had authorized loyalist governments in Virginia, Arkansas, Louisiana, and Tennessee as the Union came to control large parts of those states and advocated a ten percent plan that would allow elections after ten percent of the voters in any state took an oath of future loyalty to the Union. Congress considered this too lenient; its own plan, requiring a majority of voters to take the loyalty oath, passed both houses in 1864, but Lincoln pocket vetoed it.
Johnson had three goals in Reconstruction. He sought a speedy restoration of the states, on the grounds that they had never truly left the Union, and thus should again be recognized once loyal citizens formed a government. To Johnson, African-American suffrage was a delay and a distraction; it had always been a state responsibility to decide who should vote. Second, political power in the Southern states should pass from the planter class to his beloved "plebeians". Johnson feared that the freedmen, many of whom were still economically bound to their former masters, might vote at their direction. Johnson's third priority was election in his own right in 1868, a feat no one who had succeeded a deceased president had managed to accomplish, attempting to secure a Democratic anti-Congressional Reconstruction coalition in the South.
The Republicans had formed a number of factions. The Radical Republicans sought voting and other civil rights for African Americans. They believed that the freedmen could be induced to vote Republican in gratitude for emancipation, and that black votes could keep the Republicans in power and Southern Democrats, including former rebels, out of influence. They believed that top Confederates should be punished. The Moderate Republicans sought to keep the Democrats out of power at a national level, and prevent former rebels from resuming power. They were not as enthusiastic about the idea of African-American suffrage as their Radical colleagues, either because of their own local political concerns, or because they believed that the freedman would be likely to cast his vote badly. Northern Democrats favored the unconditional restoration of the Southern states. They did not support African-American suffrage, which might threaten Democratic control in the South.
Presidential Reconstruction
Johnson was initially left to devise a Reconstruction policy without legislative intervention, as Congress was not due to meet again until December 1865. Radical Republicans told the President that the Southern states were economically in a state of chaos and urged him to use his leverage to insist on rights for freedmen as a condition of restoration to the Union. But Johnson, with the support of other officials including Seward, insisted that the franchise was a state, not a federal matter. The Cabinet was divided on the issue.
Johnson's first Reconstruction actions were two proclamations, with the unanimous backing of his Cabinet, on May 29. One recognized the Virginia government led by provisional Governor Francis Pierpont. The second provided amnesty for all ex-rebels except those holding property valued at $20,000 or more; it also appointed a temporary governor for North Carolina and authorized elections. Neither of these proclamations included provisions regarding black suffrage or freedmen's rights. The President ordered constitutional conventions in other former rebel states.
As Southern states began the process of forming governments, Johnson's policies received considerable public support in the North, which he took as unconditional backing for quick reinstatement of the South. While he received such support from the white South, he underestimated the determination of Northerners to ensure that the war had not been fought for nothing. It was important, in Northern public opinion, that the South acknowledge its defeat, that slavery be ended, and that the lot of African Americans be improved. Voting rights were less important—after all, only a handful of Northern states (mostly in New England) gave African-American men the right to vote on the same basis as whites, and in late 1865, Connecticut, Wisconsin, and Minnesota voted down African-American suffrage proposals by large margins. Northern public opinion tolerated Johnson's inaction on black suffrage as an experiment, to be allowed if it quickened Southern acceptance of defeat. Instead, white Southerners felt emboldened. A number of Southern states passed Black Codes, binding African-American laborers to farms on annual contracts they could not quit, and allowing law enforcement at whim to arrest them for vagrancy and rent out their labor. Most Southerners elected to Congress were former Confederates, with the most prominent being Georgia Senator-designate and former Confederate vice president Alexander Stephens. Congress assembled in early December 1865; Johnson's conciliatory annual message to them was well received. Nevertheless, Congress refused to seat the Southern legislators and established a committee to recommend appropriate Reconstruction legislation.
Northerners were outraged at the idea of unrepentant Confederate leaders, such as Stephens, rejoining the federal government at a time when emotional wounds from the war remained raw. They saw the Black Codes placing African Americans in a position barely above slavery. Republicans also feared that restoration of the Southern states would return the Democrats to power. In addition, according to David O. Stewart in his book on Johnson's impeachment, "the violence and poverty that oppressed the South would galvanize the opposition to Johnson".
Break with the Republicans: 1866
Congress was reluctant to confront the President, and initially only sought to fine-tune Johnson's policies towards the South. According to Trefousse, "If there was a time when Johnson could have come to an agreement with the moderates of the Republican Party, it was the period following the return of Congress". The President was unhappy about the provocative actions of the Southern states, and about the continued control by the antebellum elite there, but made no statement publicly, believing that Southerners had a right to act as they did, even if it was unwise to do so. By late January 1866, he was convinced that winning a showdown with the Radical Republicans was necessary to his political plans – both for the success of Reconstruction and for reelection in 1868. He would have preferred that the conflict arise over the legislative efforts to enfranchise African Americans in the District of Columbia, a proposal that had been defeated overwhelmingly in an all-white referendum. A bill to accomplish this passed the House of Representatives, but to Johnson's disappointment, stalled in the Senate before he could veto it.
Thomas Nast cartoon of Johnson disposing of the Freedmen's Bureau as African Americans go flying
Illinois Senator Lyman Trumbull, leader of the Moderate Republicans and Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, was anxious to reach an understanding with the President. He ushered through Congress a bill extending the Freedmen's Bureau beyond its scheduled abolition in 1867, and the first Civil Rights Bill, to grant citizenship to the freedmen. Trumbull met several times with Johnson and was convinced the President would sign the measures (Johnson rarely contradicted visitors, often fooling those who met with him into thinking he was in accord). In fact, the President opposed both bills as infringements on state sovereignty. Additionally, both of Trumbull's bills were unpopular among white Southerners, whom Johnson hoped to include in his new party. Johnson vetoed the Freedman's Bureau bill on February 18, 1866, to the delight of white Southerners and the puzzled anger of Republican legislators. He considered himself vindicated when a move to override his veto failed in the Senate the following day. Johnson believed that the Radicals would now be isolated and defeated and that the Moderate Republicans would form behind him; he did not understand that Moderates also wanted to see African Americans treated fairly.
On February 22, 1866, Washington's Birthday, Johnson gave an impromptu speech to supporters who had marched to the White House and called for an address in honor of the first president. In his hour-long speech, he instead referred to himself over 200 times. More damagingly, he also spoke of "men ... still opposed to the Union" to whom he could not extend the hand of friendship he gave to the South. When called upon by the crowd to say who they were, Johnson named Pennsylvania Congressman Thaddeus Stevens, Massachusetts Senator Charles Sumner, and abolitionist Wendell Phillips, and accused them of plotting his assassination. Republicans viewed the address as a declaration of war, while one Democratic ally estimated Johnson's speech cost the party 200,000 votes in the 1866 congressional midterm elections.
Although strongly urged by Moderates to sign the Civil Rights Bill, Johnson broke decisively with them by vetoing it on March 27. In his veto message, he objected to the measure because it conferred citizenship on the freedmen at a time when 11 out of 36 states were unrepresented in the Congress, and that it discriminated in favor of African Americans and against whites.Within three weeks, Congress had overridden his veto, the first time that had been done on a major bill in American history. The veto of the Civil Rights Act of 1866, often seen as a key mistake of Johnson's presidency, convinced Moderates there was no hope of working with him. Historian Eric Foner in his volume on Reconstruction views it as "the most disastrous miscalculation of his political career". According to Stewart, the veto was "for many his defining blunder, setting a tone of perpetual confrontation with Congress that prevailed for the rest of his presidency".
Congress also proposed the Fourteenth Amendment to the states. Written by Trumbull and others, it was sent for ratification by state legislatures in a process in which the president plays no part, though Johnson opposed it. The amendment was designed to put the key provisions of the Civil Rights Act into the Constitution, but also went further. The amendment extended citizenship to every person born in the United States (except Indians on reservations), penalized states that did not give the vote to freedmen, and most importantly, created new federal civil rights that could be protected by federal courts. It also guaranteed that the federal debt would be paid and forbade repayment of Confederate war debts. Further, it disqualified many former Confederates from office, although the disability could be removed—by Congress, not the president. Both houses passed the Freedmen's Bureau Act a second time, and again the President vetoed it; this time, the veto was overridden. By the summer of 1866, when Congress finally adjourned, Johnson's method of restoring states to the Union by executive fiat, without safeguards for the freedmen, was in deep trouble. His home state of Tennessee ratified the Fourteenth Amendment despite the President's opposition. When Tennessee did so, Congress immediately seated its proposed delegation, embarrassing Johnson.
Efforts to compromise failed, and a political war ensued between the united Republicans on one side, and on the other, Johnson and his allies in the Democratic Party, North and South. He called a convention of the National Union Party. Republicans had returned to using their previous identifier; Johnson intended to use the discarded name to unite his supporters and gain election to a full term, in 1868. The battleground was the election of 1866; Southern states were not allowed to vote. Johnson campaigned vigorously, undertaking a public speaking tour, known as the "Swing Around the Circle". The trip, including speeches in Chicago, St. Louis, Indianapolis and Columbus, proved politically disastrous, with the President making controversial comparisons between himself and Christ, and engaging in arguments with hecklers. These exchanges were attacked as beneath the dignity of the presidency. The Republicans won by a landslide, increasing their two-thirds majority in Congress, and made plans to control Reconstruction. Johnson blamed the Democrats for giving only lukewarm support to the National Union movement.
Radical Reconstruction
Even with the Republican victory in November 1866, Johnson considered himself in a strong position. The Fourteenth Amendment had been ratified by none of the Southern or border states except Tennessee, and had been rejected in Kentucky, Delaware, and Maryland. As the amendment required ratification by three-quarters of the states to become part of the Constitution, he believed the deadlock would be broken in his favor, leading to his election in 1868. Once it reconvened in December 1866, an energized Congress began passing legislation, often over a presidential veto; this included the District of Columbia voting bill. Congress admitted Nebraska to the Union over a veto, and the Republicans gained two senators and a state that promptly ratified the amendment. Johnson's veto of a bill for statehood for Colorado Territory was sustained; enough senators agreed that a district with a population of 30,000 was not yet worthy of statehood to win the day.
In January 1867, Congressman Stevens introduced legislation to dissolve the Southern state governments and reconstitute them into five military districts, under martial law. The states would begin again by holding constitutional conventions. African Americans could vote for or become delegates; former Confederates could not. In the legislative process, Congress added to the bill that restoration to the Union would follow the state's ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment, and completion of the process of adding it to the Constitution. Johnson and the Southerners attempted a compromise, whereby the South would agree to a modified version of the amendment without the disqualification of former Confederates, and for limited black suffrage. The Republicans insisted on the full language of the amendment, and the deal fell through. Although Johnson could have pocket vetoed the First Reconstruction Act as it was presented to him less than ten days before the end of the Thirty-Ninth Congress, he chose to veto it directly on March 2, 1867; Congress overruled him the same day. Also on March 2, Congress passed the Tenure of Office Act over the President's veto, in response to statements during the Swing Around the Circle that he planned to fire Cabinet secretaries who did not agree with him. This bill, requiring Senate approval for the firing of Cabinet members during the tenure of the president who appointed them and for one month afterwards, was immediately controversial, with some senators doubting that it was constitutional or that its terms applied to Johnson, whose key Cabinet officers were Lincoln holdovers.
Impeachment
"The Situation", a Harper's Weekly editorial cartoon, shows Secretary of War Stanton aiming a cannon labeled "Congress" to defeat Johnson. The rammer is "Tenure of Office Bill" and cannonballs on the floor are "Justice".
Secretary of War Edwin Stanton was an able and hard-working man, but difficult to deal with. Johnson both admired and was exasperated by his War Secretary, who, in combination with General of the Army Grant, worked to undermine the president's Southern policy from within his own administration. Johnson considered firing Stanton, but respected him for his wartime service as secretary. Stanton, for his part, feared allowing Johnson to appoint his successor and refused to resign, despite his public disagreements with his president.
The new Congress met for a few weeks in March 1867, then adjourned, leaving the House Committee on the Judiciary behind, charged with reporting back to the full House whether there were grounds for Johnson to be impeached. This committee duly met, examined the President's bank accounts, and summoned members of the Cabinet to testify. When a federal court released former Confederate president Davis on bail on May 13 (he had been captured shortly after the war), the committee investigated whether the President had impeded the prosecution. It learned that Johnson was eager to have Davis tried. A bipartisan majority of the committee voted down impeachment charges; the committee adjourned on June 3.
Later in June, Johnson and Stanton battled over the question of whether the military officers placed in command of the South could override the civil authorities. The President had Attorney General Henry Stanbery issue an opinion backing his position that they could not. Johnson sought to pin down Stanton either as for, and thus endorsing Johnson's position, or against, showing himself to be opposed to his president and the rest of the Cabinet. Stanton evaded the point in meetings and written communications. When Congress reconvened in July, it passed a Reconstruction Act against Johnson's position, waited for his veto, overruled it, and went home. In addition to clarifying the powers of the generals, the legislation also deprived the President of control over the Army in the South. With Congress in recess until November, Johnson decided to fire Stanton and relieve one of the military commanders, General Philip Sheridan, who had dismissed the governor of Texas and installed a replacement with little popular support. Johnson was initially deterred by a strong objection from Grant, but on August 5, the President demanded Stanton's resignation; the secretary refused to quit with Congress out of session. Johnson then suspended him pending the next meeting of Congress as permitted under the Tenure of Office Act; Grant agreed to serve as temporary replacement while continuing to lead the Army.
Grant, under protest, followed Johnson's order transferring Sheridan and another of the district commanders, Daniel Sickles, who had angered Johnson by firmly following Congress's plan. The President also issued a proclamation pardoning most Confederates, exempting those who held office under the Confederacy, or who had served in federal office before the war but had breached their oaths. Although Republicans expressed anger with his actions, the 1867 elections generally went Democratic. No seats in Congress were directly elected in the polling, but the Democrats took control of the Ohio General Assembly, allowing them to defeat for reelection one of Johnson's strongest opponents, Senator Benjamin Wade. Voters in Ohio, Connecticut, and Minnesota turned down propositions to grant African Americans the vote
The adverse results momentarily put a stop to Republican calls to impeach Johnson, who was elated by the elections. Nevertheless, once Congress met in November, the Judiciary Committee reversed itself and passed a resolution of impeachment against Johnson. After much debate about whether anything the President had done was a high crime or misdemeanor, the standard under the Constitution, the resolution was defeated by the House of Representatives on December 7, 1867, by a vote of 57 in favor to 108 opposed.
Johnson notified Congress of Stanton's suspension and Grant's interim appointment. In January 1868, the Senate disapproved of his action, and reinstated Stanton, contending the President had violated the Tenure of Office Act. Grant stepped aside over Johnson's objection, causing a complete break between them. Johnson then dismissed Stanton and appointed Lorenzo Thomas to replace him. Stanton refused to leave his office, and on February 24, 1868, the House impeached the President for intentionally violating the Tenure of Office Act, by a vote of 128 to 47. The House subsequently adopted eleven articles of impeachment, for the most part alleging that he had violated the Tenure of Office Act, and had questioned the legitimacy of Congress.
Illustration of Johnson's impeachment trial in the United States Senate, by Theodore R. Davis, published in Harper's Weekly
On March 5, 1868, the impeachment trial began in the Senate and lasted almost three months; Congressmen George S. Boutwell, Benjamin Butler and Thaddeus Stevens acted as managers for the House, or prosecutors, and William M. Evarts, Benjamin R. Curtis and former Attorney General Stanbery were Johnson's counsel; Chief Justice Chase served as presiding judge.
The defense relied on the provision of the Tenure of Office Act that made it applicable only to appointees of the current administration. Since Lincoln had appointed Stanton, the defense maintained Johnson had not violated the act, and also argued that the President had the right to test the constitutionality of an act of Congress. Johnson's counsel insisted that he make no appearance at the trial, nor publicly comment about the proceedings, and except for a pair of interviews in April, he complied.
Johnson maneuvered to gain an acquittal; for example, he pledged to Iowa Senator James W. Grimes that he would not interfere with Congress's Reconstruction efforts. Grimes reported to a group of Moderates, many of whom voted for acquittal, that he believed the President would keep his word. Johnson also promised to install the respected John Schofield as War Secretary. Kansas Senator Edmund G. Ross received assurances that the new, Radical-influenced constitutions ratified in South Carolina and Arkansas would be transmitted to the Congress without delay, an action which would give him and other senators political cover to vote for acquittal.
One reason senators were reluctant to remove the President was that his successor would have been Ohio Senator Wade, the president pro tempore of the Senate. Wade, a lame duck who left office in early 1869, was a Radical who supported such measures as women's suffrage, placing him beyond the pale politically in much of the nation. Additionally, a President Wade was seen as an obstacle to Grant's ambitions.
With the dealmaking, Johnson was confident of the result in advance of the verdict, and in the days leading up to the ballot, newspapers reported that Stevens and his Radicals had given up. On May 16, the Senate voted on the 11th article of impeachment, accusing Johnson of firing Stanton in violation of the Tenure of Office of Act once the Senate had overturned his suspension. Thirty-five senators voted "guilty" and 19 "not guilty", thus falling short by a single vote of the two-thirds majority required for conviction under the Constitution. Seven Republicans—Senators Grimes, Ross, Trumbull, William Pitt Fessenden, Joseph S. Fowler, John B. Henderson, and Peter G. Van Winkle—voted to acquit the President. With Stevens bitterly disappointed at the result, the Senate then adjourned for the Republican National Convention; Grant was nominated for president. The Senate returned on May 26 and voted on the second and third articles, with identical 35–19 results. Faced with those results, Johnson's opponents gave up and dismissed proceedings. Stanton "relinquished" his office on May 26, and the Senate subsequently confirmed Schofield. When Johnson renominated Stanbery to return to his position as Attorney General after his service as a defense manager, the Senate refused to confirm him.
Allegations were made at the time and again later that bribery dictated the outcome of the trial. Even when it was in progress, Representative Butler began an investigation, held contentious hearings, and issued a report, unendorsed by any other congressman. Butler focused on a New York–based "Astor House Group", supposedly led by political boss and editor Thurlow Weed. This organization was said to have raised large sums of money from whiskey interests through Cincinnati lawyer Charles Woolley to bribe senators to acquit Johnson. Butler went so far as to imprison Woolley in the Capitol building when he refused to answer questions, but failed to prove bribery.
Foreign policy
Soon after taking office as president, Johnson reached an accord with Secretary of State William H. Seward that there would be no change in foreign policy. In practice, this meant that Seward would continue to run things as he had under Lincoln. Seward and Lincoln had been rivals for the nomination in 1860; the victor hoped that Seward would succeed him as president in 1869. At the time of Johnson's accession, the French had intervened in Mexico, sending troops there. While many politicians had indulged in saber rattling over the Mexican matter, Seward preferred quiet diplomacy, warning the French through diplomatic channels that their presence in Mexico was not acceptable. Although the President preferred a more aggressive approach, Seward persuaded him to follow his lead. In April 1866, the French government informed Seward that its troops would be brought home in stages, to conclude by November 1867.
Seward was an expansionist, and sought opportunities to gain territory for the United States. By 1867, the Russian government saw its North American colony (today Alaska) as a financial liability, and feared losing control as American settlement reached there. It instructed its minister in Washington, Baron Eduard de Stoeckl, to negotiate a sale. De Stoeckl did so deftly, getting Seward to raise his offer from $5 million (coincidentally, the minimum that Russia had instructed de Stoeckl to accept) to $7 million, and then getting $200,000 added by raising various objections. This sum of $7.2 million is equivalent to $132 million in present-day terms. On March 30, 1867, de Stoeckl and Seward signed the treaty, working quickly as the Senate was about to adjourn. Johnson and Seward took the signed document to the President's Room in the Capitol, only to be told there was no time to deal with the matter before adjournment. The President summoned the Senate into session to meet on April 1; that body approved the treaty, 37–2. Emboldened by his success in Alaska, Seward sought acquisitions elsewhere. His only success was staking an American claim to uninhabited Wake Island in the Pacific, which would be officially claimed by the U.S. in 1898. He came close with the Danish West Indies as Denmark agreed to sell and the local population approved the transfer in a plebiscite, but the Senate never voted on the treaty and it expired.
Another treaty that fared badly was the Johnson-Clarendon convention, negotiated in settlement of the Alabama Claims, for damages to American shipping from British-built Confederate raiders. Negotiated by the United States Minister to Britain, former Maryland senator Reverdy Johnson, in late 1868, it was ignored by the Senate during the remainder of the President's term. The treaty was rejected after he left office, and the Grant administration later negotiated considerably better terms from Britain.
Administration and Cabinet
Judicial appointments
Johnson appointed nine Article III federal judges during his presidency, all to United States district courts; he did not appoint a justice to serve on the Supreme Court. In April 1866, he nominated Henry Stanbery to fill the vacancy left with the death of John Catron, but Congress eliminated the seat to prevent the appointment, and to ensure that he did not get to make any appointments eliminated the next vacancy as well, providing that the court would shrink by one justice when one next departed from office. Johnson appointed his Greeneville crony, Samuel Milligan, to the United States Court of Claims, where he served from 1868 until his death in 1874.
Reforms initiated
In June 1866, Johnson signed the Southern Homestead Act into law, believing that the legislation would assist poor whites. Around 28,000 land claims were successfully patented, although few former slaves benefitted from the law, fraud was rampant, and much of the best land was off-limits; reserved for grants to veterans or railroads. In June 1868, Johnson signed an eight-hour law passed by Congress that established an eight-hour workday for laborers and mechanics employed by the Federal Government. Although Johnson told members of a Workingmen's party delegation in Baltimore that he could not directly commit himself to an eight-hour day, he nevertheless told the same delegation that he greatly favoured the "shortest number of hours consistent with the interests of all". According to Richard F. Selcer, however, the good intentions behind the law were "immediately frustrated" as wages were cut by 20%.
Completion of term
Johnson sought nomination by the 1868 Democratic National Convention in New York in July 1868. He remained very popular among Southern whites, and boosted that popularity by issuing, just before the convention, a pardon ending the possibility of criminal proceedings against any Confederate not already indicted, meaning that only Davis and a few others still might face trial. On the first ballot, Johnson was second to former Ohio representative George H. Pendleton, who had been his Democratic opponent for vice president in 1864. Johnson's support was mostly from the South, and fell away as the ballots passed. On the 22nd ballot, former New York governor Horatio Seymour was nominated, and the President received only four votes, all from Tennessee.
"Farewell, a long farewell, to all my greatness!": Harper's Weekly cartoon mocking Johnson on leaving office
The conflict with Congress continued. Johnson sent Congress proposals for amendments to limit the president to a single six-year term and make the president and the Senate directly elected, and for term limits for judges. Congress took no action on them. When the President was slow to officially report ratifications of the Fourteenth Amendment by the new Southern legislatures, Congress passed a bill, again over his veto, requiring him to do so within ten days of receipt. He still delayed as much as he could, but was required, in July 1868, to report the ratifications making the amendment part of the Constitution.
Seymour's operatives sought Johnson's support, but he long remained silent on the presidential campaign. It was not until October, with the vote already having taken place in some states, that he mentioned Seymour at all, and he never endorsed him. Nevertheless, Johnson regretted Grant's victory, in part because of their animus from the Stanton affair. In his annual message to Congress in December, Johnson urged the repeal of the Tenure of Office Act and told legislators that had they admitted their Southern colleagues in 1865, all would have been well. He celebrated his 60th birthday in late December with a party for several hundred children, though not including those of President-elect Grant, who did not allow his to go.
On Christmas Day 1868, Johnson issued a final amnesty, this one covering everyone, including Davis. He also issued, in his final months in office, pardons for crimes, including one for Dr. Samuel Mudd, controversially convicted of involvement in the Lincoln assassination (he had set Booth's broken leg) and imprisoned in Fort Jefferson on Florida's Dry Tortugas.
On March 3, the President hosted a large public reception at the White House on his final full day in office. Grant had made it known that he was unwilling to ride in the same carriage as Johnson, as was customary, and Johnson refused to go to the inauguration at all. Despite an effort by Seward to prompt a change of mind, he spent the morning of March 4 finishing last-minute business, and then shortly after noon rode from the White House to the home of a friend.
Post-presidency and return to Senate
Senator Andrew Johnson in 1875 (age 66)
After leaving the presidency, Johnson remained for some weeks in Washington, then returned to Greeneville for the first time in eight years. He was honored with large public celebrations along the way, especially in Tennessee, where cities hostile to him during the war hung out welcome banners. He had arranged to purchase a large farm near Greeneville to live on after his presidency.
Some expected Johnson to run for Governor of Tennessee or for the Senate again, while others thought that he would become a railroad executive. Johnson found Greeneville boring, and his private life was embittered by the suicide of his son Robert in 1869. Seeking vindication for himself, and revenge against his political enemies, he launched a Senate bid soon after returning home. Tennessee had gone Republican, but court rulings restoring the vote to some whites and the violence of the Ku Klux Klan kept down the African-American vote, leading to a Democratic victory in the legislative elections in August 1869. Johnson was seen as a likely victor in the Senate election, although hated by Radical Republicans, and also by some Democrats because of his wartime activities. Although he was at one point within a single vote of victory in the legislature's balloting, the Republicans eventually elected Henry Cooper over Johnson, 54–51. In 1872, there was a special election for an at-large congressional seat for Tennessee; Johnson initially sought the Democratic nomination, but when he saw that it would go to former Confederate general Benjamin F. Cheatham, decided to run as an independent. The former president was defeated, finishing third, but the split in the Democratic Party defeated Cheatham in favor of an old Johnson Unionist ally, Horace Maynard.
In 1873, Johnson contracted cholera during an epidemic but recovered; that year he lost about $73,000, when the First National Bank of Washington went under, though he was eventually repaid much of the sum. He began looking towards the next Senate election, to take place in the legislature in early 1875. Johnson began to woo the farmers' Grange movement; with his Jeffersonian leanings, he easily gained their support. He spoke throughout the state in his final campaign tour. Few African Americans outside the large towns were now able to vote as Reconstruction faded in Tennessee, setting a pattern that would be repeated in the other Southern states; the white domination would last almost a century. In the Tennessee legislative elections in August, the Democrats elected 92 legislators to the Republicans' eight, and Johnson went to Nashville for the legislative session. When the balloting for the Senate seat began on January 20, 1875, he led with 30 votes, but did not have the required majority as three former Confederate generals, one former colonel, and a former Democratic congressman split the vote with him. Johnson's opponents tried to agree on a single candidate who might gain majority support and defeat him, but failed, and he was elected on January 26 on the 54th ballot, with a margin of a single vote. Nashville erupted in rejoicing; remarked Johnson, "Thank God for the vindication."
Johnson's comeback garnered national attention, with the St. Louis Republican calling it, "the most magnificent personal triumph which the history of American politics can show". At his swearing-in in the Senate on March 5, 1875, he was greeted with flowers and sworn in with his predecessor as vice president, Hamlin, by that office's current incumbent, Henry Wilson, who as senator had voted for his ousting. Many Republicans ignored Senator Johnson, though some, such as Ohio's John Sherman (who had voted for conviction), shook his hand. Johnson remains the only former president to serve in the Senate. He spoke only once in the short session, on March 22 lambasting President Grant for his use of federal troops in support of Louisiana's Reconstruction government. The former president asked, "How far off is military despotism?" and concluded his speech, "may God bless this people and God save the Constitution."
Death
Johnson returned home after the special session concluded. In late July, 1875, convinced some of his opponents were defaming him in the Ohio gubernatorial race, he decided to travel there to give speeches. He began the trip on July 28, and broke the journey at his daughter Mary's farm near Elizabethton, where his daughter Martha was also staying. That evening he suffered a stroke, but refused medical treatment until the next day, when he did not improve and two doctors were sent for from Elizabethton. He seemed to respond to their ministrations, but suffered another stroke on the evening of July 30, and died early the following morning at the age of 66. President Grant had the "painful duty" of announcing the death of the only surviving past president. Northern newspapers, in their obituaries, tended to focus on Johnson's loyalty during the war, while Southern ones paid tribute to his actions as president. Johnson's funeral was held on August 3 in Greeneville. He was buried with his body wrapped in an American flag and a copy of the U.S. Constitution placed under his head, according to his wishes. The burial ground was dedicated as the Andrew Johnson National Cemetery in 1906, and with his home and tailor's shop, is part of the Andrew Johnson National Historic Site.
Historical reputation and legacy
According to Castel, "historians [of Johnson's presidency] have tended to concentrate to the exclusion of practically everything else upon his role in that titanic event [Reconstruction]". Through the remainder of the 19th century, there were few historical evaluations of Johnson and his presidency. Memoirs from Northerners who had dealt with him, such as former vice president Henry Wilson and Maine Senator James G. Blaine, depicted him as an obstinate boor who tried to favor the South in Reconstruction, but who was frustrated by Congress. According to historian Howard K. Beale in his journal article about the historiography of Reconstruction, "Men of the postwar decades were more concerned with justifying their own position than they were with painstaking search for truth. Thus [Alabama congressman and historian] Hilary Herbert and his corroborators presented a Southern indictment of Northern policies, and Henry Wilson's history was a brief for the North."
The turn of the 20th century saw the first significant historical evaluations of Johnson. Leading the wave was Pulitzer Prize-winning historian James Ford Rhodes, who wrote of the former president:
Johnson acted in accordance with his nature. He had intellectual force but it worked in a groove. Obstinate rather than firm it undoubtedly seemed to him that following counsel and making concessions were a display of weakness. At all events from his December message to the veto of the Civil Rights Bill he yielded not a jot to Congress. The moderate senators and representatives (who constituted a majority of the Union party) asked him for only a slight compromise; their action was really an entreaty that he would unite with them to preserve Congress and the country from the policy of the radicals ... His quarrel with Congress prevented the readmission into the Union on generous terms of the members of the late Confederacy ... His pride of opinion, his desire to beat, blinded him to the real welfare of the South and of the whole country.
Rhodes ascribed Johnson's faults to his personal weaknesses, and blamed him for the problems of the postbellum South. Other early 20th-century historians, such as John Burgess, Woodrow Wilson (who later became president himself) and William Dunning, all Southerners, concurred with Rhodes, believing Johnson flawed and politically inept, but concluding that he had tried to carry out Lincoln's plans for the South in good faith. Author and journalist Jay Tolson suggests that Wilson "depict[ed Reconstruction] as a vindictive program that hurt even repentant southerners while benefiting northern opportunists, the so-called Carpetbaggers, and cynical white southerners, or Scalawags, who exploited alliances with blacks for political gain".
The grave of Andrew Johnson, Greeneville, Tennessee
Even as Rhodes and his school wrote, another group of historians was setting out on the full rehabilitation of Johnson, using for the first time primary sources such as his papers, provided by his daughter Martha before her death in 1901, and the diaries of Johnson's Navy Secretary, Gideon Welles, first published in 1911. The resulting volumes, such as David Miller DeWitt's The Impeachment and Trial of President Andrew Johnson (1903), presented him far more favorably than they did those who had sought to oust him. In James Schouler's 1913 History of the Reconstruction Period, the author accused Rhodes of being "quite unfair to Johnson", though agreeing that the former president had created many of his own problems through inept political moves. These works had an effect; although historians continued to view Johnson as having deep flaws which sabotaged his presidency, they saw his Reconstruction policies as fundamentally correct.
Castel writes:
at the end of the 1920s, an historiographical revolution took place. In the span of three years five widely read books appeared, all highly pro-Johnson....They differed in general approach and specific interpretations, but they all glorified Johnson and condemned his enemies. According to these writers, Johnson was a humane, enlightened, and liberal statesman who waged a courageous battle for the Constitution and democracy against scheming and unscrupulous Radicals, who were motivated by a vindictive hatred of the South, partisanship, and a desire to establish the supremacy of Northern "big business". In short, rather than a boor, Johnson was a martyr; instead of a villain, a hero.
Beale wondered in 1940, "is it not time that we studied the history of Reconstruction without first assuming, at least subconsciously, that carpetbaggers and Southern white Republicans were wicked, that Negroes were illiterate incompetents, and that the whole white South owes a debt of gratitude to the restorers of 'white supremacy'?" Despite these doubts, the favorable view of Johnson survived for a time. In 1942, Van Heflin portrayed the former president as a fighter for democracy in the Hollywood film Tennessee Johnson. In 1948, a poll of his colleagues by historian Arthur M. Schlesinger deemed Johnson among the average presidents; in 1956, one by Clinton L. Rossiter named him as one of the near-great Chief Executives. Foner notes that at the time of these surveys, "the Reconstruction era that followed the Civil War was regarded as a time of corruption and misgovernment caused by granting black men the right to vote".
Earlier historians, including Beale, believed that money drove events, and had seen Reconstruction as an economic struggle. They also accepted, for the most part, that reconciliation between North and South should have been the top priority of Reconstruction. In the 1950s, historians began to focus on the African-American experience as central to Reconstruction. They rejected completely any claim of black inferiority, which had marked many earlier historical works, and saw the developing civil rights movement as a second Reconstruction; some writers stated they hoped their work on the postbellum era would advance the cause of civil rights. These authors sympathized with the Radical Republicans for their desire to help the African American, and saw Johnson as callous towards the freedman. In a number of works from 1956 onwards by such historians as Fawn Brodie, the former president was depicted as a successful saboteur of efforts to better the freedman's lot. These volumes included major biographies of Stevens and Stanton. Reconstruction was increasingly seen as a noble effort to integrate the freed slaves into society.
In the early 21st century, Johnson is among those commonly mentioned as the worst presidents in U.S. history. According to historian Glenn W. Lafantasie, who believes Buchanan the worst president, "Johnson is a particular favorite for the bottom of the pile because of his impeachment ... his complete mishandling of Reconstruction policy ... his bristling personality, and his enormous sense of self-importance." Tolson suggests that "Johnson is now scorned for having resisted Radical Republican policies aimed at securing the rights and well-being of the newly emancipated African-Americans". Gordon-Reed notes that Johnson, along with his contemporaries Pierce and Buchanan, are generally listed among the five worst presidents, but states, "there have never been more difficult times in the life of this nation. The problems these men had to confront were enormous. It would have taken a succession of Lincolns to do them justice."
Trefousse considers Johnson's legacy to be "the maintenance of white supremacy. His boost to Southern conservatives by undermining Reconstruction was his legacy to the nation, one that would trouble the country for generations to come." Gordon-Reed states of Johnson:
We know the results of Johnson's failures—that his preternatural stubbornness, his mean and crude racism, his primitive and instrumental understanding of the Constitution stunted his capacity for enlightened and forward-thinking leadership when those qualities were so desperately needed. At the same time, Johnson's story has a miraculous quality to it: the poor boy who systematically rose to the heights, fell from grace, and then fought his way back to a position of honor in the country. For good or ill, 'only in America,' as they say, could Johnson's story unfold in the way that it did.
Arjun Munda
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Arjun Munda
Assumed office
30 May 2019
Prime Minister Narendra Modi
Preceded by Jual Oram
In office
11 September 2010 – 8 January 2013
Governor M. O. H. Farook
Preceded by President's Rule
Succeeded by President's Rule
In office
12 March 2005 – 14 September 2006
Governor Syed Sibtey Razi
Preceded by Shibu Soren
Succeeded by Madhu Koda
In office
18 March 2003 – 2 March 2005
Governor Rama Jois
Syed Sibtey Razi
Preceded by Babulal Marandi
Succeeded by Shibu Soren
Assumed office
23 May 2019
Preceded by Karia Munda
Constituency Khunti
Assumed office
30 May 2019
Preceded by Vijay Kumar Malhotra
In office
2010 - 2014
Preceded by Mangal Singh Soy
Succeeded by Dashrath Gagrai
In office
2000 - 2009
Preceded by office established
Succeeded by Mangal Singh Soy
In office
1995 - 2000
Succeeded by office abolished
Constituency Kharsawan
Personal details
Born 3 May 1968 (age 52)
Krangajhar, Jamshedpur,
Nationality Indian
Political party Bharatiya Janata Party
Spouse(s) Meera Munda
Residence Jamshedpur / New Delhi
Website arjunmunda.in/
Arjun Munda (born 3 May 1968) is an Indian politician. He is the current Minister of Tribal Affairs in the Second Modi ministry. He was also Chief Minister of Indian state of Jharkhand. He has also served as a member of parliament having been elected to the 15th Lok Sabha from the Jamshedpur constituency in the 2009 parliamentary elections. BJP's central leadership also appointed him a National General Secretary of the party recognising his strong credentials as a popular mass leader and his significant contributions in strengthening the party in his state.
He lost his den to the JMM's Dashrath Gagrai by 11,966 votes in Kharasawan for 14 years in a 2014 state assembly election.
Early life
Arjun Munda was born on 3 May 1968 in Khrangajhar, Jamshedpur to a religious family of Ganesh and Saira Munda. After completing high school education in the Jamshedpur area, he graduated from Ranchi University and went on to earn a PG Diploma in Social Sciences from Indira Gandhi National Open University.
Political career
He began his political career in his teens during early 1980s when he joined the Jharkhand movement spearheaded by Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) which sought to create a separate state for tribals from the southern regions of Bihar. A hardcore believer in the welfare of indigenous people of his region he felt passionate about the issue and took an active part in the movement. Soon his political influence grew due to his inclusive philosophy and he was elected to the Bihar Legislative Assembly from Kharsawan constituency in 1995 on a JMM ticket.
NDA strongly espoused the cause of Jharkhand and made a promise that if elected they would create the tribal state of Jharkhand. Munda was attracted to BJP's ideology of selfless nation building and sacrifice. He believed in its policy of championing the cause of Jharkhand and joined BJP. He was elected again to the Bihar Assembly in 2000 elections contesting on a BJP ticket from his old constituency of Kharsawan that he had been nurturing for many years. After Jharkhand's formation, he was elected to the Jharkhand Assembly from the same constituency in 2005 and again in the 2011 bye-election after assuming responsibility as the CM in September 2010.
When NDA government came to power in 1999 under the leadership of Atal Bihari Vajpayee it kept its promise and created Jharkhand along with Uttarakhand and Chhattisgarh as three new States of the Indian Union. Munda became the Tribal Welfare Minister in the 1st Babulal Marandi-led NDA coalition government of Jharkhand which was carved out from Bihar on 15 November 2000. As welfare minister, he crafted many policies and programs to ameliorate a lot of the poor and downtrodden. His vision, his work ethic, and his performance matrix soon catapulted him to the top leadership grade and his popularity and support base soared meteorically. His inclusive philosophy and his commitment to Jharkhand's high growth and development put him in the CM's chair in 2003 at the young age of 35 when he was chosen as the consensus candidate to lead the State in the aftermath of Babulal Marandi's divisive domicile policy.
He took the oath as Union minister in Narendra Modi's second cabinet on 30 May 2019 and became the Minister of Tribal Affairs.
Major achievements
Arjun Munda defused the tension that was created due to the "Domicile movement" in 2001–2002 and insisted that every citizen of India had the fundamental right granted by the Indian Constitution to live and work in any part of the country.
During his tenure, Jharkhand got the 1st Lokayukta and the State successfully conducted the 34th National Games in 2011.
A 32-year-long jinx was broken[clarification needed] when Jharkhand scripted history by conducting panchayat elections and empowered PRIs for participatory governance.
His government introduced an e-tender system in government contracts to bring transparency and efficiency and to provide equal opportunity in the procurement process.
He also took initiatives for setting up of new power plants with a view to making Jharkhand a power surplus state.
He introduced some of the famous welfare schemes and programs that were later emulated by other Indian states, such as:
Kanyadan Yojana: To provide assistance in solemnising marriages of girls from underprivileged classes.
Mukhya Mantri Ladli Laxmi Yojana: To promote welfare of the girl child born to a BPL family and APL families having an annual income of less than Rs. 72,000, her education and safe motherhood.
Aapka-cm: The Grievance Management System was established to enable people to communicate directly with their CM and voice their grievances to the State leadership for prompt consideration and redressal.
Mukhya Mantri Dal Bhat Yojna: To provide wholesome food and nutrition to the poorest sections of society. Under this scheme, BPL families get dal, bhat and sabji for Rs 5 at railway stations, bus stands, hospitals and public places.
Free Laptop/Tablet: To prepare the youth to face challenges of the 21st century, tablets were to be given to students passing matriculation examinations under Yuwa Kaushal Vikas Scheme launched in 2013.
Personal life
An avid golfer, Munda is also interested in promoting archery at national and international levels. He plays flute and almost all tribal musical instruments widely used in the area.
B. P. Mandal
Babu Parmanand
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bindheshwari Prasad Mandal
In office
1 February 1968 – 2 March 1968
Preceded by Satish Prasad Singh
Succeeded by Bhola Paswan Shastri
Member of the Indian Parliament
for Madhepura
In office
1967–1972
Succeeded by Rajendra Prasad Yadav
In office
1977–1980
Preceded by Rajendra Prasad Yadav
Succeeded by Rajendra Prasad Yadav
Personal details
Born 8
Died April 13, 1982 (aged 63)
Spouse(s) Sita Mandal
Children 7
Father Ras Bihari Lal Mandal
Bindheshwari Prasad Mandal (25 August 1918 – 13 April 1982) was an Indian politician who chaired Mandal Commission which became a major political theme after 1990. He served as 7th Chief Minister of Bihar in the year 1968, but he had resigned after 30 days. He was also a parliamentarian who served as the chairman of the Second Backward Classes Commission (popularly known as the Mandal Commission). B.P. Mandal came from a rich Yadav landlord family, from Madhepura in Northern Bihar. The commission's report mobilised a segment of the Indian population known as "Other Backward Classes" (OBCs) and initiated a fierce debate on the policy for underrepresented and underprivileged groups in Indian politics.
Biography
B. P. Mandal came from the Hindu Yadav community in Bihar. He was born in a family of rich landlords. B. P. Mandal was the son of Ras Bihari Lal Mandal, a wealthy Zamindar. According to local legend, his father raised the demand for Indian independence at the 1911 Delhi Durbar. Ras Behari Lal Mandal later became one of the leading politicians from Bihar. Mandal was a Member of Parliament for Madhepura from the state of Bihar from 1967 to 1970 and from 1977 to 1979.
He was the Chief Minister of Bihar, governing for 30 days in 1968, a period of intense political instability (his predecessor Satish Prasad Singh was the first Chief Minister from OBC but only for three days)
Civil rights commission
In December 1978, Prime Minister Morarji Desai appointed a five-member civil rights commission under the chairmanship of Mandal. It was due to the Mandal's longstanding anti-dogmatic and support for the depressed classes that resulted in the formation of "Mandal Commission" or the "Backward Classes Commission". The commission's report was completed in 1980 and recommended that a significant proportion of all government and educational places be reserved for applicants from the Other Backward Classes as these were the socially-deprived communities historically that had been treated as outcasts and denied job opportunities as well as proper education in the public institutions that were upper-caste dominant at the time.
The commission's report was tabled indefinitely by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. A decade later, Prime Minister V. P. Singh implemented the recommendations of the Mandal Report and led to what is now known as the caste-reservation system in India, however it finally came into effect only in 1993 after Supreme Court gave a go ahead for its implementation in a historic judgement famous as Indra Sawhney judgement in November 1992
The Mandal commission was not well received by a number of upper-caste communities leading to nation-wide protests and uproar especially by the students of Upper-castes who saw their educational opportunities under threat while many of the people from these communities still continue to consider the policies to be unnecessary and biased.
Political Career
In the year 1941,at the age of 23 he became unopposed member from the Bhagalpur district council. In the year 1952,during first general elections for the state assembly of Bihar,BP Mandal won the Madhepura assembly seat on a Congress ticket against Bhupendra Narayan Mandal from Socialist Party. Mandal always considered Narayan Mandal as influential in formulating socialist notions and converting Madhepura,as a place for promotion of socialism. It was in the Pama case,wherein local Rajput landlords of Pama village in Bihar attacked a Kurmi village,leading to police atrocities against backward class citizens that Mandal made headlines in newspapers all across nation for his audacious act. He was pressurised to remove his request for immediate government action against the police and compensation for victims during the Bihar assembly session. However,this made him to move from treasury benches to opposition bench and fight for the cause which has humiliated the inactive ruling party. Impressed by his actions,Ram Manohar Lohia made him president of his Samyukta Socialist Party. Subsequently,he fought and won Lok Sabha elections in Bihar on the ticket of the Samyukta Socialist Party and was appointed in charge of the Ministry of Health in State Government.
Later he left the Samyukta Socialist Party due to differences with Ram Manohar Lohia and formed new party named Shoshit Dal in March 1967. As he took oath as the seventh Chief Minister of the state on 1st February 1968,it was a historic moment in the North Indian political scenario. However as he was member of the Lower House, he was required to be member of Bihar assembly in order to continue in the post of Chief Minister. Satish Singh,an MLA of his party,was made Chief Minister for four days before Mandal became member of Legislative Council and took charge as Chief Minister again. It was during this time that another dramatic picture in the history of north Indian politics took place,wherein the ministry comprised majorly from OBC's than belonging from upper caste. However,though the government lasted only 47 days this radical shift in the representation paradigm brought a new spirit in Indian politics. However,he had to resign as Chief Minister protesting Congress removal of the enquiry commission named "Aiyar Commission",headed by T.L.Venkatrama Aiyar,to cater to charges of corruption on several ministers and senior Congress leaders. He became Lok Sabha member again in year 1968 when he contested and won by-elections again from Madhepura parliamentary constituency without much challenge. Mandal teamed up with Jayaprakash Narayan and resigned from Bihar assembly protesting a corrupt Congress administration. In year 1977 he contested Lok Sabha elections from Madhepura constituency on a Janata Party ticket and won.
Commemoration
Various statues and memorials were made in his memory in the state and one of the most glorious one stands in front of the governor's House in Patna. Every year his birth anniversary is celebrated in a formal ceremonial manner by his son Manindra Kumar Mandal and his other family members in their village and the Chief Minister and other cabinet members of the state in Patna, Sasaram and at various other spots.
Biswanath DasFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Biswanath Das
ବିଶ୍ଵନାଥ ଦାସ
In office
3 April 1971 – 14 June 1972
Preceded by President's rule
Succeeded by Nandini Satpathy
In office
16 April 1962 – 30 April 1967
Preceded by Burgula Ramakrishna Rao
Succeeded by Bezawada Gopala Reddy
In office
19 July 1937 – 4 November 1939
Preceded by Captain Krishna Chandra Gajapati Narayan Deo
Succeeded by Governor's rule
Personal details
Born 8 March 1889
Belagan, Ganjam district, Madras Presidency, British India
Died 2 June 1984 (aged 95)
Political party United Front
Residence Kaji Bazar, Cuttack
Education B.A., B.L.
Biswanath Dash (8 March 1889 – 2 June 1984) was a politician, lawyer and philanthropist from India. He was the Prime Minister of Odisha Province of British India 1937–39, the Governor of Uttar Pradesh 1962–67 and later the Chief Minister of Odisha 1971–72.
Early life
He was born on 8th march 1889 at Belgan village in Ganjam District of the erstwhile Madras Presidency, which is in the state of Odisha. He graduated from Ravenshaw College , Cuttack
Political career
Biswanath Dash supported the Indian independence movement from both Odisha and Uttar Pradesh. He was a member of the legislative council of Madras Province from 1921 to 1930. He was instrumental in the creation of a separate state for the Odia-speaking people. After the separation of Odisha on 1 April 1936 he became its Prime Minister (Premier) on 19 July 1937. He became a member of the Constituent Assembly of India in 1946 representing Orissa. He served as the Governor of Uttar Pradesh from 16 April 1962 to 30 April 1967. In 1966, he was made the President of Servants of the People Society (Lok Sevak Mandal founded by Lala Lajpat Rai). After the Odisha Vidhan Sabha election in 1971, the Utkal Congress, the Swatantra Party and the Jharkhand Party formed a United Front and he became the Chief Minister of the United Front government, in Odisha. He was in office from 3 April 1971 to 14 June 1972.
“Former Governor of Haryana & Dalit Icon of Jammu & Kashmir”
Born on 10 Aug. ,1932 at Sarore,Samba(J&K) to Jaggu Ram & Matyan Devi,both devotee of Radha Soami Satsang(Beas).He had to travel a distance of over 4 miles to go to his school bare-footed.In those days education was rare for rural Dalit due to poverty but it could not deter him from his determination to get educated.He did M.A(Economics) & LL.B from Aligarh Muslim University with first division.He was among one of the first Dalits from J&K state to acquire such higher qualifications before 1958.His political carrier started as a Student leader and his efforts earned scholarships to many students from his area & community and a hostel wing was added to GGM Sc.College Jammu Hostel exclusively for the Dalit students.In,1960 he appeared in the State Civil Services Exam,earning 9th position in state.He got married to Sudesh Kumari, daughter of Lala Munshi Ram of Jalandhar(a known sports businessman,who was migrated from Sailkot,Pakistan) and had two sons one of them,Dr.Rajendra Prasad is a doctor in AIIMS(New Delhi).Then,Parmanand joined politics to “serve the downtrodden”.
He got associated with J&K National Conference which was in alliance with INC.In 1962,he was successfully elected for the first time to the J&K Legislative Assembly from Ramgarh Constituency.In 1967 he re-elected from Samba Constituency.He was the first ‘Dalit’ to serve in Cabinet Ministry of J&K govts. and appointed as the Minister for Social Welfare & Transport in the G.M.Sadiq’s Cabinet in 1967 and later Minister for Local Bodies,Housing and Cooperation in the Mir Qasim’s Cabinet in 1972.He was the speaker of the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly in 1980.In 1982 he again served as Minister of Finance and Power in Dr Farooq Abdullah’s govt.In 1996 he resigned from National Conference and joined Bhartiya Janta Party(BJP).He had also contested the Parliamentary elections as an independent candidate from Jammu Lok Sabha Constituency but had lost the battle.He worked tirelessly for backward section of socirty and holded Organizer post in Depressed Classes League.He was one of the founding President of J&K Unit of Bhartiya Dalit Sahitya Akademi.His political life was a witness of poltitical churning in Jammu & Kashmir and he served in laying foundation of Indian National Congress with National Conference in first phase and later Bhartiya Janta Party and gave them a support base in the region of Jammu especially among Dalit community.He enjoyed a close contact & good tie with great leaders,Babu Jagjivan Ram,Dr.K.R.Narayan and Giani zail Singh both Presidents of India,Ex P.M Atal Behari Vajpayee,General K.V. Krishna Rao(Retd),G.C. Sexsena,Dr.Farooq Abdulla and Dr. Karan Singh.In 1980 he was appointed as Speaker of the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly.He started fortnightly news paper “The Voice of the Depressed” and wrote editorials which were acclaimed as best of his times.He mentioned about the various development programmers being carried by the Governmental agencies for the intended benefits of the deprived and neglected section of the Indian Society.Starting with the launching of Community Development Programme (CDP) on 2nd Oct.,1952 the birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi,Babu counted almost all welfare programs launched till 1997.In 1999 he holded the post of Governor of Haryana and served till 2004.Parmanand was suffering from multiple diseases and died on 24 April,2008.
ByDaily Excelsior, Er. Hem Raj Phonsa
Parmanand affectionately called ‘BABU JI’, traveled with dignity, a long way from a hut to Raj Bhawan.Babu Parmanand Ji was born on 10th August 1932, to Late Sh. Jaggoo Ram & Smt Matyan Devi; Ramdasia (untouchable) by caste, whom were deeply religious souls, having deep faith in Sant-Mat expounded by Saints of Radha Soami Satsang Beas, Distt Amritsar, Punjab. Village Sarore is largely in-habited by the followers of Radha Soami Satsang, following strict norms of Sant- Mat. Sarore village has the proud privilege to be the birth place in addition to Parmanand Ji of Baba Sant Rasila Ram Ji the present head of Baba Teja Singh Radha Soami Ashram Saidpur Distt Amritsar( Punjab). Babu Ji was brought up in an atmosphere full of spirituality, so he followed and exhibited principle of “Love all, hate none”. In his childhood days no body could imagine that the child born in a poor Dalit family at remote backward village Sarore in district Jammu (J&K) shall one day be proud occupant of Raj Bhawan at Chandigarh.
Babu ji from his early school days was hard – working, punctual, brilliant but poised boy. Poverty and vagaries of wealth could not deter him from his determination to get educated. During those days education was rare, particularly for rural Dalits, and only a few lucky were privileged to go to a school. His will to succeed , brought laurel’ when he passed his M.A.& LL.B degrees with flying colures He passed his M.A. LL.B degree from Aligarh Muslim University, in 1958–59 with very high merits. He was one of the first Dalits from J&K state to acquire such higher qualifications. Prior to Babu Ji Bhagat Daulat Ram & Bhagat Mangat Ram IAS had received this distinction. During his student life, he was taking active part in politics as a student leader, always ready to help the needy students. His efforts earned scholarships to many students from his area & community. He was inclined from the very beginning to politics, as it was a master key with solution to all problems.
Duly equipped with higher learning, he met late Bakshi Ghulam Mohd. then Prime Minister of J&K state, who offered Babu Ji the post of Dy.SP or Judge in J&K Judiciary. But Babu ji declined the offer and instead asked for candidature to contest next election of the State Legislative Assembly. This was even disapproved by many well wishers of Babu Ji, who advised him to join service and to lead a comfortable life. But Babu Ji stood like a rock on his self- chosen path. He also practiced as a lawyer at Samba &Jammu bar, where he pleaded for the poorest even fee of cost. His strong will to become a public representative, won him his maiden elections from Ramgarh (reserved) constituency in 1962, general election.
On becoming M.L.A. his family pressed him to get married and raise his family as advised by Sant Mat. His marriage was ceremonials on 6th May 1962 with Sudesh Kumari, daughter of Lala Munshi Ram of Jalandhar in Punjab, who was a well to do sports businessman. Babu ji was blessed with two equally brilliant sons. His elder son Dr. Rajinder Prasad is serving as Professor in surgery in country’s prestigious All India Institute of Medical Sciences New Delhi & second son Gagan Jyoti is a Executive Engineer Mechanical wing of the J&K Engineering services.
Babu ji got elected second time in 1967 and was made Dy. Minister of Transport under Chief Minister G.M. Sadiq, a seasoned value based politician cum administrator. Babu ji in his first tenure as Minister exhibited high qualities of head and heart and won the confidence of public in general and the state administration in particular. Problems of the Poor farmers and persons of weaker sections from all areas were given special attention.
Babu ji was made Minister of State by Late Mir Qasim, Departments like Social Welfare, Housing and Urban Development, Local Bodies, Co-operative were nursed by Babu Ji. His contribution for the development of new residential colonies, launching of many welfare schemes and development of small town shall be remembered for years to come. As MOS Social Welfare Babu Ji ensured that funds earn marked for the welfare of the weaker sections were utilized in full & judiciously. He arranged group marriages for the poor girls & scholarships for the deserving students. During his minister ship, doors of higher education including professional colleges were got opened for the weaker section of the society, despite the facts that reservation Rules were not applicable in the State of J&K till 1972. His commitment to the cause of down trodden and needy remained on record, which won him next elections thrice. By this time his name & fame spread into all corners of the J&K state & beyond. He took land mark decisions based on law of the land for the welfare of the society in general & deprived section of the society in particular. For Babu Ji every needy person irrespective of his or her caste or religious affiliations needed help & Babu Ji came to rescue of all needy.
Babu ji had the proud privilege of serving as speaker of J&K Legislature Assembly from 1977 to 1980, with late Sheikh Mohd. Abdullah as the Chief Minister. Sher-i-Kashmir Sheikh Mohd. Abdullah loved Babu Ji for his many good qualities, when the society was fasting loosing moral values. After the sad demise of Sheikh Mohd. Abdullah. When Dr. Farooq Abdullah took over as Chief Minister, he made Babu Ji Finance and Power Minister in 1982 with rank two. As Finance Minister Babu ji passed orders for equal bi- annual Darbar Move Traveling Allowance, for ranks of employees and broke the age old practice of linking it with pay scale & rank of the officers, officials.
Babu Ji won the next election from the Bishnah constituency (Reserved) again and continued till 18th January, 1990 when the House was dissolved & the state was put under Governor Rule. Thereafter, Babu Ji was on panel of Governor’s Advisory Board 1991 to 1995 under General KV. Krishna Rao (Retd.) and G.C.Saxsena as Governor. Babu Ji enjoyed confidence of both these Governors during peak militancy days.
Bhartiya Dalit Sahitya Academy, an all India Registered society confirmed Dr. Ambedkar National Award in1991-92. for his life long distinguished services to the down trodden ~ The award was presented to Babu Ji by the Vice President Of India (later President of India) Dr K.R. Narayan. Babu ji was also made President of J&K unit of Bhartiya Dalit Sahitya academy. The foundation stone for headquarter building for Bhartiya Dalit Sahitya Academy at Roop Nagar, Jammu was laid by His Excellency then Governor of J&K Gen. K .v. Krishana Rao (Retd.) on 14th April 1994. Part of the building stands already completed. Babu ji had planned to impart free coaching to the deserving students from weaker segments of the region to compete for All India Services like lAS, IPS, IRS etc. But his dreams have remained unfulfilled due to the apathy of administration, and his untimely death .
Babu Ji remained deeply engrossed in welfare of poor and needy persons. To him the true freedom of man is not only political, but also social, economical, intellectual and spiritual. During peek militancy period, people from all walks of life belonging to different religion & regions consulted Babu ji for solace. For a brief period Babu ji edited “The Voice of Depressed” newspaper. Babu ji joined Bhartiya Janta Party in 1996. He was made Vice President of All India Morcha of BJP for SC/ST. He also served as Director of J&K Bank Ltd & some, other Banks and contributed for starting of Grammen Bank Branches through out the State.
Babu Ji reached the rightful post as The Governor of Haryana on 19th July 2000 as Babu Ji take Oath in the Raj Bhawan in Chandigarh”, .The Raj Bhawan became a living example of his dreams as it was open to all needy persons for the personal attention of the Governor. Babu Ji worked for the principles dear to him setting examples to the future occupants of at Raj Bhawan. He reached almost all rural areas of the state to see personally the development works initiated for the welfare of the poor masses.
Babu ji had worked for the upliftment and just cause of the people all throughout his life, they too have lot of love, affection, respect and regard for him. All this was evident when Babu Ji departed from this world on Thursday the 24th of April 2008 at 0005 Hours. Babu Ji breathed his last in his house, where all his family members & near relatives, besides a team of doctors were by the side of his bed.
When the sad news of the death of Babu ji spread in the morning, peoples from all walks of life, high & low, officers & workers started reaching Babu Ji’s, Gandhi Nagar Jammu residence and by the noon the crowd of mourners spell to many thousands.
The Jammu & State Government declared state mourning, State funeral and a public holiday was also declared, Through out the State~ National & State Flags were lowered to half mast. Mess~ges from many National & State high dignitaries started pouring in through telephones, & by other means. The mourners made a bee line to have Last glimpses of their leader, while passing by the side of the body of Babu Ji. They were crying to see him lying motion less. His Excellency Lt. Gen SK Sinha ( Retd ) Hon’ble Governor of J&K State along with Sh. Gulam Nabi Azad Chief Minister , his cabinet colleagues came personally to Babu Ji’s residence to pay floral tributes. Floral wreath was also laid on behalf of the A.R Kidwai Governor of Haryana through the ADC to Governor of J&K State.. Leaders of all political shades paid their respects and conveyed their sympathies with the bereaved family
At the cremation ground again a large crowd of over 10,000 people had gathered. Sh. L.K. Advani former Dy. Prime Minister of India, now Leader of the opposition in Lok Sabha along with Shanta Kumar ex Chief Minister Himachal Pradesh & R. P. Singh reached by a charted plane from New Delhi to pay their last respects to Babu Ji. Advani said that it shall be difficult to find an equal to him with high moral values. Gulam Nabi Azad Chief Minister J&K State along with many of his cabinet ministers and admistration Heads parties reached the cremation ground to have a last glimpse of their loved senior colleague. Revered Soami Gurdeep Gir ji Maharaj of Dera Pathankot and Dera chief of Dera Baba Badbhag Singh H.P also came with their sangat to shower their blessings. A Kashmiri Muslim, who had joined the mourners, described Babu Ji as “A Great Darvesh or Saint “.
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar
Ambedkar delivering a speech to a rally at Yeola, Nashik, on 13 October 1935
Born 14 April 1891 Mhow,
Central Provinces, British India (now in Madhya Pradesh)
Died 6 December 1956 (aged 65)
Other names Baba, Baba Saheb , Bodhisatva,Bhima , Mooknayak,Adhunik Buddha
Alma mater University of Mumbai
Columbia University
University of London
London School of Economics
Organization Samata Sainik Dal, Independent Labour Party, Scheduled Castes Federation
Title 1st Law Minister of India, Chairman of the Constitution Drafting Committee
Religion Buddhism
Spouse Ramabai Ambedkar (m. 1906) , Savita Ambedkar (m. 1948)
Awards Bharat Ratna (1990)
Dr. Ambedkar's Vision for Dalit Upliftment
Courtesy: CADAM, New Delhi: Extract From a Souvenir published by the Centre for Alternative Dalit Media (CADAM), Delhi on the occasion of National Conference of Dalit Organisations (New Delhi-10.12.2001) Article by
Bharati Ashok Kumar,BE,ME (Australia)
Born as an untouchable with no rights to be an equal in Indian Society, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar educated himself as the most qualified person of his time, inspired untouchable castes to reject Brahmanical Social Order (BSO) that kept them socially degraded, economically poor, culturally despised, politically powerless, and denied them the " basic human rights". He challenged the leadership of his time by exposing follies of their proposition of freeing India without freeing millions of untouchables, tribals and socially and educationally backward classes living in sub-human conditions under the Socio-Economic Raj of the Hindus. As the Chief Architect of free India's New Constitution, he abolished all forms of discriminations and inequalities based on caste, gender, race or status. But, what was his vision to uplift the Dalits?
Leadership has always been associated with many attributes. These attributes range from individual persona of the leader to a number of skills such as self-confidence, strong convictions, poise, ability to speak and present his concerns, and influence others' thought and actions. But it is the articulation of vision in the leadership that taps the conscious or unconscious needs, values, aspirations and feelings of followers such that the leadership enthuse them with shared ideological goal. This paper attempts to define the terms vision and leadership, and then establishes the linkages between the two. Before exploring actions, programmes of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and vision behind them, attempt has been made to explore the source of his vision.
THE VISION
Oxford dictionary gives many meanings of the word 'Vision'. However, when one uses this word in association with the word leadership, it is the act of faculty of seeing or power of discerning future conditions, or the foresightedness. Therefore, it is the capacity of the leadership to look forward. It suggests the future orientation and perceiving the possibilities or images of the things to come. Vision gives the sense of direction. It can also be referred to as a conceptual road, mapping from the existing position of the Organisation to its destination in the imagined future. Vision propels one to change for a better future against the maintenance of a status quo. It connotes a standard of excellence, an ideal and implies a choice of values. It has quality of uniqueness. Vision is not for the complacent. Vision articulates a view of a realistic, credible, attractive future for the Organisation, a condition that is better in some ways than what now exists. Renowned authority on Leadership, Kouzes and Posner reports that not every leader they interviewed used the term vision. They used purpose, focus, mission, legacy, dream goal, calling or personal agenda.
THE LEADERS
Based on leader's personal traits, behaviour, functioning style, decision-making process, leader-follower relationship in relation to different situations, a number of models and approaches of leadership have been developed. However, there exists two notions of leadership, which are
(1) the traditional and
(2) the new notions.
The traditional notions of leadership are based on power and control. Leaders are supposed to detach themselves from mundane routine work, and limit themselves to inventing a grand plan. Magnetize a band of followers with courageous acts. Separate emotions from work and remain lonely at the top. Being on the top makes them automatically leader, and the leadership is reserved for few. Traditional notions are 'based on the assumptions that leadership can't be learnt.
Notions of leadership, however, have changed. The changed notions, we refer to them as new notions of leadership, contradict the assumptions of born-leaders. They characterise leadership with challenging the process, changing things, and shaking up the Organisation. It could be a mother, a small model of leadership in her family, a teacher, a principal, and environmentalist, a Chief Executive Officer, or a leader of a community, party or nation.
The new leadership attracts constituents not because it is in a position to command (e.g. Minister) and control them, but because of its unquestionable faith in the human capacity to adapt, grow, and learn. The new leadership believes in long-term strategy. Supernatural powers are not their source of dynamism. Their powers come from strong belief in a purpose, and willingness to express that conviction. Instead of commanding and controlling, this leadership serves and supports. It is involved and in touch with those whom it leads. The credibility of action is the single most determinant of whether the leader being followed or not. Therefore, the new leadership is not about a place or a position. It is an art of mobilising others to strive for shared aspirations. Leadership communicates these shared aspirations - the vision. The new notion of leadership, therefore, emphasises the role of vision in the leadership.
Importance of vision in leadership has been adequately acknowledged. Burns referred to this kind of leadership as 'Transformational Leadership'. Kotter expressed it in terms ofthree elements, establishing direction i.e. vision, strategies for achieving it and aligning people with the chosen direction andproducing change.'
VISION IN LEADERSHIP
Vision provides strength and reflects depth in thinking process of the leader. Vision gives a clear idea of the objectives of the leader. Warren Bennis in his book 'On Becoming A Leader' says that leaders come in every size, shape and disposition, but they seem to share the basic ingredients of a guiding vision. Robert Swiggett, as quoted in 'The Leadership Challenge' says "the leaders job is to create a vision. Without vision the leadership has no meaning because the people won't know where the leader wants to go and what he/she wants to do and how he/ she wants to do it." It is the vision that unites the leader and the followers for achieving common goals, and precisely that is what leadership is about.
Vision brings effectiveness to leadership. It is a bridge between the present and the future constructed by a leader. Vision is the manifestation of a leader's judgment and character and a fresh approach or new option to longstanding problems. Leadership must provide a framework of thought to the people he is leading, as they would not follow without being convinced.
DR. B. R. AMBEDKAR AND THE SOURCE OF HIS VISION
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar returned to India in 1917 after spending three years at Columbia University in United States of America and one year in London School of Economics. He has earned a degree of Master of Arts in June 1915 and a Ph. D degree in June1916. He came to London in October 1916, and enrolled for the degrees of M. Sc. (Economics) and D.Sc. (Economics) in London School of Economics and Political Science. He also joined Gray's Inn for Law for the degree of Bar- at - Law. He returned to India back in August 1917, as the duration of his scholarship granted to him by the Maharaja of Baroda was over. He was appointed as the Military Secretary to the Maharaja Sayajirao Gaikwad. The Maharaja's intention was to appoint Ambedkar his finance Secretary after some experience. But soon Ambedkar had to leave Baroda in sheer disgust at the harassment and treatment he received as an untouchable. In 1918 he became a professor at Sydenham College, Bombay. He resigned in 1920, and went again to London to complete his studies. He returned to India permanently in April 1923.
Highly educated and articulate, from the very moment of his return in 1917 he was looked to as a leader of the community. In 1919, during a brief period in India between segments of his overseas education, he testified to the Southborough Committee, which was gathering information to determine the franchise for the Montagu-Chemsford reforms. He also appeared at two major conferences of untouchables during 1920, and launched a Marathi fortnightly MOOKNAYAK (Voice of the Mute or Dumb) in January 1920. Dr. Ambedkar's testimony reveals the difference between the Ambedkar and the other Mahar leaders as well as the leaders of Untouchables in other parts of India. In this testimony before the Southborough Committee he spoke for no group, only as the college graduate among the Untouchables of Bombay province. Eleanor Zelliot in her essay on the Leadership of Baba Saheb Ambedkar says, "His testimony was lengthy, sophisticated, passionate, but never beyond the bound of a lawyer's plea. He fit his proposal into a total plan for the election procedures in the province for all the groups, asking only that "the hardships and disabilities entailed by the social system should not be reproduced and perpetuated in political institutions.' He claimed that the Depressed Classes were entitled to representation because there was no "like-mind ness" and no “endosmosis" between Untouchables and Touchables and hence Touchables could not represent Untouchables. The Depressed Classes were "slaves" "dehumanised", and so "socialised as never to complain" and they must have communal representation "in such numbers as will enable them to claim redress", and under franchise "so low as to educate into political life as many as Untouchables as possible". Terminology used by Dr. Ambedkar in this testimony, indicate formation of his vision.
Vision in the leadership may spring from its original thinking or may be derived from an outside source. Vision, however, is generally expressed as the inner voice, the insight or the intuition in a leader, which helps him in visualising. Kouzes and Posner have defined intuition as the bringing together of knowledge and experience to produce new insights. Vision may not necessarily be a pure conception of the leader, but the leader is the one who chooses the image and articulates it into a vision and focuses attention of the people on it. Where from Dr. Ambedkar's vision sprang? What were the sources of his vision?
Lord Buddha: Dr. Ambedkar choose his three gurus from three era of Indian History - Ancient, Medieval, and Modern - all historical figures, who chose to stand up and challenge the decaying societies of their times. His first Guru is Lord Buddha, who had profound influence on him. Dr. Ambedkar appreciated these beliefs. He learnt from the life of Lord that a man could become great not merely due to his royal birth, but because he was motivated by the dynamics of a social purpose and acted as the scourge and scavenger of the society. Lord Buddha led him to question the infallibility of the Vedas; the faith in the elevation of the soul; the efficacy of rites, ceremonies, and sacrifices as means of obtaining salvation; the theory that god created man or that he came out of the body of Brahma; and the doctrine of Karma, which is the determination of man's position in present life by deeds done by him in his past life. The impact of Lord Buddha's teaching can be seen in his writings.
Saint Kabir: He was the second guru of Dr. Ambedkar. Again a historical figure St. Kabir was a weaver cum poet of medieval time. In fact he was the leader of the band of Untouchable poets. Saint Kabir opposed Varnashram system vehemently and challenged the superiority of Brahmans. He opposed fundamentalism of Hindus and Muslims both, and unified himself with the suffering of the downtrodden, lower castes, and untouchables. Kabir's liberalism and opposition to fundamentalism of Hindus and Muslim can be seen in Dr. Ambedkar's book on Pakistan, where he has criticised both the communities in unequivocal terms.
Jyotiba Phule: His third guru died in November 1890, merely five months before Dr. Ambedkar was born. Jotiba Phule was the Mahatma of the poor and Untouchables. Jotiba Phule educated Shudras and ati-Shudras and women and worked for their upliftment. He was the first modern Indian who questioned the hegemony of Brahmins and exposed the priest-craft through his speeches, ballads, writings and programmes. Phule's stress on education and knowledge showed a striking contrast with the upper-caste efforts to acquire technology while maintaining 'traditional' values of many cultures; he made it clear that education was a weapon to change 'eastern morals' and to bring about a kind of Cultural Revolution as well as technological one. He and his wife, Savitribai Phule founded Satya Shodhak Samaj, which launched a strong movement for the rights of the downtrodden. Dr. Ambedkar considered him the greatest Shudra of Modem India who made the lower classes of Hindus conscious of their slavery to the higher classes and who preached the gospel of that for India, social democracy was vital than independence from foreign rule. He dedicated his book, Who were the Shudras? to this greatest Shudra of Modern times. Following his third Guru Jotiba Phule, Dr. Ambedkar also considered struggle against social bondage more important than the foreign bondage.
Apart from these three personalities, John Dewey, famous American intellectual and his mentor at Colombia University in New York, Karl Marx, and Booker T. Washington, Justice Ranade also had profound influence on Dr. Ambedkar. History of Roman Empire, Irish Struggle and Slavery in United States also shaped his actions and vision.
DR. B. R. AMBEDKAR AND HIS VISION OF UPLIFTMENT OF DALITS
As mentioned above that the leaders job is to create a vision. Without vision the leadership has no meaning because the people won't know where the leader wants to go and what he/she wants to do and how he/she wants to do it. In fact it was the vision that differentiates Dr. Ambedkar from his contemporary leaders. His contemporary Dalit Leaders were though educating the Dalits, but have hardly analysed the socio-economic causes of their degrading and inferior position in the society. Dr. Ambedkar was fully equipped to go into the depth of the socio-economic problems and fix the problem. In contrast to other leaders, who were supporting the British Government for the upliftment of the Dalits, Dr. Ambedkar emphasised on the concept of self-help or Atta Deepo Bhava. He realised the lack of ideological hollowness of the Dalit Movement and provided necessary ideology to it.
Not improvement in caste status, but Annihilation of Caste:In contrast to earlier efforts of Dalit leadership claiming higher status of Khastriyas, Dr. Ambedkar never claimed high caste status for Untouchables,since such claim implied an acceptance of upper caste superiority. He did not claim that the Untouchables were pre-Aryan, the original settlers of the land. Dr. Ambedkar argued that the Untouchables' position in the Indian Society was of social, not racial origin and therefore subject to change. By 1935, Dr. Ambedkar had concluded that unless caste is totally annihilated, degrading position of Dalits in Indian society wouldn't improve. For him, caste embodied Brahmanical superiority.
Alternative to Brahamanical Social Order (BSO): For Dr. Ambedkar eradication of Caste required a repudiation of 'Hinduism' as a religion and adoption of an alternative to this religion. He considered Buddha Dhamma and alternative to Brahmanical Social Order or alternative to Hinduism. His choice of Buddhism was essentially linked to his strong dedication to the reality of India, its rich historical heritage, which he sought to wrest from the imposition of a 'Hindu' identity.
Rationalism: He stood for rationalism. His 22 commandments are reflecting his rationalism.
State Socialism: He stood for a responsible state, taking due care of the despised, downtrodden and socially and economically weaker sections.
Autonomous Dalit Movement: Dr. Ambedkar firmly believed in an Autonomous Dalit Movement with a constantly attempted alliance of the socially and economically exploited.
If we analyse these corner stones, we find that he stood for an alternative form of society, economy, polity, religion and culture. His programmes were intended to integrate the Untouchables into Indian Society in modern, not traditional ways, and on as high a level as possible. This was in contrast with Gandhi's 'Ideal Bhangi' who would continue to do sanitation work even though his status would equal that of a Brahman. Dr. Ambedkar wanted depressed classes "to raise their educational standard so that they may know their own conditions, have aspirations to rise to the level of highest Hindu and be in a position to use political power as a means to an end."
Dr. Ambedkar vociferously advocated equality. He meant not equal status of Varna, but equality in social, economic and political opportunity for all. He said "Equality may be a fiction but nonetheless one must accept it as the governing principle."
EDUCATE, AGITATE, ORGANISE : HAVE FAITH IN YOUR STRENGTH
Realising the divisive and water-tight compartmentalisation, Dr. Ambedkar stressed on self-help. He adopted quadrilateral strategy of empowering the Dalits. The first step of this strategy was to educate the Dalits, so that they know the ills, evils that prevent them from progressing. He realised that a community that has been totally deprived from acquiring any kind of resources, education would be the easiest and within reach of the Dalits. He visualised that no Government can afford to keep such a big mass of people illiterate and ignorant. However, he stressed that Dalits themselves have to take lead in educating their lot. He foundedPeople's Education Society for this purpose, which established first educational Institute run in Bombay by an Indian Agency. By this Dr. Ambedkar showed that Dalits were not solely dependent on the Government.
Considering education as the basic and necessary investment, Dr. Ambedkar expected that by acquiring education and knowledge, many more people like him would take up the cause of the Dalits. Educated Dalit mind would agitate over the injustice inflicted and would fight against it. Though Dr. Ambedkar recognised the indifferentism perpetuated by the Brahmanical Social Order, but left this to be addressed by the Brahmanical curriculum designers, which continue to hold this indifferentism. Therefore, agitation of mind is yet to be seen in proportion to the education.
Agitated mind, as Dr. Ambedkar presumed, would force educated people to form organisations and they would act to fix the problems. Many people, quite often, who profess Dr. Ambedkar, limit his slogan to these three points. But to this author, the actual message of Dr. Ambedkar lies in "have faith in your strength." Right from the beginning, Dr. Ambedkar emphasises self-help. He says, "Self-help is the best help". He also made it loud and clear to Dalits that "it is out of hard struggle and ceaseless struggle alone that one derives strength, confidence and recognition." He directed Dalits on many occasion that 'you must stand on your feet and fight as best as you can for your rights. Power and prestige will come to you through struggle.' Many political leaders, who eye on our numbers, profess that politics is the key that can unlock all the locks, forgetting that 'it is not enough that a people are numerically in majority. They must be always watchful, strong, well educated and self respecting to attain and maintain success. Therefore, Dalits have to organise themselves to improve their lot themselves. No more begging pots.
REFERENCES
Anita Gujrati: Vision in Leadership, assignment paper of Master of Educational Management, 1999, Flinders University of South Australia, Australia, page 1.
Bennis Warren & Nanus Burt: Leaders, Harper and Row, 1995. Quoted in Anita Gujrati: Vision in Leadership, assignment paper of Master of Educational Management, 1999, Flinders University of South Australia, Australia, page 1.
Kouzes James M. and Posner Barry Z.: The leadership Challenge: How to get Extraordinary things done in the Organisations, Jossey-Bass Publishers, USA, 1995.
Burns J.M.: Leadership, Harper and Row, New York, 1978.
Kotter J. P.: The Leadership Factor, Free Press, New York, 1988.
D.C. Ahir: The Legacy of Dr. Ambedkar, B.R. Publishing Corporation, Delhi, 1990, page 9.
Gail Omvedt: Dalits and the Democratic Revolution - Dr. Ambedkar and the Dalit Movement in Colonial India, Sage Publications, New Delhi, 1994, Page 144.
Eleanor Zelliot: Leadership of Baba Sabeb Ambedkar in her Book From Untouchable to Dalit Essays on the Ambedkar Movement, Manohar Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi, 1998 page 65.
Eleanor Zelliot: Leadership of Baba Saheb Ambedkar in her Book From Untouchable to Dalit Essays on the Ambedkar Movement, Manohar Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi, 1998 page 65.
Eleanor Zelliot: Gandhi and Ambedkar- A Study in Leadership in her Book From Untouchable to Dalit Essays on the Ambedkar Movement, Manohar Publishers and Distributors, New Delhi, 1998 page 158.
Ashok K. Bharti, New Delhi
Ashok Kumar Bharti, educated in India and Australia, is actively involved in Dalit Movement since 1980s. Currently, National Organising Secretary of Samata Sainik Dal and in-charge of Empowerment Program. Revived Dr. Ambedkar's First Paper Mooknayak (leader of the Dumb) as abhimooknayak (the best leader of the Dumb) in 1991, Mr. Bharti was instrumental in founding Centre for Alternative Dalit Media (CADAM) along with a group of dedicated social activists known for their commitment and concerns for the dalits.
He has presented several papers in National and International Conferences. Notably among them were his paper on "Strategies, Programs and Fate: The ex-Untouchables of India" in 2nd World Conference on Remedies to Racial and Ethnic Economic Inequality" held in Adelaide, Australia from 20-25 September 1998; "Strategy for Dalit Development" in First World Conference of Dalits held on I 0-1 I October 1998 in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia; paper on Holistic Development: Volunteering and Disadvantaged in VIIth International Association for Volunteer Effort South Pacific Conference, New Delhi on 5th November 2001. He is currently involved in developing alternative strategies for educating Dalits; strategies to cope up with the adverse effects of Globalisation; Economic Empowerment of Dalits by Developing Dalit Economy and establishing financial / thrift and credit societies.
ADDRESS:
Centre for Alternative Dalit Media (CADAM)
M-3/22,Model Town-III, Delhi-110009
Most of TV channels discussed how Dr.Ambedkar is Greater after Gandhiji
But, most honest people, dalits and Sahara Samay Discussed How Dr.Ambedkar Is Greater than Gandhiji
He Opposed the Partition Of India to the maximum extent. Because he has completely foreseen the situation after Partition as they lack good constitution, all necessary resources for Development, Infrastructure. People will surely suffer. But others Directly/Indirectly supported Partition and now we can compare situation of Pakistan with India, They would have benefited immensely in absence of Partition. Unfortunately they could not stop partition.
As every being should live without any struggle for at least one time food,pure water, basic education, liberty, equality, fraternity, freedom, respect, justice, peace and happiness.
The new pakistan based organization which works on the principles of Dr.Ambedkar
http://www.sgrhf.org.pk/about-dr-b-r-ambedkar/
Japan
http://www.baiae.org/
http://www.aimjapan.org/
Babulal Marandi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Babulal Marandi
Assumed office
24 February 2020
Preceded by Hemant Soren
In office
15 November 2000 – 17 March 2003
Governor
Preceded by Office established
Succeeded by Arjun Munda
President of Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
In office
September 2006 – February 2020
Preceded by Office established
Succeeded by Office abolished
Assumed office
2019
Preceded by Raj Kumar Yadav
Constituency Dhanwar
In office
2001 – 2004
Succeeded by Chandra Prakash Choudhary
Constituency Ramgarh
In office
1998 – 1999
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
In office
1999 – 2000
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
In office
2004 – 2014
Preceded by Tilakdhari Singh
Succeeded by Ravindra Kumar Ray
Constituency Kodarma
In office
1998 – 2002
Preceded by Shibu Soren
Succeeded by Shibu Soren
Constituency Dumka
Personal details
Born 11 January 1958
(now in Jharkhand), India
Nationality Indian
Political party Bharatiya Janata Party
(till 2006), (2020 – present)
Other political
affiliations Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)
(2006 – 2020)
Spouse(s) Shanti Murmu
Children 2
Residence Ranchi
Website http://babulalmarandi.com
Babulal Marandi (born 11 January 1958) is an Indian politician. He was the first Chief Minister of Jharkhand and current Leader of the Opposition in the Jharkhand Legislative Assembly. He was the founder and national President of Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik). He was the Member of Parliament in 12th, 13th 14th and 15th Lokasabha from Jharkhand. He was the Union State Minister (MoS) for Forests & Environment of India in the BJP - led National Democratic Alliance Government in 1998 to 2000.
Early life
Babulal was born in a remote Kodia Bandh village under Tisri block of Giridih district of the now Jharkhand province. He belongs to Santal family.
After passing high school, he moved to Giridih College from where he did his intermediate and graduation. It was there that he came in contact with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.
Later, he moved to Ranchi where he did his post-graduation in Geography from Ranchi University.
He worked as a teacher in a village primary school for a year before giving up the job to work for the Sangh Parivar. He served as the organising secretary of the Jharkhand region of Vishva Hindu Parishad.
In 1983, he moved to Dumka and worked in the Santhal Pargana division, which he toured extensively. Where he came close to Bishnu Prasad Bhaiya, his the then companion and there he used to spend some time at his Jamtara Residence but mainly he used to live in the RSS office in Dumka. And after that his journey to Ranchi and then Delhi began.
Political career
In 1991, the Bharatiya Janata Party gave him the ticket to contest from the Dumka (Lok Sabha constituency), but he lost. In 1996, he lost to Shibu Soren by just 5,000 odd votes. The BJP, in the meantime, made him president of the party's Jharkhand unit.
It was under Marandi's leadership that the party won 12 out of 14 Lok Sabha seats in Jharkhand region in the 1998 election. Marandi, a Santal, led the tally by defeating Jharkhand Mukti Morcha supremo Shibu Soren, another Santhal.
The victory gave an immense boost to Marandi's profile and he was included in the Union Council of Ministers, one of four ministers from Bihar.
First NDA rule of Jharkhand
After bifurcation of Bihar in 2000 in states of Bihar and Jharkhand, NDA came to power in Jharkhand with Marandi as the 1st Chief Minister of Jharkhand. Political analysts believe that this government initiated many developmental schemes in the state, the most visible being, improvement of the road network in the state.
He also put forward the idea to develop Greater Ranchi to reduce the crowding in the city. However, Marandi's tenure proved rather short-lived, as he had to resign and make way for Arjun Munda for the post in 2003 following pressure exerted by coalition allies primarily Janta Dal United.
Thereafter, he increasing moved away from political mainstage of Jharkhand irrespective of NDA being in power in Ranchi. In the 2004 Lok Sabha Elections, he contested from Kodarma (Lok Sabha constituency) as a BJP candidate. He won the seat while all the other sitting MPs of NDA from Jharkhand including union ministers Yashwant Sinha and Reeta Verma lost their respective seats. His differences with the state leadership continued to increase and he even started criticising the state government in public.
Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (JVM)
Marandi resigned from both Kodarma (Lok Sabha constituency) seat and the primary membership of Bharatiya Janata Party in 2006 and floated a new political outfit named Jharkhand Vikas Morcha. He was followed by 5 MLAs of Bharatiya Janata Party. In the subsequent by-elections for the Kodarma (Lok Sabha constituency) seat, he contested as an independent candidate and emerged victorious.
Marandi, who was the incumbent MP from Kodarma (Lok Sabha constituency), contested the elections on Jharkhand Vikas Morcha ticket in 2009 general election, and retained the seat. But in the Narendra Modi wave of 2014, Marandi's party failed to win any seat in the state as BJP won 12 out of 14 seats; from Koderma, BJP's Ravindra Kumar Ray was elected to Lok Sabha.
In February 2020, he merged JVM into BJP.
Personal life
Babulal Marandi is married to Shanti Murmu. His younger son Anup Marandi was killed in a Naxal attack at Chilkhari village in Jharkhand's Giridih district on 27 October 2007.
Baby Rani Maurya
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Baby Rani Maurya
In office
26 August 2018 – 15 September 2021
Preceded by Krishan Kant Paul
Succeeded by Lt. Gen. Gurmit Singh (Retd.)
Member of the National Commission for Women
In office
2002–2005
Mayor of Agra
In office
1995–2000
Personal details
Born 15 August 1956
Political party Bharatiya Janata Party
Residence Raj Bhavan, Dehradun
Baby Rani Maurya (born 15 August 1956) is an Indian politician, currently serving as Vice President of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), since September 2021. She entered politics as a worker for the Bharatiya Janata Party in the early 1990s. She was the first woman mayor of Agra from 1995 to 2000. From 2002 until 2005, she served on the National Commission for Women. She served as seventh governor of Uttarakhand from 26 August 2018 till September 2021, when she resigned two years before completing her term.
Early life
Maurya was born on 15 August 1956.[3] She has Bachelor of Education and Master of Arts degrees.
Career
Maurya became active in politics in the early 1990s, following her marriage to a bank officer, Pradeep Kumar Maurya, who now serves on the advisory board of the Punjab National Bank after retiring as its director. She began her political career as a worker of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In 1995 she contested the Agra mayoral election on a BJP ticket, and won with a large mandate. She was the first woman to be mayor of Agra, and held the post until 2000.
In 1997, Maurya was appointed an office bearer of the scheduled caste (SC) wing of the BJP. Ram Nath Kovind, who is now the President of India, was then the chairman of the SC wing. As office bearer of this wing she assumed responsibility for strengthening the BJP's reach among members of the scheduled castes in Uttar Pradesh In 2001, she was made a member of the Uttar Pradesh social welfare board. In recognition of her efforts toward the empowerment of dalit women, in 2002 she was made a member of the National Commission for Women. She served on the Commission until 2005.
The BJP nominated Maurya to contest the Etmadpur seat in the 2007 Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly election; however, she narrowly lost to her Bahujan Samaj Party opponent, Narayan Singh Suman. From 2013 to 2015, she was engaged in the state-level responsibilities that were assigned to her by the BJP. In July 2018, she was made a member of the State Commission for Protection of Child Rights.
On 21 August 2018, Maurya was appointed the seventh governor of Uttarakhand by the Indian government. She was sworn in on 26 August at a ceremony held at the Raj Bhavan in Uttarakhand, becoming only the second woman to be the governor of Uttarakhand: Margaret Alva, appointed in 2009, was the first. She succeeded Krishan Kant Paul, whose term had officially expired on 8 July, but who remained in office until 25 August due to the delay in appointing his replacement. She resigned in September 2021, two years before completing her term as Governor. A few days later, she was appointed National Vice President of BJP, with assembly elections in her home state of UP due in a few months.
Bhumidhar Barman
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bhumidhar
Barman in 2013
In office
22 April 1996 – 14 May 1996
Governor Lokanath Misra
Preceded by Hiteswar Saikia
Succeeded by Prafulla Kumar Mahanta
Minister for Revenue and Disaster Management, Administrative Reforms and Training
In office
22 January 2015 – 24 May 2016
Minister for Revenue & DM
In office
2006 - 2011
Minister for Health & FW
In office
2001 - 2006
Minister for Education, Health & Panchayat
In office
1991 - 22 April 1996
Minister of State for Revenue and Education
In office
1973 - 1978
Member of Assam Legislative Assembly
In office
2001 - 2016
Constituency Barkhetry
In office
1991 - 1996
Constituency Barkhetry
In office
1983 - 1985
Constituency Dharmapur
In office
1967 - 1978
Constituency Nalbari West
Personal details
Born 12 October 1931
Belsor, Nalbari, Assam, British India
Died 18 April 2021 (aged 89)
Dispur Hospital, Guwahati, Assam
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Malati Barman
Children 4, including Diganta
Parent(s) Bhakat Ram Barman (Father) Mathupriya Barman (Mother)
Bhumidhar Barman (12 October 1931 – 18 April 2021) was an Indian Politician belonging to the Indian National Congress. He was the Chief Minister of Assam from 22 April 1996 to 14 May 1996. He was a member of the Assam Legislative Assembly being elected 7 times. He was first elected in 1967. In 2015, he was made a Cabinet Minister of Assam.
Early life and education
Bhumidhar Barman was born on 12 October 1931 to the late Bhakat Ram Barman and the late Mathupriya Barman in Belsor. He passed his matriculation from Tihu High School in 1951. His Father, Late Bhakat Ram Barman was a well established businessman of his area. He completed his schooling Tihu High school , thereafter at Cotton Collage and finally his MBBS degree from Assam Medical Collage. He was among the last batch of students to have passed out from Calcutta University. Initially he started practising nearby his village people who were deprived of the medical facility and soon became famous as Bhumi Doctor.
Political career
He joined Indian National Congress in 1967 and got elected from then west Nalbari constituency and again in 1972. He again was elected in 1983 but for Dharmapur. After Hiteshwar Saikia's death he was made Chief Minister. He was again elected to the Assembly in 1991 for Barkherty and again in 2001 until 2016. Barman was made a minister many times throughout his career. Barman was the oldest member in the council of ministers of Assam in 2010. He was made acting Chief Minister when Tarun Gogoi was hospitalised in Mumbai for heart surgery.
Personal life
Barman married Malati Barman and they had 1 son and 3 daughters. His son Diganta Barman contested for the Barkherty seat in 2016 but lost. However he won in 2021.
Failing Health and Death
Barman had been admitted to Dispur Hospital on March 13. He had been suffering for chronic kidney disease and other heart issues. He was put into the ICU under ventilation. Senior congress leaders such as Rispun Bora visited him.
Barman passed away at 6:23 pm 18 April 2021. Many politicians such as Narendra Modi, Venkaiah Naidu, Sarbananda Sonowal, Himanta Biswa Sarma, Ripun Bora, Keshab Mahanta, Debabrata Saikia, Lurinjyoti Gogoi, Chandra Mohan Patowary, Jitendra Singh,Abdul Khalque, Pradyut Bordoloi, Bhupen Kumar Borah,[20] Badruddin Ajmal, Raijor Dal all paid tribute.
The State Government declared a three-day state mourning period where the national flag was flown half-mast in all offices where it was flown regularly and no official entertainment was held.
Assam police gave a 21-gun salute to the Congress stalwart at the funeral which was attended by Sarbananda Sonowal, Ranjeet Kumar Dass, Ripun Bora, Barman's son Diganta and other politicians. Diganta performed his last rites with all family members present. The body of Barman was brought to his village in a vehicle decorated with flowers. Before bringing the body to his native village, Barman's body was taken to Assam Legislative Assembly where Cabinet minister Chandra Mohan Patowary, Chief Secretary Jishnu Barua and DGP Bhaskar Jyoti Mahanta paid tributes to Barman. His body was next taken to the congress headquarters, Nalbari deputy commissioner's office and Rajiv Bhawan where people paid tribute to the Chief minister.
Bhola Paswan Shastri
Bhola Paswan Shastri (1914–1984) was a distinguished Indian freedom fighter, social reformer, and politician who holds the distinction of being the first Dalit Chief Minister of Bihar, serving three non-consecutive terms between 1968 and 1971. His journey from a marginalized community to a prominent political figure is a testament to his resilience, intellectual prowess, and commitment to social justice. Below is a detailed account of his life, contributions, and legacy.
Early Life and Background
- Birth and Family: Born in 1914 in Bairgacchi village, Purnia district (now part of Katihar district), Bihar, Bhola Paswan Shastri belonged to the Paswan (Dusadh) caste, a Scheduled Caste (SC) community. The Paswan community, comprising about 5.3% of Bihar’s population, historically worked as landless agricultural laborers, village watchmen, and toddy tappers, facing severe social discrimination and untouchability.
- Caste Context: The Paswans, also known as Dusadh, claim a martial heritage linked to tribal hunters who integrated into Hindu society, often asserting Kshatriya-like status but officially classified as SC since 1950. The surname "Paswan" reflects their traditional role as watchmen, while "Shastri" was an honorific title Bhola earned due to his scholarship in Sanskrit, a remarkable achievement given the caste-based barriers to education.
- Education: Despite socio-economic challenges, Shastri pursued education with determination. He studied Sanskrit and earned the title of "Shastri" (scholar), reflecting his intellectual capabilities. His educational journey was marked by overcoming caste prejudices that restricted Dalit access to formal learning.
Role in the Freedom Struggle
- Participation: Bhola Paswan Shastri was actively involved in India’s independence movement. He joined the freedom struggle, aligning with the Indian National Congress, which was at the forefront of anti-colonial efforts in Bihar.
- Grassroots Activism: As a member of the Paswan community, he mobilized marginalized groups against British rule, advocating for social equality alongside political freedom. His activism was rooted in the Gandhian principles of non-violence and social upliftment, particularly for oppressed castes.
- Challenges: As a Dalit freedom fighter, Shastri faced double marginalization—both from colonial authorities and upper-caste societal structures. His role in the freedom struggle highlighted the intersection of caste and anti-colonial resistance.
Political Career
Bhola Paswan Shastri’s political career was marked by his rise to prominence in Bihar, a state with a complex caste-based political landscape. His leadership as Chief Minister and his contributions to Dalit empowerment are significant milestones.
Chief Minister of Bihar
Shastri served as the Chief Minister of Bihar for three brief terms, totaling less than a year, during a period of political instability in the state:
- First Term (March 22, 1968 – June 29, 1968): Shastri became Chief Minister as a compromise candidate during a fragmented political scenario, heading a coalition government led by the Indian National Congress. His tenure was short due to coalition instability.
- Second Term (June 2, 1969 – July 4, 1969): He returned as Chief Minister in another brief stint, navigating factionalism within the Congress and opposition from other parties.
- Third Term (June 4, 1971 – December 19, 1971): His final term was also short-lived, marked by efforts to stabilize governance amidst frequent defections and political realignments.
- Historic Significance: As Bihar’s first Dalit Chief Minister, Shastri’s elevation was a landmark in Indian politics, symbolizing a break from upper-caste dominance in leadership roles. His rise from a “downtrodden caste” to the state’s highest office inspired Dalit political consciousness.
- Challenges: His tenures were marred by political volatility, with frequent government collapses due to defections and coalition breakdowns, characteristic of Bihar’s politics in the late 1960s and early 1970s.
Advocacy for Dalit Rights
- Social Justice: Shastri used his platform to advocate for the rights of Scheduled Castes, particularly the Paswan community. He addressed issues like caste atrocities, landlessness, and lack of educational access, which were rampant in feudal Bihar.
- Policy Initiatives: While his short tenures limited long-term policy implementation, he pushed for measures to uplift marginalized communities, including better access to education and employment opportunities for Dalits.
- Political Mobilization: Shastri’s leadership helped galvanize the Paswan community’s political influence, paving the way for future Dalit leaders like Ram Vilas Paswan, who emerged as a prominent Paswan leader in Bihar.
Legacy and Impact
- Symbol of Dalit Empowerment: Shastri’s ascent to Chief Minister was a powerful symbol of Dalit upward mobility in a state where caste hierarchies were deeply entrenched. His leadership inspired future generations of Dalit politicians and activists.
- Paswan Community’s Rise: His prominence contributed to the Paswan community’s growing electoral influence in Bihar, which later became a key political force through leaders like Ram Vilas Paswan and his Lok Janshakti Party.
- Recognition: Shastri’s contributions to the freedom struggle and Dalit empowerment earned him respect as a dignified figure in Bihar’s history. His Sanskrit scholarship and political achievements underscored his versatility and determination.
Personal Traits and Challenges
- Resilience: Shastri’s ability to overcome caste-based discrimination to achieve scholarly and political success reflects his extraordinary resilience.
- Intellectual Prowess: His title of “Shastri” indicates a deep knowledge of Sanskrit, a rare accomplishment for a Dalit in his era, given restricted access to traditional education.
- Political Constraints: His brief tenures as Chief Minister limited his ability to implement transformative policies, but his symbolic importance as a Dalit leader endures.
Death and Commemoration
- Death: Bhola Paswan Shastri passed away in 1984, leaving behind a legacy of breaking caste barriers and advocating for social justice.
- Commemoration: While not as widely celebrated as some contemporaries, Shastri’s contributions are remembered in Bihar’s political and Dalit history. His role as a pioneer for Dalit representation continues to inspire.
Socio-Cultural Context
- Paswan Community: The Paswans, concentrated in northern Bihar (e.g., Purnia, Katihar), have a complex history, blending tribal origins with Hinduized roles. Their martial claims (e.g., as village watchmen) contrast with their SC status, reflecting the fluidity of caste identities in Bihar.
- Bihar’s Political Landscape: Shastri operated in a period of intense caste-based politics, with upper castes (e.g., Bhumihars, Rajputs) dominating leadership roles. His rise challenged this status quo, aligning with the broader Dalit assertion movements of the time.
Bhim Bahadur Gurung
Bhim Bahadur Gurung, popularly known as B. B. Gurung (11 October 1929 – 28 March 2022), was a veteran Indian politician from Sikkim, best remembered as the state's third Chief Minister. His 13-day tenure in 1984 remains the shortest in Sikkim's history, but his contributions spanned journalism, education, and the pivotal movement that integrated Sikkim into India. A member of the Gurung community (a Nepali ethnic group in Sikkim, known for their Himalayan heritage and agricultural roots), Gurung embodied the spirit of multi-ethnic harmony in the region's turbulent transition from monarchy to democracy. He passed away at 92, leaving a legacy of quiet dedication to public service amid Sikkim's political upheavals.
Early Life and Education
Born on 11 October 1929 in Chakhung (also spelled Chakung or Chocom) village in present-day West Sikkim, Gurung grew up in a modest rural setting during the reign of the Namgyal dynasty. As part of the Gurung subgroup—descendants of Tibetan-Nepali migrants who settled in Sikkim's hills in the 19th century—his family likely engaged in farming and herding, typical of the community's traditional lifestyle. Sikkim's diverse ethnic fabric (including Lepchas, Bhutias, and Nepalis like Gurungs) shaped his worldview, fostering a commitment to equality.
Gurung completed his matriculation at St. Roberts School in Darjeeling, a prestigious institution that educated many Sikkimese leaders. He later graduated from the University of Calcutta, a rare achievement for someone from a remote Himalayan village in the pre-independence era.
Professional Career
Before entering politics, Gurung built a foundation in education and journalism, roles that honed his advocacy for social reform:
- Teaching: He briefly taught at Turnbull School in Darjeeling and later at Rangpo High School in Sikkim, contributing to literacy efforts in underserved areas.
- Journalism: As a staff reporter for the Amrita Bazar Patrika (a prominent Calcutta-based newspaper), he covered regional issues. Most notably, he edited Kanchenjunga, Sikkim's first Nepali-language news-based journal, which amplified local voices during the monarchy's restrictive media environment.
These experiences positioned him as a bridge between Sikkim's isolated society and broader Indian discourse, emphasizing press freedom and education.
Political Career and Key Roles
Gurung's politics were rooted in the democratic aspirations of Sikkim's people, evolving from anti-feudal activism to state-building post-merger with India in 1975. He navigated alliances across parties, often prioritizing stability over ideology.
| Period | Role | Key Details |
|---|---|---|
| 1947–1958 | Founding Member & General Secretary, Sikkim State Congress (later Sikkim Rajya Congress) | Joined at inception; advocated for reforms against the Chogyal's absolute rule. Elected Councilor from Chakhung, overseeing Education, Forest, and Transportation departments. |
| 1967–1971 | Executive Councillor, Sikkim Rashtriya Congress | Focused on administrative modernization; resigned amid party shifts. |
| 1973 | Assembly Member, Sikkim National Congress | Elected under the 8th May Tripartite Agreement; signatory to this historic pact between the Chogyal, political parties, and India, establishing Sikkim's elected assembly and paving the way for its associate state status (1974) and full integration as India's 22nd state (1975). |
| 1977–1979 | Speaker, Sikkim Legislative Assembly | Appointed after the death of Chatur Singh Rai; presided over the nascent democracy, ensuring fair proceedings during turbulent sessions. |
| 1979 | MLA from Dual Constituencies | Won from Chakhung and Jorethang on Sikkim Congress Revolutionary ticket (led by Ram Chandra Poudyal); served as Minister for Forests, Health, and Education under Chief Minister Nar Bahadur Bhandari, advancing rural healthcare and environmental policies. |
| 11–24 May 1984 | Chief Minister of Sikkim | Sworn in after Bhandari's dismissal by Governor H. T. Taleyarkhan under Article 164; his interim government aimed to restore order but collapsed due to coalition instability, leading to President's Rule. This brief stint highlighted the fragility of Sikkim's early statehood politics. |
| 2014–2015 | Political Advisor to Chief Minister | Advised Pawan Kumar Chamling's administration on governance, drawing from his merger-era expertise. |
Gurung contested multiple elections, often securing victories in West Sikkim strongholds, and remained a respected elder statesman until his later years.
Contributions and Legacy
Gurung's most enduring impact was in Sikkim's democratic transition:
- 1973 Agitation: A frontline leader in protests against monarchical autocracy, he helped draft demands for elections and civil rights.
- Merger with India: As a Tripartite Agreement signatory, he facilitated Sikkim's shift from protectorate to state, promoting "Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity" amid ethnic tensions.
- Social Reforms: Through ministerial roles, he expanded education (e.g., school infrastructure) and health access in remote areas, while forest policies balanced development with conservation in Sikkim's biodiversity hotspot.
- Journalistic Influence: Kanchenjunga fostered Nepali literary and political discourse, countering censorship.
Post-retirement, he symbolized Sikkim's "grand old man of politics," with tributes upon his death praising his humility and cross-community appeal. Sikkim observed seven days of state mourning in 2022, and his life inspired discussions on the need for stable coalitions in hill state politics.
Personal Life and Family
Gurung was married (wife's name not widely documented in public records) and maintained a low-profile family life centered in Gangtok. He was survived by two sons and a daughter, who supported his later years. One son, Mahendra Gurung, was mentioned in condolence networks, indicating family involvement in community affairs. Gurung resided in Lumsui, Gangtok, where he passed away peacefully due to age-related ailments.
Views on Society and Ethnicity
As a Gurung from Sikkim's Nepali majority (about 75% of the population), Gurung advocated for ethnic harmony, rejecting divisive politics. In interviews and assembly speeches, he emphasized inclusive development, drawing from the Tripartite Agreement's ethos. He critiqued feudal remnants while celebrating Sikkim's multi-ethnic tapestry—Lepcha, Bhutia, and Nepali—stating in a 1970s reflection: "Sikkim's strength lies in unity, not division." His career reflected a non-sectarian approach, aligning with India's secular federalism.
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Biplab Kumar Deb
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Biplab Kumar Deb
Assumed office
9 March 2018
Governor Tathagata Roy
Deputy Jishnu Dev Varma
Preceded by Manik Sarkar
Assumed office
3 March 2018
Preceded by Gopal Chandra Roy
Constituency Banamalipur
In office
2016–2018
Personal details
Born 25 November 1971
Rajdhar Nagar village, Gomati district, Tripura, India
Political party Bharatiya Janata Party
Other political
affiliations National Democratic Alliance
Spouse(s) Niti Deb
Children 2 (1 daughter and 1 son)
Residence Shyamaprasad Mukerjee Lane, Agartala
Biplab Kumar Deb (born 25 November 1971) is an Indian politician and the current Chief Minister of Tripura. He has been the state president of the Bharatiya Janata Party in Tripura since 7 January 2016 till 2018. He led the BJP to victory in the 2018 Legislative Assembly Election, defeating 25 years rule of the Left Front government led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist). He took his oath as the 10th Chief Minister of Tripura on 9 March 2018.
Early life
Biplab Deb was born on 25 November 1971 in Rajdhar Nagar village, Udaipur, Gomati district, Tripura. His parents had migrated to India as refugees from Chandpur District , East Pakistan during liberation war in 1971 before his birth. His father is a citizen of India since 27 June 1967 He spent his childhood and schooling days in Tripura, completing his graduation from Tripura University before shifting to New Delhi. He later returned to Tripura after an absence of 15 years.
Political career
Biplab Deb was elected the President of Tripura state unit of BJP in January 2017 replacing Sudhndra Dasgupta who was BJP's longest serving state president. He started his political career by campaigning for the 2018 state election. He began his campaign from the Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council which was believed to be the base of the then governing CPI(M).
On 8 August 2017 Biplab Deb helped bring about the defection of Indian National Congress MLAs led by Sudip Roy Barman to the Bharatiya Janata Party. He led the local BJP into the 2018 Legislative Assembly election, attempting to gain office after 25 years of Left Front rule.
Chief Minister
Deb contested the election from Banamalipur Constituency in Agartala and won by a margin of 9,549 votes, which was held by Indian National Congress MLA Gopal Roy. Deb led the Tripura's Election campaign and defeated Left Front after 25 years by winning 44 seats with his ally Indigenous Peoples Front of Tripura out of possible 60 seats in Tripura.
Deb campaigned on the subject of youth employment opportunities, which he promised to improve if elected Chief Minister of Tripura. He also promised the employees of Tripura that he would implement the 7th Pay Commission once get elected. Deb brought in key BJP ministers from across India to campaign for the party in Tripura.
He took his oath as the 10th Chief Minister of Tripura on 9 March 2018.
Controversy
In April 2018, Deb stirred nationwide controversy by claiming that the internet and satellite have existed since the Mahabharata era. He also made controversial remarks on the Civil Service Examination, stating that only civil engineers should sit for civil service exams. He also stated that international beauty pageants were a farce, and claimed that the decision to award Miss World and Miss Universe titles to Indian women for five years in a row was market-driven rather than based on the beauty of the participants while questioning the rationale behind awarding Diana Hayden the Miss World pageant.
Bimala Prasad Chaliha
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bimala Prasad Chaliha
In office
28 December 1957 – 6 November 1970
Preceded by Bishnu Ram Medhi
Succeeded by Mahendra Mohan Choudhury
Constituency Sonari
Personal details
Born 26 March 1912
Died 25 February 1971
Shillong
Political party Indian National Congress
Residence Sivasagar
Awards Padma Vibhushan (1971)
Bimala Prasad Chaliha (26 March 1912 – 25 February 1971) was a Leader of Indian National Congress and a freedom fighter who was put behind bar in the Jorhat Jail in 1942 for active participation in Mahatma Gandhi's call of Quit India to the British Govt. He was elected to the post of Chief Minister for three five years terms of Assam State, once from Badarpur Constituency and twice from Sonari Constituency. He was in office from 28 December 1957 to 6 November 1970. He was awarded Padma Vibhushan in 1971.
During his tenure as the Chief Minister, the Assam Official Language Act, 1960 was enacted, which made Assamese language the sole official language of the state. During his terms the Chinese attacked India at Bomdilla then called NEFA now known as Arunachal Pradesh. He strongly opposed the division of Assam State into smaller states like Nagaland, Mizoram and Meghalaya and was member in various Committees of India's Central Government. Only after his death the State of Assam was broken down into smaller States. The March 1966 Mizo National Front uprising also happened during his tenure. Earlier he was instrumental in promoting the Plantations Labour Act, 1951 and corresponding Assam Plantations Labour Rules, 1956 to safeguard the interest of the Tea Plantation Workers of Assam. During his second term as Chief Minister the issue of illegal migration from then East Bengal came up, he claimed there were 300,000 illegal entrants in Assam, and he took active steps to deport them in his third term.
Beant Singh
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Beant Singh
In office25 February 1992 – 31 August 1995
Beant Singh (19 February 1922 – 31 August 1995) was an Indian politician and the Chief Minister of Punjab from 1992 to 1995. He was a member of Indian National Congress. He was killed in a car bombing.
Beant was born in Jat Sikh Family undivided Punjab and later migrated to the Bilaspur village in the Doraha tehsil of the Ludhiana district. Thereafter he shifted to village Kotli in the same district. He completed his education from the Government College Lahore. At the age of 23, he joined the army but after two years of service, decided to make a switch to politics and social work.
After the 1947 partition, Beant Singh entered the Punjab politics. In 1960 he was elected chairman of block samiti (committee) of Doraha, in Ludhiana district. After serving for some time as Director of the Central cooperative bank in Ludhiana, Beant Singh entered the Punjab Vidhan Sabha (assembly) as an independent candidate in 1969.[citation needed]
Beant Singh was assassinated in a bomb blast at the secretariat complex in Chandigarh on 31 August 1995. The blast claimed the lives of 17 others including 3 Indian commandos. Beant Singh was accompanied by his close friend Ranjodh Singh Mann on the day of assassination.[3] Dilawar Singh Babbar of Babbar Khalsa International acted as the suicide bomber; later, the backup bomber Balwant Singh Rajoana was also convicted for the killing.
Beant Singh
Governor Surendra Nath
Sudhakar Panditrao Kurdukar (Acting)Preceded by President's Rule
Succeeded by Harcharan Singh Brar
Personal detailsBorn 19 February 1922
Died 31 August 1995 (aged 73)
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Jaswant KaurChildren Tej Parkash Singh
Early life
Beant was born in Jat Sikh Family undivided Punjab and later migrated to the Bilaspur village in the Doraha tehsil of the Ludhiana district. Thereafter he shifted to village Kotli in the same district. He completed his education from the Government College Lahore. At the age of 23, he joined the army but after two years of service, decided to make a switch to politics and social work.
Political career
After the 1947 partition, Beant Singh entered the Punjab politics. In 1960 he was elected chairman of block samiti (committee) of Doraha, in Ludhiana district. After serving for some time as Director of the Central cooperative bank in Ludhiana, Beant Singh entered the Punjab Vidhan Sabha (assembly) as an independent candidate in 1969.[citation needed]
Assassination
Beant Singh was assassinated in a bomb blast at the secretariat complex in Chandigarh on 31 August 1995. The blast claimed the lives of 17 others including 3 Indian commandos. Beant Singh was accompanied by his close friend Ranjodh Singh Mann on the day of assassination.[3] Dilawar Singh Babbar of Babbar Khalsa International acted as the suicide bomber; later, the backup bomber Balwant Singh Rajoana was also convicted for the killing.
In 2012, a Chandigarh court sentenced Rajoana to death. A number of Sikhs protested against the decision, and campaigned to stop the execution of Balwant Singh Rajoana. On 28 March 2012 the Government Of India stayed the execution of Rajoana after Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal met President Pratibha Patil seeking clemency for him.
On 7 January 2015, Jagtar Singh alias Tara who is alleged to be the mastermind in assassination of Singh was arrested by Thai Police in Bangkok after a request by the Indian investigative agency (Central Bureau of Investigation). Tara is currently undergoing a trial in an Indian prison.
Personal life
His son Tej Parkash Singh was minister in the Punjab government led by Harcharan Singh Brar who succeeded him. His daughter Gurkanwal Kaur is a former minister of state for social welfare and Parliamentary secretary in the Amarinder Singh government. His grandson Ravneet Singh is an MP from Ludhiana. Another grandson, Gurkirat Singh Kotli, is an MLA from Khanna. Another Grandson Guriqbal Singh DSP Punjab Police. His wife died in 2010.
C. N. Annadurai
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
C. N. Annadurai
C. N. Annadurai commemorative stamp
In office
14 January 1969 – 3 February 1969
Governor Ujjal Singh
Preceded by Position established
Succeeded by V. R. Nedunchezhiyan (Acting)
Constituency Leader of the State Legislative Council
In office
6 March 1967 – 13 January 1969
Governor Ujjal Singh
Preceded by M. Bhakthavatsalam
Succeeded by Position abolished
Constituency Leader of the State Legislative Council
In office
3 April 1962 – 25 February 1967
Leader of the House Hafiz Mohamad Ibrahim, Yashwantrao Chavan,
Constituency Madras State (present-day Tamil Nadu)
In office
1 April 1957 – 18 March 1962
Chief Minister K. Kamaraj
Preceded by Deivasigamani
Succeeded by S. V. Natesa Mudaliar
Constituency Kancheepuram
General Secretary of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
In office
17 September 1949 – 3 February 1969
President Vacant
Preceded by Position established
Succeeded by V. R. Nedunchezhiyan
In office
6 March 1967 – 3 February 1969
Personal details
Born
Conjeevaram Natarajan Annadurai Mudaliar
15 September 1909
(present-day Kancheepuram, Tamil Nadu, India)
Died 3 February 1969 (aged 59)
(present-day Chennai, Tamil Nadu, India)
Cause of death Oesophageal cancer
Resting place Anna Memorial
Political party Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (from 1949)
Other political
affiliations Dravidar Kazhagam (1944- 1949)
Justice party (till 1944)
Spouse(s)
(m. 1930)
Profession
Writer
Activist
Politician
Awards
Chubb Fellowship (1968)
Honorary Doctorate (1968)
Nickname(s) Peraringar, Anna
Conjeevaram Natarajan Annadurai (15 September 1909 – 3 February 1969), popularly known as Anna also known as Arignar Anna or Perarignar Anna (Anna, the scholar or Elder Brother), was an Indian politician who served as the fifth and last Chief Minister of Madras State from 1967 until 1969 and first Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu for 20 days (after Madras State was rechristened Tamil Nadu) before his death. He was the first member of a Dravidian party to hold either post.
He was well known for his oratorical skills and was an acclaimed writer in the Tamil language. He scripted and acted in several plays. Some of his plays were later made into movies. He was the first politician from the Dravidian parties to use Tamil cinema extensively for political propaganda. Born in a middle-class family, he first worked as a school teacher, then moved into the political scene of the Madras Presidency as a journalist. He edited several political journals and enrolled as a member of the Dravidar Kazhagam. As an ardent follower of Periyar E. V. Ramasamy, he rose in stature as a prominent member of the party.
Due to differences looming with Periyar, on issues of separate independent state of Dravida Nadu and union with India, he crossed swords with his political mentor. The friction between the two finally erupted when Periyar married Maniammai, who was much younger than him. Angered by this action of Periyar, Annadurai with his supporters parted from Dravidar Kazhagam and launched his own party, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK).[citation needed] The DMK initially followed the same ideologies as its parent, Dravidar Kazhagam. But with the evolution of national politics and the constitution of India after the Sino-Indian war in 1962, Annadurai dropped the claim for an independent Dravida Nadu. Various protests against the ruling Congress government took him to prison on several occasions; the last of which was during the Madras anti-Hindi agitation of 1965. The agitation itself helped Annadurai to gain popular support for his party. His party won a landslide victory in the 1967 state elections. His cabinet was the youngest at that time in India. He legalised Self-Respect marriages, enforced a two language policy (in preference to the three language formula in other southern states), implemented subsidies for rice, and renamed Madras State to Tamil Nadu.
However, he died of cancer just two years into office. His funeral had the highest attendance of any to that date. Several institutions and organisations are named after him. A splinter party launched by M. G. Ramachandran in 1972 was named after him as All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam.
Early life
Annadurai was born in a Tamil Sengunthar family on 15 September 1909 in Conjeevaram, Madras Presidency (present-day Kancheepuram, Tamil Nadu, India), in a lower-middle-class family. His father Natarajan Mudaliar was a weaver and his mother was Bangaru Ammal. He was raised by her sister Rajamani Ammal. At the age of 21, he married Rani while he was still a student. The couple had no children of their own, so they later adopted and raised Rajamani's grandchildren. He attended Pachaiyappa's High School but left school to work as a clerk in the town's Municipal office to assist with the family finances.
In 1934, he graduated with a B.A. degree (Honours) from Pachaiyappa's College in Chennai.[4] He then earned an MA degree in Economics and Politics from the same college. He worked as an English teacher in Pachaiyappa High School. Later he quit the teaching job and began involving himself in journalism and he served as an editor in few weekly magazine and then he indulged into politics.
Annadurai in younger times
Religion
Though Annadurai initially belonged to the openly atheist Dravidar Kazhagam he later announced his stance towards theism as "Only one race, Only one God" (Ondre Kulam Oruvanae Devan). Though secular to the core, he later described himself as a Hindu sans the sacred ash, a Christian minus the holy cross, and a Muslim without the prayer cap.
Annadurai would attack superstitions and religious exploitation but would never fight against the spiritual values of society. He once explained his stance towards God and religion as "I do not break coconuts for Pillaiyar, (a form of worship) neither do I break his idols".(Nan Thengayum udaipathillai; Pillaiyarum Udaipathillai)
Entry into politics
Annadurai and Periyar E. V. Ramasamy
See also: Justice party (India) and Dravidar Kazhagam
Annadurai's interest in politics made him join the Justice party in 1935. The Justice party was formed by non-Brahmin elites in 1917. The Justice party originated with the Madras United League which was initially started as a work group that helped non-Brahmin students in Madras with accommodation and later grew into a political party under the efforts of leaders like C. Natesa Mudaliar, Sir Pitti Theagaroya Chetty and Dr. T. M. Nair. The party was named South Indian Liberal Federation (S. I. L. F.) – popularly known as Justice party. The party had been in power in Madras Presidency since self-governance was introduced in 1920, until it was defeated by the Indian National Congress in 1937. By the time Annadurai joined the Justice party, Periyar E. V. Ramasami was the party president. Annadurai served as the sub-editor of the Justice magazine. He later became the editor for Viduthalai (Freedom in English) and was also associated with the Tamil weekly paper, Kudi Arasu. He started his own journal Dravida Nadu (named after the Dravida Nadu – an independent state that the party called for). In 1944, Periyar renamed the Justice party to Dravidar Kazhagam and gave up contesting in the elections.
Differences with Periyar and birth of DMK
The Indian National Congress, which had been fighting for the independence of India from colonial British rule, was dominated by Brahmins. Periyar assumed that independent India would bring South Indians, especially Tamils, under the dominance of Brahmins and North Indians. For these reasons Periyar called for 15 August 1947, the day of Indian independence, to be a day of mourning. Annadurai opposed this move and the schism between his supporters and Periyar widened. He saw the gaining of independence as an overall achievement of India rather than solely that of Aryan North. Moreover, Periyar's decision on giving up participating in democratic elections was also opposed by Annadurai, in reaction to which he walked out of a party meeting in 1948. Periyar considered that candidates in elections must compromise their ideologies. Moreover, it was Periyar's idea that social reformation can be better achieved outside politics, through education and canvassing the masses, rather than governments. Eventually, when Periyar married Maniammai, who was 40 years younger than he, the personal differences between Annadurai and Periyar split their supporters. Annadurai launched his own party with his party fragment, along with E. V. K. Sampath (Periyar's nephew and until then considered his political heir). The new party was named Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. DMK's presence was initially restricted to urban centres and its surrounding areas. But by appealing to the urban lower, lower middle and working classes, students, Dalits and lower castes, Annadurai was able to accelerate its growth and spread. He fought for the social justice of the lower castes and thus rapidly gained popular support.
Protests in 1953
In 1953, Annadurai directed the DMK to undertake three protests:
Condemning Jawaharlal Nehru, the then Prime Minister of India, for describing the tarring of Hindi letters in railway station boards by DK and DMK activists as "childish nonsense"
Against C. Rajagopalachari (or Rajaji), the then chief minister of Madras State, for introducing a new educational system that indirectly encouraged traditional caste-based occupations called Kula Kalvi Thittam
Against renaming Kallakkudi, Dalmiyapuram as the name Dalmiyapuram symbolised north Indian domination. He was eventually sentenced to three months imprisonment in this protest.
Dravida Nadu
Dravida Nadu magazine owned and edited by Annadurai
During his days in Dravida Kazhagam, Annadurai had supported Periyar's call for an independent Dravida Nadu. The claim for such an independent state stayed alive in the initial days of DMK. E. V. K. Sampath, who had earlier forfeited his inheritance from Periyar to join DMK, saw the call for Dravida Nadu as an unrealistic goal. Responding to Sampath's concern, Annadurai said
We must contest more elections, win more seats and that way, win the confidence of the people; and when it is hot, we can strike and strike hard
Sampath's opposition to using film stars made him cross swords with many other members of the party. Eventually, with looming differences with Annadurai and other leaders on Dravida Nadu, Sampath left the DMK and formed his own party, the Tamil Nationalist Party, in 1961. In 1962, Annadurai said in the Rajya Sabha that Dravidians want the right of self-determination ... We want a separate country for southern India.
However, the reorganisation of states in India on linguistic basis removed Kannada, Telugu and Malayalam speaking regions from the Madras Presidency leaving behind a predominantly Tamil Madras State. Giving in to realities, Annadurai and his DMK changed the call of independent Dravida Nadu for Dravidians to independent Tamil Nadu for Tamils. Annadurai felt that remaining in the Indian Union meant accepting linguistic domination and economic backwardness. Nevertheless, the Sino-Indian war brought about changes in the Indian constitution. The Sixteenth Amendment (most popularly known as the Anti-Secessionist Amendment) banned any party with sectarian principles from participating in elections. When this amendment was presented in the Parliament of India, Annadurai was one of its members. He vehemently debated against the amendment, but eventually could not stop it from being passed. Faced with the new constitutional changes, Annadurai and his DMK left the call for an independent Tamil homeland on the back burner. From then on Annadurai and his DMK aimed at achieving better co-operation between the southern states and claimed more autonomy for Tamil Nadu.
On the party's position, Annadurai said
To make the Dravidian state a separate state was our ideal. A situation has arisen where we can neither talk nor write about this ideal. Of course we can destroy the party by undertaking to violate the prohibition. But once the party itself is destroyed there will not be any scope for the ideal to exist or spread. That is why we had to give up the ideal.
Anti-Hindi agitations
Hindi was first recommended to be an apt language for official purposes in India by a committee headed by Motilal Nehru in 1928. This move was opposed by people and politicians of Tamil Nadu, since they considered that it would make them second class citizens when compared to that of native Hindi speaking North Indians.
Protests of 1938
In 1938, the Congress government in Madras Presidency headed by C. Rajagopalachari (popularly known as Rajaji) proposed the use of Hindi language as a compulsory language in schools. This move was opposed by Tamil leaders. Annadurai, along with other Tamil scholars including the poet Bharathidasan, held demonstrations. Annadurai participated in the first Anti Hindi imposition conference held in Kanchipuram on 27 February 1938. Two members of the protest, Thalamuthu and Natarajan, died as a consequence of police beating the same year. With overwhelming opposition, the government of Madras Presidency finally withdrew the order in 1940.
Madras Anti Hindi agitation, 1965
When India became a republic with its own constitution in 1950, the constitution had given special status to the Hindi language, which was to gain official status after 15 years in 1965. This move was regarded with anxiety by students in Tamil Nadu.[ Speaking of making Hindi as official language of India, Annadurai said It is claimed that Hindi should be the common language because it is spoken by the majority. Why should we then claim the tiger as our national animal instead of the rat which is so much more numerous? Or the peacock as our national bird when the crow is ubiquitous?. In view of continued threat to impose Hindi, the DMK held an open-air conference against Hindi imposition at Kodambakkam, Chennai in August 1960, which Annadurai presided over. He gave black flags to leading functionaries, to be shown to the President of India during his visit to the state. Sensing an uprising, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru assured in the Parliament that English would continue to be the official language of India, as long as non-Hindi speaking people desire. DMK gave up the plan of showing black flags and Annadurai appealed to the Union Government to bring about a constitutional amendment incorporating the assurance.
With no constitutional amendment done, Annadurai declared 26 January 1965, the 15th Republic Day of India and also the day the Constitution, which in essence enshrined Hindi as the official language of India, came into practice, as a day of mourning. This move was opposed by the then Chief Minister of Madras State, Bhakthavatchalam, as blasphemous. Hence Annadurai, who by then had been trying to shake off the secessionist image of his party, declared 24 January as a day of mourning. He also replaced the slogan of the protests to Down with Hindi; Long live the Republic. Nevertheless, violence broke out on 26 January, initially in Madurai which within days spread throughout the state. Robert Hardgrave Jr, professor of humanities, government and Asian studies, suggests that the elements contributing to the riots were not instigated by DMK or Leftists or even the industrialists, as the Congress government of the state suggested, but were genuine frustrations and discontentment which lay beneath the surface of the people of the state.
With violence surging, Annadurai asked the students to forfeit the protests, but some DMK leaders like Karunanidhi kept the agitations going. Nevertheless, Annadurai was arrested for instigating the agitation. Although the violence were not directly instigated by the DMK, the agitation itself aided DMK to win the 1967 elections and Annadurai became the new Chief Minister of Madras State.
Literary contributions
Annadurai, known for his excellent oratorical skills, was fond of books. This image shows his private library.
Annadurai was known as one of the best Tamil orators during his time He developed a style in Tamil public speaking using metaphors and pleasing alliterations, both in spoken and written language. Anna was also best known for his extempore speaking ability being very well affluent on rhetoric skills
He has published several novels, short stories and plays which incorporate political themes. He himself acted in some of his plays during his time in the Dravidar Kazhagam. He introduced movie media as a major organ for propaganda of Dravidian politics. In total Annadurai scripted six screen plays.
His first movie Nallathambi (Good Brother, 1948) which starred N. S. Krishnan promoted cooperative farming and abolition of zamindari system. His novels such as Velaikaari (Servant Maid, 1949) and Or Iravu, which were later made into movies, carried the hallmarks of propaganda for Dravidian politics. On Velaikari, Annadurai said that the movie
made it clear that greed and avarice of the rich did not pay in the long run.[...] Some of the elementary principles of socialism and stressed that we should depend upon our own labour for our progress and well being and not some unknown factor.
Velaikari made direct references against the suppressive landlords who were traditionally allied with Jawaharlal Nehru and Gandhi. His movies had some elements of Dravidian political ideologies like anti-Brahminism and messages differing against Congress with detailed reasons and scenarios behind. Popular stage and cine actors who stood by Anna in early years were D. V. Narayanasamy, K. R. Ramasamy, N. S. Krishnan, S. S. Rajendran, Sivaji Ganesan and M. G. Ramachandran.
Some of his books had a social approach and its content were debatable, such as "Arya Mayai" (Aryan Illusion) in which he highlighted the view point of bringing an equal living society regardless of any caste dominance and especially drawing similarities which existed by then of the upper-caste Brahmin (Aryan) people. He was fined INR 700 for sedition and was also sent to prison.
Some of his well-known works are his books Annavin Sattasabai Sorpolivukal (Anna's speeches at the state legislative, 1960), Ilatchiya varalaru (History of Ideals, 1948), Valkkaip puyal (Storm of life, 1948) and Rankon rata (Radha from Rangon) His work Kambarasam criticises Ramayana of Kamban. His works of fiction such as Kapothipura kathal (Love in the city of Blind), Parvathy B.A., Kalinga rani (Queen of Kalinga) and Pavayin payanam (Travels of a young lady) carried elements of political propaganda.
At times when Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam was extensively using movies for its propaganda, censorship crippled the process. To evade censorships, DMK movies used Annadurai's popular nickname Anna, which also means elder brother in Tamil, as a pun. When praises were bestowed on the Anna on screen, the crowd would break into applause. Kannadasan has criticised Anna's works that apart from Sivaji Kanda Hindu Rajyam and Needhi Devan Mayakkam, the rest lacked even a plot
Posts held
The provincial conference of the DMK was held at Tiruchirappalli in May 1956. Annadurai stepped down from the General Secretaryship of the party, and Nedunchezhian was elected to that position. It was at the Tiruchirappalli conference that the party decided to contest free India's second general elections which were to be held in 1957. The DMK secured 15 Assembly seats and two parliamentary seats. Anna was elected from his home constituency, Kanchipuram for the first time to the Madras Legislative Assembly. In that election, the DMK won 15 seats and Annadurai became the leader of the opposition in the state. In 1962, the DMK emerged as the major political party in the state outside the Congress, winning 50 seats in the Assembly. Although Annadurai himself lost the elections, he was nominated as a member of parliament to the upper house (Rajya Sabha).
As chief minister
In 1967, the Congress lost nine states to opposition parties, but it was only in Madras state that a single non-Congress party majority was achieved. The electoral victory of 1967 is also reputed to an electoral fusion among the non-Congress parties to avoid a split in the Opposition votes. Rajagopalachari, a former senior leader of the Congress party, had by then left the Congress and launched the right-wing Swatantra Party. He played a vital role in bringing about the electoral fusion amongst the opposition parties to align against the Congress. At that time, his cabinet was the youngest in the country.
Annadurai legalised Self-respect marriages for the first time in the country. Such marriages were void of priests to preside over the ceremony and thus did not need a Brahmin to carry out the wedding. Self-respect marriages were a brainchild of Periyar, who regarded the then conventional marriages as mere financial arrangements which often caused great debt through dowry. Self-Respect marriages, according to him, encouraged inter-caste marriages and caused arranged marriages to be replaced by love marriages. Annadurai was also the first to use subsidising of the price of rice for election victory. He promised one rupee a measure of rice, which he initially implemented once in government, but had to withdraw later. Subsidising rice costs are still used as an election promise in Tamil Nadu.
It was Annadurai's government that renamed the Madras State to its present-day form declaring officially as Tamil Nadu. The name change itself was first presented in the upper house (Rajya Sabha) of the Parliament of India by Bhupesh Gupta, a communist MP from West Bengal, but was then defeated. With Annadurai as chief minister, the state assembly succeeded in passing the bill renaming the states.
Anna was instrumental in organising the World Tamil Conference under the aegies of UNESCO in 1967. Another major achievement of Annadurai's government was to introduce a two language policy over the then popular three language formula. The three language formula, which was implemented in the neighbouring states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Kerala, entitled students to study three languages: the regional language, English and Hindi. It was during the period of his Chief Ministership that the Second World Conference was conducted on a grand scale on 3 January 1968. Nevertheless, when a commemorative stamp was released to mark the Tamil conference, Annadurai expressed his dissatisfaction that the stamp contained Hindi when it was for Tamil. Annadurai also issued an order for the removal of the pictures of gods and religious symbols from public offices and buildings. He proceeded on a world tour as an invitee of the Yale University's Chubb Fellowship Programme and was also a guest of the State Department in the US in April–May 1968. He was awarded the Chubb Fellowship at Yale University, being the first non-American to receive this honour. The same year he was awarded an honorary doctorate from Annamalai University.
Death
Anna memorial
On 10 September 1968 Annadurai travelled to New York for medical treatment and he was operated for Cancer in the gullet at the Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center. He returned to Chennai in November and continued to address several official functions against medical advice. His health deteriorated further and he died on 3 February 1969. His cancer was attributed to his habit of chewing tobacco. His funeral had the highest number of attendees until then, as registered with The Guinness Book of Records. An estimated 15 million people attended it. His remains were buried in the northern end of Marina Beach, which is now called Anna Memorial
Legacy
The statue of Annadurai at the College of Engineering, Guindy campus of Anna University which is named after him
After his electoral success with his DMK in 1967, the Congress has not yet returned to power in Tamil Nadu. His government was the first in the country to be from a non-Congress party with full majority. When the DMK later split, with M. G. Ramachandran forming his own Dravidian party, the rebel fragment was named after Annadurai as Anna DMK. Anna Nagar, a residential neighbourhood in Chennai is named after him.[citation needed] Sri Lankan Tamil nationalist leaders and writers are considered to be influenced by Annadurai's chaste Tamil movement.Anna University, a premier institution in science and technology was named after him. DMK's current head office built in 1987 is named after him as Anna Arivalayam. One of the major roads in Chennai was named in his honour, Anna Salai—it was previously called Mount Road, and a statue of Annadurai now stands there. The central government issued a commemorative coin of ₹ 5 denomination to mark the centenary celebrations of him on 15 September 2009 in Chennai. Jawaharlal Nehru hailed him as one of the great parliamentarians for speeches in Rajya Sabha. Selig Harrison, a US-based analyst of South Asian and East Asian politics and journalism commented,
There is no doubt that this powerful orator is the single-most popular mass figure in the region
The magazine India Today has listed Annadurai in its "Top 100 people who shaped India by thought, action, art, culture and spirit". In 2010, Anna Centenary Library was established in Chennai in remembrance of Annadurai.
A life-size statue of Annadurai was unveiled on 1 October 2002 in the Parliament House by then President of India, A.P.J. Abdul Kalam in his honour and the function was attended by notable politicians.
On 31 July 2020, Alandur metro station in Chennai has been renamed as Arignar Anna Alandur Metro by Government of Tamil Nadu to honor him.
Conrad Sangma
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Conrad K. Sangma
Assumed office
6 March 2018
Governor Ganga Prasad
Deputy Prestone Tynsong
Preceded by Mukul Sangma
Finance Minister of Meghalaya
Assumed office
6 March 2018
Constituency South Tura
Assumed office
27 August 2018
Preceded by Agatha Sangma
Constituency South Tura
In office
2008–2013
Preceded by Clement Marak
Succeeded by Clement Marak
Constituency Selsella
In office
19 May 2016 – 27 August 2018
Preceded by P. A. Sangma
Succeeded by Agatha Sangma
Constituency Tura
Minister of Finance, Power and Tourism
In office
2008–2009
Chief Minister Donkupar Roy
Personal details
Born
Conrad Kongkal Sangma
27 January 1978
Political party National People's Party
Other political
affiliations National Democratic Alliance
Nationalist Congress Party (formerly)
Spouse(s)
Mehtab Sangma
(m. 2009)
Children 2
Parent(s)
Purno Sangma (father)
Relatives James Sangma (brother)
Agatha Sangma (sister)
Education
Conrad Kongkal Sangma (born 27 January 1978) is an Indian politician who is the 12th and current Chief Minister of the State of Meghalaya. He assumed presidency of the National People's Party in 2016 after the death of his father and former Chief Minister P. A. Sangma. He was also the Member of Parliament from Tura (2016-2018).
Conrad is a former leader of the opposition in the eighth Meghalaya Legislative Assembly, representing the NPP from Selsella constituency in the West Garo Hills. Previously in 2008, Sangma became the youngest Finance Minister of Meghalaya. He served the post as National President of Nationalist Youth Congress, after Jitendra Awhad who is current Housing Minister of Maharashtra State, Nationalist Congress Party is frontal organization of Nationalist Congress Party.
Career
Upon completing his studies, Sangma started his political career in the late 1990s, as the campaign manager for his father, P. A. Sangma for the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP). He contested his first election in 2004 losing by 182 votes. He was first elected to the State Assembly along with his brother James, both as NCP members in the 2008 state elections and later held several important portfolios in the state cabinet, including the Finance, Power, Tourism, GAD and IT and presented his first annual budget for Meghalaya within 10 days of debuting as a minister. From 2009-2013 Sangma held the post of Leader of Opposition in the Meghalaya Legislative Assembly. In March 2016 he was elected national president of the National People's Party (NPP) following his father's death earlier that year. In May that year, contesting from Tura at the by-election to the Lok Sabha, he won by a record margin of 1.92 lakh votes.
Chief Minister of Meghalaya
Sangma's party, the NPP, came second behind the Indian National Congress winning 19 seats at the 2018 Meghalaya legislative assembly election. Requiring 30 seats to form a government in the State, the NPP allied with other regional parties taking the number to 34. Subsequently, Sangma staked claim to form government upon meeting the Governor of Meghalaya Ganga Prasad with a letter of support from the 34 members of the legislative assembly, that included 19 from NPP, six from United Democratic Party, four from People's Democratic Front, two each from Hill State People's Democratic Party and Bharatiya Janata Party, and an independent, and was declared the Chief Minister-elect. He was sworn in on 6 March, replacing Mukul Sangma who is not related to him. In August 2018, he contested the by-election for the South Tura seat and polled 13,656 votes. Sangma defeated his nearest Congress rival Charlotte W Momin by a margin of over 8,400 votes.
Personal life
Conrad Sangma was born on 27 January 1978 in Tura, a town in West Garo Hills district, Meghalaya. His father Purno Sangma was a former Chief Minister of Meghalaya and Speaker of the Lok Sabha, and mother Soradini, a homemaker. His siblings, older brother James and younger sister Agatha, are politicians with the NPP. Another sister Christy, however, has remained non-political. Conrad was brought up in Delhi and was educated at the St. Columba's School there. He received a bachelor's degree in business administration in entrepreneurial management from Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, before completing his MBA in finance from Imperial College London.
Sangma married Mehtab Chandee, a doctor by profession, on 29 May 2009, and has two daughters with her: Amara (born c. 2011) and Kaiyyan (born 2017). Apart from politics, Sangma has been associated with social work, as president of the PA Sangma Foundation, which functions for the betterment in sectors of education and environment, and also runs four colleges in rural Meghalaya. He also currently serves as President of the Meghalaya Cricket Association and Sports Academy.
Conrad Sangma plays the electric guitar and is a fan of the heavy metal band Iron Maiden. In May 2020, he received significant notice for posting on Instagram a video of himself playing the Iron Maiden song "Wasted Years".
Charanjit Singh Channi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Charanjit Singh Channi
Assuming office
TBD
Governor Banwarilal Purohit
Succeeding Amarinder Singh
Assumed office
16 March 2017
Assumed office
2007
Preceded by Satwant Kaur
Constituency Chamkaur Sahib
In office
11 December 2015 – 11 November 2016
Preceded by Sunil Kumar Jakhar
Succeeded by Harvinder Singh Phoolka
Personal details
Born 1 March 1963
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Kamaljit Kaur
Children Navjit Singh, Rhythmjit Singh
Residence Kharar, SAS Nagar, Mohali
Education B.A, L.L.B and MBA
As of 19 September, 2021
Source:
Charanjit Singh Channi (born 1 March 1963) is an Indian politician and the Chief Minister-designate of Punjab. He is a member of the Indian National Congress. He was previously Minister of Technical Education and Training under Amarinder Singh and leader of the opposition in the Punjab Legislative Assembly.
Early life, education and personal life
Channi is a member of the Dalit community. He was born in the village of Makrona Kalan. He read law at Panjab University and has an MBA from PTU Jalandhar.
He is married and has two children.
Political career
Channi was leader of opposition in the Punjab Legislative Assembly from 2015 to 2016. In 2017, he was appointed Minister of Technical Education and Industrial Training in the second Amarinder Singh ministry.
In September 2021, he succeeded Captain Amarinder Singh as Chief Minister of Punjab after the latter's resignation. He is the first Dalit Sikh Chief Minister of Punjab.
Controversies
In 2018 a video showed Channi flipping a coin to choose between two candidates to be lecturer. The BJP and Shiromani Akali Dal called on voters to remove him. The minister said that both candidates were equal and suggested the toss themselves.
Channi is alleged to have constructed an illegal road in an auspicious layout on the advice of his astrologer, which was demolished by the Chandigarh authorities. He also is reported to have followed the advice of his astrologer and ridden an elephant at his home.
Sukhpal Khaira of the Aam Aadmi Party accused Channi and his nephew of involvement in illegal mining. Channi responded that the images cited were from public functions and that his family has no involvement in mining.
As the minister of technical education, Channi was accused of recommending the transfer of an Indian Administrative Service officer "whom he didn't like". In another case, he was accused of sending obscene messages to a female IAS officer, Kavita Singh.
C. Kesavan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
C. Kesavan
Kesavan on a 2018 stamp of India.jpg
Personal details
Born 23 May 1891
Mayyanad, Kerala, India
Died 7 July 1969 (aged 78)
Mayyanad, Kerala, India
C. Kesavan (23 May 1891 – 7 July 1969) was the Chief Minister of Travancore-Cochin during 1950–1952.
He was born in 1891 in the village of Mayyanad, near Kollam in the then princely state of Travancore. For some time he worked as a teacher and then took a law degree from Thiruvananthapuram and started practice in Kollam.
Kesavan was influenced by the work of Padmanabhan Palpu, the social reform campaigner who was a member of the backward Ezhava community and a founder of the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana association where he later rose to the general secretary post. He became an activist for the Ezhava caste, seeking an improved socio-economic position for them, and in the 1930s he suggested that they should abandon Hinduism. Thus he was an atheist. C. Kesavan was influenced by the teachings of Sree Narayana Guru, Gandhiji and Karl Marx. He worked for temperance and eradication of untouchability and served as General Secretary of SNDP Yogam.
From 1933, C. Kesavan was one of the prominent leaders of Abstention movement or Nivarthana Prakshobham in Travancore of present day Kerala. Because of a speech he made at a public meeting in Kozhencherry he was arrested on June 7, 1935, tried for sedition, and sentenced to two years imprisonment. In
Kesavan took an active part in organizing Travancore State Congress and became a member of its working Committee. During the agitation for responsible government in Travancore, he was arrested several times. During Quit India Movement in 1942, Kesavan was sentenced to one year simple imprisonment and was released on July 19, 1943. After Independence, Kesavan was elected to Travancore Assembly and became a member of the first cabinet headed by Pattom Thanu Pillai, but resigned after few months. Kesavan became Chief Minister of the erstwhile Travancore-Cochin (Thiruvithamkoor-Kochi) state in 1951 and was elected to State Assembly in 1952. C. Kesavan was considered to be one of the Triumvirate of Travancore (Thiruvithaamkoor) State Congress leadership, the other two being Pattom A. Thanu Pillai and T.M. Varghese.
Kesavan wrote an incomplete autobiography, Jeevitha-Samaram, consisting of two volumes that described his life up to the time of his political prominence. A third volume was planned to cover that later period but was unwritten at the time of his death. The work combined the story of his own life with a wider narrative concerning the plight of the Ezhava caste of which he was a member. Udaya Kumar says that his "early memories are tinged with two lines of injustice: the discrimination he suffered as an Ezhava boy on the streets and other public places, where he was forced to defer to upper-caste people, and the unjust exercise of authority by the elders and the upper sub-divisions within the Ezhava caste".
Statue of C. Kesavan in Thiruvananthapuram.
The Kollam Corporation Town Hall was named the C. Kesavan Memorial Municipal Town Hall in Kesavan's memory. It is a decades-old building situated on the National Highway passing through the Kollam Cantonment. The building is now one of the main venues for several cultural events and meetings] He was instrumental in the starting of Medical College at Thiruvananthapuram. His presence is recorded in the batch photo of first batch of doctors from the Government Medical College, Thiruvananthapuram. He has also worked for establishing a Govt Hospital in his home town Mayyanad. Which functioned well in its helm days and later shrinked to a health center.
As Chief Minister
C. Kesavan sworn in as Chief Minister of Travancore-Cochin on March 3, 1951. T.K. Narayana Pillai and A.J. John were the ministers. Both the ministers resigned in September 1951. New ministers sworn in were : K.M. Kora (Finance & Food), G. Chandrasekhara Pillai (PWD), L.M. Pylee (Education & Revenue), P.K. Krishnankutty Menon (Industries & Labour). After the declaration of general election of 1952, C. Kesavan ministry relinquished power on March 12, 1952. The historic Land Reforms Bill was piloted by C. Kesavan, but failed to pass through. The Trivandrum Medical College was opened by Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru during C. Kesavan’s tenure.
A controversial statement made by C. Kesavan before he becoming Travancore -Kochi CM is history. When the fire broke out in Sabarimala, during May 1950 in the following months C. Kesavan, in his characteristic frankness said: "If a temple is destroyed that much of religious fanaticism will go off."
Personal Life
C.Kesavan was married to Vasanthi who was the daughter of C. V. Kunhiraman, the founder of Kerala Kaumudi. His son K. R. Bhadran died in an Air India Dakota plane crash near Mettupalayam on December 1950. At that time Kesavan was living in Ross House at Thiruvananthapuram which was widely considered as a haunted house and bad omen among political class of Kerala.
Dasarath Debbarma
In office
10 April 1993 - 11 March 1998
Preceded by Samir Ranjan Barman
Succeeded by Manik Sarkar
Constituency Ramchandraghat
In office
1952 - 1967, 1971-1977
Constituency Tripura East
Member of Tripura Legislative Assembly
In office
1977 - 1998
Constituency Ramchandraghat
Personal details
Born 2 February 1916
Boltali Kami (Village), Tripura
Died 14 October 1998 (aged 82)
Nationality Indian
Political party Communist Party of India (Marxist)
Dasarth Deb (Debbarma) (2 February 1916 –14 October 1998) was a political leader in the Indian state of Tripura. He was chief minister of Tripura from 1993 to 1998. He was a leader of the Ganamukti Parishad and the Communist Party of India (Marxist). He was also the vice-president of All India Kisan Sabha and first and yet only Tiprasa chief minister of Tripura.
Early life
Dasarath Debbarma was born at Boltali village in the present day Khowai district of Tripura.
Political career
Dasarath Deb in 1946.
In 1948, he formed Ganamukti Parishad, which was engaged in an armed struggle from 1948 to 1950. In 1950, he along with his followers, joined the Communist Party of India. He became a member of the central committee of the party in 1951. After the party split in 1964, he joined Communist Party of India (Marxist). In 1964, he founded the Tripura Rajya Upajati Ganamukti Parishad, a frontal organization of CPI(M).
He was elected to the Lok Sabha in 1952, 1957, 1962 and 1971 from Tripura East constituency. In 1978, he was elected for the first time in Tripura Vidhan Sabha from Ramchandraghat constituency and became the Minister for Education in the first Left Front government. He was the deputy chief minister in the second Left Front government from 1983 to 1988. In 1988, he became the secretary of the state unit of CPI(M). After the defeat of the Left Front in 1988 elections, he became the leader of the opposition in Tripura Vidhan Sabha from 1988 to 1993.
On 10 April 1993 he became the chief minister of the third Left Front government. He was in office till 11 March 1998. He declined to contest the Vidhan Sabha election in 1998 on health grounds.
Works
Mukti Parishader Itikatha
Samantatantrik Byabasthar Biruddhe Mukti Parishader Sangram
Kokborder jonyo bangla horof keno chai
kokborok lekhar pothrekha
Damodar Raja Narasimha
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Damodar Raja Narasimha
Constituency Andole, Telangana, India
Personal details
Born 5 December 1958
Secunderabad, Telangana, India = Ex-Deputy Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Padmini Reddy
Children Trisha
Cilarapu Damodar Raja Narasimha (born 5 December 1958) is an Indian politician belonging to Indian National Congress, and served as the Deputy Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh. He is a Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) from Andole constituency and holds the portfolios of Higher education[2] and Agriculture (in charge).
Early life
Damodar Raja Narsimha was born to Congress politician Raja Narsimha and Janabai. He is an engineer by profession. His father was a three time Congress party MLA from Andole in 1967, 1972 and 1978. The young Damodar Raja Narasimha entered into active politics after the death of his father. He got elected for the first time to the Assembly from Andhol (SC) constituency in 1989. After losing three subsequent elections in 1994, 1998 (bypoll) and 1999, he won again in 2004 and 2009. In 1994 he lost to his nearest TDP candidate M Rajaiah, and in 1999 to TDP candidate and actor P Babu Mohan.
Political career
He got elected for the first time to the Assembly from Andhol (SC) constituency in 1989. After losing three subsequent elections in 1994, 1998 (bypoll) and 1999, he won again in 2004 and 2009. In 1994 he lost to his nearest TDP candidate M Rajaiah, and in 1999 to TDP candidate and actor P Babu Mohan. Damodar Raja Narasimha has been elected as a member of the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly from the Andole constituency in Medak district in 1989, 2004 and 2009.
He was Minister for Primary education in 2004 and Minister for Marketing and Warehousing in the 2009 YS Rajasekhar Reddy cabinet and later with K. Rosaiah. He was also Chairman of SC Finance Corporation.
He became Deputy Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh on 10 June 2011.
Positions held
Minister for Marketing and Warehousing 2009 - 2010
Minister for Primary Education 2007 - 2009
Chairman — SC Finance Corporation
Personal life
Damodar Raja Narasimha is married to Padmini. They have a daughter.
Damodaram Sanjivayya
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Damodaram Sanjivayya
దామోదరం సంజీవయ్య
Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh
In office
11 January 1960 – 12 March 1962
Preceded by Neelam Sanjiva Reddy
Succeeded by Neelam Sanjiva Reddy
Personal details
Born 14 February 1921
Peddapdu Village, Madras Presidency, British India
(now in Andhra Pradesh, India)
Nationality Indian
Political party Indian National Congress
Cabinet Government of India
Portfolio Minister of Labour and Employment(9 June 1964 – 23 January 1966)
Religion Hinduism
Damodaram Sanjivayya ( 14 February 1921 – 8 May 1972) was the chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, India from 11 January 1960 to 12 March 1962.
Early life
Damodaram Sanjivayya was born in a dalit family in Peddapadu village of Kallur Mandal in Kurnool district. His father died when he was young. He was a brilliant student at the Municipal school and he took a bachelor's degree in law from Madras Law College. Even as a student, he actively participated in the Indian freedom movement.
Career
Damodaram Sanjivayya was Minister in the composite Madras State. He was the member of the provisional parliament 1950–52. In 1962, Sanjivayya also became the first dalit leader from Andhra Pradesh to become All India Congress Committee president.
He was Minister of Labour and Employment under Lal Bahadur Shastry between 9 June 1964 and 23 January 1966.
Chief Minister
He had the distinction of becoming the first chief minister among the first Dalit leaders to have shouldered such high responsibilities in the cause of service to the Nation. He was known for his administrative ability and for his uprightness of character.
He wrote a book on Labour problems and industrial development in India, in 1970 published by Oxford and IBH Pub. Co., New Delhi.
Honours
His statue was erected opposite Public Gardens in Nampally, Hyderabad
A park, Sanjeevaiah park on the banks of Hussain Sagar in Hyderabad was named in his honor. His grave is also located inside the park.
Damodaram Sanjivayya National Law University, Visakhapatnam one of the premier legal institutions in the country has been named in his honour
India Post issued a commemorative postage stamp in his honour (INR 5.00) on 14 February 2008
Dasaratha Deb
Remembering Comrade Dasaratha Deb on His Birth Centenary
Gautam Das
AS the oath-taking ceremony of members elected to the first Lok Sabha was in progress in Parliament House, New Delhi, in 1952, a Leftist member of Parliament from West Bengal drew the attention of the Speaker to a fair and handsome tribal youth and said, “He is Dasaratha Deb, elected to Parliament as a Communist candidate from East Tripura (ST reserved) seat. But still he is being hounded by police with arrest warrant. He has been elected while being in underground.” The Leftist member then urged Speaker G V Mavalankar to intervene in lifting the arrest warrant against Dasaratha Deb. Mavalankar assured him to protect the rights of the elected members and directed Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to take urgent measure on lifting arrest warrant against Dasaratha Deb. Only then, the arrest warrant against Deb was withdrawn. This was the story how Dasaratha Deb came out of his almost five years of underground life.
Early Life & Education
Comrade Dasaratha Debbarma, a legendary leader of the Indian Communist movement, was born into a poor peasant family in remote Ampura village of Khowai subdivision on 2nd February, 1916, in an era when Tripura was ruled by a feudal tribal king. The king was never interested in establishing even primary schools for the tribal subject living in villages and hills. Neither there was any pucca road nor any provision of safe drinking water in the tribal-dominated villages of Tripura. Only a few schools were set up in capital town of Agartala and some other towns for the wards of royal families and those of bureaucrats and employees of the administration. Since childhood, Deb was very eager to obtain education. But it was hardly affordable for his poor family to send him to town for education. Due to his indomitable eagerness, he was later admitted in Khowai primary school. And after he passed matriculation examinations, he was admitted in Brindaban College of Habiganj of Sylhet District under erstwhile East Bengal, as Tripura had no college then. After passing Intermediate and BA, Debbarma got admitted in Calcutta University for MA. Simultaneously, he pursued a law degree.
In 1940, CPI Comilla District Committee working under the Bengal Provincial Committee initiated formation of a Party unit in Tripura. The first unit of the Party in Agartala was formed with some local youths including Comrade Biren Datta who, besides Debbarma, was elected to the first Lok Sabha from Tripura. The Agartala Branch of CPI first started building up mass organisations with the working people of Agartala, mostly Bengalis. The tribal masses, though subjected to tremendous exploitation and repression by the feudal kings, were loyal subjects of the monarchy. Since the royal administration was totally against providing education to the tribal masses, the Communist Party gave priority to providing education to the tribal people. Comrade Biren Datta held a secret discussion about spreading the light of education among the tribal people with boarding inmates of Umakanta Academy, the oldest educational institution of Agartala. Only a handful of tribal students joined the first meeting. It was decided that an organisation would be formed with the core objective of spreading education among the tribal people. Comrade Debbarma was contacted in Kolkata and apprised of the mission. Soon, he came to Tripura, leaving his post-graduate study never to go back again.
Formation of Janashiksha Samity
On 27th December, 1945, a group of 11 educated tribal youths formed the historic Janashiksha Samity with Dasaratha Debbarma as its vice-president. Within a few months of its inception, it established no less than 400 schools in tribal-dominated hills and villages. The educated and moderately educated tribal youths were appointed as teachers. The villagers constructed school buildings, provided accommodation and food, and paid minimal allowance to the teachers. Subsequently, the tribal people in their large numbers came out in support of Janashiksha Samity. Alongside establishment of news schools, the leaders of Janashiksha Samity raised demand for recognition of these schools by the royal administration. They submitted a deputation to Mr Brown, a retired British Army Officer who was the then education minister of the king’s administration. After visiting many schools founded by the Samity, Mr Brown accorded recognition to 300 of these schools. Naturally, Maharaja Bir Bikram Kishore Debbarman got very much annoyed with his education minister for according recognition to these schools and Mr Brown had to resign and leave the state.
In 1946, the king passed a secret order to the police to book Janashiksha Samity leaders. On the other hand, the king convened a conference of tribals sarders (village chiefs) with a view to form a parallel organisation to Janashiksha Samity in the name of ‘Tripur Sangha’. Some of the tribal sardars in writing proposed to the king to invite Janashiksha Samity leaders also. But the night before the conference, the police arrested three Janashiksha Samity leaders including its secretary Hemanta Debbarma. Since then Comrade Dasaratha Debbarma had been underground only to come out in public after withdrawal of the arrest warrant at the instance of the Lok Sabha Speaker following his election to Parliament in 1952.
Armed Resistance
After Maharaja Bir Bikram Kishore Debbarman’s death in 1946, his widow was appointed as Regent King and the central government deputed some ICS officers, all Bengalis, to act as Dewan for assisting the Regent Administration. During the Dewani rule in Tripura, state terror and repression on Janashiksha Samity leaders and supporters was widened and intensified. Military and police forces were given free hand to carry out raids and arsons in tribal villages and arrest tribal youths indiscriminately and kill them at whims. This one-sided drive of barbarism on the innocent tribal people by police and Army jawans continued in 1947 and 1948. To cope with this most adverse situation, the leaders of Janashiksha Samity felt it necessary to form an armed organisation to combat this state terror and for self-defence. Comrade Dasaratha Debbarma discussed the situation with the Communist leaders of the state. In March, 1948, Tripura Rajya Mukti Parishad, headed by Dasaratha Deb, was formed. The Mukti Parishad had two wings -- political and armed. Comrade Dasaratha Debbarma and his colleagues worked hard to form Mukti Parishad units in every village to combat the police and army atrocities. Simultaneously, they outlined a secret political move to hold a massive rally and procession in the capital town of Agartala.
Accordingly, thousands of tribal masses were mobilised in various points, 10 to 20 km away from Agartala. On 15th August, 1948, a stream of thousands of tribal people from Durga Chowdhury Para, a tribal village, 12 km from Agartala, converged in Agartala flooding the entire town and held a rally at the heart of the city and dispersed peacefully. The people of Agartala town were spellbound to see such an undeclared, huge but regimented rally of Mukti Parishad and the police administration including its intelligence wing got baffled as they were completely in dark about it. Before commencing the procession from Durga Chowdhury Para, Dasaratha Deb addressed a gathering there. Mukti Parishad leaders decided not to send Deb to Agartala because they rightly anticipated that if the Supreme Commander of the resistance movement was arrested, it would be a serious setback to the resistance movement. Following the successful rally and procession in Agartala town, Mukti Parishad was fast gaining popularity among the villagers and on the contrary, the Regent administration more aggressively unleashed its barbarism by means of police and military actions. On the advice of Nishan Sardar, a senior tribal sardar, Dasaratha Debbarma attended a meeting of tribal sardars in a village in Khowai subdivision. He addressed the meeting attended by more than thousand sardars, explaining ideals and objectives of the Mukti Parishad and distributed its manifesto among them. This move helped expansion of the organisation in the entire state.
When the Golaghati mass killing in October 1948 evoked tremendous resentment among the tribal masses against the Bengali population, the Mukti Parishad led by Dasaratha Debbarma cautioned the tribal people against this suicidal anti-Bengali ethnic spite. After the Golaghati incident, Deb felt the urgency of forming guerrilla squads to resist police and army atrocities. Mukti Parishad leaders started contacting with tribal youths serving in the police force and those who were appointed in army during the Second World War. Dasaratha Debbarma put priority to form such armed guerrilla units of Mukti Parishad first in Khowai and Sadar subdivisions because these two subdivisions were the worst hit by police and army barbarism.
On 26th March, 1949, the military carried out a raid at Padmabill village at Khowai subdivision in search of Dasarath Deb. In the process, faced with resistance from women and young girls of the village, the military opened fire on the unarmed women and three young women -- Kumari Debbarma, Madhuti Debbarma and Rupashree Debbarma -- were shot to death on the spot. Mukti Parishad decided to form cultural squads to highlight the tales of heroic martyrdom of these three tribal women through folk songs and folk dances. Even today, 26th March is being observed as “Martyrs’ Day” in remembrance of these three young women of Padmabill, the first women martyrs of the state in the movement for democracy. These killings of the tribal farmers at Golaghati and tribal women at Padmabill made the armed resistance movement of the Mukti Parishad even more effective and it spread further with many tribal and non-tribal youths joining the movement.
On 15th October 1949, Tripura acceded to Indian Union, thus ending the ‘regency council’ and ‘Dewani’ rule. The central government led by Congress party appointed civil service officer V Nanjappa as the chief commissioner of the state. Nanjappa boastfully declared that he crushed the armed struggle of Telangana in Andhra Pradesh, so it would be matter of a few days to crush the armed struggle led by the Mukti Parishad in Tripura. With the help of Congress leader Sachindra Lal Singha, Nanjappa revived ‘Tripur Sangha’ to counter Mukti Parishad. Nanjappa first declared ‘military rule’ in whole of the state. But his boastful utterances were soon proved to be a hoax by the guerrilla fighters of the Mukti Parishad. Most of the tribal dominated areas of the state turned ‘free-land’ where the leadership of the Mukti Parishad established a parallel administration. Tribal population of the state would call Dasaratha Debbarma as a ‘King without a Crown’. The relationship between Dasaratha Debbarma, his colleagues and the Communist Party became more cordial during this phase of armed struggle. The news of the armed struggle of the people of Telangana, the armed struggle of the farmers of Kakdwip of West Bengal or the armed struggle of the peasants of Hajong in East Pakistan highly inspired the leaders and followers of the Mukti Parishad. In early fifties, Dasarath Deb and his co-fighter Hemanta Debbarma deduced that the Communists were the only people who stood behind their movement from its beginning. After prolonged discussions, Dasrath Deb sent Hemanta Debbarma to Agartala to contact the leaders of the Communist Party.
Communist Movement
Some days later, during a meeting of the Mukti Parishad central committee at Chachu Bazar at Sadar, report came in that the Polit Bureau of the Communist Party had sent Comrade Pranesh Biswas of Assam to meet the leaders of Mukti Parishad. Dasarath Deb invited Comrade Biswas to the meeting. In the meeting, Comrade Biswas explained the aims and ideology of the Communist Party and requested the leaders of the Mukti Parishad to join the Communist Party. All the leaders of the then Mukti Parishad accepted the views expressed by Dasarath Deb in joining the CPI. All the 41 central committee members of the Mukti Parishad filled in the ‘form for membership’ on a white piece of paper and joined the Communist Party. During mid-fifties, the Central Committee of Communist Party sent Comrade Nripen Chakraborty, Dr Bijoy Basu and two other comrades to help build up the Party organisation in Tripura. Comrade Chakraborty and Dr. Basu met Dasarath Deb at an underground place in Khowai for the first time using pseudo names, as the Communist Party was banned during the period.
Dasarath Debbarma was a person with a unique sense of practical intelligence and unparallel organisational acumen who led the armed resistance struggle as its supreme commander, joined the Communist Party in 1950. Within one year he was elected as a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of India. In the second half of 1951, the first general election to the Lok Sabha was announced. The situation was fast changing. Although the Mukti Parishad was bent upon to carry on the armed resistance movement, the central government reinforced the army and started setting up of army camps even in remote areas. The situation turned so bad, that it became very hard to carry on the armed struggle. In the Central Committee meeting of the Mukti Parishad, which was attended among others by Nripen Chakraborty and Dr. Bijoy Basu, the new situation was discussed extensively. Dasaratha Debbarma put a proposal in the meeting that Chakraborty should send a note to the party Polit Bureau informing the overall situation of the state and the majority views of Mukti Parishad to take part in the election. But Chakraborty requested Debbarma to write the note. Accordingly, Debbarma prepared a note and sent it to the party central leaders. By this time, the ban on the Communist Party was withdrawn and the Party decided to participate in the election. CPI nominated Comrade Dasaratha Debbarma from the East Tripura (ST) constituency despite the fact that he was carrying a permanent warrant of arrest. In the electoral roll of 1952 Lok Sabha election, instead of ‘Dasaratha Debbarma’ his name was printed as ‘Dasaratha Deb’. Then he was in underground and had no scope to rectify it. He filed his nomination in the later name and since then he was recognised as ‘Dasaratha Deb’.
The name of Tripura Rajya Mukti Parishad was later changed to the Tripura Rajya Gana Mukti Parishad. In 1964 when the Communist Party of India got divided and Communist Party of India (Marxist) came into existence as a separate political party, the name of Tripura Rajya Gana Mukti Parishad was changed to Tripura Rajya Upajati Gana Mukti Parishad, popularly known as GMP, with Dasarath Debbarma continuing as its president till his death.
In 1947, following the Partition, an unprecedented situation set in. A large number of Bengali Hindus started entering the state for shelter from then East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). This refugee influx reversed the demographic composition of the state, turning the majority tribal population into a minority. The economically and academically backward and unprivileged tribal people were forced to an uneven competition with the comparatively advanced Bengali community. Simultaneously, after the Partition, Tripura geographically became an isolated state from the mainland. The way the then central government dealt with the refugee problem of Punjab with proper rehabilitation, it was not same for the states of West Bengal, Assam and Tripura. On the contrary, the Congress party and its government instigated the Bengali refugees to grab tribal land illegally. A section of vested interests even tried to foment anti-Bengali sentiment among the tribals. Dasaratha Debbarma had to launch an ideological struggle to fight this sectarian tendency.
Dasaratha Deb was first elected to Parliament in 1952, and was re-elected in 1957, 1962 and 1971. In Lok Sabha, he forcefully raised the problems faced by the people of the state and the need for protecting the identity of the indigenous tribal people. He strongly raised the demands for formation of Autonomous Tribal District Council with the tribal inhabited areas of the state, protection of rights of the tribals on their land, and at the same time, proper and judicious rehabilitation of the Bengali refugees. He carried on relentless struggles in Parliament and outside for all-round development of the state. He played a valiant role in maintaining amity between tribal and non-tribal populations. He was in true sense a bridge between tribal and non-tribal communities and a symbol of unity and friendship in the state.
In 1971, when the people of Bangladesh were fiercely fighting for liberation, Dasaratha Deb speaking in Parliament demanded immediate recognition of independent Bangladesh by the Government of India.
During the 1960s and 70s, GMP and CPI(M) started a high pitched mass movement on four-point charter of demands: Formation of Autonomous District Council with the tribal dominated areas of the state according to the 6th Schedule of the Constitution; Restoration of illegally transferred land to the tribal owners from the non–tribal occupiers; Strictly adherence of the constitutional provisions of reservation in government jobs and education for tribals; and Recognition of ‘Kokborok’, the mother tongue of the majority tribals of the state as second language and introduction of different tribal languages in the schools as mode of teaching, thus recognition of mother tongue as medium of education.
As a result of the united movement for decades, the people of Tripura gave a historic verdict in the assembly elections in 1977. In the 60-member assembly, the Left Front bagged 56 seats, TUJS own the rest four. Having failed to build any organisation among the tribal people, the Congress party instigated some middle class tribal youths in 1967 to give birth to a regional party -- Tripura Upajati Yuba Samity (TUJS) -- to counter GMP. Comrade Dasaratha Deb, the legendary leader of the historic Janashiksha Samity, became the education minister in the first Left Front government, led by Nripen Chakraborty. Today, Tripura tops in literacy rate in the whole country, thanks to the unforgettable contributions of Comrade Dasaratha Deb in the sphere of education.
The establishment of Left Front government in Tripura could not be tolerated by the Congress party as well as the communal, sectarian elements of the state and the imperialist forces. The passage of a bill for formation of Tripura Tribal Autonomous District Council and setting up of a tribunal for restoration of the illegally transferred land to the indigenous tribal owners in a Bengali majority Tripura assembly enraged the vested interests both inside and outside the state who hatched a conspiracy to dethrone the Left Front government. They instigated fierce ethnic riots in June, 1980, in which about 1,400 innocent men and women lost their lives and 3,15,000 people had to take shelter in relief camps. The perpetrators even conducted a raid on the residence of Dasaratha Deb in Agartala. He was compelled to take shelter in the official residence of the then chief minister, along with his family members.
In December 1978, TUJS started an armed terrorist-secessionist organisation TNV. It sent its cadres to jungles of the Chittagong hills in Bangladesh for arms training, aided by US intelligence agency CIA and Pakistan’s ISI. They unleashed a terror reign committing mass killings, abduction of innocent people and arsons, with a slogan for ‘Independent Tripura’. The main target of their attacks were the leaders and organisers of CPI(M) and GMP. These killing squads of TNV carried out at least three assassination attempts on Comrade Dasaratha Deb during election campaign in 1983. In two of these attempts, though he was narrowly saved, many of his security guards were killed. In 1993, Comrade Dasaratha Deb became the chief minister of Tripura.
Comrade Dasaratha Deb was a prolific writer. He had written many articles and booklets shunning fundamentalism, secessionism and sectarianism. Throughout his life he struggled for unity and integrity of the state of Tripura. He played a vigorous role in ideological struggle inside the Party since he was elected to the Central Committee in 1951. In 1964, he was one of the 32 Central Committee members who disassociated themselves from CPI to form CPI(M) in its 7th Congress in Kolkata. Because of his prolonged illness, he could not attend the 16th Party Congress in Kolkata in 1998. He wrote to the General Secretary of the Party requesting to be relieved from the Central Committee. Just two days after the Party Congress concluded, this great fighting leader of the Indian Communist movement breathed his last on October 16.
The state of Tripura has been observing the birth centenary of Comrade Dasaratha Deb since February 2. Comrade Dasaratha Deb shall remain alive among the people of Tripura as well as of the country for eternity as one of the founder leaders of the historic Janashiksha Samity and as an architect of modern, democratic Tripura.
https://peoplesdemocracy.in/2015/1011_pd/remembering-comrade-dasaratha-deb-his-birth-centenary
Dukhan Ram
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Dukhan Ram
Born 15 July 1899
Died 16 April 1990 (aged 90)
Patna, Bihar, India
Occupation Ophthalmologist
Medical academic
Years active 1926–1990
Known for Medical and general academics
Children Six children
Awards Padma Bhushan
Dukhan Ram (1899–1990) was an Indian ophthalmologist, academic, legislator and the vice chancellor of Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar Bihar University. He was the principal of Patna Medical College, one of the oldest medical colleges in India, and the president of Arya Pradeshik Pratinidhi Sabha, a satellite organization of Arya Samaj, founded by Dayanand Saraswati. He successfully contested the 1962 Bihar Legislative Assembly election from Sasaram constituency, on Indian National Congress candidature and served as the president of All India Ophthalmological Society in 1961. The Government of India awarded him the third highest civilian honour of the Padma Bhushan, in 1962, for his contributions to medical science.
Biography
Dukhan Ram was born on 15 July 1899 in a Vaisya family with poor financial means in Sasaram in the Indian state of Bihar and did his early education at local schools in Shahabad district in difficult circumstances as his father died when he was only four. It is reported that his studies were with the help of scholarship as well as the earnings from part-time jobs as a tutor and as a garment peddler during holidays. His marriage took place when he was 16 years of age but he continued his education and joined Calcutta Medical College in 1920 to graduate in medicine from there in 1926, during which time he studied Bachelor of Science course concurrently to pass out in 1925. His medical internship was at Patna Medical College from 1927 after which he did higher studies in Ophthalmology (DLO and DOMS) at the Royal College of Surgeons of London. Returning to India in 1934, he joined Patna Medical College as a faculty member of the Ophthalmology and otorhinolaryngology department where he rose in ranks to become the professor of the department in 1944. During his tenure there, the institution started four courses, DO, DLO, MS (Eye) and MS (ENT).
Two years before the Indian independence, the British Government awarded Ram the title of Rai Sahib in 1945. He was involved with Arya Samaj and served as the president of the Bihar chapter of the Arya Pratinidhi Sabha in 1951, as the vice president of the national organization in 1956 and presided the International Arya League held in Mauritius in 1957. The same year, he was chosen to operate on Rajendra Prasad, the then President of India. He continued his association with Indian President's office by serving as the honorary ophthalmic surgeon to the next four presidents viz. Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, Zakir Husain, Varahagiri Venkata Giri and Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed. In 1959, he was appointed as the principal of Patna Medical College and it was during his tenure as the principal, he was selected as the vice chancellor of Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar Bihar University. As the vice chancellor, he was reported to have contributed in the establishment of Rajendra Institute of Medical Sciences, Ranchi as well as the medical colleges in Muzaffarpur and Bhagalpur. When the Government of India set up a Health Survey and Planning Committee for reviewing medical relief and public health services and proposing guidelines, chaired by A. Lakshmanaswami Mudaliar (later known as Mudaliar Committee) in 1959, he was selected as a member of the committee.
Ram was the founder president of the Bihar unit of the All India Ophthalmological Society, chaired the organizing committee of Patna and Jamshedpur annual conferences in 1952 and 1956 respectively and was the national president of the organization in 1961. He presided the 1953 and 1961 national conferences of otorhinolaryngologists and ophthalmologists held in Hyderaba and was the president of Bihar chapter of the Indian Medical Association during 1954–55. He was the founder-president of IASINDIA - Institute of Administrative Studies, a Patna-based institution of higher studies in administration and management. He was one of the founders of the National Academy of Medical Sciences and was its elected fellow (1961). The Government of India awarded him the civilian honor of the Padma Bhushan in 1962. Later, he contested the Bihar Legislative Assembly election of 1962 as an Indian National Congress candidate from Sasaram assembly constituency and won against Bipan Behari Sinha of Praja Socialist Party by a margin of 11984 votes.
Dukhan Ram, whose wife had predeceased him, died on 16 April 1990 in Patna, aged 90 and survived by his six children. A public school in Patna, Dr. Dukhan Ram DAV Public School, has been named after him. The Bihar and Jharkhand State Branch of The Association Of Otorhinolaryngology and Head and Neck Surgeons Of India have instituted an annual oration, Dr. Dukhan Ram Memorial Oration, in his honour.
E. Suresh Kumar
THE VICE CHANCELLOR
PROF. E. SURESH KUMAR,
Vice Chancellor
Prof. E. Suresh Kumar has vast teaching and administrative experience in Osmania University, Hyderabad. He has published several books and research articles. He has guided several students in the field of English Language Education.
Prof. Suresh has served as the Registrar of Osmania University for two years (2014-16). He also held several positions in Osmania university as Professor of English, Director, District PG Colleges, Director, Regional Centre for Urban and Environmental Studies, Dean, College Development Council, Head, Dept of English, Director, English Language Training Centre, Director, Centre for English Language Training, Students Advisor, NSS Programme Coordinator (University Level), NSS Training Coordinator (University Level), Director, Canadian Studies Centre, etc. He was the Governor’s Nominee on the Selection Committee of University Teachers.
Countries & Universities visited: The USA, the UK, the UAE, France, Germany, Switzerland, Belgium, Thailand, Malaysia, Laos, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Cambridge University, Oxford University, University of Warwick, Stony Brooke University, University of Southern California, Thames Valley University, etc.
International English Language Specialist and Soft Skills Trainer: Trained the employees of different companies such as MyPec, Kuala Lumpur; MyPec, Bangkok; La Champa, Vientiane, Laos, etc.
Educational Qualifications: M.A., M.Sc.(Psychology)., M.A.Litt., PhD.
He assumed charge as the Vice Chancellor of The EFL University on 23.06.2017.
Hemant Soren
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Hemant Soren
Assumed office
29 December 2019
Governor Draupadi Murmu
Preceded by Raghubar Das
In office
13 July 2013 – 28 December 2014
Governor Syed Ahmed
Preceded by President's rule
Succeeded by Raghubar Das
In office
7 January 2015 – 28 December 2019
Governor Syed Ahmed
Chief Minister Raghubar Das
Preceded by Arjun Munda
Succeeded by Babulal Marandi
Assumed office
13 July 2013
Preceded by Shibu Soren
In office
11 September 2010 – 18 January 2013
Serving with Sudesh Mahto
Governor M. O. H. Farook
Chief Minister Arjun Munda
Preceded by President's rule
Succeeded by President's rule
Assumed office
2014
Preceded by Hemlal Murmu
Constituency Barhait
In office
23 December 2019 – 6 January 2020
Preceded by Louis Marandi
Succeeded by Basant Soren
Constituency Dumka
In office
2009–2014
Constituency Dumka
In office
24 June 2009 – 7 July 2010
Constituency Jharkhand
Personal details
Born 10 August 1975 (age 45)
Nemara, Ramgarh, Bihar (now in Jharkhand) India
Nationality Indian
Political party Jharkhand Mukti Morcha
Spouse(s) Kalpana Soren
Relations Basant Soren (Brother)
Children 2
Father Shibu Soren
Website cm.jharkhand.gov.in
Hemant Soren (born 10 August 1975) is an Indian politician from Jharkhand, who is the current Chief Minister of Jharkhand. Previously, he had also served as the Chief Minister of Jharkhand from July 2013 to December 2014. He is also the president of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, a political party in Jharkhand.
Early life
Soren was born in Nemara in Ramgarh district, Bihar (now in Jharkhand) to Roopi and Shibu Soren, former Chief Minister of Jharkhand. Hemant has two brothers and a sister. His educational qualification is Intermediate from Patna High School, Patna, Bihar. As per affidavit filed before Election Commission, Hemant enrolled in BIT Mesra, Ranchi in Mechanical Engineering, but dropped out.
Career
He was a member of Rajya Sabha from 24 June 2009 to 4 January 2010. He started his political career as Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) on 23 December 2009. Later on, he became Jharkhand deputy CM on 11 September 2010 till 8 January 2013.
As Chief Minister
He was sworn in as the Chief Minister of Jharkhand on 15 July 2013 with support from Congress and RJD after President's rule was removed from the state. He was again elected as the Chief Minister of Jharkhand in December 2019, and sworn in on 29 December.
As Leader of Opposition[edit]
In 2016, the BJP government in Jharkhand tried amending the Chhota Nagpur Tenancy Act and the Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act which would allow owners and tenants of Adivasi land to use it for non-agricultural purposes and the other would allow transfer of Adivasi land for building roads, canals, educational institutions, hospitals, and other "government purposes". This led to huge protests in the state and Hemant had strongly protested against these amendments.
CM Raghubar Das had invited Hemant to the Global Investors Summit in 2017, but Hemant called the summit a "maha chintan shivir of land grabbers" and claimed that it is being organised to loot the land of Adivasis, Moolvasis and the farmers of the state.
In October 2017, he had demanded a CBI inquiry into the death of 11-year-old girl Santoshi Kumari who allegedly died of starvation in Simdega as the family was not given ration since July for not having Aadhaar number seeded to their bank account. Soren also demanded action against Chief Secretary Rajbala Verma, who, he said, had passed an order through video conferencing to remove the names of the families having not linked their Ration Cards with their Aadhaar number.
He has been a vocal protester of the Direct Benefit Transfer in PDS and recently, voiced his concerns on how the scheme has caused tremendous suffering and injustice. In April 2018, a JMM delegation led by Hemant Soren and his father Shibu Soren met the Hon'ble President Ramnath Kovind registering a strong protest on the dilution of the SC/ST by the Supreme Court and proposed amendments to the LARR Bill by the Jharkhand government
In March 2018, Hemant Soren met Telangana Chief Minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao regarding a possible non-Congress and non-BJP front should be formed in the country. However, he also attended a dinner hosted by UPA Chaiperson Sonia Gandhi where the agenda was to discuss a broader front against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) ahead of the 2019 general elections.
He supports the call for banning liquor in Jharkhand on the footsteps of Bihar. In response to the entry of liquor retail outlets in the state, he said "Now government will open liquor outlets in villages, which will ultimately impact the lives of poor tribals in Jharkhand. I appeal to the rural residents of the state to not allow liquor outlets in their villages." He added women's organizations would have to come forward to launch a struggle against government's liquor campaign.
Chief Minister 2019–
On 29 December 2019, following the victory of the JMM, INC, RJD coalition in 2019 Jharkhand Legislative Assembly election, Hemant Soren was sworn in as Chief Minister of Jharkhand alongside Congress leaders Alamgir Alam and Rameshwar Oraon, and lone RJD legislator Satyanand Bhokta.
Awards and honors
Soren was awarded Champions of Change Award in 2019, for his exceptional work for Dumka and Barhait constituency in the state of Jharkhand. The award was conferred by Shri Pranab Mukherjee at Vigyan Bhavan New Delhi on 20 January 2020.
Personal life
Soren is married to Kalpana Soren and has two sons. He has a younger brother, Basant Soren, and a sister, Anjali. He is an ardent follower of Birsa Munda, the nineteenth century tribal warrior, and takes inspiration from his courage and valour.
Jitan Ram Manjhi
Jitan Ram Manjhi (born October 6, 1944) is a seasoned Indian politician from Bihar, serving as the Union Minister of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSME) since June 2024. Hailing from the Mahadalit Musahar community—a Scheduled Caste group historically marginalized and known for rat-catching and farming—he rose from poverty to become Bihar's Chief Minister (2014–2015), the first from his community to hold the post. Nicknamed "Mushahar ka Laal" (the son of Musahars), Manjhi's career embodies resilience against caste discrimination, navigating alliances across parties like Congress, RJD, JD(U), and now leading the Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular) within the BJP-led NDA. At 81, he remains a vocal advocate for Dalit empowerment, demanding greater representation for Mahadalits in Bihar politics, including a recent call for 20-25 seats in the upcoming assembly elections. His journey from a rat-eater's son to a cabinet minister highlights Bihar's turbulent politics, marked by loyalty shifts, brief power stints, and unyielding community focus.
Early Life and Education
Jitan Ram Manjhi was born into abject poverty in Mahakar village, Khijrasarai block, Gaya district, Bihar, to farm laborers Ramjit Manjhi and Sukri Devi. As a Musahar, his family faced severe caste-based oppression; the community was stereotyped for consuming rats during famines, a narrative Manjhi later reframed as survival ingenuity. He received early tutoring from an upper-caste teacher, permitted by his landlord, up to Class 7. Despite financial hardships, Manjhi pursued higher education, graduating from Gaya College under Magadh University. Post-graduation, he worked for 13 years at the Gaya telephone exchange as a linesman until his younger brother joined the police force, easing family burdens. These formative years instilled a deep commitment to uplifting his community, fueling his entry into social work and politics.
Family and Personal Life
Manjhi married Shanti Devi in 1956; the couple has seven children—two sons and five daughters. His elder son, Santosh Kumar Suman, is a prominent politician and Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) from Amas, Gaya, as well as a Member of the Legislative Council (MLC), carrying forward the family legacy in the Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM). Manjhi, a resident of New Delhi since his ministerial role, maintains a low-key personal life rooted in simplicity. He credits his wife's support for his endurance in politics and often invokes his community's struggles in speeches, positioning himself as a bridge between grassroots Dalits and national power structures.
Political Career and Activism
Manjhi's four-decade political odyssey reflects Bihar's volatile landscape, with frequent party switches amid caste coalitions and power plays:
- Early Entry (1980–1990, Indian National Congress): Joined Congress in 1980, winning the Fatehpur assembly seat in Gaya district. Appointed a minister in Chandrashekhar Singh's cabinet, he secured re-election in 1985 and served as Minister of State under Bindeshwari Dubey, Satyendra Narayan Sinha, and Jagannath Mishra. Lost in 1990 amid anti-Congress waves.
- Janata Dal and RJD Era (1990–2005): Switched to Janata Dal post-1990 defeat. After the 1996 split, joined Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), winning a 1996 by-election from Barachatti (SC) and re-election in 2000. As Education Minister under Lalu Prasad Yadav and Rabri Devi, he oversaw expansions in primary education but faced scrutiny over the fodder scam era.
- JD(U) and Rise to Chief Minister (2005–2015): Defected to Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)) after RJD's 2005 loss to NDA. Won Barachatti in 2005 but resigned the next day over a 1990s fake B.Ed. degree scandal from his education tenure; cleared in 2008, he was re-inducted into Nitish Kumar's cabinet as SC/ST Welfare Minister. Won Makhdumpur (SC) in 2010 and lost the 2014 Gaya Lok Sabha poll. Appointed Chief Minister on May 20, 2014, after Kumar's resignation post-Lok Sabha drubbing. His 9-month tenure focused on Dalit welfare but ended in crisis: Expelled from JD(U) in February 2015 for refusing to resign amid NDA-RJD realignment, he stepped down before a trust vote, alleging threats to supporters.
- Founding HAM and NDA Alignment (2015–Present): Launched Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular) in March 2015, allying with BJP for 2015 Bihar polls (contesting 20 seats, winning 1). Served as Pro-tem Speaker of Bihar Assembly (November 2020). In 2024, won Gaya (SC) Lok Sabha seat on HAM ticket as NDA candidate, defeating RJD's Ajay Kumar by over 1 lakh votes. Sworn in as MSME Minister on June 10, 2024, becoming the Modi cabinet's oldest member at 79.
Manjhi's activism centers on Mahadalit upliftment, pushing for sub-quotas in reservations and critiquing upper-caste dominance. He has mentored youth in Gaya and used platforms to highlight Musahar issues like landlessness and education gaps.
Key Contributions and Initiatives
- Dalit Empowerment: As SC/ST Minister, expanded hostels and scholarships for Mahadalits; as CM, initiated probes into caste atrocities.
- MSME Focus: Since 2024, advocated for credit access and tech integration for small enterprises, drawing from Bihar's rural economy.
- Electoral Reforms: Pushed for secret ballots in trust votes during his 2015 ouster. No major awards are documented, but his 2024 cabinet induction is seen as a milestone for Dalit representation.
Controversies
Manjhi's blunt style has sparked backlash:
- 2014 Hoarding Remark: Defended small traders' black marketing as essential for "sustenance and children's education" amid food inflation, drawing criticism for undermining anti-hoarding laws.
- 2021 Brahmin Comment: Suggested Brahmins were "foreigners" in a caste discourse, igniting fury from upper-caste groups and demands for his sacking.
- Fake Degree Scandal (2005): Briefly resigned over alleged involvement in a B.Ed. racket, though later cleared.
- Political Flip-Flops: Accused of opportunism for multiple defections, including his dramatic 2015 JD(U) exit.
Recent Activities (2024–2025)
As of October 2025, Manjhi remains influential in NDA-Bihar dynamics. On October 6, 2025—his 81st birthday—he publicly demanded 20-25 seats for HAM in the 2025 Bihar assembly elections, signaling alliance negotiations with Nitish Kumar's JD(U) and BJP amid Mahagathbandhan challenges. In June 2024, he cast his vote in Gaya with family, urging high turnout. Earlier, in January 2024, he commented on Bihar's political flux, predicting shifts in alliances. As MSME Minister, he has focused on schemes like PMEGP enhancements for Dalit entrepreneurs. In a June 2024 profile, he reflected on expectations as the cabinet's elder statesman, emphasizing community pride. Manjhi continues tweeting on X (@JitanRamManjhi) about caste justice and NDA unity.
Jitan Ram Manjhi's legacy is one of defiant ascent, symbolizing hope for India's most disenfranchised while navigating the perils of coalition politics.
Jagannath Pahadia
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jagannath Pahadia
In office
27 July 2009 – 26 July 2014
Preceded by A. R. Kidwai
Succeeded by Kaptan Singh Solanki
In office
3 March 1989 – 2 February 1990
Preceded by R. D. Pradhan
Succeeded by Mohammad Yunus Saleem
In office
6 June 1980 – 13 July 1981
Governor Raghukul Tilak
Preceded by President's rule
Succeeded by Shiv Charan Mathur
Personal details
Born 15 January 1932
Died 19 May 2021 (aged 89)
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Shanti Pahadia
Jagannath Pahadia (15 January 1932 – 19 May 2021) was an Indian politician and a leader of the Indian National Congress party. He was the Governor of Haryana, and Governor of Bihar and former Chief Minister of Rajasthan, his home state. He died on 19 May 2021 from COVID-19.
Early life and education
He was born in Bhusawar city of the present-day Bharatpur district of Rajasthan state in a Dalit family on 15 January 1932 to Nathilal Pahadia and Chanda Devi. He held M.A., LL.B., M.S.J. College, Bharatpur, Maharaja College, Jaipur and Law College Rajasthan University. He was an Ambedkarite.
Career
He was Chief Minister of Rajasthan state from 6 June 1980 to 14 July 1981 and was the first Dalit from Rajasthan to hold this position.
Pahadia served Rajasthan Legislative Assembly from 1998 till 2008 and 1980 to 1990.
He represented Sawai Madhopur (Lok Sabha constituency) in the 2nd Lok Sabha and Bayana constituency in Rajasthan in the 4th, 5th and 7th Lok Sabha His wife Shanti Pahadia was also a member of Lok Sabha. He was governor of Bihar from 3 March 1989 to 2 February 1990. Later, he served and was appointed the governor of Haryana from 27 July 2009 to 26 July 2014.
Jagjivan Ram
Babu Jagjivan Ram (5 April 1908 – 6 July 1986), known popularly as Babuji, was a freedom fighter and a social reformer hailing from the scheduled castes of Biharin India. He was from the Chamar caste and was a leader for his community. He was instrumental in foundation of the 'All-India Depressed Classes League', an organisation dedicated to attaining equality for untouchables, in 1935 and was elected to Bihar Legislative Assembly in 1937, that is when he organised, rural labour movement.
In 1946, he became the youngest minister in Jawaharlal Nehru's provisional government, the First Union Cabinet of India as a Labour minister, and also a member of Constituent Assembly of India, where he ensured that social justice was enshrined in the Constitution. He went on serve as a minister in the Indian parliament with various portfolios for more than forty years as a member of Indian National Congress (INC), most importantly he was the Defence Minister of India during the Indo-Pak war of 1971, which resulted in formation of Bangladesh. His contribution to the Green Revolution in India and modernising Indian agriculture, during his two tenures as Union Agriculture Minister are still remembered, especial during 1974 drought when he was asked to hold the additional portfolio to tide over the food crisis.Though he supported Indira Gandhi during the Emergency in India (1975–1977), he left Congress in 1977 and joined Janata Party alliance in 1977, along with hisCongress for Democracy, he later served as the Deputy Prime Minister of India (1977–1979), then in 1980, he formedCongress (J).
Early Life:
Jagjivan Ram was born at Chandwa near Arrah in Bihar, to a family of five siblings, elder brother Sant Lal, and three sisters. His father Sobhi Ram was with British Indian Army, posted at Peshawar, but later resigned due to some differences and bought some farming land in his native village Chandwa, and settled there. He also became a Mahant of Shiv Narayani sect, skilled in calligraphy he illustrated many book of the sect and distributed locally.
Young Jagjivan started going a local school in January 1914, but shortly afterward his father died prematurely, leaving him and his mother Vasanti Devi to economic hardships. He joined Aggrawal Middle School in Arrah in 1920, where the medium of instruction was English for the first time, and joined Arrah Town School in 1922, it was here that is faced caste discrimination for the first time, yet remained unfazed. An often cited incident occurred in the school, there was this tradition of having two water pots in the school, one for Hindus and another for Muslims, so when Jagjivan drank water from the Hindu pot, while being from an untouchable class, the matter was reported to the Principal, who placed a third pot for "untouchables" in the school, but this pot was broken by him twice, eventually the Principal decided against placing the third pot. A turning point in his life came in 1925, when Pt. Madan Mohan Malviya visited his school, and impressed by his welcome address, invited him to join Banaras Hindu University.
Jagjivan Ram passed his matriculation in the first division and joined the Banaras Hindu University (BHU) in 1927, where he was awarded the Birla scholarship, and passed his Inter Science Examination; while at BHU he organised the scheduled castes to protest against social discrimination. As a Dalit student, he would not be served meals in his hostel, denied haircut by local barbers, a Dalit barber would arrive from Ghazipur from occasionally to trim his hair, eventually he left BHU and pursued graduation from Calcutta University. In 2007, the BHU set up a Babu Jagjivan Ram Chair in its faculty of social sciences to study caste discrimination and economic backwardness.
He received a BSc degree from the University of Calcutta in 1931, here again he organised conferences to draw the attention towards issues of discrimination, and also participated in the anti-untouchability movement started by Mahatma Gandhi.
Divide and Rule by British
British introduced the 1935 Act and the scheduled castes were given representation in the legislatures, both the nationalists and the British loyalists sought him because of his first-hand knowledge of the social and economic situation in Bihar, Jagjivan Ram was nominated to the Bihar Council. He chose to go with the nationalists and joined Congress, which wanted him not only because he was valued as an able spokesperson for the depressed
classes, but also that he could counter Ambedkar; he was elected to the Bihar assembly in 1937. However, he resigned his membership on the issue of irrigation cess..
In 1935, he contributed to the establishment of the 'All-India Depressed Classes League', an organisation dedicated to attaining equality for untouchables. He remained President in the organisation from 1936 to 1946.He was also drawn into the Indian National Congress, in the same year he proposed a resolution in the 1935 session of the Hindu Mahasabha demanding that temples and drinking water wells be opened up to Dalits. and in the early 1940s was imprisoned twice for his active participation in the Satyagraha and the Quit India Movements. He was among the principal leaders who publicly denounced India's participation in the World War II between the European nations and for which he was imprisoned in 1940.
In 1946 he became the youngest minister in Jawaharlal Nehru's provisional government and also the subsequent First Indian Cabinet, as a Labour Minister, where he is credited for laying the foundation for several labour welfare policies in India.
Babu Jagjivan Ram & Dr. Anugrah Narayan Sinha after returning from International Labour Conference, 1947.
He was a part of the prestigious high profile Indian delegation that attended to attend the International Labour Organization(ILO)'s International Labour Conference on 16 August 1947 in Geneva along with the great Gandhian Bihar Bibhuti Dr.Anugrah Narayan Sinha his chief political mentor and also the then head of the delegation, and few days later he was elected President of the ILO. He served as Labour minister until 1952, later he several Ministerial posts in Nehru's Cabinet,Communications (1952–56), for Transport and railways (1956–62), and for Transport and communications (1962–63).
In Indira Gandhi's government he worked as minister for Labour, employment, and rehabilitation (1966–67), and Union minister for Food and agriculture (1967–70), where he is best remembered for having successfully led the Green Revolution during his tenure. When the Congress Party split in 1969, Jagjivan Ram joined the camp led by Indira Gandhi, and became the president of that faction of Congress (1969-71). He worked as the Minister of Defence (1970–74) making him the virtual No. 2 in the cabinet, minister for Agriculture and irrigation (1974–77). It was during his tenure as the minister of Defence that the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 was fought, and Bangladesh achieved independence. While loyal to prime minister Indira Gandhi for most of the Indian Emergency, in 1977 he along with five other politicians resigned from the Cabinet and formed theCongress for Democracy party, within the Janata coalition.
A few days before the elections, on a Sunday, Jagjivan Ram addressed an Opposition rally at the famous Ram Lila Grounds in Delhi. The national broadcaster Doordarshan allegedly attempted to stop crowds from participating in the demonstration by telecasting the blockbuster movie Bobby. The rally still drew large crowds, and a newspaper headline the next day ran "Babu beats Bobby" . He was the Deputy Prime Minister of India when Morarji Desai was the prime minister, from 1977 to 1979, though initially reluctant to join the cabinet, and was not present at the oath-taking ceremony on 27 March 1977; he eventually did so at the behest of Jai Prakash Narayan, who insisted that his presence for necessary, "not just as an individual but as a political and social force" and took oath later on. However, he was once again given the defence portfolio. Disillusioned with the Janata party he formed his own party, the Congress (J). He remained a member of Parliament till his death in 1986, after over forty years as a parliamentarian. He was elected from Sasaram parliament constituency in Bihar. His uninterrupted representation in the Parliament from 1936 to 1986 is a world record..
He formed Agricultural Labour Union in Bihar in 1937 and a member of AITUC since 1940. He remained in Jail from 1940 to 1942 for participating in civil disobedience and Quit India movement. He was a member of Congress Working Committee since 1948.
Positions held
He holds the record for being the longest-serving cabinet minister in India for 30 years. (Ref. Kendriya Mantripraishad 1947–2004, published by Loksabha Secretriate) Union Minister of Labour, 1946–1952. Union Minister for Communications, 1952–1956. Union Minister for Transport and Railways, 1956–1962. Union Minister for Transport and Communications, 1962–1963. Union Minister for Labour, Employment and Rehabilitation, 1966–1967. Union Minister for Food and Agriculture, 1967–1970. Union Minister of Defence, 1970–1974, 1977–1979. Union Minister of Agriculture and Irrigation, 1974–1977. Founding Member, Congress for Democracy party (aligned with Janata Party), 1977. Deputy Prime Minister of India, 23 March 1977 – 22 August 1979. Founder, Congress (J). He served as President of the Bharat Scouts and Guides from September 1976 to April 1983.
PERSONAL LIFE
In August 1933 his first wife died after a brief illness, thereafter in June 1935 he married Indrani Devi, a daughter of Dr. Birbal, a well-known social worker of Kanpur, and the couple had two children, Suresh Kumar and Meira Kumar.
LEGACY
The place he was cremated has been turned into the memorial Samata Sthal, and his birth anniversary is observed as Samatha Diwas., (Equality Day) in India, his centenary celebrations were held all over the nation in 2008, especially at his statues at the Parliament and at Nizam College; demands for awarding him posthumousBharat Ratna have been raised from time to time Hyderabad. Andhra Universitywhich had conferred an honorary doctorate on him in 1973, and in 2009 on the occasion of his 101st birth anniversary, his statue was unveiled on the university premises .
His daughter, Meira Kumar, is a prominent INC leader, who has won his former seatSasaram, both 2004 and 2009 and was later the Minister for Social Justice in theManmohan Singh government (2004 – '09), thereafter she became the Speaker of Lok Sabha in 2009. To propagate his ideologies, the 'Babu Jagjivan Ram National Foundation', has been set up by Ministry of Social Justice, Govt. of India in Delhi.
The first indigenously built electric locomotive to have been built in India, a WAM-1 model, was named after him, which was recently restored by the Eastern Railway.
BABU JAGJIVAN RAM—A PROFILE
Jagjivan Ram, endearingly called Babuji, was a freedom fighter and a crusader for social justice. His meteoric rise in public life saw him emerge as an eminent and popular political leader, who devoted his entire life working for the welfare of the country. He belonged to the vintage era of modern Indian politics. As national leader, parliamentarian, Union Minister and champion of depressed classes, he had a towering presence and played a long innings spanning half a century in Indian politics. His enduring and quintessentially twentieth century political legacy reminds us of the fervour, idealism and indomitable spirit of India's political leadership that not only fought and won freedom for the country, but also laid the firm foundation for a modern, democratic polity. Gifted with a flair for political leadership and moved by the ideals and goals of the socio-political events that enveloped the country, Babu Jagjivan Ram played a significant role in scripting our country's political and constitutional development and social change. A passionate leader dedicated to public life, he enjoyed immense respect from all quarters. Widely admired for his leadership qualities and organizational abilities, he always remained a force to be reckoned with in Indian politics.
EARLY LIFE
Jagjivan Ram was born on 5 April, 1908 at Chandwa, a small village, in Shahabad district, now named Bhojpur, in Bihar. His father, Shobhi Ram was in the British Army where he learnt English and became proficient in it. He was posted in Peshawar, but due to differences with the British he resigned. Thereafter Shobhi Ram returned to Bihar, bought agricultural land in Chandwa and settled there with his family. Being of religious disposition, he became the Mahant of the Shiv Narayani Sect. Sant Shobhi Ram was a skilled calligraphist and spread the teachings of his Sect by writing and illustrating books and distributing them among his followers. In January 1914, at the age of six, Jagjivan Ram was sent to the village pathshala. He had barely started school, when his father died leaving the young Jagjivan in the care of his mother Vasanti Devi , who despite the social and economic hardships, insisted on Jagjivan continuing his education. In 1919, at the age of eleven, Jagjivan Ram passed the upper primary examination. He was an exceptional student. The deep and abiding impressions of his Late father, religious atmosphere at home and love and affection of his mother and the village schoolmaster, Pandit Kapil Muni Tiwari were instrumental in shaping his character. After the upper primary education, Jagjivan Ram joined the Middle School, Arrah in January 1920. The medium of instruction in Middle School was English. Young Jagjivan worked day and night to learn English and eventually mastered the foreign language. He was advised by many to avail the scholarship offered to Harijan students. Confident of his ability to compete with the students in the general category, the young Jagjivan refused the scholarship offered to Harijan students. Instead, he competed with the other students and earned the scholarship based on his meritorious academic performance. Jagjivan's love for books and knowledge opened up a whole new world of ideas, thought and intellectual discourse. He would spend an hour in the library everyday to read books on different subjects. Jagjivan was fluent in many languages, besides Bhojpuri. He read extensively in Hindi, English, Bengali and Sanskrit. At 6:00 every morning he would walk 3 kilometres to the Arrah railway station to read ‘The Statesman’ newspaper as to keep abreast of all national and international news and developments. He came across Bankim Chandra's—Anand Math, a Bible for the young revolutionaries and freedom fighters. He was so inspired by it that he learnt Bengali to read the book in its original form. Jagjivan Ram joined the Arrah Town School in 1922. It was here for the first time that the young Jagjivan came face to face with the oppressive caste discrimination and bigotry of the upper castes that shackled his community for centuries and put abhorrent limits on him and his community's life. The school had separate water pitchers for Hindu and Muslim students. Some upper-caste boys refused to drink water out of the earthen pitcher touched by Jagjivan Ram and a separate pitcher was installed for the schedule castes. Outraged, Jagjivan Ram refused to tolerate this insult and broke the pitcher and when it was replaced he broke it again. Taking note of his protest the headmaster ordered that a common pitcher be installed for all the students. Though Jagjivan won his point, the discriminatory treatment meted out to him filled his heart with both grief and anger. In spite of this he passed his matriculation in first division and hundred per cent both in Sanskrit and Mathematics. By the time he passed out of the High School, he had earned the reputation of being a cut above the rest. In 1925, Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya visited Arrah and Jagjivan Ram, on the basis of his being the best student in the school, was asked to read the welcome address. Deeply impressed by the erudition and panache of the young Ram, Pandit Madan Mohan Malviya, invited Jagjivan Ram to study at the Banaras Hindu University. At the same time the Christian Mission at Chandwa had also offered to bear the expense of his education and urged his mother to send Jagjivan to Lucknow and then to America for higher studies. However, after some deliberations she turned them down. Vasanti Devi felt that changing religion was not an answer to the oppressive caste system and advised Jagjivan to join the Banaras Hindu University. Jagjivan Ram was to face further caste-based prejudices and hostility at Banaras Hindu University. Servants would not serve him, or wash his plates in the students' mess. But even as a new student, he commanded such respect and loyalty that the entire student body stood up in his support and resolved that henceforth each student would wash his own plate. But Jagjivan Ram did not want to create inconvenience to the entire hostel and decided to shift out. After passing the Inter Science Examination from BHU, Jagjivan Ram joined B.Sc. at Calcutta University and passed with distinction. Within six months of coming to Calcutta he organized a mazdoor rally at Wellington Square with about 35,000 people. The huge success of this rally brought him into the limelight and leaders like Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose took notice of him. During this period he got acquainted with Chandrshekhar Azad, Manmath Nath Gupt and other leading revolutionaries. He read Das Kapital, Communist Manifesto and other socialist literature that greatly influenced his ideology of a casteless and classless society. Since childhood Jagjivan Ram had dreamed of being a scientist. But as he grew up he could no longer ignore the socio-politico situations enveloping the country and he sacrified his personal ambitions to answer the call of his motherland. The student years strengthened his resolve to fight on two fronts, for the freedom of the country and for social equality. Foray into Politics and Freedom Struggle In 1934, an earthquake struck Bihar. Jagjivan Ram rushed back to North Bihar to organize relief work. He worked day and night to organize clothing, shelter, medical aid and other relief supplies for the people affected by the calamity. It was here during his work in the relief camps that he met Gandhiji for the first time, and realized that Mahatma Gandhi was the only national leader, who was fighting not only for the independence of the country but also for the emancipation of the depressed classes and Harijans. Gandhiji's fight was on both fronts. All other leaders chose one over the other. During his student years, Jagjivan Ram successfully organized a number of Ravidas Sammelans and had started celebrating Guru Ravidas Jayanti in the different districts of Calcutta. In 1934, he founded the Akhil Bhartiya Ravidas Mahasabha in Calcutta. The other organizations that he founded for social reforms were Khetihar Mazdoor Sabha for agricultural labour and the All India Depressed Classes League. Through his organizations he involved the depressed classes in the freedom struggle and also rallied that all Dalit leaders should unite, and not only fight for social reform but also demand political representation. On 1 June, 1935, Jagjivan Ram married Indrani Devi, daughter of Dr. Birbal, a renowned medical practitioner and a social worker of Kanpur. Dr. Birbal was earlier in the British army and was awarded the Victoria Medal by Viceroy Lord Lansdowne for his services in the Chin-lushai war in 1889-90. Indrani Devi was herself a freedom fighter and an Educationist, who stood by Jagjivan Ram through all his years of struggle. They had two childrena son, Suresh and a daughter, Meira. The subsequent years saw greater political participation and intervention by Jagjivan Ram and his fight for independence became inseparably intertwined with his struggle for social reform. On 19 October, 1935, Babuji appeared before the Hammond Committee at Ranchi and demanded for the first time voting rights for Dalits. In 1936, when he was just 28 years old, Jagjivan Ram began his parliamentary career as a nominated member of the Bihar Legislative Council. In 1937, he stood as a candidate of the Depressed Classes League and was elected unopposed to the Bihar Legislative Assembly from the East Central Shahabad (Rural) and he also ensured the unopposed victory of his Depressed Classes League candidates in all the 14 reserved constituencies. With such an unopposed and decisive victory, Babuji emerged as the kingmaker. Subsequently, the Congress invited him to join them. Under their policy of divide and rule, the British wanted to set up a puppet government in Bihar. For this they needed his support. They offered a large sum of money and a Ministerial berth and other political benefits to buy his support. He did not even consider it. All national leaders and the masses praised this act of patriotism and integrity. Gandhiji said that Jagjivan Ram had emerged as pure as gold in the test of fire. After the failed attempt of a puppet government, a Congress government was formed. Babuji was appointed the Parliamentary Secretary in the Ministry of Agriculture, Co-operative Industry and Village Development. In 1938, he resigned along with the entire Cabinet on the issue of the Andaman prisoners and the British policy of involving India in the Second World War. Inspired by Gandhiji's Civil Disobedience Movement of 1940, Jagjivan Ram courted arrest on 10 December 1940 by giving a notice to the District Collector. He was arrested at Arrah and sent to the Hazaribagh Jail. In Jail, he had long discussions with socialist prisoners on varied subjects ranging from Marxism to Gandhism which made a deep impact on Babuji. After his release, Babuji entrenched himself deeply into the Civil Disobedience Movement and Satyagraha. He went to Wardha and stayed at Gandhiji's ashram. During their morning walks Babuji and Gandhiji discussed matters close to their hearts—a vision for an independent India with a society free from the highly discriminatory dogmas of the past. Jagjivan Ram's participation in the freedom struggle and his activities as a Congress leader were inseparable. As a leader of the party, Jagjivan Ram strengthened the national cause by his strong organizational work and effective participation in the various programmes the party undertook in its struggle for freedom. In 1942, the Indian National Congress launched the Quit India Movement. On that occasion Jagjivan Ram had joined the Congress leadership in Bombay. The AICC passed the historic Quit India resolution. Soon after, most other Congress leaders were arrested and it was left to Jagjivan Ram to make the Quit India Movement a success. He headed to Bihar to organize a mass movement against the British. Due to his revolutionary activities and the impact he had on garnering support for the Quit India Movement , Babuji was arrested in Patna from his house on 19 August 1942. Jagjivan Ram was released on 5 October, 1943 and in the following years, he organized many meetings and rallies and condemned the British Government for their suppression of Indian freedom movement. He won unopposed in the 1946 Central Elections from the constituency of East Central Shahabad (Rural). The same year he deposed before the Cabinet Mission in Shimla as a representative of the depressed classes and strongly defended their cause and the unity of the nation. He frustrated the designs of the British and other divisive forces to further divide the country. On 30 August, 1946, Babu Jagjivan Ram was one of the twelve leaders of the country, who were invited by Viceroy/Lord Wavell, to become a part of the Interim Government. He was the only representative of the Dalits in the Interim Government formed on 2 September 1946 and held the portfolio of Labour. While returning from Geneva after attending the International Labour Conference, Babuji’s aeroplane crashed in the desert of Basra, Iraq on 16 July 1947. Babuji had a providential escape, though he had severe injuries in his right leg and foot. In this crash all the employees of the BOAC aircraft had died. Independence and After In post-Independent India, his contribution to nation-building has left an indelible mark. As one of the founding fathers of the Constitution and as an important leader of the Constituent Assembly, he ensured the importance of social justice as one of the ideals enshrined in the Constitution. After Independence, when India embarked upon the task of nationbuilding and fulfilling the dreams of the people, there were formidable developmental challenges before the nation which required the formulation of sound policy and new initiatives. Jagjivan Ram proved an ever-dependable parliamentarian who assumed the charge of various key Ministries to handle the challenging tasks when the country was passing through sensitive and delicate times and people looked towards governmental assistance and schemes to face the crises and overcome the struggling phase. As Labour Minister, he introduced time-tested policies and laws for labour welfare. He was instrumental in enacting some of the important legislations for labour, viz. the Minimum Wages Act, 1946; the Industrial Disputes Act, 1947; the Indian Trade Union (Amendment) Act; the Payment of Bonus Act, etc. He actually laid down the foundation of social security by way of enacting the two important Acts, namely the Employees State Insurance Act, 1948 and the Provident Fund Act, 1952. In 1952 Lok Sabha elections, Jagjivan Ram chose Sasaram as his parliamentary constituency since his earlier constituency was a part of it. The people elected him as their representative to parliament and he was given a Ministerial berth. As Minister of Communication (1952-1956), he nationalized the private airlines and spread the postal facilities to the remote villages. In 1957, Babuji was returned unopposed for the second time from his constituency of Sasaram. During 1956-62, as the Railways Minister, he modernized Railways and gave a new momentum to the expansion of Railways in the country. He took innumerable welfare measures for Railway employees and set a record by not allowing any increase in passenger fares for five years. In 1962, the people of Sasaram elected Jagjivan Ram once again and during 1962-63, he was Minister of Transport and Communications. In 1963 he resigned under the Kamaraj Plan and worked to strengthen the Congress organization. During 1966-67, he shouldered the responsibility of the Labour and Rehabilitation Ministry. As Food and Agriculture Minister during 1967-70, he pulled the country out of the clutches of a severe drought, heralded the Green Revolution and for the first time made India self-sufficient in food. In March 1971 the stage was set for mid-term election. Babuji returned victorious once again to the Lok Sabha. As the Defence Minister during 1970-74, he changed the political map of the world and made history by liberating Bangladesh and made the Pakistan Army surrender unconditionally. The way the war was fought was unprecedented and he kept the promise he had made to the people of India that the war would not be fought on a single inch of Indian soil. In 1974, Jagjivan Ram took charge of the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation. He organized the Public Distribution System to ensure that food was available to the masses at a reasonable price. As Minister, he had unparalleled ability to look after the affairs under his Ministry and he had his priorities well defined to take on the challenges ahead. In all the Ministries and Departments at the Centre, where Babu Jagjivan Ram had held charge, he left his mark of qualitatively high performance. In political power, he saw the opportunity to transform people's lives and promote their welfare by bold and well thought-out plans. He played a dominant role in the Indian National Congress right from 1937.
During the pre-Independence period Babuji held important offices at the State level in the Congress. After Independence, he became the axis of the Party and indispensable for party affairs as well as governance of the country. He was a member of All India Congress Committee from 1940 to 1977 and was in the All India Congress working Committee from 1948 to 1977. He was in the Central Parliamentary Board and All India Congress Committee from 1950 to 1977. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Smt. Indira Gandhi could not afford to spare him due to his astute political acumen. He was the mind of the Government and the Party. In 1966, following the death of the then Prime Minister, Shri Lal Bahadur Shastri, the Congress Party witnessed some inner power struggle and the age-old party deteriorated due to groupism. On one side were the old guards like Morarji Desai, Neelam Sanjiva Reddy and K. Kamaraj who were called the Syndicate and on the other side were the Progressives such as Smt. Indira Gandhi, Jagjivan Ram and Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed. In 1969 the conflict between the two groups came to its head and the party split into two, the Congress (O) and the Congress led by Babu Jagjivan Ram. In the Bombay Session of the Congress in December 1969, Babuji was elected unanimously as the party president and thereafter worked hard to strengthen the party which had weakened its hold in many States. His hard work paid off. His diligence, organizational skills and leadership ensured that the Congress came back to power with a thumping majority in March 1971. In a turn of events, Emergency was declared on 26 June 1975. The fundamental rights as enshrined in the Constitution stood suspended. However, Prime Minister, Smt. Indira Gandhi recommended the dissolution of the Lok Sabha on 18 January 1977 and to hold fresh General Elections. As the impact of emergency was felt by everyone, Babu Jagjivan Ram resigned from the Cabinet and the Congress Party on 2 February 1977.
He formed his own party, ‘Congress for Democracy’ (CFD) on 5 February 1977. He returned victorious once again to Lok Sabha in General Elections from Sasaram Constituency in Bihar. On 25 March 1977 he joined the Janata Government and became Defence Minister. He merged CFD with Janata Party on 1 May 1977. Babu Jagjivan Ram became the Deputy Prime Minister of the country on 24 January 1979 and continued to handle the charge of Defence Ministry till 28 July 1979. The internal conflicts of the Janata Party resulted in losing its majority in Parliament and the Government led by Shri Morarji Desai fell in July 1979. Thereafter, Chaudhary Charan Singh was sworn in as Prime Minister on 28 July 1979 and Babuji close to remain as leader of the opposition. But, Chaudhary Charan Singh could not prove his majority in the House. After the fall of his Government, many members of Lok Sabha rallied around Babu Jagjivan Ram and asked him to stake his claim. The President, however, dissolved the Lok Sabha on 22 August 1979 and ordered fresh Elections. In January 1980, the people of Sasaram re-elected Babuji to the Lok Sabha and for the first time he sat in the Opposition. After the fall of the Janata Government, Babuji launched his own party the Congress (J) on 5 August 1981 and in the General Election of December 1984, he once again returned victorious to the Lok Sabha. His long tenure is a reflection of a fearless and dedicated life. Since the inception of the Parliament, till his death, he represented the same constituency and fought and won every election. His uninterrupted legislative career from 1936-1986 spanning half a century is a world record. Leaving behind the message of equality, he breathed his last on 6 July, 1986. Champion of the Depressed Classes Babu Jagjivan Ram had shown complete solidarity with the depressed classes since his early life. He was highly convinced of the need to improve the lot of the oppressed and the downtrodden sections of the society. The most remarkable facet of Jagjivan Ram's political life had been his nationwide recognition as one of India's tallest leaders. He was committed to dealing with the scourge of casteism, which had taken deep roots in Indian society for ages. A large number of people were denied equal opportunities in social, political and economic spheres due to casteism, which was inconsistent with a modern society and its concept of basic human dignity. Jagjivan Ram had experienced its ill-effects, such as untouchability and marginalisation and was of the view that it is the most important barrier in the full development of human potential. Deeply hurt by the then existing situation in the country, particularly the practice of rampant caste-based discrimination and the resultant marginalization of a vast section of the society, Jagjivan Ram dedicated his leadership prowess and faculties for the upliftment of the depressed classes. Promoting people's welfare in general and the upliftment of the oppressed, in particular, became his passion in life. From his student days, he was actively involved in organising the youth from depressed classes and sought to create awareness among the members of his community to fight for their rights and to draw the attention of political leaders. During his formative years, he had witnessed the sufferings and privations perpetrated on the depressed classes under the feudal value system. However, he did not surrender to the unjust order of the day, rather he picked up the gauntlet and made it a mission to remedy the social malaise in every possible way. He too had to suffer ostracism and persecution at the hands of the same forces. Such experiences toughened his resolve to fight for justice and he made it his life-long goal to strive for eliminating the social malady that crippled a vast population. For his unwavering support and relentless struggle for the cause of the downtrodden, he has been rightly called a 'Messiah' of Dalits. He wanted a place of respect for the Dalits within the Hindu fold. Babuji felt that conversion to another faith would not rid the society of the malaise of casteism, for casteism was a rot, which has affected all religions and the only way to fight it was to reform the Hindu faith and change social attitudes. The temple entry movement gained momentum largely due to his efforts and today the doors of Jagannath temple at Puri, Vishwanath Mandir in Kashi and Meenakshi temple in Madurai, to name a few, are open for upper and lower castes alike. It is said that in him were symbolized the hopes and aspirations of the backward and the downtrodden people. He never minced words and boldly advocated the path of self-reliance for Harijans. He advised them to carry on a relentless struggle against social prejudices and unfair treatment meted out to them by society and wrest their legitimate right from the unwilling hands of unbending orthodoxy. Organising the Depressed Classes His impressive organizing capabilities saw him elected to the post of Secretary of Bihar State Harijan Sevak Sangh in 1933. In 1934, Jagjivan Ram successfully organized the All India Ravidas Sammelan in Calcutta. During this Conference, he met several social workers, with whom he shared his views and suggested that all Harijan leaders should speak from one platform. The Depressed Classes Unity Conference was held in Kanpur in 1935. In 1936, Jagjivan Ram was chosen to preside over the Lucknow Session of the All India Depressed Classes League, to be followed by many such conferences in West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Bombay and Punjab. He mobilized the backward classes and tried to articulate and air their genuine grievances. While remaining a Congress party worker and leader, Jagjivan Ram was overwhelmingly identified as a champion of the depressed classes who took up their advancement and social justice as an agenda close to his heart. In 1937, even before joining the Congress he had ensured the unopposed victory of all 14 candidates of his Depressed Classes League. In the 1946 national elections, it was under his leadership that the All India Depressed Classes
League members contested as Congress candidates and obtained a convincing majority. Consequently, in 1946, he was invited by the visiting Cabinet Mission to present his views on the depressed classes. On the issue of conversion, he was of the view that the injustices on the Harijans would neither end, nor can they get social status by adopting another religion. He rather exhorted them to raise themselves with their own effort, join the mainstream of the nation and work for its advancement. In this connection, he once said : "In the progress of the country lies our progress; in its salvation our salvation and in its emancipation, our emancipation.” Like Gandhiji, Jagjivan Ram attached greater importance in his life to true religion, while fighting for uprooting the social evils and injustice existing in our society. Definitely, he had done so because of his enriched faith in true religion. He vehemently opposed the evils of casteism and orthodoxy in Hindu society, but never hammered on the very root of Hinduism as a whole. Towards a New Social Order Babuji symbolised the dawn of a new era of assertion, equality and empowerment for the depressed classes. His life was a positive statement for the backward classes, who were immensely inspired by the sustained presence of Babuji at the national political scene. His sincerity, dedication and political clout instilled confidence and courage among them. His achievements were seen as part of remarkable advancement for his community. Jagjivan Ram once appealed to the depressed classes: "To struggle for a 'socially interdependent society which would be so changed and revolutionised that they could participate in it on terms of equality of rights and obligations." As a member of the Constituent Assembly, he played an active role in formulating provisions for the safeguard of the depressed classes. He also ensured that the Constitution of India should have enough provisions to forbid any practice of untouchability, or discrimination of persons on grounds of caste. The provision for State intervention for the advancement of socially backward classes by way of reservation in public employment and reservation of seats in legislatures for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes also owes its success to leaders like Jagjivan Ram. He was instrumental in the making of the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955. These provisions were meaningfully and effectively translated into instruments of socio-political empowerment and economic progress, with people's active participation enabled by the towering presence of stalwarts like Jagjivan Ram. All these have resulted in giving a better deal to the depressed sections and bringing social changes in the country with a new mindset and social outlook. Jagjivan Ram did not nurse any utopian hopes that caste system would be eliminated at one go. His strategy and approach to the scourge of casteism was based on his abiding faith in the values of a democratic society and the process of transformation through constitutionally established system. He contributed in his own way for a national debate on the depressed classes welfare. In breaking the shackles of the caste system and transforming society, he believed in the use of sustained campaign to educate people to assert their rights and promote their welfare. Throughout his life, he believed passionately in human dignity and individual freedom. He abhorred oppression and believed in the philosophy of 'with malice towards none and charity for all'. As a Parliamentarian Shri Jagjivan Ram had the unique distinction of serving as a Member of the Central Legislature uninterruptedly for as long as 40 years. In the 1930s itself, Jagjivan Ram had emerged as a popular leader with strong mass support base. Since his nomination as a member of the Bihar Legislative Council in 1936, followed by his unopposed election to the Bihar Legislative Assembly in 1937, he never looked back and continued to get elected from the same constituency so long as he stood as a candidate. Till his last breath, he was a sitting member of the Lok Sabha —his Eighth term—never missing a Lok Sabha since the First General Election. Jagjivan Ram has had the distinction of being the longest—serving Minister in the history of Indian Parliament. A man of old world political morality, he had mass following in his own right, before and after Independence. In his capacity as a member of Parliament, during the major part of which he was a Minister, he sought to address many long term issues before the country in the socio-economic spheres by shaping public opinion, policy and consensus. Jagjivan Ram was known for his apt handling of parliamentary business. As a Union Minister, he introduced numerous Bills in the Lok Sabha and piloted their passage in Parliament. He was one of the best image-builders for the ruling party. He was a down-to-earth, unassuming leader who displayed exceptional political realism and accommodative spirit in presenting a responsible and responsive Executive. He had tremendous grasp of Indian political situations, problems facing the country and offered practical solutions for the many challenges. He was one of those parliamentarians who enriched the country's parliamentary democracy by his mature and dignified participation. Almost always a Minister and on the Treasury Benches, Jagjivan ARLIAMENT Ram played his role in an exceedingly impressive manner. He had his points sent across the various sections in the House effortlessly. He never pursued an evasive approach in Parliament and spared no efforts in keeping the Members satisfied with detailed and informative replies and statements. Jagjivan Ram was an effective debater since his young days and in Parliament, his oratory was well-acknowledged and admired. He is still remembered for his calm and composed demeanour even amidst the stormiest moments of the House. He had tremendous persuasive power and logical arguments which helped him drive home his points. He spoke both Hindi and English with equal ease and eloquence. During those days, Parliament had many outstanding parliamentarians with great debating skills and many of them were known for their ability to put the heat on the Ministers. One of Babuji's sterling qualities was that he was not the one to be easily provoked by Opposition attacks. Armed with facts and figures, he faced the House, especially the Opposition benches with dignified confidence and when the occasion demanded, he displayed his toughness and even a pinch of sarcasm for the Opposition. One of his junior Ministers, Shri V.C. Shukla, remembers Jagjivan Ram in the following words: "A great quality of Shri Jagjivan Ram, one that instantly put him among the select few anywhere, is his imperturbability. He remains his unruffled, serene self, no matter what storm may be raging around. Many must no doubt have had the occasions to see the deft, confident manner in which he handles even the stormiest debates on the floor of Parliament. It comes out on such occasion that the unruffled, unhurried, even amicable man, is also capable of retorting hard, and woe betake the member who sought to underestimate this capacity of Shri Jagjivan Ram. He was known for his unfailing courtesy to the House, taking due note of the opinion from all sections of the House and was also an effective spokesperson of the Government on the floor of the House. Recounting from his memory of Jagjivan Ram, Sardar Hukam Singh, former Speaker, Lok Sabha said : "He would make out his case convincingly, taking criticism calmly, and give back with force and redoubled vigour, without offending anybody. He is not a dry bore. On the other hand, he can utilize wit and introduce humour at suitable occasions." Jagjivan Ram was known for his calmness and composure even in the most trying circumstances. He would sit in the House fully in control of himself, composed and attentive, listening to the debate with rapt attention.
Dr. L.M. Singhvi, an eminent parliamentarian, very impressed by Babuji's parliamentary performance, said : "I have had the privilege of seeing Shri Jagjivan Ram functioning on the floor of the Lok Sabha as well as in the Committees and other meetings. I have always had the feeling that in tact, as well as in talent, in skill as well as in effectiveness, in exposition and in eloquence and in elaborate replies as well as in casual repartee, Shri Jagjivan Ram is one of our best parliamentarians of eminence". One of the most effective parliamentarians, Jagjivan Ram made significant contributions to strengthen the parliamentary institutions of our country. In his talent and expertise, the successive Prime Ministers had put unflinching faith. Jagjivan Ram gave his best to the party, Government and Parliament. He formed part of the political elite that shaped and strengthened the working of parliamentary institutions in the country and ensuring people's faith therein. The esteem, goodwill and image of Jagjivan Ram and his wealth of experience combined to make him a unique leader. Dr. Karan Singh, former Union Minister of Health and Family Planning, recalls Jagjivan Ram's parliamentary days in the following words: "Over the last 10 years I have been in Parliament. I had occasions to witness at close quarters Babu Jagjivan Ramji's performance in Parliament. His tremendous grasp over his portfolio in particular and national affairs in general, his imperturbability in the face of provocation and his effective delivery, both in English and Hindi, combined to make him one of our ablest Parliamentarians." A True Democrat Throughout his life, Babuji was a firm believer in democracy and democratic values. He stood by his principles and never compromised with values even during turbulent political situations. In spite of being one of the veteran Congress members and a close confidante of Smt. Indira Gandhi, Babuji did not hesitate to differ from her views. Jagjivan Ram tried to persuade Smt. Gandhi to revoke the Emergency and restore normalcy in the country. After failing in his effort to do so, he sent in his resignation to Smt. Gandhi. In his resignation letter on 2 February, 1977 to Smt. Gandhi, Babuji wrote: "A fear psychosis has overtaken the whole nation. People are living in a state of constant fear and are silently suffering. This is bad for any country, more so for a democracy. Therefore, it is necessary that the emergencies are ended, all extraordinary laws are made inoperative and freedom of the people restored, so that the entire nation can be rescued from the stage of impotence to which it has been reduced at present........... It is difficult for me to associate myself with such a dispensation any longer. I am, therefore, sending my resignation herewith from your Cabinet and request you for its immediate acceptance". After resigning from Smt. Gandhi's Cabinet, he addressed the Press and said : "The motherland calls once again to guard and preserve democracy, to protect human values so that India and India alone becomes strong and prosperous". Coalition Politics After quitting the Congress, the same day he formed a new party, the "Congress for Democracy". A man of the masses, he could sense the people's desire for a change and could foresee the results of the Sixth General Election. Indeed, he became a unifying force for the Opposition. As things unfolded, his assessment turned out to be prophetic. The multi-party alliance, which his party—the Congress for Democracy had joined, secured a landslide victory. When India's parliamentary system was entering a new phase of coalition politics, Jagjivan Ram was one of the key political actors in shaping national politics. There was a strong opinion and expectation that Jagjivan Ram should be chosen to head the first non-Congress Government at the Centre, but this was not to be. In the Janata Government, Jagjivan Ram took charge of the Defence portfolio on 25 March 1977. Soon after, Babu Jagjivan Ram merged his party, the CFD with the Janata Party. Babuji became the Deputy Prime Minister, in addition to handling the Defence portfolio. Later, as the Janata Party disintegrated and the Morarji Desai Government resigned in 1979, there was political crisis. Although Chaudhary Charan Singh was sworn-in as the Prime Minister, he could not prove his majority in the House. The first coalition experiment at the Centre thus came to a premature end. In the Seventh Lok Sabha, the Congress came back to power and the Janata Party succumbed to disintegration. Following the disintegration of the Janata Party, Jagjivan Ram formed a new party, namely, Congress (J). Though he did not return to the Congress Party, he was always consulted by many of its national leaders. People from various walks of life sought his advice on various issues, particularly related to Indian politics and administration. He led the unquestioned leader of his long-term constituency—Sasaram in Bihar. In the Seventh and Eighth General Elections to the Lok Sabha, Jagjivan Ram won from the same constituency, unaffected by the changed political equations and other factors. An Accomplished Administrator Since the Interim Government in 1946, Jagjivan Ram had been a Cabinet Minister for more than three decades, except when he relinquished ministerial position and did party work under the 'Kamaraj Plan' during 1963-66. He enriched India's parliamentary system of governance, both as a Member of Parliament and as a Minister. Three decades as the Union Cabinet Minister speaks volumes of his administrative capabilities and acumen. He held important portfolios such as Labour, Railways, Transport, Communications, Food and Agriculture, Defence, etc. He had shown great political wisdom and understanding in dealing with the country's challenges, be it in Defence or Agriculture. He also demonstrated tremendous enthusiasm for India's development. Under his direction and guidance, various Ministries pursued development-oriented programmes and introduced services, which were highly appreciated and welcomed by the people. He took lead in the formulation of sound and result-oriented policies and programmes concerning the Ministries and Departments under his charge and implemented them efficiently. He was sensitive to the people's needs and development requirements and was prompt at taking appropriate measures to manage various crises in the country. He knew how to handle the bureaucracy and the art of getting the best out of it. In translating the untold dreams of the people into perspective planning and meeting the many challenges before the nation, Jagjivan Ram's expertise was invaluable. He was the Minister of Labour during 1946-52, a portfolio he held again in 1966-1967. Besides the Labour Ministry, the other Ministries he held were Communications (1952-56), Railways (1956-1962), Transport and Communications (1962-63), Food and Agriculture (1967-1970), Defence (1970-1974) and Agriculture and Irrigation (1974-77). When the Janata Party Government headed by Morarji Desai was formed in 1977, Jagjivan Ram joined it as a Cabinet Minister holding Defence portfolio. He also became the Deputy Prime Minister and held the Defence portfolio from 24 January 1979 to 28 July 1979. As Minister of Labour Labour portfolio fell on the shoulders of Jagjivan Ram first in 1946 and later during 1966-67.
When he became Labour Minister in 1946, it was a time Labour welfare was receiving much attention—both nationally and internationally, to create more humane conditions for workers and ensure them remunerative wages and other rights. He was convinced that unless the problems of poverty, unemployment and low standard of living of the vast masses were successfully dealt with, it would be difficult to address labour problems. He laid the foundation for a new era of labour welfare, industrial climate and productivity with new policy measures and an enabling working environment. He was instrumental in bringing many progressive labour laws incorporating sound labour policy befitting a Welfare State, which provided the labour force in the country great relief and incentives to work. A number of labour friendly laws were enacted during his tenure, viz., the Minimum Wages Act, the Coal Mines Provident Fund and Bonus Scheme, The Coal Mines Labour Welfare Fund and the vast network of Employees' State Insurance Corporation. Such measures saved the labour force from pitiable and exploitative conditions and also ensured social and financial security and dignity. In 1947, he piloted the enactment of the Industrial Disputes Act, which was a landmark legislation heralding in an era of hope and mutual goodwill for settlement of industrial disputes. This was further modified with the Industrial Disputes (Appellate Tribunal) Act, 1950. In November 1947, he introduced the Dock Workers (Regulation and Employment) Bill in the Central Legislative Assembly. Another social security measure was the Workmen's State Insurance Bill that Jagjivan Ram introduced in November 1947. In 1948, the Factories Act was enacted which inter alia, prohibited the employment of women and children in dangerous occupations. The Act also regulated hours of work, payment of overtime wages, weekly holidays, leave with pay, etc. Another major enactment was the Indian Trade Union (Amendment) Act, 1946 seeking to strengthen the Indian Trade Union Act,1929 which had proved ineffective. This constant liaison with labour stemmed from his early association with the oppressed classes and he had made a bold and original contribution for the amelioration of their lot by his constant and untiring endeavours. Babuji was a champion for the cause of labour. But at the same time, he frequently reminded the labour force of their responsibility towards building a vibrant and modern India. While addressing a convocation at the Banaras Hindu University he said: ".....I need hardly emphasise the importance of the new political role of the labour, except to say that increase in power means increase in responsibility. These two go together and cannot be separated. Power with irresponsibility will lead to disaster, that may even spell the loss of liberty and the downfall of the State".
He further added: "I am myself a firm believer in the efficiency of negotiations, conciliation, and adjudication. It is only when all these avenues have exhausted that the last weapons in the armoury of labour may be wielded and that also only for economic reasons. A strike, as political weapon, is doomed to failure and will be resisted with all the energy and resources at disposal of the government." In June 1947, Shri Jagjivan Ram led the Indian delegation to the International Labour Organisation's (ILO) Conference. He had the honour of becoming the first Asian Chairman at the Conference of the ILO held at Geneva in 1950. By tackling issues on the labour and employment front and adding to industrial peace and productivity, Jagjivan Ram had contributed much to the productive potential of the country. He was always sympathetic to the cause of the labour and the poor workers. During his second tenure as the Labour Minister in 1966, he brought the Contract Labour Bill that was aimed at the abolition of contract labour from certain categories of trade unions and for regulating working conditions where the total abolition of contract labour was not possible. The welfare of the labour class was always in his mind. He appointed the National Commission on Labour, headed by Shri Gajendragadkar, to review the changes in conditions of Labour since Independence and to report on their existing conditions. The report, submitted to the Government in 1969, provided a wealth of information and included many useful recommendations. Jagjivan Ram’s term as Labour minister was indeed a boon for the working class in the country. As Minister of Communications and Transport Jagjivan Ram held charge of the Ministry of Communications from May 1952 to December 1956. He also held both—the Ministry of Communications and Ministry of Transport from April 1962 to August 1963. Nationalization of air transport was one of the most significant developments of his term. He piloted the Air Corporation Bill, 1953 amidst great opposition and ensured its successful enactment. The Air Corporation Act provided for reorganization and development of the Civil Aviation sector and resulted in the genesis of Air India and Indian Airlines as nationalized air carriers. There was tremendous expansion of civil aviation infrastructure during his tenure. On his behest, a number of aerodromes were built and auxiliary facilities were augmented. Equal importance was attached to the improvement of the existing aerodromes and completion of ongoing works. Though he attached great importance to Civil Aviation and regarded it as the second line of defence, he did not agree to the demand of handing over this Department to the Defence Ministry. While replying to the Demands for Grants of the Ministry of Communications, he once said :
"If Civil Aviation is to be treated as a second line of defence, the very argument justifies that it should be separate from the Defence Ministry and should be allowed the fullest scope for development so that in times of emergency, it can function as an efficient second line of defence." In the field of Communications, he took key initiatives and made radical changes. He laid the foundation for expansion of this vital service for the progress of the country. It was his policy decision that every village with a population of 2,000 must have a post office. For villages in far-flung areas, the provision was suitably relaxed, so that no one would be made to walk for more than two miles to utilize postal facilities. It was also his decision to have a telegraph office for every Tehsil town. As a matter of policy, he decided that telephone exchanges should be opened in all District towns and Public Call Offices at sub-divisional towns. Such a far-sighted step enhanced the communication network to a great extent. It also proved to be very useful for the educated unemployed of the nation. Realising the huge potential of the Shipping sector, Jagjivan Ram emphasized the expansion of its fleet and covered all the important trade routes of the world. Indian ports were modernized and developmental works were undertaken in major ports viz. Cochin, Visakhapatnam, Kandla, Tuticorin, Mangalore and also at Calcutta and Haldia Dock Projects. All these initiatives resulted in substantial increase in the total cargo shipment and in turn gave a boost to foreign trade and increase in foreign exchange resource. This apart, he also took steps for the development of roadways during his tenure. The number of national highways and the total length of roads registered a significant growth. A Transport Development Council was set up. It made important recommendations pertaining to motor vehicle taxation, schemes for establishment of National Road Safety Council, framing model rules for the transport of goods by road and development of inland water transport. Babu Jagjivan Ram was an ardent lover of Hindi language and literature. As a visionary, he realized the importance of Hindi and encouraged the staff to be initiated into Hindi. During his tenure, a new practice was started to issue all the circulars and postal notices released by the Director-General in Hindi, as well as in English. Stamps and seals in Devnagari script were introduced in the circles, where Hindi was used as an important language of communication. In other cities, bilingual stamps and seals were supplied.
As Railway Minister Jagjivan Ram was entrusted with the Railway portfolio in December 1956. Indian Railways was under tremendous strain at that time. It was perceived that by allocating the Railways portfolio to Babuji, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru brought the right man to ensure that the Railways attained adequate growth to cater to the increasing passenger and freight traffic in the country. With wisdom, intuition and an unorthodox approach, he endeavoured to overhaul the Indian Railways which had come under strain and stagnation in growth. His efforts paved the way for the accelerated growth of Indian Railways, making it the fourth largest in the world and the largest in Asia. During his tenure, all areas like modernization, economy measures, better management practices, self-sufficiency in indigenous production of railway requirements, etc. received special attention. Undoubtedly, the Railways took great strides forward. The Indian Railways network proliferated under the dynamic leadership of Babuji. It was indeed given a facelift. Remarkably, this was achieved without raising the fares in all the five Railway Budgets, which were presented by Jagjivan Ram in Parliament. Some other achievements during his term included-construction of about 650 kilometres of broad-gauge line, 610 kilometres of metre-gauge line and doubling of about 1,500 kilometres of existing single line. With his vast experience, zeal and unparalleled innovative skill, Babuji introduced a number of amenities for all classes of passengers without raising fares. He paid special attention to the welfare of the railway workers. The most noteworthy step was the introduction of a Pension Scheme in December 1957, similar to one applicable to the Central Government employees. On his behest, several staff training schools were opened and the existing ones were expanded to facilitate the Railway men to equip themselves for more responsible work and thereby improve their career prospects. It was during his time that reservations were made for departmental promotions of employees from Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and these were strictly implemented. Attention of the recruiting authorities was constantly drawn to the necessity of filling all vacancies for the candidates belonging to the reserved category. As Minister of Food and Agriculture During his tenure as the Minister of Food and Agriculture, first from March 1967 to June 1970 and then again from October 1974 to February 1977, he handling this Ministry at a difficult juncture. It was in the late sixties, the country was reeling under a severe food shortage following two years of drought. Jagjivan Ram concentrated on the growth of agriculture, food production and Public Distribution System (PDS). He worked hard and helped in enabling the country to ensure food security and availability of food at reasonable price for millions of people in the country. When he began his tenure in this Ministry, India was dependent on foodgrain imports and was struggling to find some innovative measures to increase agricultural production. Babuji was convinced that the growth of the national economy rests heavily on the growth of agriculture. He was, therefore, of the opinion that self-sufficiency in India's agricultural economy should be achieved as quickly as possible, so that dependence on foodgrain imports could be eliminated. He initiated a number of new measures and reoriented agricultural policies and programmes to achieve record food production. Important among them were—acceleration of irrigation programmes, resolving inter-state water disputes, National Seeds Programme for production of quality seeds, promotional campaign for fertilizer use, etc. Through adoption and application of improved agricultural practices, cultivation of high-yielding varieties, increased use of fertilizers and pesticides, assured irrigation, improved water management practices, expansion of agricultural credit, development of marketing and storage, crop production was taken to new heights. To overcome the food scarcity situation in the country, due to the unprecedented droughts of 1965 and 1966, Babuji took several measures and dealt with the situation successfully. Large-scale feeding programmes were organized for the benefit of the vulnerable sections of the population. The distribution of foodgrains from fair price shops was maintained with a view to safeguarding the interests of the consumers. Vigorous efforts were made to maximize domestic procurement of foodgrains and to supplement the domestic supplies through imports. In 1970, when he switched over to the Defence Ministry, food shortage had been reduced to a mere bad dream. Jagjivan Ram realized that Public Distribution System was an effective mechanism to manage the supply chain of foodgrains to the common people. To meet the requirements of the Public Distribution System, increased emphasis was laid on domestic procurement and the country's dependence on imports was progressively reduced. Public distribution of foodgrains was made a regular feature of food management in the country. Another important contribution of Jagjivan Ram was in the field of Land Reforms, to which he accorded much priority as an effective step to transform the rural economy. Following the Chief Ministers' Conference in 1976, considerable progress was made in implementing land reforms. Development of animal husbandry and dairying, inland fisheries, improving the forest cover, procurement of foodgrains from domestic markets for public distribution, making PDS a regular feature for better food management in the country, building buffer stock, incentive prices for farmers, etc. were also given emphasis during Babuji's tenure. In 1975, during his second term as the Food Minister, there was a worldwide shortage of foodgrains. India managed the crisis with effective policy measures such as de-hoarding campaigns, expansion and streamlining of the PDS and increased inputs of foodgrain production. In fact, the whole approach to food and agriculture policy under the leadership of Jagjivan Ram was of practical significance. They not only succeeded in meeting the crisis in those times, but also came to be part of the long-term policy framework on food and agriculture in the country. As Minister of Defence Jagjivan Ram was the Defence Minister of the country at an important juncture and proved to be a tough taskmaster. He took over the reins of this Ministry in June 1970, when the threat of war was knocking at India's eastern and western fronts. By December 1971, India successfully fought and concluded a war against Pakistan in which our Armed Forces proved its might and capability. Given that, India had not emerged victorious in any of the wars fought previously, he had the uphill task of preparing the armed forces for the eventuality of a war and keeping them fit and war-worthy. With his unmatched ingenuity, he managed the affairs of the Defence forces at that critical juncture. He not only motivated the Armed Forces to fight for the liberation of another country, but also kept his promise to the people that the war would not be fought on Indian soil. In the build-up to the war, he visited the places where Armed Forces were stationed and also addressed civilians in other areas explaining to them the emerging situation. This helped in readying the entire nation to fight the war. In October 1971, when the Army was preparing for the war, Prime Minister, Smt. Indira Gandhi and Defence Minister, Shri Jagjivan Ram visited many Army divisions and units in Punjab and the border areas in other States. Lt. Gen. K.P. Candeth who was the Commander of the Army's Western Command during the 1971 war, has recounted their visit in the following words : "Shri Jagjivan Ram went down well with the soldiers. He is a wonderful speaker who can carry his audience with him and he never makes the mistake of talking down to them, but manages to convey the impression one of them....I had to brief him on the operational situation and war plans and was struck by his incisiveness and quick grasp of the root of a problem. My admiration grew during the initial reverses we had....He used to ring me, normally in the morning, and in his slow drawl ask me how it was going and if I could cope with the situation, and being told that there was no cause to worry and that I could deal with it, he used to wish me good luck and ring off. He never seemed excited, bothered or flurried and his phlegmatism did much to inspire confidence.” The internal situation in the erstwhile East Pakistan had spilled over to India, with hundreds of thousands of refugees crossing over to the Indian territory. He considered the refugee influx to India as a humanitarian problem and emphatically said, "....which civilized country, least of all, one with the tradition like ours, could seal off borders and allow innocent civilians to face the bullets." His inspiring leadership galvanized the entire nation and the Armed Forces to deal with the crisis in East Pakistan, which ended with the creation of a new country, Bangladesh. The moments of acute national crisis in December 1971, bear testimony to the quiet confidence, patience and immense courage of Babuji. Babu Jagjivan Ram displayed unparalleled resoluteness during those historic days. His 'warrior with a humane face' image is still fondly remembered by the Armed Forces. He proved a good samaritan for the men in uniform in several ways. He took steps for the rehabilitation of the families of the jawans who had laid down their lives to uphold the honour of the country, or sustained grievous injuries, a new scheme of family pension for widows of the deceased officers and "sheltered" appointments for the disabled jawans and officers. The provision of "War Injury Pay" was made for those who could not be accommodated in service. Several other welfare measures like free land and employment to war widows, medical treatment for the families at military hospitals and education for children of martyred soldiers were also launched. He also extended such benefits to the servicemen and ex-servicemen disabled in the 1947-48, 1962 and 1965 wars. Showing his concern for the welfare of the Armed Forces servicemen he once said: "The members of our Armed Forces have proved to the world that in the final analysis it is the man behind the machine who counts. It is his valour, dedication, determination, morale and skill which brought success to our arms. It is his conduct and his regard for human values, which earned us and our forces a good name from our friends in Bangladesh and from foreign observers.
As the Defence Minister, Jagjivan Ram shouldered the crucial responsibility of strengthening the defence apparatus of the country. In his endeavour to ensure that the defence apparatus of the country was kept in perfect order with all defence requirements, he attached great importance to the research and development aspect of the Defence organizations. In this regard, while replying as Defence Minister to the discussion on the working of the Ministry of Defence in Rajya Sabha in 1972 in the wake of the 1971 Indo-Pakistan War, Jagjivan Ram said: " It is gratifying when my Ministry receives universal support from all sides of the House for strengthening our Armed Forces, for modernising the Army, for modernising the Navy and for modernising the Air Force. It gives me added strength. We are taking certain steps for modernising the three wings of the Armed Forces. We are producing some of the arms and military hardware that we require. But to think that so far as sophisticated weapons are concerned we have become self-reliant, well, it will be far from the reality. It will take time. And in this connection, I would like to say that so far as our research and development are concerned, it will be my effort to see that the research and development activities are strengthened to the maximum extent in the Defence Ministry, and work will not be permitted to suffer for want of requisite funds, and when I have got support of both Houses, I am sure it will be possible to provide adequate funds for research and development." On International Relations Jagjivan Ram was keen on rebuilding and improving bilateral ties with Pakistan and developing friendly relations with other countries. After the war was over, he took several steps in this direction. On the issue of Indo-Pak bilateral relations, he said, "In our view, there is no dispute between our two countries which cannot be settled by friendly negotiations between ourselves...........It will now be our endeavour to forge, through bilateral negotiations, a new relationship with Pakistan, based not on conflict but on cooperation..........assuring to the peoples of the two countries freedom from fear of recurring wars and an opportunity to devote their full attention to economic and social progress."
BABU JAGJIVAN RAM IN PARLIAMENT
Jagjivan Ram also contributed to the growth of India's cooperative and friendly relations with other nations. It was during his tenure as the Defence Minister that India entered into the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation. His Last Journey Jagjivan Ram passed away in New Delhi on 6 July 1986, at the age of 78 after a period of illness. As a leader who shared his political career with many generations from Mahatma Gandhi to Rajiv Gandhi, he has left an indelible imprint on the polity of India. He was a stalwart among the leaders of his time and a doyen of Indian Parliament. Leaders, media, general public and the entire nation expressed grief over the passing away of Jagjivan Ram. He was given a national honour, with his cremation being attended by President Giani Zail Singh, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, Cabinet Ministers, Chief Ministers, leaders of various parties and thousands of his followers. With Jagjivan Ram's passing away, came an end an era representing perhaps the most important phase of the country's transition from preIndependence to Independence and on to a vibrant, democratic society. He has left the legacy of a sincere and dedicated political leader, a committed public servant, freedom fighter, social reformer, revolutionary and a true humanist. He will be remembered for a long time to come for his varied contributions towards socio-economic development of the country. A democrat to the core and a conscientious political leader, he enriched Indian politics with his mature and principled positions. He was a pillar of strength for the Indian polity during periods of great challenge and transition. He played a significant role in the upliftment of the depressed classes, ensuring justice for the oppressed and the deprived, enhancing the country's infrastructure development and in accelerating India's march to emerge as a stronger power in the world. In his passing away, the country lost a unique leader, a patriot, a visionary and a great nationalist. His legacy will live on and continue to inspire the coming generations in social and political activities and in the continuous search for a better society.
PART–II ARTICLES MEMORIES OF BABU JAGJIVAN RAM —
Pranab Mukherjee* Babu Jagjivan Ram was a valiant fighter in India’s freedom struggle and a great inspirer and organizer of people against oppression. He was a powerful orator, a distinguished parliamentarian and an able administrator. Babuji was born in a poor Harijan family in a small village of Bihar on 5 April 1908. His life is a story of rise from abysmal depths to great heights and exalted position which was not achieved with anybody’s patronage but simply by sheer merit, competence, self respect and self sacrifice. As a student, he was meritorious right from the beginning. While studying in the Kolkata College, he was inspired by the ideals of Gandhiji and plunged into the freedom movement under the able leadership of Mahatma Gandhi and others. He got himself educated despite social and economic disabilities and chronic poverty. This gave him a unique position in the prevailing political situation in the country. He recognized the need of freedom from political slavery to address the problems of untouchability, social discrimination and backwardness. To him freedom meant not just change in the colour of the leaders from white to black or so, but it encompassed freedom from political slavery, economic bondage and cultural stagnation. He participated actively in the Civil Disobedience Movement in 1930 and the Quit India Movement in 1942. By appearing before the Cabinet Mission in April 1946 as a representative of the depressed classes, he frustrated the designs of the British and other divisive forces to further divide India. Babuji had arrived on the political scene as the representative of the Scheduled Castes and the Congress leadership looked to him as an able spokesman of the depressed classes. Throughout his life, he worked for these ideals and tried to implement them through administration of various Ministries/Departments over which he presided for a very long time. He was inducted in Bihar Government in 1937 as a parliamentary secretary under the premiership of Babu Sri Krishna Sinha. He joined the Interim Government under Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru in September 1946 and continued to be the Union Minister till July, 1979. However, Shri Jagjivan Ram resigned from the Council of Ministers under the Kamaraj Plan for revitalizing the party in 1963 and again became Union * He is the Union Minister of Defence. Minister in 1966. In his long ministerial career, he proved to be one of the best Ministers the country had ever produced. He dealt with various portfolios ranging from Labour, Communications, Railways to Agriculture and Defence where he made his presence felt by sheer competence. As Defence Minister, he was always a source of inspiration to the officers and jawans. I still remember during the Bangladesh War when the US establishment threatened to send the 7th Fleet to the Bay of Bengal in order to embolden Pakistan, the bold and famous utterances of Babuji that the 7th Fleet will be sunk in Bay of Bengal, which not only demonstrated courage and conviction of a nation, but also helped in the freedom struggle of a neighbouring country. This speaks of the courage and determination of a leader of his stature. His legislative career is as illustrious as his administrative career. He represented Sasaram in Bihar from 1952 till his death which is unique. His popularity was so much that a couple of times he was elected unopposed in general elections. At the personal level, I had privilege of having his care and affection as a junior ministerial colleague. Whenever I wanted something from him for my State of West Bengal (Bengal was his second home state and he could speak Bengali flawlessly) he used to meet my request. After the formation of Congress Government in 1972, there was an acute shortage of foodgrains in West Bengal to support the Public Distribution System. Additional requirement was needed over and above the normal allocation to manage the situation. The request of the State Government to the Food Minister was regretted as the demands from all other States were equally acute. I met Babuji along with the then Food Minister of West Bengal, Satada ( Shri Praful Kanti Ghosh) and requested him for additional allocation. Babuji made special provision for West Bengal when we explained the critical situation prevailing therein. Throughout my political career, till his death, I always received support and encouragement from him whenever I needed it Srad Pawar at leaders and personalities participated in India’s Freedom Movement and later shaped its destiny in the post-Independence period. One of the stalwarts amongst them was Jagjivan Ram—popularly known as ‘Babuji’. Born on 5 April, 1908 in a small village, Chandwa in Shahabad district, now known as Bhojpur in Bihar. He rose from a very humble beginnings to shape the political, social and economic future of our country. A true man of the masses, his simplicity and intelligence endeared him to all sections and strata of people of our country. He caught the attention of Dr. Rajendra Prasad who was greatly impressed by his oratorical skills and his forceful articulation of people’s grievances and aspirations. With his initiation into the Indian National Congress, began the meteoric rise of one of the greatest personalities of our times. He emerged as the leader of masses and came to be looked upon as a representative of the millions of the people belonging to the Scheduled Castes, Backward Classes and the depressed sections of our society who had suffered socio-economic deprivation over the centuries. In the Congress, Jagjivan Ram emerged as a staunch supporter of Mahatma Gandhi and the principles which he stood for. His early social and political life was also refined and sharpened when he was nominated to the Bihar Legislative Council and later to the Legislative Assembly. In 1946, he became the youngest Minister in the Interim Government. In the Constituent Assembly, he actively participated in shaping the Constitution of our country. He remained a Member of the House of People (Lok Sabha) continuously from the First to the Eighth Lok Sabha. Babu Jagjivan Ram was also an important symbol of the struggle waged by the Scheduled Castes and depressed classes for equality and empowerment. As the Member of the Constituent Assembly, he ensured that free India would be rid of the pernicious practices such as untouchability and social discriminations based on caste consideration. Reservations provided to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in Legislatures, public employment, education etc. were strongly supported by him to ensure economic progress * He is the Minister of Agriculture and Consumer Affairs, Food and Public Distribution. and socio-political empowerment for them. He believed in educating the people in order to make them conscious of their rights and privileges as citizen of a free country and enable them to lead a life of dignity and freedom. He worked ceaselessly for the unity and solidarity of the socially and economically depressed sections and led the All India Depressed Classes League while continuing to be in the Congress. In a significant divergence of views with Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, he urged the Scheduled Castes and the Backward Class People to fight for the rights and dignity within the existing social set-up; he never wanted a schism between them and the forward classes. He was always in favour of social and communal harmony for the betterment of the society and for the growth and development of the nation as a whole. Babu Jagjivan Ram had a deep and abiding faith in the efficacy of democratic polity, value-based politics and necessity for establishing an egalitarian society. He dedicated his life to strengthen such institutions and fight against casteism and bring about social transformation. His organizational skills, administrative capabilities were displayed at its best when he was entrusted with a variety of Ministries during his long political career in the Union Government. Among the Ministries which he held included: Communications, Railway and Transport, Food and Agriculture and Defence. Babu Jagjivan Ram was the Union Labour Minister from 1946 to 1952 and again from 1966 to 1967. During his tenure some important legislations were enacted. Mention may be made of the Industrial Disputes Act, 1947 and the Factory Act of 1948. The Industrial Disputes Act was a very important labour legislation which provided the mechanism for settling industrial disputes and creation of healthy work environment. The Factory Act of 1948 regulated the working conditions of children and women in the Factories and Industries in conformity with the Directive Principles of State Policy as enshrined in the Constitution of India. Other important labour legislations enacted during his tenure were the Plantation Labour Act, 1961 and the Bidi and Cigar Workers (Conditions of Employment) Act, 1966. His pro-labour attitude also saw the appointment of the National Labour Commission which made many a recommendation that resulted in improving the conditions of the workers in the industries—both in the organized and unorganized sector. These far-reaching legislations went a long way in creating a congenial, industrial environment, providing benefits to millions of workers, boosting production and putting the country firmly on the road towards development of being a Welfare State. Among the Ministries on which Babu Jagjivan Ram left an indelible impression were the Ministry of Defence and Ministry of Agriculture and Food. Earlier as the Defence Minister and presently as the Minister for Agriculture and Consumer Affairs, Food and Public Distribution, I have come across the remarkable imprint he has left behind during his tenure. His dexterous handling of issues in these Ministries is still recalled with great appreciation and admiration. He was the Defence Minister during1970-71when Indian Armed Forces proved their superiority and professionalism beyond any doubt by fighting a successful war against Pakistan. He managed the affairs of the Defence Forces during this period with great efficiency. He used to frequently visit the jawans posted in the far-flung areas and boosted their morale by impressing on them that it was the man behind the machine which made a difference. Through his calm resolve and intelligent observations, he also won admirations of the Generals and Commanders of all the three wings of the Armed Forces while taking strategic decisions and policy formulations. He was very concerned about the modernization of the Armed Forces and laid great emphasis on achieving self-sufficiency in defence preparedness. He also encouraged indigenous research and development in the sphere of Defence and ensured that funds were never a restraining factor in this regard. The welfare of the jawans was also very close to his heart. He evolved many beneficial programmes for their resettlement—like medical treatment at army hospitals and employment opportunities for the disabled, education and family pensions for the families of the deceased. He is still very fondly remembered by our officers and jawans. In January 1967, Babu Jagjivan Ram took over the charge as the Minister of Food and Agriculture, Community Development and Cooperation. The day he entered Krishi Bhawan to preside over one of the most vital Ministries of the Government of India, it rained heavily. The rain Gods also seemed to have changed their moods and it was a pointer of the shape of things to come. His years in this Ministry proved to be a boon for the country. He was responsible for formulation of new policies for food production and procurement. As a result of these policies, the production of wheat increased from 12 million tonne to 23 million tonne. Such near doubling of production in about four years’ time was not witnessed even in developed countries like the United States and Canada. In fact, the total production of foodgrains increased from 74 million tonne to 98 million tonne during his tenure as the Food and Agriculture Minister. In order to improve the well beings of the farmers, he introduced the price support policy and issued instruction for fixing maximum price support in the case of wheat and paddy. During his tenure, build up of the buffer stock of foodgrains was 8 million tonne. As a result of these policies of price support and procurement, the import of foodgrains was stopped. India became self-sufficient in foodgrains. Surely, a very proud moment for our country. To Babu Jagjivan Ram also goes the credit for providing a pragmatic and stable sugar policy which has stood the test of time. Under this policy, sugar mills were allowed a definite and substantial free sale quota which increased the viability of the sugar industry and ensured higher cane price payment to cultivators. At the same time, release mechanism which was put in place, ensured that prices did not rise abnormally. The welfare of consumers was further protected by a stable policy of obtaining levy sugar from sugar factories and supply through the Public Distribution System. The net result of these policies was a substantial increase in sugar production in 1967-68 and record production in 1969-70. The policies also took care of the concerns of all stakeholders and placed Indian Sugar Industry on a firm path of growth. Another important decision taken by Babu Jagjivan Ram pertained to channelising the import of tractors through the state owned Agro Industrial Corporations. Thus, the huge profits which were being usurped by the importers at the cost of farmers were stopped. The various policy initiatives and programmes launched by Shri Jagjivan Ram during his tenure as the Food and Agriculture Minister(1967-70) improved the well-being of farmers as well as the consumers. However, his single largest contribution was to make India self-sufficient in foodgrains. He was a Cabinet Minister for over thirty years during which he was incharge of number of Ministries. As a pragmatic leader and person with vision and clear understanding he implemented policies and programmes very effectively and with great expertise. His sensitivities to people’s needs, management skills and the uncanny art of getting the best from the civil servants were keys to his success. Babu Jagjivan Ram was an outstanding parliamentarian. His sharp intellect, oratorical skills, the ability to remain calm in the most adverse circumstances stood him in good stead. Since his entry into the Bihar Legislative Council in 1936 and later from the First Lok Sabha till the Eighth Lok Sabha, he remained a legislator till his last breath. He had the unique distinction of being not only the youngest but also the longest serving Minister in the annals of Indian Parliament. He was greatly admired by his colleagues in the Congress Party and also by the Opposition for his ability to carry them along on many issues through his dignified approach and also caring for the sensibilities of his opponents in the House. He was ever willing to discuss any issue and share information with all his colleagues and left them happily satisfied by his answers. He was a very quick learner, who had a tremendous grasp over the subjects handled by his Ministries. This enabled him not only to carry out the routine administrative work efficiently, but also offer new and innovative ideas and directions. Jagjivan Ram’s abiding faith in democracy and freedom prompted him to leave the Congress when his effort to persuade the Congress leadership to revoke the emergency failed. He formed his own political party called the Congress for Democracy which later joined the Janata Party to form the Government at the Centre. A great organizer, administrator and social crusader, Babu Jagjivan Ram carved out a special niche for himself in India’s modern political history. In his long and remarkable political career he had become a legend during his lifetime. He earned respect and admiration from all sections of the society. His contribution to our nation-building is invaluable—in the political, economic and social sectors. His life and work will undoubtedly continue to inspire generations to come. ——————
—Meira Kumar* It is not easy for a daughter to write dispassionately about her father because the bonds are too close, the sentiments too deep and the images get blurred. Ever since I remember, I saw him as a national figure, a performer at centrestage, bathed in limelight. He was called upon to meet the most difficult challenges facing the nation in his times and he met them all with devastating success. Equipped with remarkable grit, intellectual rigour and a strong commitment to moral and quintessentially human values, Babuji remained the longest in that rarefied atmosphere at the top where even the best survive only briefly. As a growing child therefore, I was naturally overawed by the aura of supermanship that always surrounded him. I loved him as my father. While the world was curious about his work, his influence and the power he wielded, I was only concerned about his person, his childhood, his youth, his struggles and his dreams. As a little girl, I loved to listen to the tales of his childhood pranks which grandmother narrated as bed-time stories. She narrated them in a style so picturesque that I see them before my eyes as paintings coloured in great detail by a very fine brush. Whenever, Barka Baba, my father’s elder brother, twenty-four years his senior, came to Delhi, I would shower him with questions about Babuji’s childhood. I have treasured every word that grandmother and Barka Baba spoke about Babuji and have used them painstakingly to reconstruct his early life. The earliest scene, then, is set in the first decade of the 20th century against the backdrop of Chandwa, a small, backward village in Bihar in a country reeling under the shame of being a British colony. Babuji was born here on 5 April, 1908 amidst poverty and untouchability. For thousands of years Indian society had treated the untouchables with utter scorn and contempt. The repression and exploitation had crippled their very psyche so that they could not even entertain the idea of protesting against the unjust social system. They were the disinherited ones, a casualty of history, too feeble and with wounded souls to fight back. But Babuji was different. He was made of sterner stuff. It was against his grain to accept injustice. As life began to unfold and he felt the trauma of his * She is the Union Minister of Social Justice and Empowerment. circumstances, he took the reins of destiny into his own hands and strode ahead unstoppable—to a new dawn. I can visualize him as an ill-clad, dusty little boy out to conquer the world. Babuji was admitted to the village school at the age of six. It was Basant Panchami day and after offering prayers to Goddess Saraswati, he was sent to school, attired in a new yellow dhoti and velvet cap, a piece of jaggery in his mouth for good luck and a slate tucked under his arm. My grandfather Sant Shobi Ram had set great hopes in him—the youngest of his eight children. Grandfather was tall, handsome and very upright. As a young man, he had resigned from his job in the British Army, to protest against their unjust conduct. Thereafter, he worked in the Calcutta Medical College, but retired prematurely to settle down to a quiet, ascetic life in Chandwa. The produce of his land somehow sustained the family. As the priest of the Shiva-Narayani Sect, most of his time was spent in praying and writing the holy book “Anayas” in his beautiful, long hand to distribute among his disciples. He died young, when my father was only six. His last words to my father were “I have taught English to your elder brother but I have not even taught Hindi to you. May you scale great heights in life”. It was then that my grandmother Vasanti Devi, a lady of rare wisdom and courage, made a silent vow to her departing husband that she would spare no effort to give the best education to her young son. The village school was his temple of learning. There were new books to read and there was so much to learn. He had just learnt to spell his long name but one of his friends invariably spelt it wrong in order to tease him. Once the teasing led to a heated argument followed by fist cuffs. The friend went crying to Panditji, who not only scolded Babuji, but also thrashed him without giving him a chance to explain. This was his first encounter with injustice. Furious at the treatment meted out to him, he took a long stick and climbed atop a mango tree instead of going home for lunch. When grandmother made inquires, she was told that he was very angry and threatened to beat anyone who dared to go near the tree. When further inquiries revealed that he was beaten for no fault of his, she headed for Panditji’s house. She told Panditji’s wife in no uncertain terms that her husband was not only guilty of gross injustice to her little son, but was also responsible for beating him and keeping him without food. She made these charges in a manner so forceful and so appealing that she won instant support from the Panditani who joined her in her mission against injustice. The two accosted Panditji who was already suffering from pangs of remorse. The child he had wrongly punished was the brightest he had seen in his long, teaching career and he had the intuition that the little boy would do him proud one day. He apologized to grandmother and the Panditani, who were still in a belligerent mood, and then proceeded to the mango tree to beckon his favourite student. Babuji politely came down, but declared his refusal to study in Panditji’s school. Panditji was finally able to pacify him, but the little crusader had won his first battle. The incident, which left a lasting impact on him, occurred when he was around seven. It was rainy season and the tiny rivulet Gangi, which crisscrossed the eastern side of the village, had swelled. One hot afternoon Babuji and his friend went for a swim after school. The current was too powerful for the young swimmers. Being closer to the shore, the friend managed to come out, Babuji could not. Overcome by fierce mid-stream current he was fast drifting away when a woman spotted him. She had a long stick for driving her pigs. She rushed and extended the stick to rescue him. He saw the stick, outstretched his arm, held it tight and using all his might came out. It all happened in a flash, but it kindled a light within him forever. By accident, he had chanced upon the Moolmantra, the basic philosophy of his life, which he never allowed himself to forget. That the elderly lady thereafter was accorded the same respect, which was reserved for his mother, is another matter. What is significant is that the incident became a reference point in his life, one to which he referred again and again for sustenance, especially in trying moments. Perched on his knees as a little girl, or sitting by his side when I grew up, I often heard him talk of it. The elderly lady was, no doubt, a help, he would explain, but what really mattered was that he had the presence of mind to hold on to the stick and the strength within him to pull himself out. After finishing middle school, Babuji joined the high school in Arrah town. Although his reputation as a topper had already preceded him, it was eclipsed by the social prejudices prevalent at the time—prejudices that unfortunately exist even today. The most unusual reception awaited him upon his arrival at the school. To the school verandah which hitherto had accommodated two earthen pitchers, the Hindu and the Muslim pitcher, was added a third one—the untouchable pitcher. At the sight of this, his innocent face quivered in anguish and his young frame froze with incapacitating humiliation. He bent, picked up a stone and, as if in a trance, hurled it at the pitcher with all the force at his command. The next day the broken pitcher was replaced by a new one. Once again he aimed a stone, shattering it, as if he shattered not the pitcher but what lay behind it, that age-old practice of inhuman discrimination which heaped untold hurt and insults on the likes of him. The breaking of the untouchable pitcher remained a mystery for the headmaster and the others in the school. But with every new pitcher meeting the same fate, the exasperated headmaster gave in and what followed can only be termed revolutionary by all standards in the Bihar of 1920s. The school verandah thereafter had only one earthen pitcher for every one. At the age of ten when most of his classmates were content with the monotonous and uneventful life of that sleepy little village, Babuji was possessed by a strong urge to know what was happening outside its narrow confines. Reading the newspaper was one way, but the village provided no such opportunity. So, every morning without fail he would walk considerable distance to the Arrah railway station just to read a newspaper. While in the high school, he regularly spent two hours in the town library. Gandhiji’s “Young India” and Bankim Chandra’s “Anand Math”, were of special interest. He specially learnt Bengali to read ‘Anand Math’ in original. The coming of the monsoon was always welcomed in Chandwa, but that year it spelt disaster. Days of continuous and heavy downpour brought unprecedented floods. Babuji’s humble mudhouse caved in. Barka Baba was in Calcutta on work. Babuji, then in his teens, spent the whole day moving the household goods and the stock of foodgrains to the tiny hillock nearby where he and grandmother took shelter along with the other villagers. Alone he had to make innumerable trips to and fro, carrying heavy items on his frail shoulders. By sunset when he had managed to retrieve almost everything, it suddenly occurred to grandmother that some silver coins, her savings of years buried in the kitchen wall had been left behind. Scared to send her son at that hour to dig out the coins she went herself. Babuji naturally followed. But they could not go far. The water level had risen erasing every trace of their home as also of the earthern pot which contained their modest savings. Bewildered and helpless, they returned. The water receded in a few days and the house was rebuilt. But the experience, as Babuji so often recalled had toughened him beyond his age. I must write about his eventful journey to Khopira where the family owned a small piece of land. Harvesting had begun in right earnest in the vast stretches of paddy fields, as lilting melodies of Bhojpuri folk songs filled the winter air. Soon a relative came from Khopira to inform Dadi that harvesting being completed, the paddy should be collected. Since the high school was closed for winter vacations, Babuji volunteered himself for the task. The two proceeded to Khopira in a bullock cart which wound its way through the thicket and narrow pathways. There was chill in the air and dew drops shimmered in the golden light of the morning sun. Birds twittered and occasionally a stray hare darted from the bushes as they went swinging and swaying to the rhythm of their wagon. As they approached the village, the relative nudged Babuji to the side of the cart.
They were in the vicinity of the colony of the Babu Sahebs. According to the custom, untouchables had to get down from their bullock carts, take off their shoes, fold their umbrellas and walk through that part of the village with bowed heads. If they did not, they would attract abuse and assault. No one had ever questioned the demeaning custom. Some did not have the courage, others the conscience. Babuji decided to defy the custom. Refusing to fold his umbrella, take off his shoes, or get down from the wagon, he forced his relative to follow suit. The terror stricken relative trembled and quivered and begged him not to invite doom while Babuji firmly held him from falling off the cart. The Babu Sahebs were too taken aback to react and the cart slowly passed through the narrow lanes and by-lanes, trampling over the outdated system they had so zealously guarded. They pretended not to look, but watched stealthily from the corners of their eyes a new era emerge from the trail of dust raised by the cart. The elan and panache of the fearless boy aboard the cart dazzled the inhabitants of Khopira and changed the course of their lives in the days to come. Of the myriad colours in the kaleidoscope of Babuji’s childhood, I have brought into focus just a few. It is not that others do not deserve to be highlighted, but taken together, they all serve to point to the informing principle of his life, to instill courage, to fight for the oppressed and to take charge of one’s destiny. —————— T. N. Chaturvedi* There are times in the history of every country when it seems that titans walk the earth. For India, that time came during the period when the country was fighting for its freedom from alien rule under the inspired and inspiring leadership and guidance of Mahatma Gandhi. But these stalwarts —Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Patel, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Maulana Azad, to name a few, vanished much too soon, leaving our country poorer. But, we were fortunate that some of the founding fathers remained with us for almost 40 years after the dawn of freedom, giving us the benefit of their wisdom, experience and courage. Notable among these was Babu Jagjivan Ram, who was much younger and emerged as the indomitable champion of the poor and the downtrodden. Without a brief recapitulation of his life, it is well-nigh impossible to have an adequate and proper assessment of his place in our national life. The Life and Political Career of Jagjivan Ram Jagjivan Ram was born on 5 April 1908 in Chandwa, a small village in Bhojpur, in Bihar in a Scheduled Caste family. His grandfather, Shiva Narain, was an agricultural labourer. Jagjivan’s father, Shobhi Ram, was born in 1864. He lost his mother at a young age and was brought up by his grandmother. Shiva Narain died soon after, and Shobhi Ram was, more or less, adopted by an uncle, who worked in the army in Punjab. Shobhi Ram learned English and got a job in an army hospital. He had a spiritual bent of mind, and joined the Shiva Narayani Sect. He married Vasanti Devi, and had eight children — three boys and five girls—of whom Jagjivan Ram was the youngest. Young Jagjivan’s schooling began on Basant Panchmi in January 1914. He went to a pathshala run by Pandit Kapil Muni Tewari. After passing the Upper Primary School Examination in 1919 he began to attend the Agarwal Middle School. Jagjivan became a proficient debater in school, a trait which was to stand him in good stead in later life. Jagjivan did not show much interest in politics at this time, but was quite aware of the momentous events that were taking place in the country. Those were the days of the Khilafat movement, and he read about it and its underlying causes in the newspapers that he used to devour vociferously—another habit that continued throughout * He is the Governor of Karnataka. Earlier he was a member of the Rajya Sabha and Comptroller and Auditor-General of India. life. It was at this time that he began to wear a Gandhi cap, which became something of a trademark—he was probably one of the last Congressmen to wear it as part of his daily dress, well into late life, when the cap became an accoutrement, one wore only at party meetings. After a visit to Calcutta, where his elder brother lived, Jagjivan returned to Bihar. In 1925, he attended the Bihari Student’s Conference as a delegate. He took away from the Conference a deep impression of the personality of Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, one of the early leaders of the Congress. This would soon prove to be crucial in his life. Greater contacts in future created strong bonds of mutual affection and respect between the grand old man and a young man of promise. Jagjivan passed the Matriculation Examination in 1926. He had taken Sanskrit and Mathematics as extra subjects, in addition to the compulsory subjects. He passed in the First Division, and with full marks in Mathematics. It so happened that Pandit Malaviya and Mohammad Ali paid a visit to Arrah the same year. An Address was presented by the Scheduled Caste community, and read out by the young Jagjivan. Impressed, Malaviya urged him to come to Banaras and join the Banaras Hindu University and study for Intermediate Science, which Jagjivan did in July 1926. However, it was here that he began to face caste prejudice for the first time on a sustained basis. While there had been no particular discrimination at the pathshala, Jagjivan had faced some unreasonable prejudice in the Middle School, when he was forced to drink water from a pitcher meant exclusively for him, and not from the one used by the upper caste hindu boys. The situation in Banaras became frightful due to rampant caste prejudices and he moved out of the university campus and began to live in an area of the city known as Lanka. However, the situation did not improve and Jagjivan Ram organized his first campaign against untouchability. The provocation was the refusal of the barber to cut his hair after having discovered his caste. Jagjivan organized a boycott of all barbers by members of the Scheduled Castes. After six months, the barbers gave in. Jagjivan had won his first battle. At Banaras, Jagjivan Ram studied Physics, Chemistry, Mathematics, Hindi and English. He was a keen participant in the Student Parliament of the Banaras Hindu University, where he honed his already considerable skills. He was an inveterate sportsman and became a devotee of Hindi language. Banaras, at this time, had a number of eminent Hindi literary persons such as Shyam Sundar Das, Ramchandra Shukla, and Lala Bhagwan Din teaching there. He also attended meetings of the Arya Samaj and the Theosophical Society, and heard a number of Annie Besant’s lectures. His was a searching mind trying to learn more and more and also ruminating all along as to what path or course of action he should take at that stage of his life. A COMMEMORATIVE VOLUME 41 But the matter that exercised his mind the most was that of prevailing caste prejudice. He undertook an extensive study of the Vedas, Brahmin Granths, and the 18 Puranas (in original Sanskrit), and their extensive commentaries in order to discover whether untouchability was divinely ordained. He concluded that it was not, instead it was an ugly manifestation of the stratification of Hindu society. He also understood that the only way for the community to break the barriers thrown up by caste prejudice was to assert its rights. The only way they could be assertive was through organizing themselves. A look towards the East showed him that a large number of members of his community, from his own home province, lived in Calcutta, working in hospitals and jute mills. Jagjivan, therefore, resolved to go to Calcutta and wake his community to their intrinsic power and create awareness of their potential strength and significance in national life. Jagjivan joined the Vidyasagar College at Calcutta in 1928. After Banaras, standard at the Vidyasagar did not prove difficult at all. In fact, in his third year, Jagjivan finished the curriculum for the next year. This left him ample time for what he was determined to do in life i.e. to ameliorate the conditions of his people. He began to contact important members of the community in Calcutta, and began to organize Ravidas Sabhas in different parts of the city. A Meeting was also organized at the Wellington Park. Even Jagjivan was surprised by the presence of 15,000 people at the venue. The 25-year-old student was now seen to be an upcoming leader of greatest promise in his own right. Jagjivan took two further steps to consolidate his position. Within the community, he began to argue for social reforms. He worked against consumption of meat, and drinking of wine. This brought him into touch with senior leaders of the community. Some of them treated him in a condescending fashion, others declared their adherence—but all found in him an emerging leader of ability and determination. He also established links with the leaders of the Congress party in Bengal, such as J.M. Sengupta, Dr. B.C. Roy, P.C. Ghosh and Subhas Chandra Bose. He also came into touch with the influential Marwari Community of CalcuttaJugal Kishore Birla, Sita Ram Seksaria and Basantlal Murarka, to name a few. Ironically, Jagjivan had entry into the highest ranks of the Congress leadership in Calcutta, much before he met any senior Congressman from his home province of Bihar. Jagjivan attended the Calcutta Session of the Congress in 1928 presided over by Motilal Nehru. He fell ill and was unable to give his examinations, which he finally did in 1932 and received his B.Sc. degree. He received his initiation into jail-entry when one day he observed some policemen 42 BABU JAGJIVAN RAM IN PARLIAMENT lathicharging a group of Congressmen near the Presidency College. Though an observer, he was hit by a policeman. His pride hurt, he immediately decided to court arrest and was taken to jail. The country was electrified by the fast of Mahatma Gandhi at the act of the British Government in separating Caste Hindus and Scheduled Castes in electoral representation. When the action was nullified after the Poona Pact, Jagjivan wrote an angry letter to the Mahatma, questioning his reasons for not permitting the Scheduled Castes from having seats reserved for them in the Assemblies. He received a reply from Gandhiji’s Secretary, stating that the Mahatma believed that any separation of this kind would have a negative impact on the Scheduled Castes themselves. An Anti-untouchability League was set up with Shri G.D. Birla as its provisional President. The Organization was later renamed the Harijan Sevak Sangh. Its purpose was social and economic upliftment of the Harijans, as Gandhi now described the Scheduled Castes. However, due to his increased political activity, Jagjivan had to end his links with the Harijan Sevak Sangh later. Due to his burgeoning reputation, Jagjivan Ram was also invited to attend the Leaders Conference in 1932 at Bombay. He also attended the Bihar Provincial Anti-untouchability Conference at Patna. Leaders of the Congress, Arya Samaj and Hindu Mahasabha also attended. Jagjivan Ram was offended by the nature of the speeches being made, which cast the onus for untouchability on the scheduled castes themselves. He retorted that only the upper castes needed to reform themselves. This created a furore, but one of the Congress leaders present was Dr. Rajendra Prasad. He told Jagjivan Ram to devote more time to Bihar and he readily agreed to do so. He also became the Secretary of the Bihar branch of the Harijan Sevak Sangh. For the rest of his life, Bihar was to be the epicentre of his activities. Jagjivan Ram had married at an early age and his wife died in 1933. He married Indirani Devi in 1934. They had a son and a daughter. The son unfortunately, died at an early age. The daughter Smt. Meira Kumar after quitting the Indian Foreign Service followed the footsteps of her father. She joined politics, was elected to the Parliament and became a Minister in the U.P.A. Government in 2004. At the All India Depressed Classes Leaders Unity Conference in Kanpur in 1935, Jagjivan Ram proved to be the guiding spirit. He pointed out that the Harijans would not be able to advance their efforts at social and economic upliftment if they were not able to secure representation for themselves in elected bodies. Moreover, there had to be unity among them, as they would otherwise nullify their efforts by working through a number of different and separate organizations. He also emphasized that it was important to be linked to the mainstream of the freedom movement, as exemplified by Mahatma Gandhi and the Congress. As a result of his efforts, the All India Depressed Classes League was formed, with Rasiklal Biswas as its President and P.N. Rajbhoj and Jagjivan Ram as Secretaries. He also became the President of the Bihar branch of the Depressed Classes League. A new and perplexing question arose, when Dr. Ambedkar threatened that the Scheduled Castes in the country would embrace a religion other than Hinduism in view of the blatant caste discrimination and Jagjivan Ram was opposed to this view. He attended the All India Mahasabha Conference at Pune in December 1936 with a 30-member strong delegation. The Party President, Malaviya appealed that all the disabilities put before Harijans should be removed. All went well, until an amendment was moved that while Harijans could enter temples, they could not enter the main shrine room. Taking objection to it, Jagjivan Ram threatened to leave. Malaviya stepped in and the move was dropped. This goes to show the stature and prestige that Jagjivan Ram had acquired in just a few years. As noted, Jagjivan Ram had strongly opposed Ambedkar’s views on conversion. He made his disagreement public and in the campaign for the Assembly elections in 1937, exhorted Harijans across the country not to cut themselves off from the national mainstream. A major event took place in 1936, when Jagjivan Ram was nominated to the Bihar Legislative Council. This followed the separation of Orissa from Bihar. As a result, the position of a nominated member from the Scheduled Castes became vacant, since the member was from Orissa and had shifted to the Orissa Assembly. Jagjivan Ram stunned everyone on the first day of the Council. As a nominated member, it was expected that Jagjivan Ram would normally vote with the Treasury Benches on all issues. However, Jagjivan Ram thought that the Opposition’s demand that canal rates be cut was justified and voted against the rates. He had proved that he was his own man, a man with vision and determination. In the elections to the Bihar Assembly in 1937, the League contested all 15 reserved constituencies and won 14 of them. The Congress had adopted all the 15 candidates as its own. The Interim Chief Minister of Bihar, Mohammad Yunus tried to get Jagjivan Ram to join his Ministry. He, however, declined the offer and even refused to consider any negotiations, making it clear that the League must support the Congress Party in the Legislature. Dr. Rajendra Prasad brought Jagjivan Ram’s stand to the notice of Gandhiji who publicly described him as a “jewel”. He became a Parliamentary Secretary in the First Congress Ministry, later on with responsibility for Development, Cooperatives and Industries. During his brief tenure, Jagjivan Ram did pioneering work in organizing the Department of Rural Development. He added an electrical and mechanical section to the Department of Industries. Even while he was Parliamentary Secretary, he organized the Khetihaar Mazdoor Sabha to uphold the rights of agricultural labourers. He was opposed by the socialists, who floated their own outfits. He left office when the Congress Ministries resigned to protest against the forced entry of India in the Second World War without consulting Indian opinion. In 1940, Jagjivan Ram was elected Secretary of the Bihar Provincial Congress, an office he held till 1946. He was also elected to the All India Congress Committee, a position he was to hold until his departure from the party in 1977. He offered individual satyagraha and was arrested. After his release, he became involved in the Quit India Movement. He tried to organize resistance against the British, doing his best to ensure that at no point did it turn violent. He was finally arrested again, but released in 1943 due to illness. On 12 August, 1946, the Viceroy Lord Wavell, invited Jawaharlal Nehru to form a coalition government consisting of representatives of the Muslim League, Congress and other elements in India. The Muslim League refused to join, on the ground that all Muslim Ministers should be from their party, and, therefore, Maulana Azad could not be a Minister. The Interim Government was finally installed in September 1946. On 2 September 1946, Jagjivan Ram, at the age of 38 was sworn in as the Minister for Labour. He was to stay in office till the first General Elections of 1952. Jagjivan Ram was a Member of the Indian Government from 1946 to 1979, with two short breaks. In 1963, he resigned under the Kamraj Plan to revitalize the Congress party. Again in February 1977 he resigned from the Government and Party to form the Congress for Democracy. He became a Minister again in March 1977. He was thus a Member of the Central Legislative Assembly and the Constituent Assembly (1946-50), a Member of the Provisional Parliament (1950-52) and also a Member of the first Eight Lok Sabhas. He was the Minister of Communications (1952-56), Minister for Transport (1956-57), Minister for Railways (1957-62), Minister for Transport and Communications (1962-63), Minister for Labour, Employment and Rehabilitation (1966), Minister for Food, Agriculture, Community Development and Cooperation (1967-70), Minister of Labour, Employment and Rehabilitation (1969-79), Minister for Agriculture and Irrigation (1974-77), Minister for Defence (1970-74 and 1977-79). He was also President of the Congress Party (1969-71). It has not been given to many in public life to have such a vast and varied experience of public affairs. He was also a Member of the All India Congress Working Committee (1948-77), Congress Economic Planning Sub-Committee, Central Parliamentarian Board (1950-77), Congress Central Election Committee (1951-56 and 1961-77), Chairman of the Reception Committee of the 67th Session of Indian National Congress at Patna (1962), Member of the Vallabhbhai Patel Trust and Gandhi Smarak Nidhi and Trustee, Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Trust. Jagjivan Ram served with distinction in all the Ministries that he held for over 30 years. We will have a look at his brief achievements in this sphere. Nevertheless, it will not be out of place to refer to two major events here. First, as the Defence Minister during the India-Pakistan War of 1971, it was Jagjivan Ram who saw to it that the armed forces had all that they required for the task before them and was instrumental in keeping their morale and that of the country, at a high level. Secondly, Jagjivan Ram made a reference at one point of time on the need to have a “committed” bureaucracy. What he meant was that the bureaucracy should be committed to the implementation of the programmes of the Government of the day and the ideas and ideals of the Constitution without fear or favour. This was, however, interpreted in certain circles as calling for the bureaucracy to be committed to the ruling party as that had come to prevail on the perspective of looking at administration in certain vocal political circles. It is necessary, therefore, to quote the relevant passage, as it is not easily available today. The following is what Jagjivan Ram said as the Congress President at Bombay: “We have had to depend all these years on an administrative apparatus which was set up for entirely different purposes. It was originally colonial and was meant to subserve British interests and perpetuate British rule. It did not then have the much-publicized civil services neutrality. It was very much a committed service-committed to the maintenance of British rule at any cost. In the post-Independence era, the administrative apparatus did undergo certain changes but the basic structure remained unaltered. The machinery, in the higher layers, is manned today by the best products of Indian universities and it swears by British principles and traditions. But, at best, it may be said to be only a pale imitation of its British counterpart. Neutrality of the services, in a country where social disparities are extremely glaring and where the privileged classes control all the levers of power, invariably operate to the advantage of the privileged and the disadvantage of the havenots. Moreover, in a country which has stagnated for centuries and where centuries of delayed progress are sought to be compressed into a decade, where the pace of economic change has to be accelerated beyond measure, the so-called neutral administrative machinery is a hindrance, not a help. The theory, moreover, of a neutral bureaucracy is hardly relevant to Indian conditions. The society in which the concept emerged and got institutionalized was different and had a different background. To regard that development, therefore, as an integral part of the democratic structure is not wholly tenable, nor necessary. Has our bureaucracy, particularly at the lower echelons, that dedication to duty and that pride of work which characterizes its British counterpart? Does it have that impartiality which is another name for neutrality? We need, therefore, clearly and inevitably, an apparatus with a purpose, a mind. We need a service committed to the ideal of democracy, socialism and secularism. I know it calls for a major revolution in the thinking of the services, in the administrative procedures, rules, regulations. The recruitment policy and the recruiting agencies will have to be so re-oriented that the personnel manning the administrative machinery at various levels will be helpful in effecting the social and economic changes required for the establishment of democracy, socialism and secularism on a firm and secure basis”. After over 30 years of association in the Congress, Jagjivan Ram left the Party in 1977, just before the general elections were to take place. He formed a new party, the Congress for Democracy. The party allied with the Janata Party in the general elections and joined the new coalition of Janata Party Government, before merging into it. When the time came for the alliance to choose a Prime Minister to head the new Government, Jagjivan Ram was expected to be the clear front runner. However, the mantle finally fell on the shoulders of Morarji Desai and Jagjivan Ram went back to his old job as the Defence Minister to the great satisfaction of the Defence forces. From January to July 1979, Jagjivan Ram was also the Deputy Prime Minister. Many in the country, felt that a great injustice had been done to a political stalwart, one with unprecedented experience of public affairs in general and of governmental functioning in particular. When the Government of Morarji Desai fell in 1979, following the decision of a section of the Janata Party to move out, President N. Sanjeeva Reddy asked Charan Singh to form a Government. Following Charan Singh’s inability to prove his majority in Parliament, it was expected that the President would turn again to the new leader of the Janata Party, Jagjivan Ram and offer him a chance to try and form a Government. However, the President decided that any further attempt to form a Government was futile, dissolved the Lok Sabha and ordered fresh elections. Thus, the country found that Jagjivan Ram had, once again, been denied the chance to head a Government. Though he retained his seat in the subsequent election, he never again held office. Among his last work was the publication of a landmark sociological study, “Caste Challenge in India”. He passed away on 6 July 1986.
HIS CONTRIBUTION AS A MINISTER
As Minister of Labour The selection of Jagjivan Ram as the Labour Minister in the interim Government from 1946 to 1950 proved to be the right choice. During his six years in office, he laid the foundations of labour welfare in India, which, after more than 50 years, still bear the imprint of his firm hand. Till this time, all the laws relating to labour were those which were heavily tilted towards the big business and factory owners. For the first time, the pendulum swung the other way and laws were now enacted in favour of labour. As the Labour Minister, Jagjivan Ram worked out a five-year plan, which he proceeded to implement. It was based on the promise made by the Congress that it would implement the recommendations of the Royal Commission, 1931 and the Labour Investigation Committee, 1946. He put through laws that guaranteed the rights and privileges of labour. During his tenure, he ensured that the consultative machinery comprising the Government, the labour and the employers yielded results and did not stagnate. During this period, he also led the Indian delegation to the International Labour Organisation’s Conference, where he was elected President of the Asian Regional Conference of the Organisation. The landmark laws that were passed during this period included Industrial Employment (Standing Orders) Act, 1946; Mica Mines Labour Welfare Fund Act, 1946; Industrial Disputes Act, 1947; Dock Workers (Regulation of Employment) Act, 1948; Factories Act, 1948; The Minimum Wages Act, 1948; Coal Mines Provident Fund and Miscellaneous Provisions Act, 1948; Industrial Tribunal (Appellate Tribunal) Act, 1950; Plantation Labour Act, 1951; Employees Provident Funds and Miscellaneous Provisions Act, 1952. As Minister of Transport and Communications After the first General Election, Jagjivan Ram was shifted to the Transport and Communications, a charge that he was to hold twice. The transport and communication systems in India were still at a rudimentary stage, with the bare minimum possible having been done under the British rule. Whatever had been done was with a view to the firm and easy working of British rule and enhancement of trade favouring the British. The focus of Jagjivan Ram as the Minister was on developing the transport and communication system in the country in an integrated, holistic manner and as per the needs of India. Jagjivan Ram first turned to the question of civil aviation. An Air Transport Inquiry Committee reported in 1950 that the Sector should be left in private hands for five years. If, during that period, it proved unable to break even, the Government should take it over. Another factor was the fact that the aircraft being used were antiquated and the industry was not in a position to buy new one. It was, therefore, thought prudent to take over the industry. The Air Corporation Act, 1953, took over eight air companies and combined them into two-Indian Airlines for domestic service and Air India for international services. New aerodromes were also built across the country. Jagjivan Ram also emphasized the improvement of meteorological services, realizing that they were important not only for aviation but also for river valley projects, Railways, Defence services, etc. Jagjivan Ram was the first to understand and enunciate the need for a National Transport Policy for independent India. He set up a Committee under K.C. Neogy to formulate such a policy. He understood that a modernizing economy needed a comprehensive system of transport which would also ensure that there was no wastage or duplication of efforts. Apart from air transport, he also placed shipping, ports and highways on a priority list for development during his administration. The Shipping Corporation of India expanded its fleet and covered all trade routes across the sea lanes. A programme was set up for the rapid expansion and modernization of ports. These included the Calcutta and Haldia Dock projects, the Wet Dock at Madras (Chennai), expansion of Mormugao, Visakhapatnam, Cochin, Tuticorin, Mangalore and Kandla. Apart from these, 160 minor ports across the coast were also brought into use. The number of national highways went up and the total length of roads increased tremendously. In Delhi, the Delhi Transport Corporation’s fleet was expanded. The Border Roads Development Board was also set up. A National Transport Development Council was set up, which made important recommendations related to taxation, establishment of a National Road Safety Council and framing rules for transport of goods by road and development of inland water transport. The Ministry of Communications covered a huge number of different organizations spread throughout the country. These included all the posts and telegraph organizations, as well as the Post Office Savings Bank, National Savings Certificates, Postal Insurance, collection of licence fee, and also, in later years, enterprises such as the Indian Telephone Industries (Bangalore) and Hindustan Teleprints (Chennai). One of the major achievements of Babuji was to bring post offices to rural areas. During his tenure, the number of post offices doubled. He laid down a rule that every village with a population of 2,000 should have a post office. He also laid down that if there was no such village nearby, then the criteria should be that no one should have to walk for more than two miles to reach a post office.Another innovation was to motorise mail services wherever possible, thus improving delivery time. He also emphasized ancillary services such as the Post Office Savings Bank, which brought the banking system to many parts of the country for the first time. He also considerably improved and expanded the service of the money orders, which proved to be extremely popular with people in rural areas. The quality of stamps was also improved with the aid of modern technology. He also set up the Regional Post and Telegraph advisory bodies, which gave inputs as to what was required in a certain area and the problems that were being faced by the public. Such advisory bodies ensured that there was no wastage of resources, improved efficiency and brought the public into the policy-making loop. He also focused on the expansion of overseas communications services, noting that it was an absolute necessity in a modernizing country. The telephone system in the country had expanded during the Second World War due to the need of the military for instant communication. During this time, the Government also took over a number of private companies, which were integrated to form a single, unitary, modern telephone system. By 1955, the number of telephone exchanges had gone up to 759, from 321 in 1947. Long-distance Public Call Offices, Local Call Offices and Rural Public Call Offices sprang up all over the country. As a matter of policy, in 1955 it was decided that every district town should have a telephone exchange and every sub-division public call offices. Ninety per cent of district towns were covered by 1956. In the same period, 70 per cent of sub-divisions were also covered. To save valuable foreign exchange, it was decided to set up the Indian Telephone Industries to manufacture telephone instruments and other instruments needed by the telephone exchanges. A new trend began when instruments and exchanges began to be exported to countries such as Egypt, Nepal, Kuwait, Uganda, Sri Lanka, etc. Thus, in both transport and communications, the foundations for a modern India were laid early on, during Jagjivan Ram’s tenure. At no point was there any slackness in the system. He also ensured that the morale of the employees in these crucial areas was never affected adversely, by taking into consideration all their needs and making provision for them. As Minister of Railways The Railways were the key to India’s economic development during this time. Without a functioning Railways System, the integration of the States following Independence would have been difficult. However, there was a major difference between the Railway System before and after Independence. Before 1947, the Railways were geared to taking raw materials, minerals etc. from the interior to the coast for export. After Independence, the focus shifted to providing a viable transport system for both people and for the movement of goods and materials within the country, given the great distances which needed to be traversed. Moreover, the system had been shattered following Partition and had to be reconstituted. It was with this in view that in 1956 Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru shifted Jagjivan Ram to Railways, a tribute to his effective handling of his earlier responsibilities with brilliant results. The basic objectives of the Railways’ Five-Year Plan for rehabilitation was to provide the needed capacity for freight and coaches, while modernizing equipment, keeping financial constraints in view and to maximize efficiency. Major steps were taken towards the goal of self-sufficiency in equipment and the basis for a rolling stock industry was laid. The Chittaranjan Locomotive Works made progress and a modern Integral Coach Factory was also set up and the Ganga Bridge project was soon underway. Jagjivan Ram placed great emphasis on the expansion of the existing network. New lines were laid, single lines were doubled and electric traction took place. A number of railway yards were remodelled. The Minister insisted that regular meetings took place of a Committee of railway engineers, public works department and irrigation and forest departments of State Governments in order to iron out problems. Shri Jagjivan Ram also initiated action for electrification of Railway on a big scale during his tenure. As in other Ministries that he had to look after, Jagjivan Ram in Railways, too, laid great emphasis on the welfare of Railway workers. For the first time, Railway workers got a Pension Scheme in 1957. He also examined ways and means by which promotions could be faster. He insisted on Joint Committees of Officers and Staff at all levels “to make the staff feel as partners in common endeavour”. He also started a number of staff training schools to inculcate the necessary skills in an expanding workforce for an ever-expanding network. An interesting measure that he took for staff welfare was to start two holiday homes for rail workers at Srinagar and Pahalgam in Kashmir, after discovering that they were becoming favoured destinations. It was during Jagjivan Ram’s stint at the Railways that reservations were made for promotion of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. More than that, he forced through measures which led to the building of new quarters for rail staff across the country. New railway hospitals and dispensaries were also opened. By June 1959, some 500 primary schools were opened for the children of rail workers. Hostels were also set up in areas where staff were forced to send their children for education. All children were given a free uniform at these schools. As Minister of Food/Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation The Ministry was usually looked upon as a graveyard for reputations. Jagjivan Ram took charge at a time when the country was reeling under drought. But, as was his wont, he faced the challenge and viewed it as an opportunity. As he once remarked: “The growth of the national economy is, in a way, the growth of agriculture itself. And development of agriculture in a rational way is, to a considerable extent, the promotion of social justice for the weaker sections”. The Green Revolution in the future brought by agricultural scientists would have been impossible without the unstinting support that Jagjivan Ram gave them from early days during his stewardship of the Ministry. This was possible only because of the new food policy initiated by Jagjivan Ram. Its basic components were as follows: “Domestic procurement must be always undertaken without fail, public distribution of foodgrains should be a regular feature of food management, a buffer stock needed to be built up, incentive prices needed to be paid to farmers and high-yield seeds should be used.” He also elaborated on the need for introducing machinery in agriculture. It is this integrated approach which paid dividends and helped to turn the country from a food-deficient to a food-surplus nation. As Minister of Defence This, unquestionably, was Jagjivan Ram’s finest hour. When refugees began to pour into India from East Pakistan, he made it clear that India would not stop them from coming in and it would also not force them into East Pakistan as long as President Yahya Khan was in power. As the rhetoric became more and more belligerent from the Pakistan side, the Defence Minister made it clear, time and again, that the armed forces were ready for any misadventure from the other side. He also noted that if any conflict took place, it would be on Pakistani soil. The changes in the nuances of Indian policy could be seen in the statements being made by Prime Minister, Smt. Indira Gandhi and the Defence Minister. Both naturally hardened their tone as time went by. But, the Prime Minister concentrated on diplomacy, while the Defence Minister made the country ready for conflict, all along maintaining and boosting the morale of the armed forces. He had the unstinted support of the Prime Minister and his colleagues and earned the confidence of the Defence forces at all levels. After the successful conclusion of the War, which ended with the creation of Bangladesh, Jagjivan Ram proved through his imagination and deft handling as to why he had been given this job in the first place. He liberalized the pensions for the families of those killed in the war. The families received three-fourths of the pay which the officer was drawing at the time of his death, till the time he would have retired. After that, the family would receive the pension that he would have drawn otherwise after retirement. All those wounded would be employed in the army in some capacity. Those who were disabled would receive their full pay for life. Other benefits were also extended to the families of those killed in action. These actions showed the extent of Jagjivan Ram’s humanity. As the Defence Minister he made changes in the organization of the armed forces to make them more efficient. For one, he ended the system of recruitments to regiments on a caste basis and also ensured that recruitment centres were spread all over the country, giving ample scope for all to join the armed forces. He also focused on the indigenization of defence equipment. As part of this, the Defence Research and Development Organization (DRDO) was given a major boost in the budget. Jagjivan Ram was rightly acclaimed with great enthusiasm in a public reception at Red Fort by his countrymen. The Political, Social and Economic Philosophy of Babu Jagjivan Ram Being a busy politician and a senior Minister he did not have enough time to express his thinking in any holistic and academic framework despite his intellectual sharpness, deep understanding and intensive as well as extensive experience of men and public affairs. He did not put his thoughts down in a systematic manner, except on the question of caste (in the book “Caste Challenge in India”) at a later stage. However, it is possible to make a brief survey of his outlook and thinking by sifting through the numerous speeches, addresses and interviews that he gave, as well as the records of his debates in Parliament which bear testimony to a wide ranging mind and a keen observer with capacity to analyse every problem threadbare with an eye on constructive and practical solution. Political Philosophy Jagjivan Ram’s political convictions came from certain observations that he made of society and his personal experience of politics in actual life. The first was that caste had been perverted from its original intention, into a social reality in which one group considered itself to be superior to another and deprived it of all rights. The only way to end this was for the oppressed to unite and through the strength of their numbers, bring to an end this discrimination. Simultaneously, the oppressed group must work with other sections of society and not against them. If it worked against other groups, it was not likely to end discrimination, but might even end up increasing it. One discerns a sense of agony but no acrimony in his approach to this thorny problem. It was for this reason that the Depressed Classes League joined hands with the Congress. Jagjivan Ram maintained his strength through his own organizations, while simultaneously working in tandem with those he believed harboured a view of society similar to his. In this manner, he hoped to bring about harmony and cohesiveness in society. As a Minister, while he took particular interest in the welfare of the Scheduled Castes and Tribes, he did not confine himself to them. He looked after the welfare of the entire broad spectrum of those who constituted society. This could only be possible in a democratic system. He worked for a participatory democracy, as could be seen in the manner in which he tried to involve as many people as possible in the making of policies in many of the Ministries that he headed, consulting widely and deeply with sincerity and sensitivity. On Economic Issues Jagjivan Ram was a firm believer in a Planned economy. According to him, it was the only way in which not just the narrow interests of one section of society, who held all power in their hands, but the interests of all sections of society, could be served. It was also the only tool through which the wastage of scarce resources could be prevented. It is interesting to consider the lengthy reply that he gave to a question on whether the adoption of democratic socialism in India had been correct: “Ideologies and concepts do change from time to time. Gandhiji made the village the centre-piece in his concept of planning. He stressed as imperative of planning, the utilizing of the unutilized or under-utilised rural labour and their skill through organization of agriculture and village industries. He advocated the democratic decentralization and dispersal of economic and political power. All his constructive programmes were related to his ideal of making a new man in a new society. When power shifted into the hands of the people, the ideals took the shape of actions. Therefore, soon after independence, India embarked upon planned socio-economic development to transform quickly her colonial village economy, feudal agrarian pattern and backward rural technology into a highly developed or an economic society of an advanced nation, so as to cater to the social requirements of the masses and achieve the goal of democratic socialism”. He always stood strongly for equity and egalitarianism in economy and society. Views on Education Jagjivan Ram believed that education was one of the effective means for the downtrodden to stand up for their rights. He believed that if all had equal access to education, then their natural abilities would flower. He supported reservation for Scheduled Castes and Tribes in educational institutions, because it was the one way in which they could escape the burden placed upon them by their economic backwardness. Since they did not have adequate financial resources, they could not access education; since they could not access education, they could not get jobs—and so, the vicious circle continued. From his own personal experience as well as from his observations over the years of happenings within the country and outside he realised that education is a powerful tool of empowerment—a source of sure and steady socio-economic advancement. But he would also plead that the disadvantaged sections ought to develop a spirit of self-reliance and selfrespect through hard work thus averting the dependency syndrome. He also had strong views on the nature of education that was being provided in India. He once said: “The present education system is defective. The so-called upper middle class and affluent community have imitated the English ways and manners. We have introduced the public school system simply because it prevails in England. In the USSR, there is no public school system, nor is it in Japan, France, America, etc. But they have their own educational systems. When we talk of equality, democracy and socialism, then what is the need for such systems of education. What I wish to emphasise is that we must not sow the seeds of disintegration and inequality right from the primary and secondary stage. Equality of opportunity is the soul of democracy. Where lies this equality when, on the one hand we see a promising child reading in an ordinary school and at home besides an earthen lamp, while on the other hand, a dull child of a rich family is reading in a public school. By denying due facilities of education to all those who deserve and by creating a situation where facilities of better education are available only to those, who afford enormous fees, we are doing nothing but creating inequality in society, establishing aristocracy, snobbery and spreading the feeling of disunity and disintegration.” Social Thinking Though ample mention has been made to his social thinking, Jagjivan Ram’s views on the prevailing situation on the matter of caste can better be summarized in this extract from the speech that he gave as the Congress President at Bombay: “I have always maintained that the problems of the Scheduled Castes and Tribes cannot be fully appreciated much less solved except in the framework of a radical reorganization of the socio-economic order. That will take long. But even the scope of welfare projects and the manner of their implementation leaves much to be desired. It was to be expected that when the condition of these communities improved they would aspire to live as decent human beings. It was equally to be expected that with the growth of consciousness and an understanding of their rights, they would refuse to be treated as before. But wherever this trend has manifested itself, particularly in the rural areas, oppression and harassment have been renewed. It is an indication of the fact that upper caste psychology has not undergone any real change, there has been only some kind of a grudging adjustment. Even the so-called liberals share the same attitude; only its expression is different. How else would one explain the much-vaunted talk of pity, the much publicized desire to do some good to the depressed and suppressed communities.” Thus vividly and with deep sense of hurt as well as social sensitivity he realistically portrays as to how the matter stood. His Personality Jagjivan Ram was no ordinary individual. He was endowed with a strong intellect, a stout heart, great strength of character, firmness of conviction and purpose and an astounding capacity for sustained hard work. He had a vision along with capability and clarity of approach towards its realization. As a young boy, he was deeply involved in his studies. He enjoyed going to school, but he had one great regret. That the other boys had books to carry, while he had none. Thus, one day he carried to school a few books belonging to his elder brother, given to him by his father. Jagjivan Ram was a deeply religious person throughout his life. The Ramayana was a great favourite. When Ramayana Paath, took place at his house on Sundays, he would read out to the gathering the meaning of each verse in the epic. Probably, this was not only a source of delight and wisdom but also of spiritual strength. Jagjivan Ram was also a great sports enthusiast. During his school days, he used to wrestle and play football. His favourite sport was swimming and at times, he would swim across the river and back, with apparent little effort, at Banaras.
He was also a voracious reader of newspapers, a habit he imbibed at young age and continued. While he was still in High School, he began to subscribe to Gandhiji’s Young India. Once he came across a few Hindi translations of books written in Bengali. Jagjivan Ram was so impressed that he decided to read them in the original. He, therefore, learnt Bengali and was soon reading the works of Bankim Chandra, Sarat Chandra, Rabindranath Tagore and others. It is not generally known that Jagjivan Ram was a great enthusiast and devotee of Hindi. In the Constitutent Assembly, he said that merely enshrining the language in the Constitution was not enough. Much work would have to be done to popularize the language with sympathy, understanding and meticulous hardwork. As Minister for Communications, he was instrumental in bringing out an in-house publication in Hindi, “Dak Samachar”, which was a bulletin carrying news of the important actions taken in the Ministry. Jagjivan Ram had a quiet and dignified air about him. He never lost his temper, in public, in Parliament or with his ministerial staff. He would evoke loyalty from his subordinates at various echelons and he would also stand by them. His composure even in troubled times was remarkable. With his wit and humour and charming smile he could disarm his vocal opponents. But he was always logical and clear in his arguments and exposition. He was the embodiment of old world courtesy. After having voted against the Bihar government on canal rates, as a nominated member in the Assembly, Jagjivan Ram went on to receive the Governor at the railway station. When some elements criticized him for this step, he said that common courtesy and decency should not be given the go by. This same politeness was witnessed in Parliament, where he always made it a point to thank members who had raised an important point or made a valuable suggestion. Jagjivan Ram was not only an astute politician, an outstanding parliamentarian but also a great administrator. He combined idealism and pragmatism in his approach to problems. He would give opportunity to all of his advisers or officers to express freely and frankly their reactions or views and listen to them quietly and intervene occasionally to seek clarifications or elaboration of some vexed points. Having done this he would succinctly and clearly give his definitive opinion or decision. There was a finality about his decision and his personality was such that those responsible for execution of the decision would do so without demur or doubt as they always were confident of guidance and support as and when necessary. He could therefore produce results as desired by him in his various exacting spheres of ministerial responsibility. His memory was phenomenal and his decisiveness was proverbial. In any discussion or debate he would manage to his final say persuasively and logically. He had an uncanny sense of humour, capacity for repartees and thorough grasp or mastery of the subject in detail and in depth. The happy blending as those qualities made him a front rank parliamentarian whom everyone would like to listen to with attention and respect. Jagjivan Ram was highly and widely respected as a person and a statesman. This is what H.M. Patel, a former member of the Indian Civil Service and later Union Home and Finance Minister, had to say about Jagjivan Ram in 1977: “I had occasion to see him in action in Parliament. He was called upon to express Government’s case on more than one occasion and on each occasion he gave a dazzling display of eloquence and wit on the one hand and a superb mastery of the subject matter under discussion on the other. From the opposition benches, I could not but admire such skill. No one else could have put up a better justification and defence of Government’s policy and actions. But Shri Jagjivan Ram has a claim to recognition for more solid achievements. He has undoubtedly proved himself to be one of the most successful ministers. He has a real understanding of the problems of the rural areas and has shown that he is capable of seeking solutions for them in a realistic manner. Even when we in the opposition do not agree with his policies, we know that he is sincere and not motivated by political considerations.” And Dr. V.K.R.V. Rao, the economist and once a Cabinet colleague wrote: “I found him always alert and with the vast experience he has had of many portfolios and his quick grasp of the essence of every problem he tackled, he could always make a valuable contribution whenever he chose to intervene in Cabinet discussions. He commands the respect of the bureaucracy in whichever portfolio he functions and at the same time, there is no doubt that he is in command”. To sum up, Jagjivan Ram had a chequered, purposive and a remarkable career as a public man. Jagjivan Ram participated in the freedom movement, became a member of the Bihar Legislative Assembly and then the Central Legislative Assembly and from 1946 onwards, till almost his death, he served as a member of the Government under every Prime Minister from Jawaharlal Nehru to Morarji Desai. During this time, he made varied and lasting contributions to the political life of the nation and its economic and social development the likes of which we rarely see and are not likely to see easily in future. Jagjivan Ram fought against caste prejudices all his life. But while deploring the conduct of those who practised caste prejudice, he never directed his ire against them, he never harboured hate or animus for them. He was keen for social solidarity and social progress and amity and for removal of social inequity of every kind and complexion. Like Gandhiji, he hated the sin, not the sinner. He did not want to pit caste against caste, prejudice against prejudice, hate against hate. He wanted, quite simply, equality for all and harmony between everyone. Is it a wonder that his birth anniversary is observed throughout the country as Samta Diwas? Though profoundly concerned with the problems of the Scheduled Castes and deprived sections in society throughout his life he transcended the narrow frontiers of caste, community, religion and region and rose to be a popular mass leader interested in the welfare, progress and future of all of his countrymen. Though I did not have the opportunity to serve directly in any Ministry presided over by Jagjivan Ramji while in office, he having been a witness to those times, particularly 1946-50 as a university student and subsequently as an officer did have the opportunity to see him in action and meet him during his visits to States for political as well as official reasons. One thing which was particularly noticeable was the silent authority that he carried with him with ease while in office or out of it. Whether party workers, common people or officers everyone will defer to him and try to gather around him and carry out his wishes as if he was one in office even when he had left the Government under Kamaraj Plan. It seemed quite natural that his equanimity, his habitual courtesy, his prodigious memory, his capacity to explain in simple language the most difficult issue would leave a mark on everyone around him. The brief or occasional opportunities that I have had to meet him would leave their mark on me. As chance would have it, I came in fairly close and personal contact with him on a continuing basis when Shri Ashok Mehta could persuade him to accept the Chairmanship of the Indian Institute of Public Administration (IIPA), New Delhi. Shri Ashok Mehta had expressed his desire to relinquish the office for his personal reasons during early seventies. As a member of the Executive Council or its Committees or for about two years as Director of the IIPA, I had to be in touch with him on a regular basis. One could see how he would steer through smoothly and with good humour the heated discussion in some of its very controversial meetings. His word would be final. As Director, when even I sought guidance on any matter his sagacious advice and adequate response would come with utmost promptness and clarity. His old world charm and consideration for all and sundry would win over people easily. Thus I invariably enjoyed his confidence and his encouragement and once I came to know him well enough since early seventies till he passed away. Such memories I do cherish along with many of his admirers. It has been a rewarding experience to have met him and known Jagjivan Ramji. I deem it a privilege to pay my humble tribute and homage to his memory. ——————
JAGJIVAN BABU: A DYNAMIC LEADER AND A TRUE STATESMAN —Bali Ram Bhagat* Jagjivan Babu whom I had known and admired and with whom my association is spread over for almost four decades, was one of the shining and seasoned parliamentarians with a rare distinction of winning eight terms consecutively from First to the Eighth Lok Sabha (1952-84) that also from the same parliamentary constituency. In true sense of the term, he was a statesman. The difference between a politician and a statesman is that a politician places the services of the nation for his own self whereas a statesman places his services for the nation and its people. By any yardstick, Jagjivan Babu was a proven dynamic leader of the 20th century. He was a force to be reckoned with on the national scene till his demise in July 1986. He spoke the voice of the masses and often mooted original ideas for solving the problems. He joined the Indian National Congress in 1933 and plunged into the freedom struggle. He began his political career as Parliamentary Secretary to the Bihar Vidhan Sabha in 1937 and rose to the post of the Deputy Prime Minister in 1979. His services to the people as Deputy Prime Minister and Union Minister with different portfolios speak volumes of his administrative acumen. His ability to understand and judge the issues quickly was superb. Some of the social service measures, which he initiated, are milestones in our march towards achieving a cherished goal of Bapu – that is wiping tears from every eye. Our Enduring Association My association with late Jagjivan Babu lasted for almost four decades, which could be divided into two phases. The first phase began in 1950 when I became member of the Provisional Parliament coming into direct contact with him and this came to an end in 1977 when he quit the Congress and formed his own party, Congress for Democracy (CFD). During this first phase both of us were the members of the Treasury Benches and were in the Council of Ministers of the first three Prime Ministers holding different portfolios as well as occupying various positions in party. I gained immensely from his rich and varied experience. We had had the distinction of working under the 59 * He is the former Speaker of Lok Sabha.
Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru succeeded by Shri Lal Bahadur Shastri and Smt. Indira Gandhi. Both of us also belonged to the same region of Bihar and his Parliamentary constituency ‘Sasaram’ and my constituency ‘Arrah’ were neighbouring and contiguous. Both of us worked together with shared perception and used to campaign jointly for the success of the party. As a result, we won all the elections from First to Fifth Lok Sabha comfortably with massive majority. He was my senior in terms of position, age and experience. I had a great respect and admiration for him. He was a towering personality and achieved a nation-wide fame. Despite achieving all the success and occupying high offices in Government, he remained very humble and down to earth. A Clash of Personalities: Jagjivan Babu versus Morarji Desai I vividly recall an event of 1961, which could be considered as a very significant event in the destiny of our country. When the nation had a towering leader of Nehru’s stature, a question always confronted many as to what would be the nation’s future when he would disappear from the scene. The question was raised even when Nehru was alive. It was the period of Nehru who was at the apex of the governance with considerable influence over the rank and file of the party. But a debate had already begun on “After Nehru Who”? After the demise of Govind Ballabh Pant, the then Union Home Minister, the seat of the Deputy Leader of the Congress Parliamentary Party in Lok Sabha became vacant. During those days, the post of the Deputy Leader was considered most important. Virtually it was second to the Prime Minister who himself was the Leader of the House. Consequently, a vigorous tussle and search for this post began. Both Morarji Desai and Jagjivan Babu who were aspirants for the post, decided to contest the election and started lobbying. It was very difficult for me to take a stand. I was a colleague of Morarji Desai in the Ministry of Finance. He wanted that “I must take his side openly”. On the other hand, Jagjivan Babu was from our State and the District then known as ‘Shahabad’. It was his gentlemanliness that he did not pressurize me to extend him my support. I remained neutral and my stand was appreciated by Jagjivan Babu. Finally, with the intervention of Nehru, the issue was resolved amicably. The post of the Deputy Leader of the House was given to a non-Minister. Later, the post was further devalued as provision of separate Deputy Leader was made for each House. I was happy that Jagjivan Babu praised and appreciated my stand. The chapter was closed for the time being. The clash of the two personalities and struggle for supremacy revived again in 1977 but at that time both were not in the Congress Party. Winning 1971 War: Pinnacle of his Career Keeping in view his superb administrative skill and leadership qualities, Jagjivan Babu was given the portfolio of Defence by Smt. Indira Gandhi in 1970. It was a period, which witnessed the gradual deterioration of our relations with Pakistan and finally a war broke out in December 1971. Under his inspiring leadership the Indian Defence forces fought against Pakistani aggression and liberated the oppressed people of Bangladesh. During the events of December 1971, Shri Jagjivan Ram displayed unparalleled resoluteness and immense courage and added a golden chapter and made us proud. No doubt, it was Jagjivan Ram’s superb leadership and his able and masterly handling of the Defence Affairs of the country which won us the war in 1971. This is perhaps the greatest contribution a Defence Minister can make to the motherland. Jagjivan Babu always showed his worth in the midst of bitter crisis, conflict and challenge. During mid-70s when there was drought and shortage of food, he was given the charge of Agriculture. In the field of agriculture he did a marvellous job. With his dependable leadership he served the nation and guided the people like a friend and philosopher in moments of crisis and calamity. Parting with the Congress The second phase of our relations began in 1977 and continued till his demise. The National Emergency was imposed in June 1975. It was the period of turmoil. I became the Speaker of Lok Sabha. After Emergency was lifted in January 1977, General Elections for the Sixth Lok Sabha were announced. All the major Opposition parties came together and decided to fight jointly against the Congress. Jagjivan Babu and H.N. Bahuguna decided to quit the Congress and joined the Opposition. Jagjivan Babu approached me and tried to prevail upon me to quit Congress. I did not agree with him on the issue of deserting the Congress Party. I told him in clear terms that, “my conscience does not permit to do so”. Whatever I am today including the prestigious Constitutional post of Speaker, I got from Congress. In principle and spirit I turned down his proposal. In fact, I reminded him that it was he who played a key role on the Floor of the House for getting the parliamentary approval for the Emergency. But he was not pleased and he threw an open challenge to me that he would see that how I would win the election. In the election, he campaigned vigorously in my constituency and I lost the parliamentary election for the first time. Although, there was a wave against the Congress in the wake of some excesses during the Emergency and the Congress lost all the seats from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Even if he had not campaigned, I am sure, I would have been defeated. What I could not appreciate was his personal campaign against me. When I look back I feel proud even today that I took a principled stand. A Missed Opportunity A new party, Congress for Democracy, was formed by Jagjivan Babu and it became a constituent of the Opposition and later on it merged with the Janata Party. His party did well in the election and he rose to the post of Deputy Prime Minister with Defence portfolio. But the Janata regime did not treat him well. He never got the due respect, that he was getting in the Congress. He was considered as one from outside the Janata Party. When Morarji Desai’s Government fell in July 1979 due to infighting within Janata Party, Jagjivan Babu emerged as a strong candidate for the post of Prime Minister. But he could not achieve as other partners of the Janata Party were inimical. So, despite his ability and superb quality of leadership, he could not become the Prime Minister. Even today, I think Jagjivan Babu was the most suitable for the post of the Prime Minister. In private conversation, he admitted time and again the uneasiness of quitting the Congress. When Rajiv Gandhi came to power in 1984, he wanted Jagjivan Babu to rejoin the Congress Party. I was also in favour of his rejoining the Congress. We also sent such feelers to him. But he declined saying that he had gone far away from the Congress. A Quality Administrator The qualities of a good administrator differ according to the nature and form of the governance. In colonial days, or in a dictatorship, or in a dynastic rule, execution of orders is the prime consideration of an able administrator. What distinguishes a good administrator from others in a parliamentary democracy, in a country trying to modernize the tradition-ridden social structure and in a developing economy, definitely calls for a different character. In such a set of circumstances, Jagjivan Babu was a representative of not merely a territorial constituency he hailed from, but he represented the hopes and aspirations of the entire nation. He was the leader to whom the country and the masses looked up to. He gave expression to their aspirations and hopes, to the unspoken thoughts of the less articulate and the less fortunate people and to their dreams for a better social order. He was a man of vision. The vision extended beyond the immediate future, to perspective planning for decades ahead. While he was a great planner, he was firm in the execution of the policies as well. He used to think, consult and discuss but once a decision was arrived at, he was quite firm. The position he had come to occupy did not distance him from the masses. He always sought to maintain a close rapport with the people. A Down to Earth Man Jagjivan Babu was born of poor parents in the village ‘Chandwa’ near Arrah in 1908. The family, though, belonged to Dalit community, was endowed with high spiritual values. He knew what poverty and hardship were. He understood the social impediments, and constraints one had to face in life. His early childhood and the struggle paved the way for him to rise up in life, moulding his character. His simplicity and mild manner hid an iron-will strong determination. His success which began rather early in life endowed him with self-confidence. His unique and characteristic smile made him most lovable. Mahatama Gandhi wanted Indians to walk erect and have self-respect. He felt he could help achieve this dream only when he was able to make Indians self-reliant and revive their moral fibre. A True Gandhian Jagjivan Babu was a true Gandhian. He not only had great respect for Gandhiji but he also practised Gandhian principles in letter and spirit. He believed in non-violence and Satyagraha. Jagjivan Babu’s approach to the Harijan problem was almost identical to the thinking of Mahatma Gandhi. Many people are mistaken when they consider him as a leader of Dalits. His appeal had nationwide effect. He wanted the upliftment of Harijans and backward classes and worked towards the restoration of a rightful place for them in society. It was a gargantuan task. But Babuji’s determination was equally strong. He did not believe in any melodrama or a magic wand for their amelioration. He was confident that it was by making them realize their potential rights, by infusing in them confidence and by removing first the shackles that bound their mental horizons that the Harijan problem could be solved. This clearly showed his farsightedness as a leader and also his sensing rightly the general attitude of the suppressed masses he was spearheading. Organising Capacity Jagjivan Babu displayed his organising capacity and administrative capability rather early in his life. Even in his student days, he organised Ravi Das Sabhas in order to bring under one platform the leaders and men of his community. He began reforming the community, trying to rid it of some pernicious habits and had to face on that count opposition from the people of the sect. He was dictated by what was right and did not fear the opposition and could carry on his task relentlessly with patience and perseverance even under heavy odds. He soon came to be recognized as a leader in his own right to be reckoned with. The first opportunity for real public work as a leader which would put his administrative acumen, his organising capacity and leadership to test, during the relief operation following the Bihar earthquake of 1934, which caused enormous misery to the people and heavy damage to life and property. He came in close contact with Rajendra Babu during the relief operation and toured with Mahatma Gandhi in Bihar in providing the much needed succour to the affected people. Both Mahatma and Rajen Babu recognized the great potentialities in young Jagjivan.
His First Political Assignment The year 1937 saw the Congress entering the Legislatures and forming Governments in the Provinces. By that time Jagjivan Babu was the recognized leader of the Harijans in Bihar. Though everyone recognized his right to be included in the Bihar Council of Ministers headed by Late Shri Krishna Singh, he conceded the place to a senior leader—Shri Jaglal Choudhary. As long as one is spurred by an ardent desire to serve the people, the position one holds makes only relative difference. He showed that when the cause is right he need not bother about opposition to his work, but with determination he went ahead, leaving the opposition to realize their mistake in time and recognize the beneficial results of the measures taken by him. The same attitude we find in Shri Jagjivan Ram when he occupied the position of Minister of Labour in the Interim Government also and later in his long parliamentary career. The period of six years when he was the Labour Minister saw the laying of firm foundations of a sound labour policy. Many of the labour legislations aiming at the amelioration and welfare of the workers were piloted by him and found place in the statute book. A Versatile and Dynamic Personality Since his entry in the Union Cabinet in 1946 Jagjivan Babu had the opportunity to give his versatile and dynamic leadership in many and varied fields. Whichever portfolio he was called upon to shoulder he did so with dedication and determination. He proved that he was a rebel against injustice, a fearless fighter for the weaker and vulnerable sections of the community. One of the astute qualities of an able administrator is capacity to take the officers and staff along with him. Jagjivan Babu always carried and enthused his officers with his point of view. He felt that this was absolutely necessary if the policy were to be implemented not only in letter but in the spirit in which it was laid down. The officers who had the opportunity to serve under him always spoke highly of him, his open-mindedness and free and frank discussion to which he patiently listened. Jagjivan Babu was not satisfied merely by the civil servant carrying out the orders or policies laid down as a matter of course. He desired them not merely to be the implementing authority but wanted them to be active participants in the socio-economic transformation process. Towards this end he wanted them to be dynamic in their thinking. He desired a sense of participation on the part of the civil servants in the nation-building activities. Seasoned Parliamentarian A dynamic leader need not necessarily be a successful one as well. But, Jagjivan Babu had been a uniquely successful administrator whichever portfolio he held. In a parliamentary democracy, the Parliament is the testing ground for a parliamentarian. It is the forum to testify how able and articulate a people’s representative is. But more than that this success depends on the type of leadership he is able to provide for his Ministry in Parliament. Many an otherwise able and experienced administrator flounder when facing the vigilant Opposition in the House. Parliament is a training ground and helps the Minister in many ways. It enables him to understand more intimately the working of his own Ministry. He is in a position to assess the impact of its functioning on the masses. In other words, it serves as a spring board for the measures he may have in mind. He is able to feel the pulse of the people. Secondly, by his performance in the House, by his ability to face Opposition and answer their criticisms, he is able to command the respect and regard of the bureaucracy. The administrators know that no amount of briefing will alone be enough for a Minister. It is only the personal ability and skill that will sustain him. Here his sense of proportion and judgment is often on test. Jagjivan Babuji was one of our ablest and seasoned parliamentarians. Effulgent with self-confidence, he used to remain fully composed with that familiar smile on his face, patiently following the proceedings of the House. He was never to be seen in ruffled tempers. When some unjustified remarks were made, he did not jump up to counter it. He used to get up when his turn came and answered all points squarely with clarity and composure. He fully met the criticisms voiced by the Opposition. He answered them in a matterof-fact way giving full information and justifying his stand. In his long cherished parliamentary career hardly can we cite an instance when he had not risen to disarm the criticisms with his logical and precise arguments. He was not a flowery orator but whatever he spoke was full of wisdom and logic. As a colleague I may conclude, “whatever he said, he meant, and whatever he meant he did”. Members knew this and admired him. Disciplined Political Worker Yet another character which goes to mark Jagjivan Babu as a successful dynamic leader was the close rapport he maintained with his leader and the deference he showed to the leadership. He was a disciplined soldier. He was a man of strong convictions and firm commitments. When he was in the Congress, he remained committed to the principles of the party. When he quit, he never looked back. In the Congress split (1969), he instinctively recognized the leadership that was likely to take control and lead the country onward on the way to socialism. He aligned himself with the progressive forces under the leadership of Smt. Indira Gandhi. I was fully with him on these issues. It is a pleasure for me and as well for millions of Jagjivan Babu’s followers and admirers to learn that Lok Sabha Secretariat is bringing out a 66 BABU JAGJIVAN RAM IN PARLIAMENT commemorative volume on his life and works. Though it is being brought out after two decades of his demise, it is indeed a very laudable step. Definitely the publication would be a guiding force for younger generations in the years ahead and they will be able to understand the vision and wisdom of Jagjivan Babu and his invaluable contribution to nation-building. Here my reminiscences go back to 1976-77 when ‘Smriti Granth’ was brought out by his colleagues to mark his glorious four decades in Parliament. I am happy that then as the Speaker, Lok Sabha, I was associated with that publication and after 28 years today, I am able to pen my reminiscences of our longcherished association. Among the galaxy of leaders of the 20th century, Jagjivan Babu definitely is one of them. I feel proud to say that Jagjivan Babu possessed numerous noble qualities but I was highly impressed by his simplicity from core of the heart and his dedication to the well-being of the people at large. ——————
BABU JAGJIVAN RAM : A STATESMAN WITH RARE QUALITIES —Dr. Mohan Dharia* Babu Jagjivan Ramji was perhaps a privileged person to be a Central Minister in the Government almost continuously from 1946 to 1979. He was in the Council of Ministers in 1946, as the youngest Minister in the Interim Government. Since 1952 he got elected from Bihar for Lok Sabha and represented his Constituency (Sasaram, Bihar) from 1952 to1986. Babu Jagjivan Ram belonged to a backward family. Though he was persuaded to join hands with Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, as a freedom fighter he preferred to remain with the Congress Party till 1977. Babu Jagjivan Ram was incharge of several Central Ministries like Labour, Agriculture, Defence, Railways, Transport, etc. and in all his Ministries he has left permanent impression as one of the most able Ministers. Babu Jagjivan Ram was an able Parliamentarian and an efficient administrator, who had unprecedented skill to handle all officers. Though he always used to take them into confidence, he was never swayed away by the bureaucrats. He had his own opinion on every issue and every time through his persuasive skill he prevailed upon the bureaucrats to the extent that after his retirement from the Ministry there was always a word of praise even from senior bureaucrats. Babu Jagjivan Ram was, many a time, instrumental in changing the policies of the Government to serve the weaker sections. Babu Jagjivan Ramji never forgot that millions of his fellow people were looking at him as their saviour. Whenever necessary he used to raise his voice to protect the interests of the poor in the country. When we had raised our voice in Parliament for politics of commitment as against the politics of convenience, Babuji in his own style supported the cause that we were serving. He was well aware of our concern for the poor and extended his support both directly and indirectly. His existence in Parliament and in the Council of Ministers was itself a great strength for many. Babu Jagjivan Ram was not only a politician. As a Minister he led several delegations to various countries and during negotiations or deliberations he succeeded because of his capability of convincing. He had command over * He is the former Union Minister and former Deputy Chairman, Planning Commission.
Hindi, Bhojpuri and English languages and was always fond of Tulsi’s Ramayana. In Parliament, whenever serious issues were discussed, Babu Jagjivan Ram was known for his wit and wisdom in giving a befitting reply. He commanded respect from all sections of the House particularly from the Opposition parties because of his modest behaviour. He was a great humanitarian. He firmly believed that a society based on caste has no place in modern secular India. It is not a crime to take birth in a particular family, belonging to any caste, sub-caste or religion. It is all decided not because of the faith of the individual—but because of his or her birth in a particular family. For such an act beyond the control of any individual, a society that penalizes the individual cannot be a just society; it is tantamount to penalizing the humanity itself. Throughout his life, Babu Jagjivan Ram stood firmly so that one’s fate should not be decided on the basis of birth. Babu Jagjivan Ramji represented India’s Civilisation and Culture. He was a lover of music and art. Every year, Holi was celebrated at his residence where hundreds of people used to come and join the gala function. Being his neighbour I participated in the function and enjoyed it. Both of us mixed with the people forgetting our Ministerial status. That was a rare quality of Babu Jagjivan Ramji. Unfortunately, he had not written much, but his speeches in Parliament speak volumes about Babu Jagjivan Ram and about his capacity, ability, understanding and humane nature. Many are tempted to compare Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar and Jagjivan Ram. I believe that such a comparison is not fair as both of them had their unique personalities and different approaches. While Dr. Ambedkar was a rebellious revolutionary, Babu Jagjivan Ram who as a freedom fighter was grown in the non-violent movement believed in the process of evolutionary reforms. He always felt that without converting the minds of the majority of citizens and securing their support, minorities would not be able to enjoy sustainable social justice and lead honourable life. Both of them had dedicated their lives for the upliftment of the downtrodden. Dr. Ambedkar was the founder of the Republican Party and Babu Jagjivan Ram was the creator of the All Indian Depressed Classes League. Both of them prevailed on whole of the society to recognize the agonies and injustices suffered by the depressed classes and set a role model through their leadership. On the occasion of his Anniversary, I sincerely pay my homage to the memories of Babuji, a great son of mother India. ——————
JAGJIVAN RAM : THE CHAMPION OF THE POOR AND DOWNTRODDEN —K.C. Pant* Babu Jagjivan Ram carved out a special place for himself in the public life of India. After a brief stint in Bihar, he came to the Centre at a young age and made his mark as a skillful parliamentarian and an efficient and effective Minister. As his stature continued to rise in national affairs, the poor and downtrodden found in him a powerful champion of their cause. He raised his voice against injustice and exploitation. He did so uncompromisingly but persuasively, and without generating hatred. That is why his words had an impact on all segments of society. Babu Jagjivan Ram was a formidable figure in Parliament. His grasp of men and matters, apart from his thorough, knowledge of his Ministry enabled him to handle Parliament with ease. He was equally forceful in English and Hindi. One speech of his, which I particularly enjoyed, was when he intervened on behalf of the Government in the course of a heated debate on a No-Confidence Motion. The opposition was building up case accusing the Government of wanting to stay in power inspite of the litany of failures compiled by the opposition. Babuji’s reply was disarming. He asked the Opposition whether the purpose of the No-Confidence Motion was not for the opposition to displace the Government and come to power itself. What struck me was not just the repartee but the friendly and pleasant manner in which he spoke. As I came to know him better, I realised that he enjoyed a fund of goodwill in all Parties, and had cordial relations with Opposition leaders. I also saw that, regardless of party affiliations, caste, community or region, his approach was helpful and sympathetic. I also had the occasion to see Babuji as a senior Minister in the Cabinet as well as in the Political Affairs Committee during the seventies when many momentous events took place. His contribution is now a part of history. Another event which is still fresh in my mind is a Holi Milan at PM’s residence about forty years ago when I was a young MP. Panditji was sprinkling rose water on his guests while Babuji was regaling the audience * He is the former Defence Minister and former Deputy Chairman, Planning Commission. with a string of good natured barbs, sparing no one. It was a sophisticated version of a common feature of Holi revelries, a wonderful example of ready wit, delivered extempore, capturing the Holi spirit in a polished form. Babu Jagjivan Ram treated me with great affection. Regardless of political changes, I always kept in touch with him and found him invariably preoccupied with national affairs and deeply worried about some trends which he saw coming and which are now very much in evidence in Bihar. My saddest memory was when his son Suresh died. On receiving the information, I rushed to his house and found him all alone. —————— * She is the former Member of Parliament and former Union Minister of State.
THE MAN OF WISDOM —
Dr. (Smt.) Sarojini Mahishi* It was just the beginning of the 20th Century that saw the rise of the great son of Bihar, Shri Jagjivan Ram. He was born in 1908, in Sasaram district. His father was Shri Sobhi Ram. Jagjivan Ram, though born in a Scheduled Caste family, had the rare opportunity of getting higher education in Banaras. He had completed his B.Sc. under difficult circumstances. By that time, the British people had already started collecting cheap labour from Bihar and eastern Uttar Pradesh to Fiji and Mauritius. Gandhiji’s movement had also gained momentum at that time. Hazaribagh, Motihari and Champaran in Bihar had occupied a very important place in the movement. Gandhiji started walking and gained the moral support of the farmers fighting for indigo production and protection. Dr. Rajendra Prasad and others in Bihar had already entered in the Congress movement for freedom. The movement had attracted a large number of younger people and Babu Jagjivan Ram was one among them. In response to the demand for ‘Home Rule’ made by the Congress, the Imperial Government had brought out number of reforms in India and had also sent a number of Commissions to India. They ultimately called the Round Table Conferences and invited Mahatma Gandhi and a few others to participate in the discussions at the Round Table Conference. Physical participation was accompanied by mental reservations on the part of the Indian representatives. To overcome all these obstacles, the Imperial Government introduced, in 1937 “Provincial Autonomy” at the State level in India. Shri Jagjivan Ram found himself a fitting candidate and he was elected to the Legislative Assembly of Bihar unopposed. He continued to serve through the Legislative Assembly in Bihar till 1940. He came to Centre as a Member of Central Legislative Assembly and Constituent Assembly of India, 1946-50 and Provisional Parliament, 1950-52. He made substantial contribution in framing the Constitution along with top national leaders. From this period onwards until 1979, when the Janata Government under Shri Morarji Desai’s leadership fell, Shri Jagjivan Ram continued to be in power. In fact, he was the Deputy Prime Minister in the Janata Government. Shri Jagjivan Ram had held almost all important portfolios from 1946 to 1980. When he was the Cabinet Minister for Food and Agriculture, I had an opportunity to contact him for some work in my State. I had already communicated the problem to him. When I approached him, the concerned officer was sitting with him. Babu Jagjivan Ram asked him as to why he had not attended to the concerned work. The officer was trying to give him some excuse which the Minister did not like. The Minister immediately said, “I can afford to lose you but I cannot afford to lose her—a talented Member”. I was taken aback by his remark! His birthday was being celebrated in all pomp and glory in New Delhi. When well-known sweetmeat sellers also used to gather there with their contribution of sweets. Once when I was invited by my friends to attend the same, I did so when I was asked to speak on the occasion, I spoke a few sentences in Sanskrit, concluding by saying (may he live for hundred autumns) Within a few minutes, I heard him speaking a few sentences quoting from Upanishads and looking at me, indicating his knowledge of Sanskrit at the same time. In 1971, when he held the portfolio of Defence he used to say in public, “From now onwards, if there is any war between India and Pakistan, it will not be on our soil but it will definitely be on their soil.” And he would immediately turn to his right and smile to his satisfaction. War in Bangladesh where India participated in favour of Mujibur Rehman and against Pakistan ended in fourteen days. Smt. Indira Gandhi, the then Prime Minister of India was crowned with success and she was awarded the ‘Bharat Ratna’ title immediately. But the question remained hanging before some people “Why should not the Defence Minister also be awarded this title”. The whole of India, rather, the whole world was an open book for him. Off and on he read the same. And Shri Jagjivan Ram, there, was the “Man of Wisdom.” —Avtar Singh Rikhy* I had the privilege of observing the finesse and the rare administrative acumen with which Hon’ble Shri Jagjivan Ram discharged the onerous responsibilities as a leading Minister of the Government for nearly 30 years. He was a born leader who nurtured his team of senior administrators with a clear vision of the goal. He was a strategic thinker and inspired confidence in the team players to contribute their best in national interest. Two instances come to my mind. The first one goes back to his taking over in December 1956 as a Railway Minister after Hon’ble Shri Lal Bahadur Shastri resigned over the tragic loss of lives of a large number of passengers in a railway accident due to sudden caving in of railway bridge near Ariyalur in Tamil Nadu. Hon’ble Shri Jagjivan Ram on taking charge of the responsibility, did not start any witch hunt to penalise the top railway officials etc., instead he took to a calm and in-depth analysis of the systemic causes of failure specially inadequate maintenance of railway bridges, railway track, signals etc. so as to initiate concerted measures on priority basis to rectify the deficiencies. He gave the railway men, numbering over a million the reassuring feeling that they were doing a great job in running the life line of the nation and that the deficiencies and shortcomings had to be recognized and tackled effectively on a programme basis within an accelerated time-frame. He showed mature statesmanship in steering the Railways—one of the largest undertakings in the world—out of the psychological shock and galvanizing them to improve the operations. The second instance relates to a persistent demand voiced in 1978 in Lok Sabha to increase the number of languages in which simultaneous interpretation facilities were provided in Parliament. This was a sensitive matter. He appreciated the concern of those who had raised the issue, at the same time he was cognizant of the logistic and other problems which could arise. His approach as Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee, appointed * He is the former Secretary-General of Lok Sabha (18 June 1977–31 December 1983). for this purpose, was to hear out the viewpoint of all sections of the House with sympathy but also in the process make them aware of the practical implications particularly in respect of the logistic. The sudden unexpected fall of the Govt. in 1979, followed by dissolution of Lok Sabha, deferred the sensitive issue to a later date. It goes however, to the credit of Hon’ble Shri Jagjivan Ram that he could contain the issue and channelise it into the orderly proceedings of a Parliamentary Committee. He had phenomenal patience, a retentive memory, an analytical and constructive approach. He had a persuasive way of articulating sensitive issues. While he was truly nationalistic in his approach his deep sympathies and commitment was there to better the lot of the underprivileged particularly the Scheduled Castes. He was a gifted man of destiny endowed with diplomatic finesse who understood the limits of practical politics and managed to stay within the acceptable norms of democratic functioning. He understood the finer nuances of the Constitutional provisions for reservation of jobs for the Scheduled Castes etc. and persisted with its implementation in an orderly manner. That is why there was no back-lash despite these radical but essential reforms of the polity. This surely was a unique achievement for one truly dedicated to the cause of bringing the under-privileged into the mainstream. ——————
Jitan Ram Manjhi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jitan Ram Manjhi
Manjhi (on left) meeting Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi
23rd Chief Minister of Bihar
In office
20 May 2014 – 20 February 2015
Preceded by Nitish Kumar
Succeeded by Nitish Kumar
Personal details
Born 6 October 1944 (age 74)
Political party Hindustani Awam Morcha(2015—present)
Other political
affiliations Janata Dal (United) (2005—2015)
Rashtriya Janata Dal (1996—2004)
Janata Dal (1990—1996)
Indian National Congress (1980—1990)
Spouse(s) Shanti Devi
Children 2 sons and 5 daughters
Profession Politician
Jitan Ram Manjhi (born 6 October 1944) is an Indian politician from the eastern state of Bihar who served as its 23rd Chief Minister from 20 May 2014 to 20 February 2015. Previously, he had served as minister for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes welfare in Nitish Kumar's cabinet. He has been a minister in several Bihar state governments, under multiple chief ministers like Chandrashekhar Singh, Bindeshwari Dubey, Satyendra Narayan Sinha, Jagannath Mishra, Laloo Prasad Yadav and Rabri Devi.
Manjhi has been a member of the Bihar Legislative Assembly since 1980. He was affiliated with several political parties, Indian National Congress (1980–1990), Janata Dal(1990–1996), Rashtriya Janata Dal (1996–2005) and JD(U) (2005–2015). He was expelled from JD(U) following the February 2015 political crisis and subsequently Jitan Ram Manjhi emerged as a major Dalit face in Bihar. In May 2015, he announced the new political party, Hindustani Awam Morcha. In July 2015, Jitan Ram Manjhi was accorded "Z"-plus security cover by the Union Home Ministry.
Early life
Manjhi was born on 6 October 1944 in Mahakar village were under Khijarsarai area in Gaya district of Bihar. His father Ramjit Ram Manjhi and mother Sukri Devi were farm labourers from the Musahar community, known in the West as rat-eaters. He was tutored by a teacher after getting the reluctanct permission of his upper-caste landlord until 7th class. After completing his graduation from Magadh University, he worked at the Gaya telephone exchange for 13 years until his younger brother became a policeman. He is married to Shanti Devi since he was 11 and has two sons and five daughters.
Indian National Congress
Jitan Ram Manjhi entered politics in 1980. On the ticket of the Indian National Congressparty, he contested and won the assembly elections from the Fatehpur segment in Gaya district. He became a minister for the first time in the Chandrashekhar Singh-led government in Bihar. He won from the same constituency in the 1985 election, but lost in 1990. Between 1980 and 1990, he served as a minister of state in successive cabinets headed by Congress chief ministers Bindeshwari Dubey, Satyendra Narayan Sinha and Jagannath Mishra.
Rashtriya Janata Dal
Immediately after losing the 1990 election, Manjhi switched to the Janata Dal. But when the Janata Dal split in 1996 and Laloo Prasad Yadav formed his own Rashtriya Janata Dal, Manjhi moved to the RJD under Yadav and won the Barachatti seat in the 1996 by-election (the previous incumbent Bhagwati Devi had left this seat to become a Member of Parliament from Gaya constituency). In the following election in 2000, he again won the same seat on an RJD ticket. Throughout 1996 to 2005, Manjhi was a minister in the RJD state government in Bihar, first under the chief ministership of Yadav himself, and then under Rabri Devi, Yadav's wife who took the chair of CM after Yadav himself was convicted and jailed for the Fodder Scam.
Janata Dal (United)
When Yadav's RJD lost the October 2005 elections to the Bharatiya Janata Party-Janata Dal (United) NDA coalition, Manjhi switched loyalties to the JDU. He won the election from Barachatti putting behind Samta Deva of his previous party RJD.
However, Manjhi was asked to resign immediately on the next day when his involvement in a corruption scam surfaced. Manjhi was involved in a fake B.Ed. degree racket in Bihar as the state education minister in the RJD government during the 1990s. As a junior minister in the Rabri Devi government, he was alleged to have given illegal permissions to institutes to run fake degree courses. He was later re-inducted in the state government cabinet by Chief Minister Nitish Kumar in 2008 after having absolved of the charges.
During the 2008 food crisis in Bihar, Manjhi promoted eating rats as they caused damage to food grains and as rats and chickens had "equal food values, not only in terms of protein, but in all areas of nutrition". Rat catching is common with people of the socioeconomically backward Musahar caste, to which Manjhi belongs.
In the 2010 Bihar elections, he was elected to state legislative assembly from Makhdumpur in Jehanabad district. After Kumar split his party Janata Dal (United) from the NDA to oppose coalition leader Bharatiya Janata Party's prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi, Manjhi contested from Gaya but lost heavily and came a poor third behind winner Hari Manjhi (BJP) and Ramji Manjhi (RJD).
As Chief Minister
Manjhi once considered as a close confidant of Bihar present CM and JDU supremo Nitish Kumar, but is not known for his administrative skills. Following the JDU's poor showing in the 2014 general election, Kumar accepted responsibility for the defeat and resigned. Manjhi, minister for SC and ST welfare in Nitish's cabinet, replaced him as the 23rd Chief Minister of Bihar. Manjhi's promotion, despite his loss in the general elections to the Lok Sabha and a miserable third-place finish in Gaya, has been criticized in the media for being a cynical political ploy of Kumar deliberately choosing a puppet whom he could control as well as to rouse casteist emotions. Opposition leader Sushil Kumar Modi of the Bharatiya Janata Party called Manjhi a "dummy chief minister", to which Manjhi responded by saying he was "not a rubber stamp." But after taking oath on 20 May 2014, Manjhi stated that he would "continue to seek guidance from Nitish Kumar." Due to the breakup of the JDU from the BJP-led NDA and the desertion of some JDU MLAs, CM Manjhi's government faced instability and appeared unlikely to pass the trust vote in the state legislative assembly. However, Lalu Prasad Yadav's RJD and Sonia Gandhi's Congress party provided outside support to Manjhi because he belongs to a backward caste.
After ten months, the party asked him to resign to make way for Nitish Kumar to return as the Chief Minister. He refused and was expelled from the party for refusing on 9 February 2015, resulting in a political crisis in the state.The governor asked Manjhi to seek a vote of confidence on 20 February 2015, the first day of budget session of assembly. BJP announced it would support Manjhi but Manjhi was short of numbers he needed to prove the majority.On 20 February 2015, Manjhi resigned from the post of chief minister in morning before vote. He told that the legislators who supported him were threatened with death and the speaker of assembly did not allow a secret ballot so he chose to resign. He said that people of the state is watching these politicians and will show them the power of democracy.
Controversies
During a speech in a meeting of Bihar State Foodgrain Businessmen's Association, Manjhi commented that his government is ready to forgive allegations against small-scale traders that indulge in black marketing and hoarding of food grains. He defended their action by adding that small-scale hoarding by these traders were a means to provide sustenance to their families and education to their children, both of which, in his view, were "noble causes." Widely criticised by the Indian media as "shocking," the comment came at a time when soaring prices of essential commodities was exacerbating India's food inflation, which the credit rating agency Moody's attributed to "structural problems that have widened the gap between demand and supply of food.".
Hindustani Awam Morcha
He floated new political front, Hindustani Awam Morcha (HAM), on 28 February 2015 and clarified that the political party was not formed due to technical difficulties. Jitan Ram Manjhi is also active on social media like Facebook. On 8 May 2015, he announced the formation of the new political party. On 11 June 2015,Jitan Ram Manjhi announced his party Hindustani Awam Morcha alliance with BJP for the upcoming Bihar Legislative Assembly election, 2015. In July 2015, Election Commission recognised the Hindustani Awam Morcha as political party. Manjhi contested from two assembly seats: Makhdumpur and Imamganj assembly seat in the 2015 state elections. He won from Imamganj, though lost in Makhdumpur.
K. R. Narayanan
Kocheril Raman Narayanan
10th President of India
In office
25 July 1997 – 25 July 2002
Prime Minister I. K. Gujral
Atal Bihari Vajpayee
Vice President Krishan Kant
Preceded by Shankar Dayal Sharma
Succeeded by A. P. J. Abdul Kalam
Vice President of India
In office
21 August 1992 – 24 July 1997
President Shankar Dayal Sharma
Preceded by Shankar Dayal Sharma
Succeeded by Krishan Kant
Personal details
Born 27 October 1920
Perumthanam, Travancore, British India
(now in Kerala, India)
Died 9 November 2005 (aged 85)
New Delhi
Political party Indian National Congress
Alma mater University of Kerala (B.A., M.A.)
London School of Economics (B.Sc)
Religion Hinduism
Signature 
Kocheril Raman Narayanan 
(27 October 1920 – 9 November 2005) was the tenth President of India. He was the first Dalit and the first Malayali to become President.
(27 October 1920 – 9 November 2005) was the tenth President of India. He was the first Dalit and the first Malayali to become President.Born in Perumthanam, Uzhavoor village, in the princely state of Travancore (present day Kottayam district, Kerala), and after a brief stint with journalism and then studying political science at the London School of Economics with the assistance of a scholarship, Narayanan began his career in India as a member of the Indian Foreign Service in the Nehru administration. He served as ambassador to Japan, United Kingdom, Thailand, Turkey, People's Republic of China and United States of America and was referred by Nehru as "the best diplomat of the country". He entered politics at Indira Gandhi's request and won three successive general elections to the Lok Sabha and served as a Minister of State in the Union Cabinet under former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Elected as the ninth Vice President in 1992, Narayanan went on to become President in 1997.
Narayanan is regarded as an independent and assertive President who set several precedents and enlarged the scope of the highest constitutional office. He described himself as a "working President" who worked "within the four corners of the Constitution"; something midway between an "executive President" who has direct power and a "rubber-stamp President" who endorses government decisions without question or deliberation. He used his discretionary powers as a President and deviated from convention and precedent in many situations, including – but not limited to – the appointment of the Prime Minister in a hung Parliament, in dismissing a state government and imposing President's rule there at the suggestion of the Union Cabinet, and during the Kargil conflict. He presided over the golden jubilee celebrations of Indian independence and in the country's general election of 1998 became the first Indian President to vote when in office, setting another new precedent.
Early life
K. R. Narayanan was born in a small thatched hut at Perumthanam, Uzhavoor, as the fourth of seven children of Kocheril Raman Vaidyar, a physician practicing the traditional Indian medical systems of Siddha and Ayurveda, and Punnaththuraveettil Paappiyamma. His family (belonging to the Paravan caste, whose members are assigned the task of plucking coconuts as per the caste system) was poor, but his father was respected for his medical acumen. He was born on 27 October 1920, but his uncle, who accompanied him on his first day in school, did not know his actual date of birth, and arbitrarily chose 27 October 1920 for the records; Narayanan later chose to let it remain official.
Narayanan had his early schooling in Uzhavoor at the Government Lower Primary School, Kurichithanam (where he enrolled on 5 May 1927) and Our Lady of Lourdes Upper Primary School, Uzhavoor (1931–35). He walked to school for about 15 kilometres daily through paddy fields, and was often unable to pay the modest fees. He often listened to school lessons while standing outside the classroom, having been barred from attending because tuition fees were outstanding. The family lacked money to buy books and his elder brother K. R. Neelakantan, who was confined to home as he was suffering from asthma, used to borrow books from other students, copy them down, and give them to Narayanan. He matriculated from St. Mary's High School, Kuravilangad (1936–37) (he had studied at St. John's High School, Koothattukulam (1935–36) previously). He completed his intermediate at C. M. S. College, Kottayam (1938–40), aided by a scholarship from the Travencore Royal family.
He obtained his B. A. (Honours) and M.A. in English literature from the University of Travancore (1940–43) (present day University of Kerala), standing first in the university (thus becoming the first Dalit to obtain this degree with first class in Travancore).
With his family facing grave difficulties, he left for Delhi and worked for some time as a journalist with The Hindu and The Times of India (1944–45). During this time he once interviewed Mahatma Gandhi in Bombay on his own volition (10 April 1945).Narayanan then went to England (1945) and studied political science under Harold Laski at the London School of Economics (LSE); he also attended lectures by Karl Popper, Lionel Robbins, and Friedrich Hayek. He obtained the honours degree of B. Sc. (Economics) with a specialisation in political science, helped by a scholarship from J. R. D. Tata. During his years in London, he (along with fellow student K. N. Raj) was active in the India League under V. K. Krishna Menon. He was also the London correspondent of the Social Welfare Weekly published by K. M. Munshi. He shared lodgings with K. N. Raj and Veerasamy Ringadoo (who later became the first President of Mauritius); another close friend was Pierre Trudeau (who later became Prime minister of Canada).
Diplomat and academician
When Narayanan returned to India in 1948, Laski gave him a letter of introduction to Prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru. Years later he narrated how he began his career in the public service:
When I finished with LSE, Laski, of his own, gave me a letter of introduction for Panditji. On reaching Delhi I sought an appointment with the PM. I suppose, because I was an Indian student returning home from London, I was given a time-slot. It was here in Parliament House that he met me. We talked for a few minutes about London and things like that and I could soon see that it was time for me to leave. So I said goodbye and as I left the room I handed over the letter from Laski, and stepped out into the great circular corridor outside. When I was half way round, I heard the sound of someone clapping from the direction I had just come. I turned to see Panditji [Nehru] beckoning me to come back. He had opened the letter as I left his room and read it. [Nehru asked:] "Why didn't you give this to me earlier?" [and KRN replied:] "Well, sir, I am sorry. I thought it would be enough if I just handed it over while leaving." After a few more questions, he asked me to see him again and very soon I found myself entering the Indian Foreign Service.
K. R. Narayanan with then President of Russia Vladimir Putin on 3 October 2000.In 1949, he joined the Indian Foreign Service (IFS) on Nehru's request.
He worked as a diplomat in the embassies at Rangoon, Tokyo, London, Canberra, and Hanoi. He was the Indian ambassador to Thailand (1967–69), Turkey (1973–75), and the People's Republic of China (1976–78). He taught at the Delhi School of Economics (DSE) (1954), and was Jawaharlal Nehru fellow (1970–72) and secretary to the ministry of external affairs (1976). He retired in 1978. After his retirement, he served as the Vice-Chancellor of Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) in New Delhi from 3 January 1979 – 14 October 1980; he would later describe this experience as the foundation for his public life. Subsequently he was called back from retirement to serve as Indian Ambassador to the United States from 1980–84, under the Indira Gandhi administration. Narayanan's tenures as Indian ambassador to China, the first such high level Indian diplomatic posting in that country after the 1962 Sino-Indian War, and to the USA where he helped arrange Ms. Gandhi's landmark 1982 visit to Washington during the Reagan presidency helped mend India's strained relations with both these countries. Nehru, who had also been the Minister for External Affairs during his 16 years as PM, held that K. R. Narayanan was "the best diplomat of the country."(1955)
Family
While working in Rangoon, Burma (Myanmar), K. R. Narayanan met Ma Tint Tint, whom he later married in Delhi on 8 June 1951. Ma Tint Tint was active in the YWCA and on hearing that Narayanan was a student of Laski, approached him to speak on political freedom before her circle of acquaintances. Their marriage needed a special dispensation from Nehru per Indian law, because Narayanan was in the IFS and she was a foreigner. Ma Tint Tint adopted the Indian name Usha and became an Indian citizen. Usha Narayanan (1923–2008) worked on several social welfare programs for women and children in India. She also translated and published several Burmese short stories; a collection of translated stories by Thein Pe Myint, titled Sweet and Sour, appeared in 1998. She is the only woman of foreign origin to have become the First Lady. They have two daughters, Ms. Chitra Narayanan (Indian ambassador to Switzerland and The Holy See) and Amrita.
Parliamentarian, Union Minister and Vice President
Narayanan entered politics at the request of Indira Gandhi and won three successive general elections to the Lok Sabha in 1984, 1989, and 1991, as a representative of the Ottapalam constituency in Palakkad, Kerala, on an Congress ticket. He was a Minister of State in the Union cabinet under Rajiv Gandhi, holding the portfolios of Planning (1985), External Affairs (1985–86), and Science and Technology (1986–89). As a Member of Parliament, he resisted international pressure to tighten patent controls in India. He sat in the opposition benches when the Congress was voted out of power during 1989–91. Narayanan was not included in the cabinet when the Congress returned to power in 1991. K. Karunakaran, Congress Chief Minister of Kerala, a political adversary of his, informed Narayanan that he was not made a minister because of him being a "Communist fellow-traveller". He did not, however, respond when Narayanan pointed out that he had defeated Communist candidates (A. K. Balan and Lenin Rajendran, the latter twice) in all three elections
K. R. Narayanan was elected as the Vice President of India on 21 August 1992, under the Presidency of Shankar Dayal Sharma. His name had been proposed initially by V. P. Singh, former Prime Minister and the then leader of the Janata Dal parliamentary party. The Janata Dal and the Left Front had jointly declared him as their candidate, and this had later garnered support from the Congress under P. V. Narasimha Rao, leading to a unanimous decision on his election. On his relationship with the Left front, Narayanan later clarified that he was neither a devotee nor a blind opponent of Communism; they had known of his ideological differences, but had supported him as Vice President (and later as President) because of special political circumstances that prevailed in the country. He had benefited from their support, and in turn, their political positions had gained acceptability. When the Babri Masjid was demolished on 6 December 1992, he described the event as the "greatest tragedy India has faced since the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi
Presidency
K. R. Narayanan was elected to the Presidency of India[ (17 July 1997) with 95% of the votes in the electoral college, as a result of the Presidential poll on 14 July. This is the only Presidential election to have been held with a minority government holding power at the centre. T. N. Seshan was the sole opposing candidate, and all major parties save the Shiv Sena supported his candidature., while Seshan alleged that Narayanan had been elected solely for being a Dalit.
He was sworn in as the President of India (25 July 1997) by Chief Justice J. S. Verma in the Central Hall of Parliament. In his inaugural address, he said:
That the nation has found a consensus for its highest office in some one who has sprung from the grass-roots of our society and grown up in the dust and heat of this sacred land is symbolic of the fact that the concerns of the common man have now moved to the centre stage of our social and political life. It is this larger significance of my election rather than any personal sense of honour that makes me rejoice on this occasion.
Golden jubilee of independence
The principal event of the golden jubilee of Indian independence was President K. R. Narayanan's midnight address to the nation during the special session of Parliament convened on the night of 14 August; in this address, he identified the establishment of a democratic system of government and politics to be the greatest achievement of India since independence. The following morning, Prime Minister I. K. Gujral, addressing the nation[ from the ramparts of the Red Fort, said:
When Gandhiji dreamt of India's future, he had said that the country will attain the real freedom only on the day when a Dalit would become the President of this country. This is our great fortune that today on the eve of golden jubilee of independence, we have been able to fulfil this dream of Gandhiji. In the person of Shri K. R. Narayanan we have been able to fulfil the dream of Gandhiji. Our President of whom the whole country is proud of, is from a very poor and downtrodden family and today he has endowed the Rashtrapati Bhavan with a new pride and respect. It is a matter of further happiness that the President has a very high place among the intellectuals of this country. This is a feather in the cap of our democracy that the backward sections of the society today are attaining their rightful place in society. All the countrymen today whether they are from minorities, scheduled castes [Dalits], or scheduled tribes [Adivasis]-- are working unitedly for the development of the country.
Participation in the elections
In the general elections of 1998, K. R. Narayanan became the first sitting President to vote (16 February 1998), casting his vote at a polling booth in a school within the Rashtrapati Bhavan complex after standing in a queue like an ordinary citizen. He insisted on casting his vote, despite the departure from precedent being pointed out to him. Narayanan sought to change what was a long-standing practice of Indian presidents not voting during general elections. He also exercised his franchise as President in the 1999 general elections.
Golden jubilee of the Republic
President K. R. Narayanan's address to the nation on the golden jubilee of the Indian Republic (26 January 2000) is considered a landmark: it was the first time a President attempted to analyse, with due concern for growing disparities, the several ways in which the country had failed to provide economic justice to the Indian people, particularly the rural and agrarian population; he also stated that discontent was breeding and frustrations erupting in violence among the deprived sections of society. In his address to Parliament later that day, he praised the work of B. R. Ambedkar on the Indian constitution and cautioned against attempts to change its basic structure, concurring with Ambedkar's preference for accountability and responsibility over the stability of the government. He reiterated this in stronger terms in his next Republic day address (2001); on this occasion, he took exception to certain proposals seeking to abridge the franchise, and pointed out the wisdom of reposing faith in the common men and women of India as a whole, rather than in some elite section of society.
In these addresses, he articulated opinions which departed in many ways from certain views of the A. B. Vajpayee government
Exercise of Presidential discretion
President Narayanan introduced the important practice of explaining to the nation (by means of Rashtrapati Bhavan communiqués) the thinking that led to the various decisions he took while exercising his discretionary powers; this has led to openness and transparency in the functioning of the President.
Appointment of the Prime minister and dissolution of Parliament
During his Presidency, Narayanan dissolved the Lok Sabha twice after determining through consultations across the political spectrum, that no one was in a position to secure the confidence of the house. Congress president Sitaram Kesri withdrew his party's support of the I. K. Gujral government and staked his claim to form the government on 28 November 1997. Gujral advised Narayanan of the dissolution of the Lok Sabha. President Narayanan determined that no one would be able to secure a majority in the Lok Sabha and accepted Gujral's advice (4 December). In the ensuing general elections, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) emerged as the single largest party, leading the largest pre-election coalition, the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), and the coalition leader Vajpayee staked his claim to form the government, though at that point he did not have a majority. Narayanan asked Vajpayee to furnish letters of support to demonstrate the NDA's ability to secure a majority. Vajpayee was able to meet this demand after support for the NDA grew, and subsequently he was appointed Prime Minister (15 March 1998) on the condition (which was met) that a vote of confidence be secured within 10 days.
One of the coalition partners supporting the minority government (the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam under J. Jayalalithaa) wrote a letter to the President withdrawing support on 14 April 1999, and Narayanan advised Vajpayee to seek a vote of confidence in the Lok Sabha. This motion was defeated (17 April). Both Vajpayee and the Leader of the Opposition, Congress president Sonia Gandhi, then staked claims to form the government. Narayanan asked the NDA and the Congress party to show proof of support since the loss of the confidence vote. When evidence from neither party was forthcoming, Narayanan informed the Prime minister that fresh elections seemed to be the only way to resolve the crisis in governance. The Lok Sabha was then dissolved at Vajpayee's advice (26 April). (In the ensuing general elections, the NDA secured a majority and Vajpayee was reappointed Prime minister (11 October 1999) in a straightforward manner.)
In these decisions, President Narayanan set a new precedent concerning the appointment of a Prime minister — if no party or pre-election coalition had a majority, then a person would be appointed Prime minister only if he was able to convince the President (through letters of support from allied parties) of his ability to secure the confidence of the house. In doing so, he diverged from the actions of his predecessors who had been faced with the task of appointing a Prime minister from a hung parliament, Presidents N. Sanjiva Reddy, R. Venkataraman, and Shankar Dayal Sharma: the latter two had followed the practice of inviting the leader of the single largest party or pre-election coalition to form the government without investigating their ability to secure the confidence of the house.
Imposition of President's rule
President Narayanan returned for reconsideration the advices from the Union cabinet to impose President's rule in a state, in accordance with Article 356, in two instances: one from the Gujral government (22 October 1997) seeking to dismiss the Kalyan Singh government in Uttar Pradesh, and the other from the Vajpayee government (25 September 1998) seeking to dismiss the Rabri Devi government in Bihar. In both instances, he cited the Supreme court judgement of 1994 on S. R. Bommai vs. Union of India and exercised his discretion. In both cases, the cabinet honoured the President's reservations. These remain the only occasions when a President urged such a reconsideration, and has set an important precedent concerning federalism and the rights of state governments.
Kargil conflict
A military conflict was developed in Kargil on the Line of Control (LoC) with Pakistan in May 1999. The Vajpayee government had lost a no-confidence vote in Lok Sabha earlier that year and the opposition failed to form the next government. The Lok Sabha had been dissolved and a caretaker government was in office. This caused a problem with democratic accountability, as every major government decision is expected to be discussed, deliberated and consented by the parliament. Narayanan suggested to Vajpayee that the Rajya Sabha be convened to discuss the conflict, as demanded by several opposition parties (citing the precedent of Nehru convening a parliamentary session on Vajpayee's demand during the Sino-Indian war in 1962 ) though there was no precedent of convening the Rajya Sabha in isolation during an interregnum. Further, Narayanan was briefed by the chiefs of the three arms of the Indian Armed Forces on the conduct of the conflict. His Republic day address next year began by paying homage to the soldiers who had died defending the nation.
Concern for social and economic justice
President Narayanan in his speeches consistently sought to remind the nation of its duties and obligations towards the Dalits and Adivasis, the minorities, and the poor and downtrodden. He called the nation's attention to various recalcitrant social ills and evils, such as atrocities against women and children, caste discrimination and the ingrained attitudes it nurtured, abuse of the environment and public utilities, corruption and lack of accountability in the delivery of public services, religious fundamentalism, advertisement-driven consumerism, and flouting of human rights, and lamented the absence of public concern, political debate, and civic action to address them. Drawing from the experiences of his own home state Kerala, he pointed out that education was at the root of human and economic development. He hoped that the establishment would not fear the awakening of the masses through education, and spoke of the need to have faith in the people.
President Narayanan spoke on various occasions on the condition of the Dalits, Adivasis, and other backward sections of society, and the various iniquities they faced (often in defiance of law), such as denial of civic amenities, ostracism, harassment and violence (particularly against women), and displacement by ill-conceived development projects
He felt that the policy of reservations for the backward sections in education and the public sector had remained unfulfilled due to administrative distortions and narrow interpretations, and needed to be implemented with renewed vigour and sincerity; apprehensive of what he described as a counter-revolution among some privileged sections seeking to reverse progressive policies, he reminded the nation that these benefits were not charity, but had been provided by way of human rights and social justice to sections constituting a large portion of the population and contributing to the economy as landless agricultural labourers and industrial workers. In his 2002 Republic day address, he drew attention to the Bhopal declaration on the Dalit and Adivasi agenda for the 21st century and spoke of the necessity of the private sector adopting policies to promote equitable representation of the backward sections in their enterprises. In a governmental note on higher judicial appointments (which leaked to the press; January 1999), he observed that eligible persons from the backward sections were available and that their under-representation or non-representation was not justifiable; K. G. Balakrishnan, a Dalit, was elevated to the Supreme court (8 June 2000), the fourth such instance, and the only one since 1989.
He felt that Ambedkar's exhortation to "educate, organise, agitate" continued to be relevant; with the Dalits forming a quarter of the population in a democracy with universal adult franchise, he felt that the ultimate destiny of the backward sections lay in the hands of the backward sections themselves, organised socially and politically.
When the Australian missionary and social worker Graham Staines and his two minor sons were burned alive (22 January 1999), President Narayanan condemned it as a barbarous crime belonging to the world's inventory of black deeds.
Towards the end of his Presidency, communal riots broke out in Gujarat (February 2002). President Narayanan was deeply pained and anguished, and described it as a grave crisis of the society and the nation; he called it the duty of every Indian to strive to restore peace and thus preserve and strengthen the foundations of the state and the tradition of tolerance. He did not stand the election for a second Presidential term due to the lack of support from the ruling government. After the demission of Presidential office, he lent his support to alternative globalisation movements like the World Social Forum. After he had left the Presidency, and after the Vajpayee government had been voted out of power in the general elections of May 2004, in an interview on the third anniversary of the riots (in February 2005), he said;
There was governmental and administrative support for the communal riots in Gujarat. I gave several letters to Prime Minister Vajpayee in this regard on this issue. I met him personally and talked to him directly. But Vajpayee did not do anything effective. I requested him to send the army to Gujarat and suppress the riots. The military was sent, but they were not given powers to shoot. If the military was given powers to shoot at the perpetrators of violence, recurrence of tragedies in Gujarat could have been avoided. However, both the state(the Narendra Modi government) and central government did not do so. I feel there was a conspiracy involving the state and central governments behind the Gujarat riots.
He also stated that constitutional limits on his powers had prevented him from doing anything further.Throughout his Presidency, Narayanan adopted the policy of not visiting places of worship or godmen/godwomen; he is the only President to have followed this practice.
Demission of office
As Narayanan's tenure neared its end, various sections of public opinion looked forward to a second term of his Presidency. The NDA had a slender majority in the electoral college. Narayanan offered to be a consensus candidate. The Opposition parties (including the Congress, the Left Front, Janata Dal (Secular), and various regional parties) supported a second term for him, and Sonia Gandhi met him to request his candidature; Vajpayee then met Narayanan, informed him that there was no consensus within the NDA on the question, and advised against his candidature. The NDA then proposed to elevate the Vice President Krishan Kant as a consensus; this drew support from the Opposition and an agreement to this effect was conveyed by Vajpayee's representative to the Congress. However, within a day, the NDA unable to reach an internal consensus, decided to propose another candidate Dr.P. C. Alexander. Alexander's candidature drew disapproval of the Opposition parties. The Opposition parties approached Narayanan and renewed their request to seek a second term. The NDA then put forth a third candidate Abdul Kalam as their official choice, without seeking consensus; one opposition party (the Samajwadi Party under Mulayam Singh Yadav) dissipated the unity of the Opposition by supporting this proposal. Narayanan opted himself out from a contest at this point.
When asked about these events later,Narayanan accused the BJP of scuttling a second term of his Presidency.
In his farewell address to the nation(24 July 2002), K. R. Narayanan set his hopes for social action and progress on the service of the nation by its youth. He reflected on his varied experiences of the essential goodness and wisdom of the Indian people, recalling how he had grown up in Uzhavoor among adherents of several religions, how religious tolerance and harmony had prevailed, how upper-caste Hindus and well-off Christians had helped him in his early studies, and how upper-caste Hindus as well as Christians and Muslims had worked together enthusiastically for his election campaigns in Ottapalam. He said that the credibility and endurance of India's unity and democracy are founded on its tradition of tolerance, and spoke of the need for Hindus, who form the majority, to express the traditional spirit of their religion.
Reflecting on his Presidency, K. R. Narayanan said:
As the President of India, I had lots of experiences that were full of pain and helplessness. There were occasions when I could do nothing for people and for the nation. These experiences have pained me a lot. They have depressed me a lot. I have agonised because of the limitations of power. Power and the helplessness surrounding it are a peculiar tragedy, in fact.
Subsequent life
After his retirement as President, K. R. Narayanan, along with his wife Usha, lived his remaining years in a central Delhi bungalow (on 34 Prithviraj Road).
At the World Social Forum (WSF) in Mumbai (21 January 2004), he lent his support to the alternative globalisation movement. Addressing the forum at its concluding session, he praised the WSF for demanding freedom in its most comprehensive form, and was happy that people had assembled under an important idea, rather than for narrow political ends; after reflecting on corporations displacing governments in various countries, and on how Mahatma Gandhi had fought British colonisers non-violently with the strength of the masses, he predicted that vocal masses the world over would successfully fight by non-violent means the capturing of the world's resources by a few corporations in the name of globalisation. He urged the people to struggle against power corporates and militarism and fight those aspects of globalisation which were against the interests of the people; he hailed people's power as a renascent factor of international politics.
K. R. Narayanan dedicated (15 February 2005) his tharavaadu at Uzhavoor to the Santhigiri Ashram in Pothencode for the purpose of establishing the Navajyothisree Karunakara Guru research centre for Siddha and Ayurveda. This turned out to be his last return to Uzhavoor.
K. R. Narayanan died on 9 November 2005 at the Army Research and Referral Hospital, New Delhi, after being briefly ill with pneumonia and consequent renal failure. He was cremated with full state honors at sunset the following day; the last rites were performed by his nephew Dr. P. V. Ramachandran, at Ekta sthal on the banks of the River Yamuna (adjacent to Shanti van, the memorial of his mentor Jawaharlal Nehru).
His daughter, Chitra (Indian ambassador to Switzerland & The Holy See), on behalf of her mother (Usha), sister (Amrita), and the rest of his family, expressed her appreciation for the outpouring of grief from all over the country and abroad; she added that K. R. Narayanan would be remembered for his great love for the nation and for his immense moral strength and courage.
Four siblings, K. R. Gowri, K. R. Bhargavi, K. R. Bharathi, and K. R. Bhaskaran, survived him; two elder brothers had died when Narayanan was in his twenties. His elder sister Gowri (a homoeopath, who remained unmarried) and his younger brother Bhaskaran (a teacher, also unmarried) had been living in Uzhavoor. Villagers of Uzhavoor marched silently to the tharavaadu of K. R. Narayanan and paid him reverent homage.
From the sidelines of society
About his life and its message, K. R. Narayanan said:
I see and understand both the symbolic as well as the substantive elements of my life. Sometimes I visualise it as a journey of an individual from a remote village on the sidelines of society to the hub of social standing. But at the same time I also realise that my life encapsulates the ability of the democratic system to accommodate and empower marginalised sections of society.
Narayanan died in New Delhi at the age of 85.
The K. R. Narayanan Foundation
The K. R. Narayanan Foundation (K.R.N.F) founded in December 2005, aims at propagating the ideals and perpetuating the memory of K. R. Narayanan. K.R.N.F is a mission of collective action to provide better future to the most vulnerable sections of Kerala Society – women, children, disabled persons, the aged and other disadvantaged groups – by providing educational training, protecting their health and environment, improving their living conditions and strengthneing their family and community. The paradigms of K.R.N.F revolves around five crucial elements;
research and development on science and technology for the dissemination of eco-friendly rural technology to the poor human resource development attitudinal change and self management economic empowerment to the poor. The Foundation is to identify and honor the best in areas of national importance like Integrity in Public Life, Journalism, Civil Service, Medical Science, Social Service, Literature, Sports, Entertainment, Politics etc.
K.R.N.F is also producing a documentary (both in Malayalam and English) on the life of K. R. Narayanan, entitled The Footprints Of Survival, aimed at propagating the ideals and perpetuating the memory of K.R.Narayanan. This documentary will be directed by Mr. Sunny Joseph, a senior journalist. The script will be based on a biography of the late President written by Eby J. Jose, who is also the General Secretary of the K.R.N.F. The Foundation has planned to distribute DVD copies of the creative work to all schools, colleges and public libraries.
The Foundation General Secretary Eby J. Jose has written a biography of the late president titled K. R. Narayanan Bharathathinte Suryathejassu. It is written in Malayalam, the mother tongue of Dr. K. R. Narayanan. This book traces the not-so-rosy paths through which this great man had to travel
K. K. Viswanathan
From Wikipedia
Kambanthodath Vishwanathan
Governor of Gujarat
In office
4 April 1973 – 13 August 1978
Personal details
Born 4 November 1914
Died 17 August 1992 (aged 77)
Nationality Indian
Kambanthodath Kunhan Viswanathan or K. K. Viswanathan (4 November 1914 – 17 or 18 August 1992) was governor of the Indian state of Gujarat.
K.K. Viswanathan was born in Mattancheri, Cochin on 4 November 1914 to an Ezhava family. He was educated at St. Thomas College, Trichur, Maharaja's College, Earnakulam and Law College, Trivandrum. He took his bachelor's degree in Law from the Madras University in 1938 and started his legal practice in Cochin the same year. Simultaneously, he took up the management of a High School there and also evinced great interest in trade union work. Viswanathan was one of the founders of a major Port-workers' Union by name the Cochin Thuramukha Thozhilali Union.
Afterwards, he joined the Cochin Praja Mandal, a constituent of the All India State People's Conference, which carried on in the princely State the policies and programmes of the Indian National Congress. In 1948, he was elected to the Cochin Legislative Council on the Praja Mandal ticket and, on the merger of Travancore and Cochin in 1949, he automatically became a Member of the integrated State Assembly.
Viswanathan, however, resigned from the State Assembly in 1950 along with his other colleagues in response to a call from the Cochin Praja Mandal to that effect. He then turned his attention to welfare activities among the masses and soon came to be known as a leading social worker as also an astute Congressman in and around the Cochin region.
In 1957, when the EMS-led Communist Ministry was installed in office after the first general elections, after the formation of Kerala State in November 1956, Viswanathan was also a Member of the Assembly and was eventually elected as Secretary of the Kerala Congress Legislative Party. He dedicated himself to the cause of the weaker sections with missionary zeal and ardently advocated several progressive measures and legislations for the amelioration of their condition. By then he had become one amongst front-ranking Parliamentarians in Kerala and gained recognition even of members of Opposition parties as an expert in land reforms. During this period he decided to give be up even his lucrative law practice in order to be able to devote his full-time and care to the party work.
Viswanathan was returned to the State Assembly with a huge margin of votes when fresh elections were held in 1959 after the exit of the Communist Ministry headed by E.M.S. Namboodiripad as a result of the liberation struggle launched by the people against it. He lent his powerful support and guidance first to the Coalition Government and later to the Congress Ministry in bringing about various land reform measures in the State.
Vishwanathan edited a Malayalam Weekly named The Republic and ably projected Congress policies and programmes which gained acceptance and support from the common people. He was the Secretary of the State Congress Legislative Party during 1957-60 and 1960–64 and the General Secretary of the KPCC from 1966 to 1969. The first ever AICC session held in Kerala was successfully organized by him in Ernakulam in 1966. After the split in Congress ranks in 1969, he, as the Convener of the ad hoc KPCC, was responsible in establishing the Congress Party on strong foundations. He was later elected as President of the KPCC in 1970, followed by his re-election to the same post in December, 1972.
In addition to his Parliamentary work, Viswanathan was Chairman of the State Evaluation Committee of Programmes for the Scheduled Casters and the Scheduled Tribes during the first and the Second Five Year Plans; was a member on the Kerala State Food Advisory Committee, the Public Health Advisory Committee, the High Power Committee on Land Reforms, the Estimates Committee, the Assurance Committee and the Rules Committee. He organized an All India exhibition during the Centenary of Narayana Guru in 1956.
As president of various important trade unions, he actively participated in several labor welfare programmes for nearly two decades. Besides, he played a prominent role in the adult franchise movement as a pre-condition to the induction of Responsible Government in the Cochin State.
During his tenure in the Congress, Viswanathan took a very keen interest in reorganizing the KPCC and secured far better representation on it for the Harijans, minority communities and the youth which enhanced the party's involvement in the lives of all categories of people in the State, lending it a greater democratic touch. He also helped opening of hotels and restaurants managed by the Harijans. He played a notable role in raising and developing the Congress Seva Dal into a 25,000 strong trained volunteer organization.
During his long and eventful public life in Kerala, Viswanathan could see through many an ambitious and progressive reform in political as well as social spheres. He was able to elicit all round admiration and respect for his intellectual honesty and wisdom even from his seniors. He came to be considered a friend, philosopher and guide by his junior colleagues. Even amongst opposition party members there was great appreciation of his transparent sincerity and he was held in high esteem and affection for his qualities of head and heart.
He took over as the Governor of Gujarat on April 4, 1973, and continued to serve Gujarat till August 13, 1978. He later served as the president of SNDP Yogam. He continued in office till his death on August 17, 1992, aged 78.
Kazi Lhendup Dorjee
Kazi Lhendup Dorji (also spelled Lhendup Dorjee or Lhendup Dorji Khangsarpa; 1904–2007) was a pioneering Indian politician, social reformer, and statesman from Sikkim, best known as the first Chief Minister of the state following its merger with India in 1975. A key architect of Sikkim's integration into the Indian Union, he transitioned from a monastic life to a lifelong commitment to democratic reforms, communal harmony, and education in the Himalayan kingdom. Born into Sikkimese nobility of Bhutia origin, Dorji's career spanned over six decades, marked by founding political parties, leading anti-monarchy agitations, and serving in various executive roles. Often called "Kancha Kazi" by locals, he was a visionary leader who championed non-communal politics and modernization, earning him India's second-highest civilian honor, the Padma Vibhushan, in 2002. His legacy remains controversial: hailed as a hero for democratizing Sikkim but criticized by royalists as a betrayer of the Chogyal (king) dynasty.
Early Life and Education
Kazi Lhendup Dorji was born on October 11, 1904 (some sources cite 1906), in Pakyong, East Sikkim, into the ancient and noble Khangsarpa family, part of the Sikkimese aristocracy of Bhutia ethnicity. The Bhutias, originating from Tibetan stock, were one of Sikkim's three main ethnic groups (alongside Lepchas and Nepalis) and held significant influence in the region's feudal structure. His family traced its lineage to influential lamas and nobles, with his father serving as a Kazi (a title denoting a high-ranking judge or administrator under the Chogyal). As a young boy, Dorji displayed piety and intellect; at age six, he entered the prestigious Rumtek Monastery near Gangtok, where he became a disciple of his uncle, Tshurfuk Lama Rabden Dorji, the monastery's head lama.
Dorji spent over a decade in monastic life, rising to become Head Lama for eight years and studying Buddhist scriptures, philosophy, and administration. However, disillusioned with the isolation of monasticism amid Sikkim's growing socio-political unrest, he left the monastery around 1925 to pursue secular education and social work. He briefly studied at a school in Kalimpong, West Bengal, and later in Darjeeling, where he was exposed to Indian nationalist ideas through interactions with freedom fighters. Self-taught in English and administration, Dorji worked alongside his brother, Kazi Phag Tshering, on rural development, establishing schools in West Sikkim and founding the Young Men Buddhist Association in Darjeeling to promote education and Buddhist values among youth. These early efforts laid the foundation for his lifelong advocacy for literacy and social equity in a kingdom plagued by feudalism and ethnic divides.
Family and Personal Life
Dorji married Kazini Elisa Maria Rasini (1917–1997), a Belgian-Italian aristocrat of Scottish descent, in 1938 after meeting her in Darjeeling. Elisa, who converted to Buddhism upon marriage, became a prominent social worker in Sikkim, focusing on women's education and healthcare; she was fondly called "Aama" (mother) by locals. The couple had five children, including sons Kazi Younghang (a politician) and Rinzing Dorji (a businessman). Dorji's family home in Kalimpong served as a hub for political exiles and reformers. A devout Buddhist, Dorji maintained a simple lifestyle, often reflecting on his monastic roots, and was known for his humility, sharp wit, and fluency in multiple languages, including English, Hindi, Nepali, and Bhutia.
Political Career and Activism
Dorji's entry into politics was driven by a desire to dismantle Sikkim's absolute monarchy under the Chogyal and address inequalities among ethnic groups. In 1945, he co-founded the Sikkim Praja Mandal (People's Forum), Sikkim's first political organization, serving as its inaugural president. The group demanded land reforms, universal suffrage, and an end to serfdom, drawing inspiration from India's independence movement. By 1953, he led the newly formed Sikkim State Congress, advocating for democratic elections, but resigned in 1958 due to internal rifts over radicalism.
Undeterred, Dorji established the Sikkim National Congress (SNC) in 1962, a moderate, non-communal party emphasizing unity among Bhutias, Lepchas, and Nepalis. The SNC won eight seats in Sikkim's 1967 elections, and Dorji joined the Executive Council (cabinet) from 1967 to 1970, overseeing education and forests. His tenure focused on modernizing administration and reducing royal influence. The turning point came in 1973 during widespread protests against the Chogyal's autocracy, triggered by rigged elections and ethnic tensions. Dorji, as SNC leader, mobilized mass demonstrations in Gangtok, demanding reforms; Indian forces intervened to protect protesters, sheltering Dorji at the Indian Political Officer's residence.
In 1974, amid escalating unrest, Dorji was appointed Prime Minister of Sikkim by the Chogyal (a reluctant move under Indian pressure), serving until 1975. He played a pivotal role in the 1975 Sikkimese monarchy referendum, where 97.5% voted to abolish the kingdom and join India as a state. Dorji cabled Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi with the results, urging integration. Post-merger, he became Sikkim's first Chief Minister (1975–1979), forming the Sikkim Council for communal harmony and implementing land reforms, education expansion, and infrastructure development. His government merged the SNC with the Indian National Congress, aligning Sikkim with national policies.
Dorji retired from active politics in 1979 after electoral defeats but remained an elder statesman, advising on Himalayan affairs. He authored "Sikkim: A History of the Land and Its People" (1986), chronicling the region's transformation.
Key Contributions and Initiatives
- Democratic Reforms: Led the shift from monarchy to democracy, ensuring proportional representation for Sikkim's ethnic groups in the state assembly.
- Education and Social Work: Founded multiple schools and promoted women's literacy; his wife co-established the Sikkim Women's Association.
- Communal Harmony: Advocated for the "blood brothers" pact between Lepchas and Bhutias, extending it to Nepalis for inclusive governance.
- Merger with India: His diplomacy with New Delhi facilitated Sikkim's accession via the 36th Constitutional Amendment, granting it full statehood.
Awards and Recognition
- Padma Vibhushan (2002): India's second-highest civilian award for public service.
- Sikkim Ratna (2004): The state's highest honor for contributions to integration and development.
- Honored by the Indian National Congress as a "visionary leader" in 2024.
Controversies
Dorji's role in the monarchy's abolition drew sharp criticism from Chogyal loyalists, who branded him a "traitor" or "Brutus" for allegedly colluding with India against King Palden Thondup Namgyal. Some accused him of exacerbating ethnic tensions between Nepalis (majority) and indigenous groups. However, supporters view him as a liberator who ended feudal oppression. No major personal scandals marred his record, though his pro-India stance fueled debates on Sikkim's sovereignty.
Later Life and Death
In retirement, Dorji resided in Kalimpong, writing, mentoring young leaders, and tending to his garden. He suffered from age-related ailments, including liver issues. On July 28, 2007, he died of a heart attack at his home at age 102 (or 103). His body lay in state at Gangtok's Paljor Stadium, attended by dignitaries including Sikkim's Chief Minister. Funeral rites followed Buddhist traditions at Rumtek Monastery on August 3, 2007, with thousands paying homage. He was cremated per his wishes, and his ashes were immersed in the Teesta River.
Legacy
Kazi Lhendup Dorji's life embodies Sikkim's turbulent transition from isolationist kingdom to Indian state. Streets, schools, and awards bear his name, and his efforts in fostering unity endure in Sikkim's multicultural fabric. As of 2025, his biography inspires Himalayan political discourse, with recent articles (e.g., ThePrint, June 2025) revisiting his "hero or villain" narrative amid discussions on federalism. Though from Bhutia nobility—often seen as an upper stratum in Sikkim's ethnic hierarchy—Dorji's work bridged divides, proving leadership transcends origins.
Kanshi Ram
Kanshi Ram (15 March 1934 – 9 October 2006), revered as Bahujan Nayak, Manyavar, or Sahab Kanshiram, was a transformative Indian politician, social reformer, and architect of Dalit-Bahujan empowerment. He dedicated his life to mobilizing marginalized communities—Dalits, Other Backward Classes (OBCs), Scheduled Tribes, and minorities—against caste-based oppression, coining the term "Bahujan" (meaning "of the majority") to represent the 85% of India's population excluded from power structures dominated by upper castes. His pragmatic approach to politics, emphasizing self-reliance over charity, reshaped Indian democracy by creating a viable alternative to mainstream parties like the Congress and BJP, which he accused of co-opting Dalit leaders as "chamchas" (stooges). On this, his 18th death anniversary (October 9, 2025), tributes continue to pour in from across the political spectrum, underscoring his enduring influence on social justice movements.
Early Life and Background
- Birth and Family: Kanshi Ram was born into a Ramdasia Sikh family of the Chamar (Ramdasia) caste—a Scheduled Caste community traditionally associated with leatherwork—in Pirthipur Bunga village near Khawaspur, Ropar (now Rupnagar) district, Punjab, British India. His father, Hari Singh, and mother, Bishan Kaur, came from a humble background; his family had a legacy of military service, which shielded him from overt caste discrimination in his early years. He had siblings, but details remain sparse as he prioritized his public mission over personal narratives.
- Education: He attended local schools in Punjab and earned a BSc from Government College, Ropar. His academic pursuits were unremarkable, but they instilled a sense of discipline. As a young Sikh, he benefited from the relatively egalitarian teachings of Sikh gurus, which allowed some upward mobility for converted Chamars, though he later reflected on this as insufficient against systemic casteism.
- Early Influences: Growing up in post-Independence Punjab, Kanshi Ram was largely insulated from caste prejudice until adulthood. He later credited B.R. Ambedkar's Annihilation of Caste (1936) as a pivotal influence, igniting his activism after witnessing discrimination in urban settings.
Professional Life and Awakening
- Career Start: In 1957, under the government's affirmative action quota for Dalits, Kanshi Ram joined the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) as a technical supervisor at the Explosive Research and Development Laboratory in Pune, Maharashtra. This job marked his first direct encounter with caste bias: colleagues mocked a Dalit employee's attempt to celebrate Ambedkar's birthday, prompting his resignation in 1964 to focus on activism.
- Shift to Activism: Relocating to Maharashtra—a hotbed of anti-caste movements led by figures like Jyotiba Phule, Shahu Maharaj, and Ambedkar—Kanshi Ram immersed himself in literature and grassroots work. He viewed government reservations as "tokenism" that perpetuated dependency, vowing to build independent power for Bahujans. In a dramatic pledge, he renounced marriage, property ownership, and family visits, declaring: "I will devote the rest of my life to the Phule-Ambedkarite movement."
Activism and Organizations
Kanshi Ram's activism evolved from education and mobilization to political confrontation, building a cadre-based network of educated Dalits and OBCs. He emphasized "parity, not charity," urging communities to seize power as the "master key" to emancipation.
Key Organizations
- BAMCEF (1971): Founded as the All India Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation, it was the first pan-India cadre organization for educated Dalits and OBCs in government jobs. Aimed at economic independence, social awareness, and spiritual awakening, BAMCEF funded later movements through member contributions (famously, "pay your taxes to Ambedkar").
- DS-4 (1981): The Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti organized mass protests, like the 1981 "Ambedkar Mela" roadshows, using visuals and narratives to educate on Ambedkar's legacy and caste realities.
- Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP, 1984): Launched on Ambedkar's birth anniversary (April 14), the BSP symbolized the "common man's party" for Bahujans. Its blue elephant emblem drew from Ambedkar's Republican Party of India (RPI), representing strength and memory. Kanshi Ram's slogan—"Vote hamara, raj tumhara nahi chalega" (Our vote, your rule—no more)—galvanized voters.
He also authored The Chamcha Age (1982), critiquing Dalit leaders aligned with upper-caste parties, and Birth of BAMCEF.
Political Career
Kanshi Ram's politics were street-smart and arithmetic-driven: unite the 85% Bahujans to topple the 15% "savarna" elite. He shunned alliances initially, focusing on organic growth.
Milestones
- Early Elections: BSP contested its first polls in 1984, winning no seats but building a base in Uttar Pradesh (UP), Punjab, and Maharashtra. By 1985, it secured seats in UP local bodies.
- Lok Sabha Entry (1996): Elected from Hoshiarpur, Punjab—a historic seat linked to Ad Dharm Movement founder Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia—marking a full-circle return to his roots.
- Government Formations: Under his guidance, BSP formed coalitions in UP. In 1995, Mayawati (his protégé) became India's first Dalit woman Chief Minister. The 1993 BSP-BJP alliance (later fractured) showcased his strategic pragmatism, though he criticized it as temporary.
- National Expansion: BSP grew to influence 10+ states, challenging Congress's Dalit vote bank. In 2007 (posthumously), it won a UP majority under Mayawati, fulfilling his vision.
Kanshi Ram retired from active politics in 2006 due to health, anointing Mayawati as successor.
Ideology and Philosophy
- Bahujan Samaj: Kanshi Ram's core idea: Bahujans (Dalits + OBCs + Tribes + Muslims) form India's true majority and must rule via democracy. He drew from Ambedkar's constitutionalism, Phule's anti-Brahminism, and Buddhist egalitarianism, though he never formally converted.
- Self-Reliance: "Jodo, Jago, Ladho" (Unite, Awaken, Fight). He rejected victimhood, promoting economic empowerment and cultural pride. Politically, he was an enigma—a bachelor monk-like figure who lived austerely, traveling by train in third class.
- Critiques: Accused of opportunism in alliances (e.g., with BJP), but admirers hail his realism: "Power is not begged; it's captured."
Personal Life
Kanshi Ram remained unmarried, childless, and property-less, embodying asceticism. He lived simply in Delhi's Bahujan Samaj buildings, avoiding publicity. A lifelong bachelor, he treated BSP workers as family. Health plagued him—diabetes, hypertension, a 1994 heart attack, and a 2003 stroke left him bedridden from 2004.
Death and Memorial
Kanshi Ram died on October 9, 2006, in New Delhi from cardiac arrest at age 72. Per his wishes, rites followed Buddhist traditions at the Ghaziabad crematorium. His ashes were immersed in the Ganga. He was cremated without fanfare, but lakhs mourned nationwide. In 2007, Mayawati built the Kanshi Ram Memorial (now Kanshi Ram Eco Garden) in Lucknow. His death anniversary and birth anniversary (March 15) see tributes from UP leaders like Yogi Adityanath and Akhilesh Yadav, who call his work "revolutionary."
Legacy
Kanshi Ram's indelible mark is the mainstreaming of Dalit politics: BSP's rise empowered Dalits as rulers, not just voters, inspiring leaders like Mayawati (four-time UP CM) and influencing parties like RLD and AIMIM. He consolidated Dalit identity beyond Congress's patronage, fostering economic and social awakening via BAMCEF. His "Bahujan" vision promotes samajik samrasta (social harmony) through inclusion, resonating with second-generation Dalits demanding equity.
Critics note BSP's post-2007 decline due to leadership vacuums, but his ideas endure in movements like Bhim Army. Biographies like Kanshiram: Leader of the Dalits by Badri Narayan Tiwari and podcasts (e.g., The Culture Cafe's episode on his pragmatism) keep his story alive. As one tribute states, he turned "animals into humans" by handing them the ballot's power.
Lankapalli Bullayya
Lankapalli Bullayya (1918–1992) was an innovative Indian educator and vice-chancellor of Andhra University, Andhra Pradesh. He was the first Dalit to be appointed vice-chancellor of an Indian university.
Life and career
Bullayya was born in 1918 in Peravali, near Vemuru, Guntur district, Andhra Pradesh. He had to travel long distances to receive his education. Bullayya received a B.A. degree with honours from Andhra University, and served as principal of a B.Ed. college in Kurnool. He later became a District Educational Officer in Kurnool, Krishna and other districts and served in the Education Department as a senior-level officer. After the formation of Andhra Pradesh in 1953, Bullayya was appointed Director of Public Instruction. As Director of Higher Education for the government of Andhra Pradesh, he was instrumental in bringing about educational reform.
He considered the 10+2+3 plan in Andhra Pradesh before it was recommended by the Kothari Commission, and was given the responsibility of strengthening the educational system from primary to university level. In November 1968 Bullaya was appointed vice-chancellor, continuing in that post until December 1974. He sympathised with socially- and economically-disadvantaged students, and was concerned about their welfare. Academic, curricular and examination reforms (among them the introduction of the semester system), abolition of external examinations and the detention system, and continuous assessment marked his tenure. During this period the departments of education, geography, biochemistry, human genetics and physical anthropology were established along with foreign-language courses (German, French and Russian).
Six affiliated colleges were permitted to establish postgraduate departments in select subjects for the purpose of decentralisation. Coaching classes for civil-service examinations and the Continuing Education Scheme were introduced. For the first time in South India, a School of Correspondence Courses was established due to Bullayya's efforts. He was an able administrator and maintained a rapport with the central and state governments, directed toward the betterment of the university. When university buildings were badly damaged after the 1970 cyclone which struck Visakhapatnam Bullayya showed photographs of the damage to University Grants Commission authorities in New Delhi, seeking grants for the repair of the buildings. The UGC granted funds not only for repairs, but for constructing new buildings.
Bullayya later served at the Union Public Service Commission in an advisory capacity on behalf ofTelugu-speaking candidates at the UPSC Interview Board. He was chairman of the Andhra Pradesh and all-India units of the Boy Scouts and a director on the Andhra Bank Board. Bullayya's wife, Samyuktha, was also an educator and former chairman of the Andhra Pradesh Housing Board. His nephews Lankapally Ramesh Babu and Suresh Babu are public servants in Sanjeeva Reddy Nagar,Hyderabad. Dr. Bullayya College at Visakhapatnam was named for him. He founded the Dr. V.S. Krishna Government College in remembrance of his predecessor as vice-chancellor Vasireddy Sri Krishna, and was more concerned about that school than the one named after himself. A bust of Bullayya has been installed in the School of Distance Education in Visakhapatnam.
Mata Prasad
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Mata Prasad
Personal details
Born Uttar Pradesh, India
Occupation Retired IAS Officer
Awards Padma Bhushan
Mata Prasad is a retired Indian Administrative Service officer. He was one of the first people from the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to become an IAS officer. He is a former chairman of the Union Public Service Commission of India. He served as the chief secretary of the state of Uttar Pradesh from June 1995 to October 1996, thus becoming the first Scheduled Caste officer to head the state bureaucracy. The Government of India awarded him the third highest civilian honour of the Padma Bhushan, in 2012, for his contributions to civil service.
Biography
Born in a scheduled caste family in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, Mata Prasad secured his master's degree in first class from Allahabad University and started his career as an assistant professor in October 1960 at the department of economics of the university. He resigned from the academic post when he was selected to the Indian Administrative Service in 1962 and served the civil service for over 35 years till his superannuation as the secretary of Water Resources of the Government of India. In between he held several positions such as District Collector of the districts of Almora, Etah, Lakhimpur and Bareilly as well as the Divisional Commissioner of Agra district. Subsequently, he served as the Managing Director of the Cement Corporation of Uttar Pradesh before returning to revenue department posts as the secretary to the Government of Uttar Pradesh and headed various departments including Public Enterprises, Administrative Reforms, Planning, Home, Jail, Home Guards, Civil Defence, Political Pensions and Official Language. Moving to the Union Government as a Joint Secretary at the Ministry of Human Resource Development, he headed the Department of Youth Affairs and served as a Joint Secretary, Additional Secretary and later, as a Secretary at the Ministry of Welfare, in charge of the Department of Personnel Training.
It was during his tenure as the Secretary, he made news by becoming the subject of a power struggle between Sitaram Kesari, the then Minister of Welfare who wanted Prasad to stay at his ministry, and Mulayam Singh Yadav, chief minister of Uttar Pradesh during that time, who invited Prasad to head the state bureaucracy. Prasad, eventually, decided to accept the latter post and became the first dalit chief secretary of the state, starting his stint in June 1995 during Mayawati's first incumbency as the state chief minister, holding the post till October 1996. His tenancy as the chief secretary or his relationship with Mayawati were not reported to have been smooth He returned to central government service in 1996 as the secretary at the Ministry of Water Resources and retired from civil service in February 1999, after getting a one-year extension of service. It was reported that he was a candidate to become a cabinet secretary, supposedly the first dalit to get to the rank, but his candidature was overlooked. However, he was appointed as a member of the Union Public Service Commission on 23 April 1998 and, after a stint of five years, he became the chairman of the agency on 8 September 2003. He retired from the position on 4 January 2005, succeeded by S. R. Hashim. He is associated with Sitapur Shiksha Sansthan, a Lucknow-based educational organization, as a member of its Board of Advisors. The Government of India included him in the Republic Day Honors list for the civilian award of the Padma Bhushan in 2012
Madhu Koda
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Madhu Koda
for Singhbhum
In office
16 May 2009 – 2014
Preceded by Bagun Sumbrai
Succeeded by Laxman Giluwa
In office
14 September 2006 – 23 August 2008
Governor Syed Sibtey Razi
Preceded by Arjun Munda
Succeeded by Shibu Soren
Personal details
Born 6 January 1971
Political party Independent
Spouse(s) Geeta Koda (m. 2004)
Children 1 Daughter
Residence Jagannathpur, Jharkhand
Madhu Koda (born 6 January 1971) is an Indian politician who had served as the Chief Minister of Jharkhand from 2006 to 2008 (UPA alliance). He was sworn in as the fourth Chief Minister of Jharkhand on 14 September 2006, and remained in office until he resigned on 23 August 2008.
Koda is the third independent legislator to assume the office of chief minister of an Indian state, including Bishwanath Das in Orissa in 1971 and Flinder Anderson Khonglam in Meghalaya in 2002.
His wife Geeta Koda, MP from West Singhbhum district is among the six MLAs representing smaller regional parties led by Hemant Soren formed on 13 July 2013. In December 2017, he was convicted by a court of law and sentenced to three-years in jail and fined ₹25 lakh (US$33,000).
Personal life
Madhu Koda was born in Vill. Gua, District. West Singhbhum in Jharkhand. An ethnic Ho, his father is Rasika Koda, a tribal farmer, who lives in Vill. Pathhatu in District. Singhbhum. He is a graduate from IGNOU centre, Bhubneshwar. His father wanted Madhu to have a "normal life" and remain a farmer or iron worker, but after experiencing corruption in the iron industry, he eventually began a career in politics.
Koda is married to Geeta, who is an MLA from his previous constituency Jaganathpur from the Jai Bharat Samanta Party. They have two daughters.
Political career
Madhu Koda began his political career as an activist with the All Jharkhand Students Union. He won in the 2000 Bihar Assembly elections from Jaganathpur as a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) candidate. On 15 Nov 2000 the state of Jharkhand was carved out from the southern part of Bihar. Koda's constituency Jaganathpur was included in Jharkhand and he became a member of the Jharkhand Legislative Assembly. Babulal Marandi of BJP became the first CM of Jharkhand on 15 Nov 2000.
In this government, Madhu became the Minister of State, Rural Engineering Organisation (Ind. Charge). But there was revolt against Marandi by rebels and he finally resigned. Arjun Munda took over and became the CM on 18 Mar 2003 and in this government Koda became the minister of Panchayati Raj of Special Arrangement.
During the 2005 Assembly Elections in Jharkhand, the BJP denied Koda a ticket. He contested as an Independent candidate and won from Jaganathpur once again, defeating his nearest rival from the Indian National Congress by over ten thousand votes. Koda extended his support to the BJP-led NDA.
On 2 March 2005, after much political bargaining and quid pro quo Shibu Soren of Congress-JMM alliance was invited to form the government in Jharkhand by the Governor of Jharkhand, Syed Sibtey Razi.
He resigned as Chief Minister nine days later, on 11 March, following his failure to obtain a vote of confidence in the assembly. Then Arjun Munda of BJP-led NDA became the CM, whom Koda supported and he was appointed as the Minister of Mining Geology and Cooperative
In September 2006, Madhu and three other independent legislators withdrew support to the Munda government, bringing it into the minority and led to resignation of MundaThe United Progressive Alliance decided on him as consensus candidate to become Chief Minister and Koda became the next CM of Jharkhand on 14 Sept, 2006.
His government included the representatives of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Jaua Manjhi group, Nationalist Congress Party, All India Forward Bloc, three independent MLAs (besides himself), and the outside support of the Indian National Congress. On 12 Aug 2008 Shibu Soren again staked claim for the post of CM and wanted Koda to resign. On 17, Aug, 2008 JMM withdrew support from the Koda government, and Koda resigned on 23 Aug 2008 from the post of CM of Jharkhand. Koda became the UPA in charge of Jharkhand state. Shibu Soren again became the CM of Jharkhand on 27 Aug 2008.
But Soren suffered a humiliating defeat in the assembly bypoll on 8 Jan 2009 from Tamar constituency and failed to enter the Jharkhand assembly. He was defeated by Gopal Krishna Patar of Jharkhand Party, now a MLA from JD(U) – a constituent of NDA – by a margin of 9,062 votes. Soren subsequently resigned on 12 Jan 2009[ and after this President's rule was imposed in Jharkhand on 19 Jan 2009 and till 29 Dec 2009. Koda then won the MP seat from Singhbhum parliamentary constituency again as an independent candidate, the results of which were declared on 16 May 2009.
In the next assembly elections of Jharkhand held 25 Nov 2009, his wife Geeta Koda won from his constituency Jaganathpur from Jai Bharat Samanta Party, the results of which were declared on 23 Dec 2009. In 2014 Jharkhand Assembly Election, Madhu Koda lost from the Majhgao constituency. Koda was defeated by Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) candidate Nial Purty by over 20,000 votes.
Mining scam conviction
It was alleged that Madhu Koda was involved in a mining scam that occurred in Jharkhand in India. It was alleged by investigative agencies that Madhu Koda took huge bribes for illegally allotting iron ore and coal mining contracts in Jharkhand when he was the chief minister of the state. As per estimates, Koda and his associates collected over ₹4,000 crore (US$530 million) by allotting mines to business houses. On orders of Jharkhand High Court CBI is investigating the scam.
Koda was arrested by state police's vigilance wing on 30 November 2009 in connection with the mining scam. On 31 July 2013, he was released on bail from Birsa Munda Prison in Ranchi.
A Special money-laundering court in Delhi attached Koda's properties worth ₹144 crore (US$19 million) in a disproportionate assets case against his alleged associates. It found that the properties were involved in the offence of laundering under the provisions of The Prevention Of Money Laundering Act (PMLA) in a case probed by Enforcement Directorate (ED). Some of the attached assets also belonged to Anil Adinath Bastawde, who was arrested by the ED in January 2013 from Jakarta and Manoj B Punamiya, an associate of Koda and an accused in the case. ED sources had said the amount of scam, which had allegedly taken place during Koda's regime between 2006 and 2008 had gone up to ₹3,400 crore (US$450 million) in the course of investigation and the amount excluded Bastawde's assets, who was an absconder for long time. In December 2017, the court of justice Bharat Parashar convicted Madhu Koda and awarded him a three-year jail term and imposed a fine of ₹25 lakh (US$33,000).
Murlidhar Chandrakant Bhandare
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Murlidhar Chandrakant Bhandare
In office
21 August 2007 – 9 March 2013
Preceded by Rameshwar Thakur
Succeeded by S. C. Jamir
Personal details
Born 10 December 1928
Nationality Indian
Profession Advocate Politician
Murlidhar Chandrakant Bhandare (born 10 December 1928 in Mumbai) is an Indian politician. He was a senior Indian National Congress leader from Maharashtra and a former Rajya Sabha member for three terms during 1980–1982, 1982–1988 and 1988–1994. He practices as Senior Advocate of Supreme Court of India and was President of Supreme Court Bar Association for two terms. Appointed Governor of Odisha on 19 August 2007, he was sworn in on 21 August. He continued in the office until the appointment of S. C. Jamir on 9 March 2013.His close aid was Ravi Pehlwan from haryana.
Muhammadu Buhari
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Muhammadu Buhari
Official portrait, 2015
Assumed office
29 May 2015
Preceded by Goodluck Jonathan
In office
31 December 1983 – 27 August 1985
Chief of Staff Tunde Idiagbon
Preceded by Shehu Shagari
Succeeded by Ibrahim Babangida
Assumed office
11 November 2015
Minister of State Emmanuel Ibe Kachikwu
Preceded by Diezani Allison-Madueke
In office
March 1976 – June 1978
Head of State Olusegun Obasanjo
In office
3 February 1975 – 15 March 1976
Preceded by Office established
Succeeded by Mustapha Amin
In office
1 August 1975 – 3 February 1976
Head of State Murtala Mohammed
Preceded by Musa Usman
Succeeded by Office abolished
Personal details
Born 17 December 1942
(now Daura, Nigeria)
Nationality Nigerian
Political party All Progressives Congress (2013–)
Other political
affiliations Congress for Progressive Change (2010–2013)
All Nigeria Peoples Party (2002–2010)
Spouse(s)
(m. 1971; div. 1988)
(m. 1989)
Children
10
Website Official website
Military service
Allegiance 
Nigeria
NigeriaBranch/service 
Nigerian Army
Nigerian ArmyYears of service 1961–1985
Rank Major general
Battles/wars Nigerian Civil War
Muhammadu Buhari GCFR (born 17 December 1942) is a Nigerian politician who has been President of Nigeria since 2015.
Buhari is a retired Nigerian Army Major General and has served as military head of state in Nigeria between 1983 to 1985, after taking power in a military coup d'état. The term Buharism is ascribed to the authoritarian policies of his military regime. Buhari has said that he takes responsibility for anything over which he presided during his military rule, and that he cannot change the past. He has described himself as a "converted democrat".
Buhari ran for president of Nigeria in 2003, 2007, and 2011 In December 2014, he emerged as the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress party for the 2015 general election Buhari won the election, defeating incumbent President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. This was the first time in the history of Nigeria that an incumbent president lost a general election. He was sworn in on 29 May 2015. In February 2019, Buhari was re-elected, defeating his closest rival former Vice President Atiku Abubakar by over 3 million votes.
Early life
Buhari was born to a Fulani family on 17 December 1942, in Daura, Katsina State, his father was called Mallam Hardo Adamu, a Fulani chieftain from Dumurkul in Mai'Adua, and his mother's name was Zulaihat, who had Hausa and Kanuri ancestry. He is the twenty-third child of his father and was named after ninth-century Persian Islamic scholar Muhammad al-Bukhari. Buhari was raised by his mother, he was about four years old when his father died. He attended primary school in Daura and Mai'adua, in 1953, Katsina Middle School, and attended Katsina Provincial Secondary School from 1956 to 1961.
Military career
Buhari enrolled at age 19 in the Nigerian Military Training College (NMTC) in 1962. In February 1964, the college was upgraded to an officer commissioning unit of the Nigerian Army and renamed the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA) (prior to 1964, the Nigerian government sent cadets who had completed their NMTC preliminary training to mostly Commonwealth military academies for officer cadet training).
From 1962 to 1963, Buhari underwent officer cadet training at Mons Officer Cadet School in Aldershot in England. In January 1963, at age 20, Buhari was commissioned a second lieutenant and appointed Platoon Commander of the Second Infantry Battalion in Abeokuta, Nigeria. From November 1963 to January 1964, Buhari attended the Platoon Commanders' Course at the Nigerian Military Training College, Kaduna. In 1964, he facilitated his military training by attending the Mechanical Transport Officer's Course at the Army Mechanical Transport School in Borden, United Kingdom.
From 1965 to 1967, Buhari served as commander of the Second Infantry Battalion and appointed brigade major, Second Sector, First Infantry Division, April 1967 to July 1967. Following the bloody 1966 Nigerian coup d'état, which resulted in the death of Premier Ahmadu Bello. Lieutenant Buhari alongside several young officers from Northern Nigeria, took part in the July counter-coup which ousted General Aguiyi Ironsi replacing him with General Yakubu Gowon.
Civil war
Buhari was assigned to the 1st Division under the command of Lt. Col Mohammed Shuwa, the division had temporarily moved from Kaduna to Makurdi at the onset of the Nigerian Civil War. The 1st division was divided into sectors and then battalions with Shuwa assisted by sector commanders Martin Adamu and Sule Apollo who was later replaced by Theophilus Danjuma. Buhari's initial assignment was as Adjutant and Company Commander 2 battalion unit, Second Sector Infantry of the 1st Division. The 2 battalion was one of the units that participated in the first actions of the war, they started from Gakem near Afikpo and moved towards Ogoja with support from Gado Nasko's artillery squad. They reached and captured Ogoja within a week with the intention of advancing through the flanks to Enugu, the rebel capital. Buhari was briefly the 2 battalion's Commander and led the battalion to Afikpo to link with the 3rd Marine Commando and advance towards Enugu through Nkalagu and Abakaliki. However, before the move to Enugu, he was posted to Nsukka as Brigade Major of the 3rd Infantry Brigade under Joshua Gin who would later become battle fatigued and replaced by Isa Bukar. Buhari stayed with the infantry for a few months as the Nigerian army began to adjust tactics learnt from early battle experiences. Instead of swift advances, the new tactics involved securing and holding on to the lines of communications and using captured towns as training ground to train new recruits brought in from the army depots in Abeokuta and Zaria. In 1968, he was posted to the 4 Sector also called the Awka sector which was charged to take over the capture of Onitsha from Division 2. The sector's operations was within the Awka-Abagana-Onitsha region which was important to Biafran forces because it was a major source of food supply. It was in the sector that Buhari's group suffered a lot of casualties trying to protect food supplies route of the rebels along Oji River and Abagana.
After the war
From 1970 to 1971, Buhari was Brigade Major/Commandant, Thirty-first Infantry Brigade. He then served as the Assistant Adjutant-General, First Infantry Division Headquarters, from 1971 to 1972. He also attended the Defence Services Staff College, Wellington, India, in 1973. From 1974 to 1975 Buhari was Acting Director of Transport and Supply at the Nigerian Army Corps of Supply and Transport Headquarters.
In the 1975 military coup d'état, Lieutenant Colonel Buhari was among a group of officers that brought General Murtala Mohammed to power. He was later appointed Governor of the North-Eastern State from 1 August 1975 to 3 February 1976, to oversee social, economic and political improvements in the state. On 3 February 1976, the North Eastern State was divided into three states Bauchi, Borno and Gongola. Buhari then became the first Governor of Borno State from 3 February 1976 to 15 March 1976.
In March 1976, following the botched 1976 military coup d'état attempt which led to the assassination of General Murtala Mohammed, his deputy General Olusegun Obasanjo became the military head of state and appointed Colonel Buhari as the Federal Commissioner for Petroleum and Natural Resources (now minister). In 1977, when the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation was created, Buhari was appointed as its Chairman, a position he held until 1978.
During his tenure as the Federal Commissioner for Petroleum and Natural Resources, the government invested in pipelines and petroleum storage infrastructures. The government built about 21 petroleum storage depots all over the country from Lagos to Maiduguri and from Calabar to Gusau; the administration constructed a pipeline network that connected Bonny terminal and the Port Harcourt refinery to the depots. Also, the administration signed the contract for the construction of a refinery in Kaduna and an oil pipeline that will connect the Escravos oil terminal to Warri Refinery and the proposed Kaduna refinery.
From 1978 to 1979, he was Military Secretary at the Army Headquarters and was a member of the Supreme Military Council from 1978 to 1979. From 1979 to 1980, at the rank of colonel, Buhari (class of 1980) attended the US Army War College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, in the United States, and gained a Masters Degree in Strategic Studies. Upon completion of the on-campus full-time resident program lasting ten months and the two-year-long, distance learning program, the United States Army War College (USAWC) college awards its graduate officers a master's degree in Strategic Studies.
Divisional commands held in the Nigerian Army:
General Officer Commanding, 4th Infantry Division: August 1980 – January 1981
General Officer Commanding, 2nd Mechanised Infantry Division: January 1981 – October 1981
General Officer Commanding, 3rd Armed Division: October 1981 – December 1983
Coup d'état of 1983
Major-General Buhari was one of the leaders of the military coup of December 1983 that overthrew the Second Nigerian Republic. At the time of the coup plot, Buhari was the General Officer Commanding (GOC), Third Armoured Division of Jos. With the successful execution of the coup by General Buhari, Tunde Idiagbon was appointed Chief of General Staff (the de facto No. 2 in the administration). The coup ended Nigeria's short-lived Second Republic, a period of multi-party democracy revived in 1979, after 13 years of military rule.
According to The New York Times, the officers who took power argued that "a flawed democracy was worse than no democracy at all". Buhari justified the military's seizure of power by castigating the civilian government as hopelessly corrupt and promptly suspended the constitution. Another rationale for the coup was to correct economic decline in Nigeria. Sani Abacha in the military's first broadcast after the coup linked 'an inept and corrupt leadership' with general economic decline. In Buhari's New Year day speech, he too mentioned the corrupt class of the Second Republic but also as the cause of a general decline in morality in the society.
Head of State (1983–1985)
Consolidation of power
The structure of the new military leadership which was also the fifth in Nigeria since independence resembled the last military regime, the Obasanjo/Yaradua administration. The new regime established a Supreme Military Council, a Federal Executive Council and a Council of States. The number of ministries was trimmed to 18 while the administration carried out a retrenchment exercise among the senior ranks of the civil service and police. It retired 17 permanent secretaries and some senior police and naval officers. In addition, the new military administration promulgated new laws to achieve its aim. These laws included the Robbery and Firearms (Special Provisions) Decree for the prosecution of armed robbery cases, the State Security (Detention of Person) Decree which gave powers to the military to detain individuals suspected of jeopardizing state security or causing economic adversity. Other decrees included the Civil Service Commission and Public Offenders Decree which constituted the legal and administrative basis to conduct a purge in the civil service.
According to Decree Number 2 of 1984, the state security and the chief of staff were given the power to detain, without charges, individuals deemed to be a security risk to the state for up to three months. Strikes and popular demonstrations were banned and Nigeria's security agency, the National Security Organization (NSO) was entrusted with unprecedented powers. The NSO played a wide role in the cracking down of public dissent by intimidating, harassing and jailing individuals who broke the interdiction on strikes. By October 1984, about 200,000 civil servants were retrenched. Buhari mounted an offensive against entrenched interests. In 20 months as Head of State, about 500 politicians, officials and businessmen were jailed for corruption during his stewardship. Detainees were released after releasing sums to the government and agreeing to meet certain conditions. The regime also jailed its critics, including Fela Kuti. He was arrested on 4 September 1984 at the airport as he was about to embark on an American tour. Amnesty International described the charges brought against him for illegally exporting foreign currency as "spurious". Using the wide powers bestowed upon it by Decree Number 2, the government sentenced Fela to five years in prison. He was released after 18 months, when the Buhari regime was overthrown.
In 1984, Buhari passed Decree Number 4, the Protection Against False Accusations Decree, considered by scholars as the most repressive press law ever enacted in Nigeria. Section 1 of the law provided that "Any person who publishes in any form, whether written or otherwise, any message, rumour, report or statement [...] which is false in any material particular or which brings or is calculated to bring the Federal Military Government or the Government of a state or public officer to ridicule or disrepute, shall be guilty of an offense under this Decree". The law further stated that offending journalists and publishers will be tried by an open military tribunal, whose ruling would be final and unappealable in any court and those found guilty would be eligible for a fine not less than 10,000 naira and a jail sentence of up to two years.
Economics
In order to reform the economy, as Head of State, Buhari started to rebuild the nation's social-political and economic systems, along the realities of Nigeria's austere economic conditions.The rebuilding included removing or cutting back the excesses in national expenditure, obliterating or removing completely, corruption from the nation's social ethics, shifting from mainly public sector employment to self-employment. Buhari also encouraged import substitution industrialisation based to a great extent on the use of local materials. However, tightening of imports led to reduction in raw materials for industries causing many industries to operate below capacity, reduction of workers and in some cases business closure.
Buhari broke ties with the International Monetary Fund, when the fund asked the government to devalue the naira by 60%. However, the reforms that Buhari instigated on his own were as or more rigorous as those required by the IMF.
On 7 May 1984, Buhari announced the country's 1984 National Budget. The budget came with a series of complementary measures:
A temporary ban on recruiting federal public sector workers
Raising of Interest rates
Halting Capital Projects
Prohibition of borrowing by State governments
15 percent cut from Shagari's 1983 Budget
Realignment of import duties
Reducing the balance of payment deficit by cutting imports
It also gave priority to the importation of raw materials and spare parts that were needed for agriculture and industry.
Other economic measures by Buhari took the form of counter trade, currency change, price reduction of goods and services. His economic policies did not earn him the legitimacy of the masses due to the rise in inflation and the use of military might to continue to push many policies blamed for the rise in food prices.
Mass social mobilization
One of the most enduring legacies of the Buhari government has been the War Against Indiscipline (WAI). Launched on 20 March 1984, the policy tried to address the perceived lack of public morality and civic responsibility of Nigerian society. Unruly Nigerians were ordered to form neat queues at bus stops, under the eyes of whip-wielding soldiers. Civil servants who failed to show up on time at work were humiliated and forced to do "frog jumps". Minor offences carried long sentences. Any student over the age of 17 caught cheating on an exam would get 21 years in prison. Counterfeiting and arson could lead to the death penalty.
Buhari's administration enacted three decrees to investigate corruption and control foreign exchange. The Banking (Freezing of Accounts) Decree of 1984, allotted to the Federal Military Government the power to freeze bank accounts of persons suspected to have committed fraud. The Recovery of Public Property (Special Military Tribunals) Decree permitted the government to investigate the assets of public officials linked with corruption and constitute a military tribunal to try such persons. The Exchange Control (Anti-Sabotage) Decree stated penalties for violators of foreign exchange laws.
Decree 20 on illegal ship bunkering and drug trafficking was another example of Buhari's tough approach to crime. Section 3 (2) (K) provided that "any person who, without lawful authority deals in, sells, smokes or inhales the drug known as cocaine or other similar drugs, shall be guilty under section 6 (3) (K) of an offence and liable on conviction to suffer death sentence by firing squad." In the case of Bernard Ogedengebe, the Decree was applied retroactively. He was executed even if at the time of his arrest the crime did not mandate the capital punishment, but had carried a sentence of six months imprisonment. In another prominent case of April 1985, six Nigerians were condemned to death under the same decree: Sidikatu Tairi, Sola Oguntayo, Oladele Omosebi, Lasunkanmi Awolola, Jimi Adebayo and Gladys Iyamah.
In 1985, prompted by economic uncertainties and a rising crime rate, the government of Buhari opened the borders (closed since April 1984) with Benin, Niger, Chad and Cameroon to speed up the expulsion of 700,000 illegal foreigners and illegal migrant workers. Buhari is today known for this crisis; there even is a famine in the east of Niger that have been named "El Buhari". His regime drew criticism from many, including Nigeria's first Nobel Prize winner Wole Soyinka, who, in 2007, wrote a piece called "The Crimes of Buhari" which outlined many of the abuses conducted under his military rule.
Ahead of the 2015 general election, Buhari responded to his human rights criticism by saying that if elected, he would follow the rule of law, and that there would be access to justice for all Nigerians and respect for fundamental human rights of Nigerians.
Coup d'état of 1985
In August 1985, Major General Buhari was overthrown in a coup led by General Ibrahim Babangida and other members of the ruling Supreme Military Council (SMC). Babangida brought many of Buhari's most vocal critics into his administration, including Fela Kuti's brother Olikoye Ransome-Kuti, a doctor who had led a strike against Buhari to protest declining health care services. Buhari was then detained in Benin City until 1988.
Pre-presidency (1985–2015)
Detention
Buhari spent three years of detention in a small guarded bungalow in Benin. He had access to television that showed two channels and members of his family were allowed to visit him on the authorization of Babangida.
Civilian life
In December 1988, after his mother's death he was released and retired to his residence in Daura. While in detention, his farm was managed by his relatives. He divorced his first wife in 1988 and married Aisha Halilu In Katsina, he became the pioneer chairman of Katsina Foundation that was founded to encourage social and economic development in Katsina State.
Buhari served as the Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), a body created by the government of General Sani Abacha, and funded from the revenue generated by the increase in price of petroleum products, to pursue developmental projects around the country. A 1998 report in New African praised the PTF under Buhari for its transparency, calling it a rare "success story".
Presidential campaigns and elections
Buhari (left) with Governor Abiola Ajimobi (right)
Buhari with former Vice President Atiku Abubakar (left)
2003 presidential election
In 2003, Buhari ran for office in the presidential electio as the candidate of the All Nigeria People's Party (ANPP). He was defeated by the People's Democratic Party incumbent, President Olusẹgun Ọbasanjọ, by more than 11 million votes.
2007 presidential election
On 18 December 2006, Buhari was nominated as the consensus candidate of the All Nigeria People's Party. His main challenger in the April 2007 polls was the ruling PDP candidate, Umaru Yar'Adua, who hailed from the same home state of Katsina. Buhari officially took 18% of the vote to Yar'Adua's 70%, but Buhari rejected these results. After Yar'Adua took office, he called for a government of national unity to bring on board aggrieved opposition members. The ANPP joined the government with appointment of its national chairman as a member of Yar'Adua's cabinet, but Buhari denounced this agreement.
2011 presidential election
In March 2010, Buhari left the ANPP for the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), a party he had helped to found. He said that he had supported foundation of the CPC "as a solution to the debilitating, ethical and ideological conflicts in my former party the ANPP".
Buhari was the CPC Presidential candidate in the 2011 election, running against incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan of the People's Democratic Party (PDP), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu of Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), and Ibrahim Shekarau of ANPP. They were the major contenders among 20 candidates. Buhari campaigned on an anti-corruption platform and pledged to remove immunity protections from government officials. He also gave support to enforcement of Sharia law in Nigeria's northern states, which had previously caused him political difficulties among Christian voters in the country's south.
The elections were marred by widespread sectarian violence, which claimed the lives of 800 people across the country, as Buhari's supporters attacked Christian settlements in the country's central region. The three-day uprising was blamed in part on Buhari's inflammatory comments. In spite of assurances from Human Rights Watch, which had judged the elections "among the fairest in Nigeria's history", Buhari claimed that the vote was flawed and warned that "If what happened in 2011 should again happen in 2015, by the grace of God, the dog and the baboon would all be soaked in blood".
Buhari remained a "folk hero" to some for his vocal opposition to corruption. He won 12,214,853 votes, coming in second to Jonathan, who polled 22,495,187 votes and was declared the winner.
2015 presidential election
Incoming and outgoing Nigerian Presidents at the inauguration ceremony
Buhari ran in the 2015 presidential election as a candidate of the All Progressives Congress party. His platform was built around his image as a staunch anti-corruption fighter and his incorruptible and honest reputation, but he said he would not probe past corrupt leaders and would give officials who stole in the past amnesty if they repented.
In the runup to the 2015 election, Jonathan's campaign asked that Buhari be disqualified from the election, claiming that he was in breach of the Constitution. According to the fundamental document, in order to qualify for election to the office of the president, a person must be "educated up to at least School certificate level or its equivalent". Buhari failed to submit any such evidence, claiming that he lost the original copies of his diplomas when his house was raided following his overthrow from power in 1985.
In May 2014, in the wake of the Chibok schoolgirls kidnapping, Buhari strongly denounced the Boko Haram insurgency. He "urged Nigerians to put aside religion, politics and all other divisions to crush the insurgency he said is fanned by mindless bigots masquerading as Muslims". In July 2014, Buhari escaped a bomb attack on his life by Boko Haram in Kaduna, 82 people were killed. In December 2014, Buhari pledged to enhance security in Nigeria if elected president. After this announcement, Buhari's approval ratings skyrocketed, largely due to Jonathan's apparent inability to fight Boko Haram. Buhari made internal security and wiping out the militant group one of the key pillars of his campaign. In January 2015, the insurgent group "The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta" (MEND) endorsed Buhari.
Buhari's campaign was briefly advised by former Obama campaign manager David Axelrod[88] and his AKPD consultancy. In February 2015, former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo quit the ruling PDP party and endorsed Buhari.
On 31 March, Jonathan called Buhari to concede and congratulate him on his election as president. Buhari was sworn in on 29 May 2015 in a ceremony attended by at least 23 heads of state and government.
Presidency (2015–present)
The economy has averaged a growth rate of 0.9% since the administration's first term, unemployment is at an all-time high of 23%, and millions entered poverty. Since 2015, Buhari has lost supporters due to his perceived un-energetic personality and contemplative decision making.
Cabinet
Buhari's key advisers include: his nephew Mamman Daura, businessman Ismaila Isa Funtua, political operator Baba Gana Kingibe, Abba Kyari the Chief of Staff to the President; and from the late stages of his first term, Boss Mustapha the Secretary to the Government of the Federation.[93] Empowering his kitchen cabinet after his second inauguration, Buhari has stated his preference for cabinet members seeking meetings or consultation to direct such requests through the chief of staff or through the government secretary.
Since the Fourth Republic, ministerial positions are legally required to be composed of a federal ethno-demographic character with a minister representing each state of the federation. A result of this has created the outcome of political considerations as an important factor in nominating ministers as local party officials lacking in merit jostle for cabinet positions. Nomination into Buhari's cabinet has been influenced by those political considerations and also closeness to the president and his inner cabinet.
In August 2019, the president named his cabinet of predominantly male members with an average years of 60 and dominated by political actors or those close to the president.[94] The cabinet include two wealthy former governors from the Niger Delta, Timipre Sylva and Godswill Akpabio who were originally members of the opposition party PDP and fourteen retained ministers some of whom critics alleged had performed poorly or having a close relationship with a corrupt past Head of State
Health
In May 2016, Buhari cancelled a two-day visit to Lagos to inaugurate projects in the state but he was represented by the Vice-President Yemi Osinbajo after citing an "ear infection" suspected to be Ménière's disease On 6 June, Buhari travelled to the United Kingdom to seek medical attention. This happened days after the Presidential Spokesman Femi Adesina was quoted as saying Buhari was "as fit as fiddle" and "hale and hearty", to much discontent and criticism from political analysts and followrs.[ In February 2017, following what were described as "routine medical check-ups" in the UK, Buhari asked parliament to extend his medical leave to await test results His office did not give any further details on his health condition nor the expected date of his return. On 8 February, President Buhari personally signed a letter addressed to the President of the Senate of Nigeria alerting him of a further extension to his annual leave, leaving his Vice President in charge. Following an absence of 51 days from office, President Buhari returned to Nigeria. He arrived at Kaduna Airport in the morning of March 10. Although information was limited during his stay in London, he was pictured on March 9 meeting the most senior cleric of the world Anglican congregation, Archbishop of Canterbury Justin Welby. Vice President Yemi Osibanjo remained in charge as acting President, while the President continued to recover in Abuja. The President has missed major official and public appearances just two months following his return to office from England. Most recently he was absent from the Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting, the worker's day event held at the Eagle Square in Abuja on May Day 2017. Speculations about the President's health circulated in the public sphere in the days following President Buhari's wishes to "work from home" Some prominent Nigerian figures urged the President to take a long-term medical leave, citing his failure to make any public appearances over a two-week period.
President Buhari again left Nigeria for a reported health check-up in London on 7 May 2017. President Buhari returned to Nigeria from his medical leave in the United Kingdom 104 days after leaving, on August 19, 2017. On 8 May, Buhari left Nigeria to London for medical check up, upon arrival from USA; and he returned on Friday 11 May 2018.
Economy
An attractive choice to many Nigerians because of a perceived incorruptible character. Once in power, Buhari who had earlier mobilized supporters in three previous elections was slow to manifest his intention to solve problems he mentioned during his campaign. Determination to initiate his domestic policy agenda like naming of cabinet officials took six months, while the passage of the 2016 and 2017 budgets were delayed by infighting.
In Buhari's first year in office, Nigeria suffered a decline in commodity prices which triggered an economic recession. To source funds to close shortfall in revenue and fund an expansionary capital budget, Buhari traveled to 20 countries seeking loans. Thereby, expansionary budget allocation to finance infrastructure was pushed back to a further date.
In the first year of the administration, Naira, the currency of Nigeria depreciated in the black market leading to a gulf between the official exchange rate and the black-market rate. A resulting shortage in foreign exchange hit various businesses including petroleum marketers. However, the gulf between the official rates and the black market rates opened up the opportunity for well connected individuals to engage in arbitrage, making a mockery of the president's anti-corruption image. In May, 2016, the government announced a rise in the official pump price of petroleum to curtail shortfall in the commodity as a result of foreign exchange shortages.
In 2016, the country's economy declined by 1.6% and in 2017 per capital economic growth is projected to be negligible. Buhari's first tenure as head of state coincided with a decline in oil prices similar to his second stint but his administration has not shown dedicated effort to diversify sources of government spending.The 2018 budget signaled an expansionary fiscal policy with funds dedicated to infrastructural projects such as strategic roads, bridges and power plants.
Since an upturn in economic growth from the decline of 2016, a slow pace of recovery has the country behind many of its continental neighbors in GDP growth. Unemployment levels remain high and any effort to increase non-oil revenues has not improved while government deficit spending include a significant portion of its yearly budget dedicated to service debts.
Buhari with the support of the Central Bank chief initiated policies to improve agriculture production through lobbying private banks to lend to the sector and restriction of foreign exchange at official rates for importation of food product that are grown locally. In his second tern, the budget minister, Udo Udoma and trade minister, Enemalah both of whom favored liberalisation were not returned
The government continued to operate flexible exchange rates into the second term of the administration despite critics alluding to the exchange rate regime of being susceptible to arbitrage abuses and round tripping by cronies of the government.
Social welfare
In 2016, Buhari launched the National Social Investment Program, a national social welfare program. The Program was created to ensure a more equitable distribution of resources to vulnerable populations, including children, youth, and women. There are four programs which address poverty, unemployment and help increase economic development:
The N-Power program provides young Nigerians with job training and education, as well as a monthly stipend of 30,000 Nigerian naira (USD $83.33).
The Conditional Cash Transfer Program (CCTP) directly supports the most vulnerable by providing cash to those in the lowest income group, helping reduce poverty, improve nutrition and self-sustainability, and supporting development through increased consumption.
The Government Enterprise and Empowerment Program (GEEP) is a micro-lending entrepreneurship program targeting farmers, petty traders and market women with a focus. This program provides no-cost loans to its beneficiaries, helping reduce the start-up costs of business ventures in Nigeria. The programs include: TraderMoni, MarketMoni and FarmerMoni.
The National Home Grown School Feeding Program (NHGSF) is attempting to increase school enrollment by providing free meals to schoolchildren, particularly those in poor and food-insecure regions. The program works with local farmers and empowers women as cooks, building the community and sustaining economic growth from farm to table.
The program was previously co-ordinated from the office of Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, until 2019, when the program was moved to the new Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development under Sadiya Umar Farouq. In his 2019 Independence Day Speech, the President attributed the movement to the need to have the programmes institutionalized.
Anti-corruption
The $2 billion arms deal was exposed following the interim report of Buhari's investigations committee on arms procurement under the Goodluck Jonathan administration. The committee report showed extra-budgetary spending to the tune of N643.8 billion and additional spending of about $2.2 billion in the foreign currency component under the Goodluck Jonathan's watch. Preliminary investigation suggested that about $2 billion may have been disbursed for the procurement of arms to fight against Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria. The investigative report indicated that a total sum of $2.2 billion was inexplicably disbursed into the office of the National Security Adviser in procurement of arms to fight against insurgency, but was not spent for the purpose for which the money was disbursed. Investigations on this illegal deal led to the arrest of Sambo Dasuki, the former National Security Adviser who later mentioned prominent Nigerians involved in the deal. Those who were mentioned and arrested includes Raymond Dokpesi, the Chair Emeritus of DAAR Communications Plc, Attahiru Bafarawa, the former Governor of Sokoto State, and Bashir Yuguda, the former Minister of State for Finance, Azubuike Ihejirika, the Chief of Army Staff, Adesola Nunayon Amosu, the former Chief of the Air Staff, Alex Badeh and several other politicians were mentioned.
On 21 December 2016, the government's Federal Ministry of Finance announced a whistle-blowing policy with a 2.5%-5% reward. The aim is to obtain relevant data or information regarding: the violation of financial regulations, the mismanagement of public funds and assets, financial malpractice, fraud, and theft.
In May 2018, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Nigeria's anti-corruption agency, announced that 603 Nigerian figures had been convicted on corruption charges since Buhari took office in 2015. The EFCC also announced that for the first time in Nigeria's history, judges and top military officers including retired service chiefs are being prosecuted for corruption. The successful prosecutions were also credited to Buhari's EFCC head Ibrahim Magu. Under Buhari, Chief Justice of the Nigerian Court Walter Onnoghen was convicted by the Code of Conduct Tribunal on April 18, 2019 for false assets declaration. In December 2019, Mohammed Bello Adoke, the former Attorney General of the Federation, was extradited to Nigeria to stand trial on corruption charges. In January 2020, however, Transparency International still gave Nigeria a low performance in its corruption perception index.
In July 2020, Ibrahim Magu the EFCC chairman was arrested by the Department of State Services (DSS) over damaging security reports concerning his activities as the Buhari administration's leading anti-corruption figure and alleged financial irregularities, he was later replaced by Mohammed Umar. In December 2020, Former Pension Reform Taskforce head Abdulrasheed Maina, who was arrested in the neighboring country of Niger after jumping bail, appeared in a Abuja court on a 12-count charge of fraud and money laundering. Ali Ndume, a senator representing Borno South, was arrested after jumping bail as well.
Niger Delta
Nigeria has the second-largest reserves of crude oil in Africa, reserves largely found in the Niger Delta region of the country. Years of oil production have resulted negative impact on farming and fishery by oil spillage. The government initiated Hydrocarbon Pollution Remediation Project (HYPREP) to help clean up Ogoniland while other state governors within the region want a similar setup. HYPREP was initiated in 2005 but has been slow to commence remediation works in Ogoniland.
Nonetheless, there are still intermittent attacks on oil facilities by groups such as the Niger Delta Avengers. This has significantly affected oil production leading to cuts in exports and government revenue. The Avengers are waging conflict for greater economic and political autonomy.
Shia Muslims
The Islamic Movement of Nigeria led by Sheikh Ibrahim Zakzaky is one of the country's leading organization of Shia Muslims. Nigeria's Muslim population is mainly Sunni while the Shia population have gone through sporadic persecution by governments. After the Islamic movement was accused of an attack against Chief of Army Staff Tukur Buratai in December 2015, Zakzaky's base was shelled causing hundreds of fatalities while Zakzaky was arrested.Zakzaky was held for almost six years, aside from a three dat medical trip to India, until being acquitted and released in July 2021.
Biafra separatists
A separatist group, the Indigenous People of Biafra and led by Nnamdi Kanu became high profile in 2015 for advocating independence for a separate nation of Biafra. A breakaway Biafra republic was briefly formed during Nigeria's Civil War. In October 2015, Kanu was arrested on allegation of treason, his arrest was followed by protests against his detention across many Southeastern states. Kanu later jumped bail and fled abroad to help lead the low-level insurgency in Southeastern Nigeria before being arrested by Interpol and brought back to Nigeria.
Boko Haram
Since 2015, the fight against the extremists has taken a new dimension, internally the groups have splintered into the traditional Boko Haram sect controlled by Abubakar Shekau and the Islamic State in West Africa Province controlled by Abu Musab al-Barnawi. Other groups supported by Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb such as Ansaru, who were driven from Mali due to the French-led Operation Serval have surfaced and co-operated with Boko Haram despite being its rival. This was mostly out of necessity, as the two factions could not risk to weaken themselves by fighting each other. In February 2020, over two hundred and fifty Ansaru members were killed in a police raid in Birnin Gwari.
In October 2016, the government negotiated a deal with the terrorist group, Boko Haram which secured the release of 21 Chibok girls. By December 2016, the government had recovered much of the territories previously held by Boko Haram and after the capture of Sambisa Forest, Buhari announced that Boko Haram has been technically defeated. The insurgency displaced about 2 million people from their homes and the recapture of the towns now present humanitarian challenges in health, education and nutrition. On 6 May 2017, Buhari's government secured a further release of 82 out of 276 girls kidnapped in 2014, in exchange of five Boko Haram leaders. On 7 May 2017, President Buhari met with the 82 released Chibok girls, before departing to London, UK, for a follow up treatment for an undisclosed illness.
Shekau committed suicide after his grouping was encircled by ISWAP rivals in May 2021. In the following months, hundreds of "repentant" terrorists surrendered to the government, many likely loyal to Shekau.
Farmer-Herder violence
The Middle-Belt region of Nigeria has been vulnerable to clashes between farmers and cattle herders, two groups trying to secure arable land for grazing or farming and access to water. The intensity and politicization of the conflict along ethnic and religious divide increased during the administration of Buhari as instances of conflicts flared in parts of Southern Nigeria. About 300 civilians were killed in a village in Benue State, Middle-Belt of the country and about 40 civilians were killed in Enugu in Southeastern Nigeria. The violence has displaced upwards of 250,000 villagers who migrate to cities ill-prepared to handle the influx of migrants. The conflict between farmers many of whom are largely Christians and herders who are predominantly Muslims has stoked religious tension not helped when the president sent in military troops disarm ethnic Christian militias while critics allege of his lukewarm towards armed cattle herders.
The administration's effort to solve the conflict led to the National Livestock Transformation Plan to modernise cattle grazing and stabilize the Middle Belt region. In 2017, RUGA, an acronym for Rural Grazing Area but also a word meaning settlement in Fulani was a proposed solution that came from deliberations of the transformation plan. RUGA was to set aside grazing areas for herders as they migrate south, however, many Southern states opposed any involuntary acquisition of land for RUGA and the plan was suspended
Banditry in Northern Nigeria
Since 2015, the Buhari Administration has suffered with an increased spate of banditry-related activities in Northern Nigeria. The Abuja-Kaduna highway has been termed the "highway of kidnapping", due to the rampant atrocities committed by bandits. In February 2020, the Northern Elders Forum, a socio-political organisation, said the administration has failed Nigerians in terms of security.
By July 2021, about 45 people a day were kidnapped, largely by bandits for ransom. Other bandits focused on stealing cattle, camels, and other livestock while some groups attacked and seized control of entire villages and wider territories. The banditry lead to fears of collaboration between bandits and Northeastern terrorists with those fears being confirmed in August 2021 when the Nigeria Immigration Service reported that large groups of Zamfara-based bandits were traveling to Borno State for training from Boko Haram.
National issues
Ruga policy
The Buhari administration introduced the controversial Ruga policy (human settlement policy), aimed at resolving the conflict between nomadic Fulani herdsmen and sedentary farmers. The policy, which is currently suspended, would "create reserved communities where herders will live, grow and tend their cattle, produce milk and undertake other activities associated with the cattle business without having to move around in search of grazing land for their cows."
Alleged militarization
Buhari has faced a lot of criticism in office. In 2019 his government came under widespread criticism over the unfair treatment of US-based Social Activist Sowore during his trial, despite the court granting him bail. This move was largely condemned, with Sowore himself stating that Buhari had violated his civic space. In December 2019, Nigeria's Newspaper Giants: PUNCH stated that henceforth they would addressed Buhari's administration as a "regime"and subsequently address him as "General Buhari" as his military-like administration was a far cry from democracy. They insisted that he was a 'military dictator', a move that was greeted with mixed receptions on social media.
COVID-19 pandemic
Buhari meets with US Secretary of State Antony Blinken in 2021
Following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria, Buhari established a Presidential Task Force for the control of the virus in the country. On 23 March, Buhari's chief of staff Abba Kyari tested positive for COVID-19 sparking fears that Buhari may have been infected, it was later revealed that Buhari tested negative. On 30 March, Buhari announced a two-week lockdown on major cities Abuja, Lagos and Ogun.
On 14 October, the presidential task force on COVID-19 warned about a potential second wave "if the guidelines and protocols are not adhered to strictly".
End SARS protests
In October 2020, protests against alleged police brutality of a special police unit of the Nigerian Police Force the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) erupted in Lagos and other major cities. The End SARS movement with no centralised leadership beyond the small assembly that organized the initial protests, share similarities with the 2012 Occupy movement.
On 12 October, a day after demonstrators declared their demands Buhari announced the disbandment of SARS and promised "extensive police reforms". Since independence in 1960, the Nigerian Police Force has been at the forefront of tackling organised crime in Nigeria with the recent spate of banditry, cultism, drug trafficking, fraud and kidnapping drastically affecting its personnel capacity, leaving a vacuum for SARS members to exploit and commit extrajudicial killings.
On 13 October Mohammed Adamu the Inspector General of Police announced the creation of a new unit the Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) to take over the duties of SARS. This move did not satisfy most demonstrators, who expected a substantial overhaul of the police structure. On 14 October, the demonstrations continued with at least ten protestors being killed, and violent clashes occurring between pro-SARS and anti-SARS protesters with the elite Presidential Guard Brigade intervening in the federal capital.
On 12 June 2021, there was a deployment of the Nigerian Police Force and the Nigerian Army to the streets, Nationwide to curb the planned protest by the Youths, The demonstration of this was to prevent the incidents from the End Sars Protest that happened October 2020
Foreign policy
Buhari with U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, 31 March 2016
Buhari described the military crackdown by the Myanmar Army and police on Rohingya Muslims as ethnic cleansing and warned of a disaster like the Rwandan genocide.
Nigeria and South Africa between them share about 50% of Africa's economic output but both countries macroeconomic structure is hampered by high poverty rates, youth unemployment and decline in capital investment.
About 600,000 Nigerians have emigrated to South Africa to seek out better economic opportunities and like in Nigeria, it is an economy struggling with its own high unemployment rates. Tensions between migrants and the local populace have occasionally flared up, in 2008, 2015 and in 2019. The last resulted in the violence between migrants including Nigerians and black South Africans. The leaders of both countries met in early October 2019, to discuss measures to improve the relationship between both countries which has been affected not only by anti-migrant violence in South Africa both issues about profit repatriation by South African firms operating in Nigeria.
Controversies
US$2.8 billion NNPC scandal
During his tenure as Federal Commissioner of Petroleum and Natural Resources, US$2.8 billion allegedly went missing from the accounts of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) in Midlands Bank in the United Kingdom. General Ibrahim Babangida later allegedly accused Buhari of being responsible for this fraud.
However, in the conclusion of the Crude Oil Sales Tribunal of Inquiry headed by Justice Ayo Irikefe to investigate allegations of 2.8 billion Dollars misappropriation from the NNPC account, the tribunal found no truth in the allegations even though it noticed some lapses in the NNPC accounts.
Chadian military affair
Further information: Chadian–Nigerian War
In 1983, when Chadian forces invaded Nigeria in the Borno State, Buhari used the forces under his command to chase them out of the country, crossing into Chadian territory in spite of an order given by President Shagari to withdraw. This 1983 Chadian military affair led to more than 100 victims and "prisoners of war".
Umaru Dikko affair
The Umaru Dikko Affair was another defining moment in Buhari's military government. Umaru Dikko, a former Minister of Transportation under the previous civilian administration of President Shagari who fled the country shortly after the coup, was accused of embezzling $1 billion in oil profits. With the help of an alleged former Mossad agent, the NSO traced him to London, where operatives from Nigeria and Israel drugged and kidnapped him. They placed him in a plastic bag, which was subsequently hidden inside a crate labelled as "Diplomatic Baggage". The purpose of this secret operation was to ship Dikko off to Nigeria on an empty Nigerian Airways Boeing 707, to stand trial for embezzlement. The plot was foiled by British airport officers.
53 suitcases saga
Buhari's administration was embroiled in a scandal concerning the fate of 53 suitcases with unknown contents. The suitcases were being transported by the Emir of Gwandu, whose son was Buhari's aide-de-camp, and were cleared through customs on 10 June 1984 without inspection during his return flight from Saudi Arabia.
PTF allocation to the military
While Buhari was Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), critics had questioned the PTF's allocation of 20% of its resources to the military, which they feared would not be accountable for the revenue.
Akhaine, Saxone (27 August 2001) Nigeria: Buhari Calls for Sharia in All States Archived 23 January 2015 at the Wayback Machine. allafrica.com</ref> He was quoted in 2001 as saying, "I will continue to show openly and inside me the total commitment to the Sharia movement that is sweeping all over Nigeria", he then added: "God willing, we will not stop the agitation for the total implementation of the Sharia in the country." Buhari has denied all allegations that he has a radical Islamist agenda. On 6 January 2015, Buhari said: "Because they can't attack our record, they accuse me falsely of ethnic jingoism; they accuse me falsely of religious fundamentalism. Because they cannot attack our record, they accuse us falsely of calling for election violence – when we have only insisted on peace. Even as Head of State, we never imposed Sha'riah."
Mediation with Boko Haram
In 2012, Buhari's name was included on a list published by Boko Haram of individuals it would trust to mediate between the group and the Federal Government. However, Buhari strongly objected and declined to mediate between the government and Boko Haram. In 2013, Muhammadu Buhari made a series of statements, when he asked the Federal Government to stop the killing of Boko Haram members and blamed the rise of the terrorist group on the prevalence of Niger Delta militants in the South. Buhari stated that "what is responsible for the security situation in the country is caused by the activities of Niger Delta militants [...] The Niger Delta militants started it all". He also questioned the special treatment including close to $500 million a year paid to 30,000 militants under the amnesty programme since 201 by the Federal Government and deplored the fact that Boko Haram members were killed and their houses destroyed....
Abolishing the office of the first lady
In December 2014, Muhammadu Buhari went on the record to say he would abolish the office of the First Lady if he was elected as President, claiming it was unconstitutional.
The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), a Nigerian militant group that endorsed Buhari during the 2015 general elections, commended Buhari for his plans and went on to say that the office of the First Lady was "obviously an irrelevant, fraudulent and unconstitutional office, whose only purpose is to further plunder the resources of the country."
Since assuming the presidency on 29 May 2015, Buhari has yet to terminate the office of the First Lady. Aisha Buhari operates from the office of the First Lady as "wife of the President".
Having suggested the abolition of the Office of the First Lady, Buhari has further aired some controversial statements about women.
On his visit to the Germany's Angela Merkel, Buhari reiterated "I don't know which party my wife belongs to, but she belongs to my kitchen and my living room and the other room" after his wife had earlier advised him to step up his leadership.
Plagiarism scandal
In September 2016, President Buhari came under heavy criticism after a newspaper report found him using plagiarized speech during the launching of a national re-orientation campaign tagged “Change begins with me”. The speech was later found to be lifted from the 2008 inaugural speech of former US President Barack Obama. The presidency later apologized and says the blunder was caused by "overzealous staff" and "Those responsible" will be sanctioned. However, one week later, a deputy director in the State House linked to the speech was redeployed and presidency assured Nigerian public that it has taken steps to avoid a repeat of such an embarrassing occurrence by implementing digital tools that detect plagiarism.
Twitter ban
After Buhari made comments threatening violence against the Biafra insurgents in southeast Nigeria, Twitter deleted his comments as violations of its terms of service. Shortly thereafter, the Nigerian government banned Twitter from the country entirely.
Personal life
Family
Buhari's second and current wife, Aisha Buhari
In 1971, Buhari married his first wife, Safinatu (née Yusuf). They had five children together, four girls and one boy. Their first daughter, Zulaihat (Zulai) was named after Buhari's mother. Their other children are Fatima, Musa (deceased son), Hadiza, and Safinatu. On 14 January 2006, Safinatu, the former first lady, died from complications of diabetes. In November 2012, Buhari's first daughter, Zulaihat (née Buhari) Junaid died from sickle cell anaemia, two days after having a baby at a hospital in Kaduna.
In 1988, Buhari and his first wife Safinatu divorced. In December 1989, Buhari married his second and current wife Aisha Buhari (née Halilu). They also had five children together, a boy and four girls: Aisha, Halima, Yusuf, Zahra and Amina. Yusuf married Zahra Nasir Bayero, the daughter of Emir Nasiru Ado Bayero, in August 2021.
Wealth
In 2015, Buhari declared US$150,000 cash; in addition to five homes and two mud houses as well as farms, an orchard and a ranch of 270 head of cattle, 25 sheep, five horses and a variety of birds, shares in three firms, two undeveloped plots of land, and two cars bought from his savings.
Honours
National honours
Grand Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic (GCFR) (1983)Foreign honours
Grand Collar of the Order of Independence (2016)
Grand Cordon of the Order of the Pioneers of Liberia (27 July 2019)Traditional titles
In 2017, the South-East council of traditional rulers honoured President Buhari with the chieftaincy titles of the Enyioma I of Ebonyi and the Ochioha I of Igboland. At the time of his investiture, the president had already held a title - that of the Ogbuagu I of Igboland - in the Nigerian chieftaincy system. He was later awarded another one, Ikeogu I of Igboland, in the following year.
Manik Sarkar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Manik Sarkar
Sarkar in 2013
In office
11 March 1998 – 8 March 2018
Governor Siddheswar Prasad
Preceded by Dasarath Deb
Succeeded by Biplab Kumar Deb
Personal details
Born 22 January 1949
Udaipur, Tripura.
Political party [COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA (MARXIST) ]]
Spouse(s) Panchali Bhattacharya
Manik Sarkar is an Indian politician who served as the Chief Minister of Tripura from March 1998 to March 2018. He is a Politburo Member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist). In March 2008, he was sworn in as leader of Left Front, the Tripura coalition government.[3] In assembly elections held in 2013, he became the chief minister for the fourth consecutive time. Currently, he serves as the Leader of Opposition in Tripura Legislative Assembly.
His affidavit for the 2018 Tripura Assembly election revealed that he is the chief minister with least possessions among all his counterparts in India.
Early life and background
Manik Sarkar was born into a middle-class family.[8] His father, Amulya Sarkar, worked as a tailor, while his mother, Anjali Sarkar, was a State and later Provincial government employee. Sarkar became active in student movements in his student days, and in 1968, at the age of 19, he became a member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist). He was a candidate of the Students' Federation of India throughout his academic life at MBB College, from where he graduated with a B. Com. degree. During his first year at the college there came the turbulent times of the food movement of 1967, campaigning against the policy of the then Congress government of Tripura, and Sarkar threw himself headlong into the related student struggle. His vigorous role in this mass movement led him to join the Communists. Due to his early political exposure, he also became the General Secretary of the MBB College Student Union and was also made the Vice President of the Students' Federation of India. In 1972, at the early age of 23, he joined the State Committee of the Communist (Marxist) Party.
Political career
Six years after being selected in the CPI (M) State Committee, Sarkar was included in the party state Secretariat in the year 1978. This was also the year when the first Left Front government had taken control in Tripura.
In 1980, at the age of 31, he was elected as the Member of the Legislative Assembly from the Agartala constituency. This was the start of Manik Sarkar's leadership in his state. At around the same time, he was appointed as the Chief Whip of the CPI (M). His success as the Member of the Legislative Assembly returned in 1983, when he was elected to the Assembly from Krishnanagar, Agartala. When the Left Front government took control in 1993, Sarkar was appointed as the State Secretary of the CPI (M).
The biggest success came to Sarkar in 1998. At the age of 49, he became a member of the politburo of the CPI (M), which is the principal policy-making and executive committee in a Communist party. In the same year, he became the Chief Minister of the state of Tripura. Since then, he was elected to the same position for four consecutive times in 20 years He is one of the very few chief Ministers in India who were in the office for so long. His party lost majority in the 2018 elections and he had to step down as a result.
Personal life
Sarkar is married to Panchali Bhattacharya, who was employed with the Central Social Welfare Board till she retired in 2011. Sarkar and his wife live a very simple life. Sarkar is the only Indian Chief Minister who does not own a personal car or a home. He chooses to live in an old and a very small house that belonged to his great grandfather. He used to donate his entire salary that he received as a Chief Minister to his party and in return, got ₹ 10,000 (approximately US$155) per month as allowance.
Behenji Mayawati
Today, in Dalit history we celebrate the charismatic leadership of Behenji Mayawati, one of the very few powerful Indian politicians who has made an impeccable impact in the field of social justice. We celebrate her leadership, determination, and commitment that has provided a life of self-dignity to millions of marginalized across India.
Mayawati, also popularly known as Behenji, was born on 15 January 1956, in New Delhi in a Dalit family. Mayawati was believed to have grown up a quiet, domestically-bound girl, but known to possess resilience and integrity. Mayawati completed her Bachelor of Arts and later obtained her L.L.B from the University of Delhi. At one point in her life, she was completing her Bachelor of Education from Meerut University, working as a teacher, all while studying for the Indian Civil Services exams. It was at this time that, in her college campuses, that she became politically active and began to attend political events. At one such event, a three-day conference organized by Janata Party at Delhi’s Constitution Club in September 1977, held to discuss ways and means of fighting caste prejudice, Mayawati rose to the limelight. Socialist Raj Narain, the Health Minister at the time, was one of the chief speakers. Attempting to garner the support of Dalits, Raj Narrain in his speech referred to the untouchable castes as ‘Harijans’. Mayawati used her opportunity to deliver a speech to call-out his use of the unconstitutional term. Her speech was so powerful that BAMCEF members in the audience carried word about her oratory skills to their leader Saheb Kanshi Ram.
A few days later Kanshi Ram visited Mayawati at her house and convinced her to give up her civil service aspirations and to invest in a political career instead. After a lot of thought, Mayawati decided to actively engage in politics. This was the defining moment that changed Mayawati — in terms of her identity and also career. In those early years, Mayawati was often seen riding a bicycle across villages all over Uttar Pradesh.
During the late 1970s and into the 1980s, it was becoming clear that a growing caste-oppressed people’s assertion was being born. The Mandal Commission, set up to report on the status of “socially and educationally backward classes”, after extensive research, made recommendations. Key in this report was the finding that OBCs (“Other Backward Classes”) identified on the basis of caste, economic, and social indicators, comprised an incredible 52% of India’s population. Based on their economic and social stature, the Commission recommended reservations (Affirmative Action) be provided amounting to 27% of jobs under the Central government and public sector undertakings, thus making the total number of reservations for SC, ST and OBC to 49%.
This announcement caused absolute havoc in the nation. Rioting and clashes broke out everywhere.
However, well in advance of the Mandal agitations, Kanshi Ram and Mayawati had already continuously campaigned for the implementation of the Mandal Commission report submitted in 1980. With the agitations taking place, the realisation of an as yet untapped potential of oppressed-caste unity in the social and political realms dawned upon them. Soon, Kanshi Ram founded the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) on April 14, 1984. In 1984, Kanshi Ram included Mayawati as a key member of his BSP team. This was another life-changing event for Mayawati.
The party initially made a quiet entry and the first three times, they ran, Mayawati was defeated. She saw her first victory soon enough though in 1989 when she was elected as the representative for Bijnor, UP.
In just six years from then, she had risen to become the Chief Minister of the state of UP, the largest, most populous, most electorally potent state in the country. It is important to take a pause at this point and consider this achievement. A Dalit woman Chief Minister, coming from one of the most caste atrocity-ridden, most patriarchal, areas in the country, leading a whole state — of not just Dalits or OBCs but — everyone!
It remains to this day, one of the most commendable achievements in our history. Her unprecedented meritorious rise in Indian politics has been hailed as a victory for the marginalized and the downtrodden. As of today, she has been elected Chief Minister four times — 1995, 1997, 2002 and 2007. A four-time Chief Minister, Mayawati, rose into an unstoppable politician.
While in power as a Chief Minister, Mayawati has made exceptional policies and legislation that redefined the political system in India. Under her leadership, various progressive legislations were effectively implemented mostly related to land, education, employment for Bahujans. This was the first time in UP state governance that social justice saw a significant place in policy implementation. Her straight forward way of administering the state transformed the state bureaucracy to a large extent.
Under her administration, several schemes and policies were implemented. Bhimrao Ambedkar Rural Integrated Development Programme was started with an aim to provide basic amenities like roads, electricity, and water to villages. Educational grants were given for the children of the Valmiki community, and a rehabilitation programme was announced so that the younger generation could be trained for jobs that would allow them to escape their caste-based occupation. She also implemented the recommendations of the second UP Backward Classes Commission that had suggested in its 1994 report that lower-caste Muslims should benefit from backward caste reservations for posts in the state administration. The number of atrocities against Dalits dropped steeply.
Even more significantly, she tactfully handled the pressure from Hindutva outfits like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), as it was in the case of Mathura, where there occurred nothing less than an attempt to replicate the Ayodhya controversy.
Mayawati’s most important policy legislations were related to the implementation of land reforms. Mayawati made attempts to redistribute land to the landless. The major beneficiaries of these policies were the marginalized communities in the state. First, she made sure that allotted pattas (land ownership chits) deliberately held back from Dalit claimants by previous administrations were actually distributed to them. Close to 158,000 families were given 120,000 acres of land. New pattas, distributing 52,379 acres to 81,500 families, were also allotted. In her attempt to effectively implement land reforms she highlighted the need to have ‘Tehsil Day’ (district admins) system more effective so that common people get a fair opportunity to bring their problems before the district officials.
In addition, several developmental projects like thermal power projects, expressways, and affordable multi-speciality hospitals have been initiated under her administration. In her attempt to mobilise communities irrespective of caste she also issued the Buddhist slogan ‘sarvajan hitay sarvajan sukhay’ (for the happiness of the many, for the welfare of the many)
To commemorate the legacy and contribution of leaders like Babasaheb Ambedkar, Jyothiba Phule, Kanshiram several memorials like Rashtriya Dalit Prerna Sthal, Manyawar Shri Kanshiram Ji Green Eco Garden, and Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar Samajik Parivartan Prateek Sthal. Agra University was renamed Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar University; Kanpur University became Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj University. Several districts were reorganized and named after Ambedkar, Shahuji Maharaj, Mahamaya, the latter after the mother of Buddha. The above ideas redefined the power imbalances, symbolisms, narratives and history of marginalized communities.
As a Dalit woman politician, Mayawati has challenged the longstanding problems of caste and patriarchy. Despite the vulnerability and marginalization that her community is subjected to, she has gracefully handled her political career that has benefited the marginalized communities in innumerable ways. With every new term as a Chief Minister, she evolved into a seasoned politician with efficient governance and exceptional administrative policies. Under her regime, Uttar Pradesh saw a new waves of emergence of Dalit Bahujan communities in the mainstream.
Popularly known as “the iron lady”, Mayawati remains to be one of the most revered politicians in the country. As a woman, as a Dalit woman, as a politician, activist, writer and thinker, she has left a remarkable imprint in the history of Indian politics.
We salute her courage and her remarkable persona that has revolutionized the outlook of politics and social justice in India. We honour her resilience and strength in her fight for equality and social justice. She continues to be an inspiration to us and many others. Jai Bhim!
This post was written for Dalit History Month by Ashwini KP. Ashwini is a researcher and works on issues related to human rights, Dalit women, caste and social exclusion. You can reach her at ashwini.kp16@gmail.com
Sources
Bose, Ajoy. Behenji: A Political Biography of Mayawati. Penguin Books Ltd. Kindle Edition.
Kanshi Ram’s Legacy Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 41, №41 (Oct. 14–20, 2006), p. 4304
Mayawati give land holdings to Dalits //economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/6036671.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst
Mayawati’s Prospects Author(s): C. K. Vishwanath Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 42, №39 (Sep. 29 — Oct. 5, 2007), p. 3894, 4012
Māyā and Dalits in Uttar Pradesh Author(s): ANAND TELTUMBDE Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 47, №16 (APRIL 21, 2012), pp. 10–11
Mayawati’s Revolution Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 42, №20 (May 19–25, 2007), pp. 1795–1796 Published by Economic and Political Weekly
Why Did Mayawati Lose? Author(s): A K VERMA Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 47, №18 (MAY 5, 2012), pp. 17–19
Mayawati’s Mega Service to the Nation Author(s): ANAND TELTUMBDE Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 45, №15 (APRIL 10–16, 2010), pp. 12–14
Review: Crouching Tiger, Rising Elephant Reviewed Work(s): Behenji: A Political Biography of Mayawati by Ajoy Bose Review by Gillian Wright Source: India International Centre Quarterly, Vol. 35, №1 (SUMMER 2008), pp. 150–153
O. P. Verma
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Om Prakash Verma (20 March 1937 – 8 December 2015) was an Indian administrator. He was the Governor of Punjab (2003–04), Governor of Haryana (briefly during July 2004), Chief Justice of the Kerala High Court and the chairman of the Himachal Pradesh Human Rights Commission. He was born in Garhmukteshwar District, Ghaziabad, Uttar Pradesh. He was also the Lokayukta of Himachal Pradesh before taking over the Governorship of Punjab.
He read law at the Campus Law Centre of the Faculty of Law, University of Delhi.
Pramod Sawant
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Pramod Sawant
Sawant in 2019
Assumed office
19 March 2019
Governor Mridula Sinha
Deputy Manohar Ajgaonkar (from 28 March 2019)
Chandrakant Kavlekar (from 14 July 2019)
Preceded by Manohar Parrikar
Speaker of Goa Legislative Assembly
In office
22 March 2017 – 18 March 2019
Preceded by Anant Shet
Succeeded by Rajesh Patnekar
Member of the Goa Legislative Assembly
Assumed office
2012
Constituency Sanquelim
Personal details
Born 24 April 1973 (age 47)
Nationality Indian
Political party Bharatiya Janata Party
Spouse(s) Sulakshana Sawant
Pramod Pandurang Sawant (born 24 April 1973) is an Indian politician who is the 11th and current Chief Minister of Goa. Sawant represents the Sanquelim constituency in the Goa Legislative Assembly and is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party.
He is an Ayurveda Medical practitioner by profession. He was serving as the speaker of the Goa assembly before being sworn in as Chief Minister, after the death of the sitting chief minister Manohar Parrikar.
Early life and education
Sawant was born on 24 April 1973 to Pandurang and Padmini Sawant.[5][6] He obtained a Bachelor of Ayurveda, Medicine and Surgery degree from the Ganga Education Society's Ayurvedic Medical College in Kolhapur and a postgraduate degree of Master of Social Work from the Tilak Maharashtra University at Pune.
Early political career
Sawant started his electoral career when he contested the 2012 assembly election from Sanquelim constituency. He won the constituency by 14,255 (66.02%) votes defeating Pratap Gauns of the Indian National Congress. He also served as the spokesperson of the Goa unit of the Bharatiya Janata Party for a brief period of time. Later in 2017 he was re-elected to the Goa Legislative Assembly from the same constituency defeating Dharmesh Saglani of the Indian National Congress with 10,058 (43.04%) votes. On 22 March 2017, he was elected as the Speaker of the Goa Legislative Assembly.
Chief Minister of Goa
After the demise of Manohar Parrikar, the seat of the Chief Minister of Goa felt vacant. Pramod Sawant was elected by the Legislative Assembly afterwards and later he was sworn in as the 13th Chief Minister of Goa on 19 March 2019.
Personal life
Sawant is a Maratha by caste. Sawant is married to Sulakshana, who is a teacher of chemistry at the Shri Shantadurga Higher Secondary School in Bicholim. She is also a leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party and currently the President of the Goa unit of the BJP Mahila Morcha.
P. Sathasivam
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Palanisamy Sathasivam
Justice P. Sathasivam in 2015
21st Governor of Kerala
In office
5 September 2014 – 5 September 2019[1]
Chief Minister Oommen Chandy
Preceded by Sheila Dikshit
Succeeded by Arif Mohammad Khan
In office
19 July 2013 – 26 April 2014
Appointed by Pranab Mukherjee
Preceded by Altamas Kabir
Succeeded by Rajendra Mal Lodha
Personal details
Born 27 April 1949
Kadappanallur (Bhavani, Madras State, India Present Day Tamil Nadu State)
Nationality Indian
Spouse(s) Saraswathi
Profession Judge
Palanisamy Gounder Sathasivam (born 27 April 1949) is an Indian judge who served as the 40th Chief Justice of India, holding the office from 2013 to 2014. On retirement from his judicial career, Sathasivam was appointed as the 21st Governor of Kerala from 5 September 2014 to 4 September 2019. Sathasivam is the second judge from Tamil Nadu to become the CJI, after M. Patanjali Sastri. He is also the first former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court to be appointed as the Governor of a state. He is the first Governor of Kerala to be appointed by the Narendra Modi Government.
Early life
Sathasivam was born to Palaniswamy and Natchiammal in Kadappanallur near Bhavani in Erode district. He graduated from Government Law College Chennai after completing his BA degree Ayya Nadar Janaki Ammal College, Sivakasi.
Personal life
Career
The President, Shri Pranab Mukherjee greets the Chief Justice of India, Shri Justice Palanisamy Sathasivam, after administering the oath of office to him, at a swearing-in ceremony, at Rashtrapati Bhavan, in New Delhi on July 19, 2013.
Sathasivam enrolled as an advocate on 25 July 1973 at Madras. He was then appointed to the post of Additional Government Pleader, and later as the Special Government Pleader in the Madras High Court. He was appointed a permanent judge of the Madras High Court on 8 January 1996, and transferred to the Punjab and Haryana High Court on 20 April 2007. He was elevated to the post of Judge of Supreme Court on 21 August 2007. During his tenure as Chief Justice, he was the Chairman of the General Council of the Gujarat National Law University. He succeeded Sheila Dikshit as the Governor of Kerala in August 2014.
Landmark judgments
Justice Sathasivam authored several path-breaking judgments including the Reliance Gas Judgment (May 2010) where he observed that "in a national democracy like ours, the national assets belong to the people" and "the government owns such assets for the purposes of developing them in the interests of the people".
He also delivered the verdict in the controversial triple-murder case of Stains and upheld the conviction of Dara Singh. On 19 April 2010, he delivered the judgement in the Jessica Lal murder case of 29 April 1999. Along with Justice B. S. Chauhan, Sathasivam delivered the judgement in the 1993 Mumbai blasts case, sentencing Bollywood actor Sanjay Dutt to five years' imprisonment under the Arms Act. Dutt was asked to serve out the remainder of his sentence. According to The Hindu, "In a number of judgements, he [Sathasivam] cautioned the courts against awarding lesser sentence in crimes against women and children and showing undue sympathy towards the accused by altering the sentence to the extent of period already undergone."
In January 2014, a three-judge panel headed by Chief Justice of India Palanisamy Sathasivam commuted sentences of 15 death-row convicts, ruling that the "inordinate and inexplicable delay is a ground for commuting death penalty to life sentence". Supreme Court of India ruled that delays ranging from seven to 11 years in the disposal of mercy pleas are grounds for clemency. The same panel also passed a set of guidelines for the execution of a death row convict, which includes a 14-day gap from the receipt of communication of the rejection of first mercy petition to the scheduled execution date, after going through the Shatrughan Chouhan vs Union of India case.
Pinarai Vijayan
Wikipedia from the free encyclopedia
Pinarai Vijayan
Chief Minister of Kerala
Tenure
16/05/2016 - Incumbent
Previous notice
Oman Chandy
Birth : 21 March 1944 Pinarai , Kannur
Political party : Communist Party of India (Marxist)
Life partner : Lotus
children : Veena, angel
religion
Pinarayi Vijayan is the Chief Minister of Kerala .
Early life
Pinarai was born in Kannur district on March 21, 1944. He was born to a poor family as a son to father Pam Wine and mother Tadi Tepar . He married Kamala as a life partner. And they have two children, Veena and son Vivek.
Political career
Pinarai entered politics through the activities of Vijayan Students Union and eventually joined the Communist Party in 1964. He was President and Secretary of Kerala Federation KSF (Students) and also served as President of Kerala State Federation KSYF (Youth). During that period, when the communists in Kerala hid apart - organized political activities by boycott, Pinarayi Vijayan remained in jail for one and half years. Later, he was elected President of the Kerala State Cooperative Bank. He was elected to the Kerala Legislative Assembly in 1970. He was re-elected in 1977, 1991 and 1996. EK Tha Nayanar served as the Minister of Power and Cooperative in the Ministry from 1996 to 1998. In 1998 he became CPI (M) state secretary. He was elected to the Politburo of M (he) in the 2002 CPI.
Suspension
The Mi 26 , 2007 , the CPI (M) Pinarayi Vijayan and VS. Suspended S Achuthanandan from the Politburo for their public remarks on each other. The Politburo of the Central Committee has approved the decision to suspend them. It was broadcast by one of the two leaders that the second concluded "open criticism against the violation of party rules." Pinarai reinstated later as a member of the Vijayan Way Polit Bureau.
Situations held
State President and Secretary of Kerala Students' Union and President of Kerala State Youth Federation (KSYF).
Worked as Co-Chairman Operative Bank of Kerala State.
[Elected to [Kerala Legislative Assembly in 1970, 1977, 1991 and 1996].
Worked as a minister in the Government of Kerala between 1996 and 1998.
(M) Secretary of CPI Kerala State Committee since 1998.
Member of Politburo of CPI (M) since 2002.
Ram Sundar Das
“A Socialist leader,Independence Activist & Former Chief Minister of Bihar”
He was born on 9 Jan. ,1921 at Gangajal,Saran(Bihar) to Theni Das.He did schooling from S.P.S.,Sonpur,Bihar and graduated from Vidyasagar College,Calcutta,W.B but left college to join Indian Independence Movement.In 1945 he got associated with Congress Socialist Party and became it’s Secretary of Sonepur Unit.When Kisan Mazdoor Praja Party merged with Socialist Party to form Praja Socialist Party he joined as it’s member in 1952.Became Member of District Executive Council holded till 1968 and then chosen as member of Provincial Executive Council from 1952-67 of Praja Socialist Party.In 1968 he became Member of Bihar Legislative Council and served till 1977 then posted as Chairman of Committee for the Welfare of SC & ST in Bihar Legislative Assembly.He successfully elected as Member of Legislative Assembly from Sonepur Constituency(1977-80),an unreserved seat on PSP’s Ticket.
He was believed to be moderate among the socialists.Against Karpoori Thakur, who through his fierce championing of the backward classes and Dalit movement emerged the “hero” of downtrodden sections,Das was an acceptable and accommodative face among Karpoori’s rivals in the socialist stream.In 1979 Ram Sundar Das became second ‘Dalit Chief Minister of Bihar’ ,and served till 1980.As the Chief Minister of Bihar he enjoyed the trust and support of top Janata Party leaders of Emergency like Chandra Shekhar Singh and then Bihar Janata Party chief Satyendra Narayan Sinha.In 1980 he again elected as Member of Legislative Assembly and holded post of Chairman of Committee for the Welfare of SC & ST and Convener of Privileges Committee.Later he became the Secretary and Bihar Member of National Executive Council of Praja Socialist Party.After the Emergency, the Socialist Party joined with a number of other groups to form the Bharatiya Lok Dal which fused in 1977 into Janata Party as an omnibus opposition to Congress Party rule.Then Das became member of Executive Council and Parliamentary Board from Janata Party and later a Member of Executive Committee and Political Affairs Committee.After socialists got united under VP Singh-led Janata Dal in 1989-90,Das emerged as a favourite of Singh.He was again projected the chief ministerial candidate during the 1990 poll campaigns.But Lalu Prasad Yadav backed by Nitish Kumar and other OBC leaders enjoying bonhomie on account of their emergence from the J.P-led ‘Sampoorna Kranti movement’ defeated Das in the Janata Dal legislature party polls in 1990 and became the chief minister.In 1991,Das successfully elected to 10th Lok Sabha Election from Hajipur Constituency.Then in,2008 he was chosen as Member of Committee on Installation of Potraits/Statues of National Leaders and Parliamentarians in Parliament House Complex.Ram Sundar Das joined the Janata Dal (United) faction in 2009 and Re-elected to 15th Lok Sabha (2nd term) from Hajipur Constituency against Ram Vilas Paswan,another political Dalit stalwart.He was selected as the Leader of Janata Dal (United) Parliamentary Party in Lok Sabha.In 2009,he became Member of Business Advisory Committee,General Purposes Committee and Committee on Energy.He contested from Hajipur again in 2014 general election when in his 90s, but Ram Vilas Paswan won the seat taking advantage of the Narendra Modi -BJP wave.
He was the Founder of Harijan Gandhi Gramin School and Railway College,Sonepur (Saran),Bihar.Ram Sundar Das Mahila Mahavidhyalya,Sonepur(Saran),Ram Sunder Das High School,Kharika(Saran) and two colleges in Dighwara,Saran(Bihar) was named in his honour.He served as the President of Bihar Banihar Sangh and was the member of Hind Mazdoor Sabha(Bihar) and member of Board of Directors in Bihar Small Scale Industries Association(Patna). Ram Sundar Das died on 6 March,2015.
R. Sankar
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
R. Sankar
In office
26 September 1962 – 10 September 1964
Governor V. V. Giri
Preceded by Pattom A. Thanu Pillai
Succeeded by President's rule
In office
22 February 1960 – 26 September 1962
Chief Minister Pattom Thanu Pillai
Preceded by Office Established
Succeeded by C. H. Mohammed Koya (1981)
Personal details
Born 30 April 1909
Kuzhikkalidavaka, Puthoor, Quilon, Travancore, British India
Died 7 November 1972 (aged 63)
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Lakshmikuttyamma
Children 2
Parents Raman
Kunjaliamma
R. Sankar (30 April 1909 – 7 November 1972) was the third Chief Minister of Kerala from 1962 to 1964.[1] He was also the Deputy Chief Minister of the State from 1960 to 1962. Sankar apart as a politician is known as a statesman, administrator, orator, educationist, writer and editor.
Early life
He was born to Raman and Kunjaliamma on 30 April 1909 in Kuzhikkalidavaka village in Puthoor, Kollam district. He did his formal education in the Puthoor Primary School and later continued in an English School in Kottarakkara. In 1924, he joined Maharajas College (present University College) to gain a degree in Chemistry. He was supported financially for his education by a wealthy relative, as his father could not afford the expenses. He also worked as a teacher for a short span of time before he moved to the Government Law College, Thiruvananthapuram in 1933.
His appointment as principal of Sivagiri High School made him associate with the activities of the Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana (SNDP) Yogam. He talked about the social injustice prevalent in those days, particularly the discriminatory attitude shown towards backward class communities, and also equal opportunities for backward classes.
As the leader of SNDP Yogam and Congress
Having started public life as a teacher and lawyer, he was drawn to freedom movement and became an active member of the Indian National Congress in Travancore State. After India’s independence he focused his attention on strengthening the Congress party
Later, he took a break from the Congress party and began to work in the SNDP Yogam. During his long association with the SNDP Yogam of over 13 years, he served as its General Secretary for over a span of 10 years and President and Chief of the SN Trust. Under his leadership the SNDP Yogam gave emphasis to the field of education and started many educational institutions. SNDP Yogam celebrated its Golden Jubilee year while Sankar was the General Secretary in 1953. As part of a year-long celebration he organised an Exhibition in Kollam which is marked in the history of the State as 'SNDP Kanaka Jubilee'
Sankar returned to the Congress and was elected to the Travancore State Assembly in 1948. He also became the member of the Travancore-Cochin State Assembly from 1949 to 1956. Sankar was member of the Constituent Assembly and also member of the Franchise and Delimitation Commission and the Reforms Committee constituted after the introduction of the Responsible Government.
He led the Congress party as Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC) President during the Vimochana Samaram (Liberation Struggle) in 1958. The Congress won the elections in 1960 under R. Sankar’s leadership. Though Congress gained majority of seats in the Elections of 1960 to the Kerala Legislative Assembly, Pattom Thanupillai of the Praja Socialist Party was given the Chief Ministership (CM) and Sankar became the Deputy Chief Minister in the Pattom Thanupillai ministry. He handled the portfolio of Finance from 1960 to 1962 when he was the Deputy CM.
R. Sankar became the Chief Minister of Kerala when Pattom Thanupillai was appointed as Governor of Punjab State. He was in the chair from 26 September 1962 to 10 September 1964. He had to resign and dismiss the Government under his leadership when a No-confidence motion was passed in the Assembly. He brought about many economic reforms while handling the finance portfolio. He served as the Chairman of the Committee of Privileges from 1960 to 1964.
Sankar died at the age of 63 on 7 November 1972. The Assembly paid its homage to him on 13 November 1972.
Political retirement
R. Sankar contested to the general elections held in 1965 to Kerala Legislative Assembly but was defeated. He thus took back from active politics and concentrated in starting and implementing Educational Institutions for SNDP Yogam by settling back in Kollam. At that time he started the Sree Narayana Medical Mission under the SN Trust for giving away free treatment. The first hospital under the mission was started in Kollam, the hospital is also known on his name 'Sankars Hospital' which is now a multispeciality hospital. The body of Sankar was also laid to rest in the Hospital compound as a tribute to his service. He was the President of the Committee which erected the statue of poet Kumaranasan in Thiruvananthapuram.
Ram Nath Kovind
Ram Nath Kovind (born October 1, 1945) is an Indian politician, lawyer, and statesman who served as the 14th President of India from July 25, 2017, to July 25, 2022. He was the first President from Uttar Pradesh since independence and the first from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) with roots in the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Born into humble circumstances in rural Uttar Pradesh, Kovind rose through a career in law and politics, becoming a symbol of social mobility for marginalized communities. As of October 1, 2025—his 80th birthday—he continues to play a prominent role in public life, chairing key government committees and engaging in ceremonial events.
Early Life and Education
Kovind was born in a small mud hut in Paraunkh village, Kanpur Dehat district, Uttar Pradesh, during the final years of British colonial rule. He belonged to a Koli family, traditionally classified as Other Backward Classes (OBC) in the region, and was the youngest of five brothers and two sisters. His father, Maiku Lal, was a farmer, shopkeeper, and local vaidya (traditional healer), while his mother, Kalawati, managed the household. Tragedy struck early when his mother died in a fire at age five, and the family home later collapsed. Despite these hardships, Kovind walked 8 km daily to attend school in nearby Kanpur village, as no one in his family owned a bicycle.
He pursued higher education at DAV College, Kanpur (affiliated with Kanpur University), earning a B.Com. in 1966 and an LL.B. in 1971. During his student years, he became active in the RSS and Akhil Bharatiya Adhivakta Parishad (a lawyers' wing of the RSS).
Legal Career
After graduation, Kovind moved to Delhi to prepare for the Indian Civil Services exam, clearing it on his third attempt with a rank high enough for an allied service but opting for law instead. He enrolled as an advocate with the Delhi Bar Council in 1971 and began practicing at the Delhi High Court. From 1977 to 1979, he served as Central Government Advocate there and as personal secretary to Prime Minister Morarji Desai (1977–1978). In 1978, he became an advocate-on-record at the Supreme Court, serving as standing counsel for the central government until 1993.
Kovind was known for pro-bono work, providing free legal aid to the underprivileged, women, and Scheduled Castes/Tribes through the Free Legal Aid Society of New Delhi. He represented institutions like the Union of India, Delhi University, and the Institute of Constitutional and Parliamentary Studies in landmark cases.
Political Career
Kovind's political journey began in the 1960s as an RSS swayamsevak (volunteer). He joined the BJP in 1991 and rose quickly, serving as president of the BJP's Dalit Morcha (1998–2002) and All India Koli Samaj. He was a national spokesperson for the party and contested Uttar Pradesh assembly elections in 1991 (Ghatampur) and 2007 (Bhognipur), both unsuccessfully.
In 1994, he was elected to the Rajya Sabha from Uttar Pradesh, serving two terms until 2006. As a parliamentarian, he chaired the House Committee and served on key panels including those for Social Justice, Law and Justice, and Welfare of Scheduled Castes/Tribes. He advocated for rural education, using his MPLADS funds to build 100 schools in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand. Kovind also led study tours to countries like the US, UK, and Singapore to examine parliamentary systems.
As Governor of Bihar (2015–2017)
Appointed by President Pranab Mukherjee on August 8, 2015, Kovind took oath as Bihar's Governor on August 16, amid controversy as Chief Minister Nitish Kumar accused the central government of bypassing state consultation ahead of elections. Despite initial tensions, his tenure was later praised for impartiality. Key actions included forming a judicial commission to probe university irregularities and mediating during political crises, such as the 2017 JD(U)-RJD alliance split. He hosted dignitaries like President Mukherjee during visits to Patna. Kovind resigned on June 20, 2017, after his nomination as the NDA's presidential candidate.
Presidency (2017–2022)
Nominated by the BJP-led NDA, Kovind won the 2017 presidential election with 65.65% of electoral college votes (over 7 lakh votes) against UPA's Meira Kumar. Chief Justice J.S. Khehar administered his oath on July 25, 2017. His presidency emphasized "Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas" (inclusivity), constitutional values, and outreach to marginalized groups. He addressed Parliament five times, including four joint sessions (2018–2022), highlighting economic reforms, women's empowerment, and COVID-19 response.
Key domestic events:
- Conferred 1,344 gallantry awards (2021) and Padma Awards to 128 personalities (2022), including posthumous honors.
- Presented National Sports Awards to 74 athletes (2020) and inaugurated projects like the Chenab Rail Bridge.
- Visited 36 states/UTs, focusing on tribal and remote areas, and promoted digital initiatives during the pandemic.
Internationally, Kovind was a globetrotter, undertaking state visits to 33 countries (with a focus on Africa and Europe to strengthen ties). Notable visits included:
- First foreign trip: Djibouti (October 2017), meeting President Ismail Omar Guelleh.
- Africa outreach: Madagascar (2018, received Grand Cross of National Order), Equatorial Guinea (2018, Grand Collar of Order of Independence), Eswatini, Benin, Gambia, and others.
- Europe: Iceland (2019), Croatia (2019, received Grand Order of King Petar Krešimir IV), Bolivia (2020).
- Others: US (2019, met President Trump), Cuba (2019), Portugal/Slovakia (2025? Wait, post-tenure overlap in records), and Vatican City (2025, but as former).
He received highest civilian honors from six nations: Madagascar, Equatorial Guinea, Eswatini, Croatia, Bolivia, and Guinea. These visits enhanced India's diplomatic footprint, with Kovind conveying messages of mutual cooperation in trade, defense, and culture. He hosted foreign dignitaries like US Vice President Mike Pence (2018) and French President Emmanuel Macron (2022) at Rashtrapati Bhavan.
| Year | Key International Visit | Notable Dignitary Met |
|---|---|---|
| 2017 | Djibouti | President Ismail Omar Guelleh |
| 2018 | Madagascar & Equatorial Guinea | Presidents Hery Rajaonarimampianina & Teodoro Obiang Nguema |
| 2019 | US & Cuba | President Donald Trump & Miguel Díaz-Canel |
| 2019 | Iceland | President Guðni Th. Jóhannesson |
| 2020 | Bolivia | President Jeanine Áñez |
Post-Presidency Activities
Since 2022, Kovind has remained influential. In September 2023, he was appointed chairman of the high-level committee on "One Nation, One Election" (simultaneous polls), submitting its report in March 2024 with recommendations for constitutional amendments. In 2025, the committee held review meetings on implementation. He inaugurated the Times Secure India Summit in New Delhi (2025) and delivered speeches at events like Gurukul Hyderabad. On April 21, 2025, he visited the BAPS Hindu Mandir in Abu Dhabi, UAE, symbolizing cultural diplomacy. Notably, on October 2, 2025 (Vijayadashami), he will be chief guest at the RSS's centenary foundation day in Nagpur, marking the organization's 100th year.
Personal Life
Kovind married Savita Kovind (née Thakur) on May 30, 1974; she is a homemaker from a Rajput family and accompanied him on many official engagements. They have two children: son Prashant Kumar (a software engineer) and daughter Swati (a former Air India air hostess). The family resides in Delhi, and Kovind is known for his simple lifestyle, vegetarianism, and yoga practice. He is fluent in Hindi and English.
Honors and Awards
- Foreign Honors: Grand Cross 2nd Class, National Order of Madagascar (2018); Grand Collar, Order of Independence (Equatorial Guinea, 2018); Grand Order of King Petar Krešimir IV (Croatia, 2019); Order of the Liberator Simón Bolívar, Grand Collar (Bolivia, 2020); and others from Eswatini and Guinea.
- Domestic: As President, he approved numerous awards, but personally, his public service was recognized through his elevation to the highest office. No major post-tenure awards noted as of 2025.
Kovind's journey from a village boy to India's ceremonial head exemplifies resilience and dedication to public service, particularly for OBC and Dalit communities. His tenure as President was marked by quiet diplomacy and inclusivity, while his current role underscores his enduring influence in Indian polity.
R. S. Gavai
Full Name: Ramkrishna Suryabhan Gavai (popularly known as Dadasaheb Gavai) Date of Birth: October 30, 1929 Place of Birth: Daryapur, Amravati District, Maharashtra, India Date of Death: July 25, 2015 (aged 85), Nagpur, Maharashtra Religion: Buddhist (Neo-Buddhist; converted under Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s movement) Occupation: Politician, Social Activist, Farmer, Wrestler (in youth)
R. S. Gavai was a towering figure in Indian politics, a lifelong Ambedkarite, and a champion of Dalit rights and social justice. He served as a Member of the Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) for an unbroken 30 years, founded the Republican Party of India (Gavai faction), and held gubernatorial posts in three states — Bihar, Sikkim (acting), and Kerala. He was a close associate of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and dedicated his life to uplifting marginalized communities, especially Scheduled Castes (SC) and Neo-Buddhists.
Caste / Community
R. S. Gavai belonged to the Scheduled Caste (SC) community — specifically from the Mahar caste, which is a prominent Dalit community in Maharashtra. He converted to Buddhism in 1956 along with lakhs of others under Dr. Ambedkar’s historic Deeksha ceremony in Nagpur, becoming a Neo-Buddhist. Despite conversion, he and his family retained SC status for constitutional benefits and continued to fight for the rights of converted Buddhists to access reservations. His son, Justice Bhushan Ramkrishna Gavai, became the 52nd Chief Justice of India (CJI) in 2025 — the second SC community judge to hold the post after Justice K. G. Balakrishnan.
Major Achievements & Career Timeline
| Year(s) | Position / Event | Key Highlights |
|---|---|---|
| 1950s | Student Activism | Active in social-political movements during college at Vidarbha Mahavidyalaya, Amravati. Influenced by Sant Gadge Baba. |
| 1960s–1990s | Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) | 30 continuous years as MLC; served as Chairman, Deputy Chairman, and Leader of Opposition. |
| 1970s | Founder & President, Republican Party of India (RPI – Gavai Group) | Built RPI as a strong Ambedkarite force in Vidarbha; party symbol: Rising Sun. |
| 1998 | Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha) | Elected from Amravati constituency (12th Lok Sabha). |
| 2000–2006 | Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha) | Represented Maharashtra in the Upper House. |
| 2006–2008 | Governor of Bihar | Appointed in June 2006; focused on Dalit welfare and education. |
| 2006 | Acting Governor of Sikkim | July–August 2006 (additional charge). |
| 2008–2009 | Governor of Kerala | Appointed in 2008; made controversial decision to allow CBI probe in SNC-Lavalin case involving then-CM Pinarayi Vijayan.Early Life & Journey |
- Family Background:
- Born into a poor farming family in Daryapur.
- Father: Suryabhan Gavai
- Wife: Kamaltai Gavai (former school teacher)
- Children:
- Bhushan Ramkrishna Gavai (CJI, 2025)
- Rajendra Gavai (politician, former MLC)
- One daughter
- Education: Graduated from Vidarbha Mahavidyalaya, Amravati.
- Early Inspiration:
- Dr. B.R. Ambedkar – ideological mentor
- Sant Gadge Baba – social reformer who influenced his rural activism
- Was a wrestler (Kushti) in youth; promoted physical fitness among Dalit youth.
- Entry into Politics: Began through student unions and Ambedkarite youth forums. Joined the Scheduled Castes Federation (later RPI) and rose through grassroots mobilization.
Awards & Honors
- Kusht Mitra Puraskar – For work with leprosy patients
- National Integration Award – For promoting peace and harmony
- Chairman, Deeksha Bhoomi Memorial Committee, Nagpur
- President, Dr. Ambedkar College & Educational Institutions, Amravati
Key Contributions & Legacy
- Longest-Serving MLC in Maharashtra History (30 years)
- Strengthened RPI in Vidarbha – Made Amravati a hub of Ambedkarite politics
- Advocated for Neo-Buddhist Rights – Fought to ensure SC reservations apply post-conversion
- Promoted Education – Founded schools and hostels for Dalit and backward students
- Mentored Next Generation – His son Justice Bhushan Gavai becoming CJI in 2025 is a historic milestone for the SC community
Personal Life
- Hobbies: Wrestling, reading, social service, traveling to Buddhist sites
- Philosophy:
"I fought all my life for a society free from caste and religious discrimination. Ambedkar’s thoughts gave me direction."
- Health & Death: Suffered from age-related ailments; passed away in Nagpur on July 25, 2015. Cremated with state honors.
Family Legacy (2025 Update)
- Son: Justice Bhushan R. Gavai
- Appointed Chief Justice of India on May 15, 2025
- First from Vidarbha region and second from SC community to hold the post
- Previously: Judge, Bombay High Court → Supreme Court (2019)
Inspirational Quote by R. S. Gavai
"Education is the only weapon that can break the chains of caste and poverty. I built schools so no child walks the path of darkness."
October 30, 2025: Today marks R. S. Gavai’s 96th birth anniversary. His life remains a beacon of courage, dignity, and service for millions in the Dalit-Buddhist community and beyond.
"From a mud-walled village home to the Governor’s palace — the journey was powered by Ambedkar’s vision and people’s trust."
— Dadasaheb R. S. Gavai
R. K. Mathur
Wikipedia
R. K. Mathur
Official Portrait, 2019
In office
31 October 2019 - 12 February 2023
President Ram Nath Kovind
Preceded by position created
Succeeded by B. D. Mishra
In office
4 January 2016 – 24 November 2018
Preceded by Vijai Sharma
Succeeded by Sudhir Bhargava
In office
25 May 2013 – 24 May 2015
President Pranab Mukherjee
Preceded by Shashi Kant Sharma
Succeeded by G. Mohan Kumar
Preceded by Shekhar Aggarwal
Succeeded by G.C. Pati
Personal details
Born
Radha Krishna Mathur
25 November 1953
Nationality 
Indian
IndianSpouse
Poonam Mathur
(m. 1980)
Children Purvi Mathur, Prasun Mathur
Occupation Retired IAS officer
Radha Krishna Mathur (born 25 November 1953) is a retired Indian IAS officer and Indian bureaucrat, who is served as the 1st Lieutenant Governor of Ladakh from 2019 to 2023. He retired as the Chief Information Commissioner of India (CIC) in November 2018. Mathur had retired as the India's Defence Secretary, two years after being appointed to the post on 25 May 2013. He was also the Defence Production Secretary of India, Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises Secretary of India and the Chief Secretary of Tripura.
Education
Mathur is a Bachelor of Technology in mechanical engineering from IIT Kanpur,[5][6] Master of Technology in Industrial Engineering from IIT Delhi. He also holds an MBA degree from International Center for Promotion of Enterprises (ICPE), Ljubljana, Slovenia.
Career
As an IAS officer
Apart from serving as the Union Defence Secretary, RK Mathur served in various key positions for both Union and Tripura governments, like as the Chief Secretary of Tripura, Principal Secretary (Finance), Principal Secretary (Agriculture), Principal Secretary (Rural Development), Resident Commissioner of Tripura, Commissioner of Revenue, Commissioner of Panchayats, CEO of Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council, and as the District Magistrate and Collector of West Tripura district in the Tripura Government, and as the Union Defence Production Secretary, Union Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises Secretary, Special Secretary in Ministry of Defence, Development Commissioner in Ministry of Textiles, and as the Chief Enforcement Officer in Ministry of Textiles in the Union Government.
Mathur also served as the Private Secretary, on separate occasions, to Ministers of External Affairs and Information and Broadcasting.
Chief Secretary of Tripura
RK Mathur was appointed as the Chief Secretary of Tripura by the Chief Minister of Tripura in December 2003, he assumed the office of the Chief Secretary of the state on 22 December 2003 and demitted it on 22 October 2006, serving as the state's top bureaucrat for almost three years.
Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises Secretary
Mathur was appointed as the Union Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises Secretary by the Appointments Committee of the Cabinet (ACC) in November 2011, he assumed the office on 9 November 2011 and demitted it on 30 September 2012.
Defence Production Secretary
Mathur was appointed as the Union Defence Production Secretary by the Appointments Committee of the Cabinet (ACC) in September 2012, he assumed the office on 1 October 2012 and demitted it on 24 May 2013.
Radha Krishna Mathur, as Defence Secretary, inspecting the Guard of Honour at the commissioning of ICGS Rajveer
.
Radha Krishna Mathur (extreme-left) with the Chief of the Naval Staff Admiral Robin K. Dhowan (center-right) during the Golden Jubilee celebration of the Directorate of Naval Design (DND).
Defence Secretary
Mathur was appointed as the Union Defence Secretary by the Appointments Committee of the Cabinet (ACC) in May 2013 for a fixed tenure of two years.[5][7][8][9] He assumed the office of Defence Secretary on 25 May 2013 and demitted it and simultaneously superannuated from the service on 24 May 2015.
Chief Information Commissioner
Swearing-in ceremony of R.K. Mathur as Chief Information Commissioner, in New Delhi
RK Mathur was appointed as the Chief Information Commissioner of India (CIC), heading the Central Information Commission (CIC), by the Appointments Committee of the Cabinet (ACC) on 18 December 2015. He took oath as the Chief Information Commissioner on 5 January 2016. He retired from the post on 24 November 2018.
Ranasinghe Premadasa
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ranasinghe Premadasa
In office
2 January 1989 – 1 May 1993
Prime Minister Dingiri Banda Wijetunga
Preceded by Junius Richard Jayewardene
Succeeded by Dingiri Banda Wijetunga
In office
6 February 1978 – 2 January 1989
President Junius Richard Jayewardene
Preceded by Junius Richard Jayewardene
Succeeded by Dingiri Banda Wijetunga
Member of Parliament
for Colombo Central
In office
22 March 1965 – 2 January 1989
Preceded by Razik Fareed
Succeeded by constituency abolished
In office
19 March 1960 – 20 July 1960
Preceded by M.S. Themis
Succeeded by Razik Fareed
Personal details
Born
23 June 1924
(now in Sri Lanka)
Died
1 May 1993 (aged 68)
Colombo, Sri Lanka
Nationality Sri Lankan
Political party United National Party
Spouse(s)
(née Wickrematunge)
Children Sajith, Dulanjali
Sri Lankabhimanya Ranasinghe Premadasa (Sinhalese: රණසිංහ ප්රේමදාස,Tamil: ரணசிங்க பிரேமதாசா; 23 June 1924 – 1 May 1993) was the third President of Sri Lanka from 2 January 1989 to 1 May 1993. Before that, he served as the Prime Minister in the government headed by J. R. Jayewardene from 6 February 1978 to 1 January 1989. He was awarded Sri Lanka's highest award to a civilian Sri Lankabhimanya in 1986 by President Junius Richard Jayewardene, the first to receive in Sri Lankan history. He was assassinated in Colombo in a suicide bombing by the LTTE.
Early life
1 year old R. Premadasa with his parents in 1925.
R.Premadasa in 1930.
R. Premadasa was born on 23 June 1924 at Dias Place, Colombo 11, to the family of Richard Ranasinghe (Ranasinghe Mudalali) of Kosgoda and Jayasinghe Arachchige Ensina Hamine of Batuwita, Horana. R. Premadasa was the oldest of five children, three sisters, and one brother. He received his primary education at Harvard Girls’ School, Dam Street, Colombo, post primary education at St. Lorenz’s College, Skinner’s Road South (Now Sri Sangaraja Mawatha, Maradana) and his secondary education at St. Joseph’s College, Colombo. While attending school, he attended the Hewavitharana Daham Pasala. He completed his education at St. Joseph’s College, during the Le Goc era. He satisfied all the requirements for registering at the University of London for higher studies. However, he gave up this opportunity to engage in higher studies and chose path of social service for the welfare of the poor and down- trodden.
He, the architect of the Sri Sucharitha Movement, a volunteers organisation with the objectives of uplifting the economic, social and spiritual development of the low income people living in shanty areas of the capital. He was the full-time organizer of the community development project of the area in 1939. These youth who enrolled in his development movement refrained from taking liquor and avoided smoking and gambling. Premadasa too was a teetotaler.
Political career
Allying with late A. E. Goonesinghe, the founder leader of the Ceylon Labour Movement, he commenced his political life. He had several ups and downs in that era. He had been the Deputy Mayor of the Colombo Municipal Council while functioning as a member of San Sebastian’s Ward. Joining hands with late Dudley Senanayake, he joined the UNP and contested Dr. N. M. Perera unsuccessfully in the Ruwanwella constituency at the general election held in 1956. After his first failure to enter Parliament, he, in the process of reorganising the UNP, visited every nook and corner of the country, while also being the secretary of the Religious Affairs Committee of the Buddhist Council appointed by the government to organize the 2500th Buddha Jayanthi celebrations.
The following year he joined the protest march to Kandy on October 3, which had been organized by the late J.R. Jayewardene (later President). This march was disrupted at Imbulgoda by some thugs led by a powerful politician of the area. He was elected the third Member of Parliament for Colombo Central in the Dudley Senanayake government at the general election held in March 1960, but failed in the July general election. Later he was elected Member for the Cinnamon Gardens Ward in the Colombo Municipal Council.
Premadasa initially supported the Labour Party, then headed by A. Ekanayake Gunasinha. He was elected Deputy Mayor of Colombo in 1955. Having realized that the Labour Party in the 1950s didn't have a very promising future, in 1956 Premadasa joined the moderate United National Party, and contested 1956 parliamentary election for Ruwanwella Electorate was defeated. He became the first non-Govigama politician to reach to the highest levels in democratic, post-independence Sri Lanka.
Minister
During his tenure as Minister of Broadcasting in Dudley Senanayake's cabinet, Premadasa turned Radio Ceylon, the oldest radio station in South Asia, into a public corporation - the Ceylon Broadcasting Corporation on 5 January 1967.
Part of his political program was shelter for the poor, after the United Nations declared a Year of Shelter. Other policies included Jana Saviya, the instrument he used to help the poor, a foster parents scheme, the Gam Udawa project with which he tried to stir up the stupor in the villages, the mobile secretariat whereby he took the central government bureaucracy to the peasants, the Tower Hall Foundation for drama and music, and the pension schemes he initiated for the elder artistes. On the economic front, the garment industry project that he initiated became a forerunner in earning foreign exchange and provision of employment in the villages.
He was elected second Member of Parliament at the general election held in 1965 for the same seat and was appointed Chief Government Whip besides being appointed Parliamentary Secretary of Local Government. Later he was raised to the position of Minister of Local Government.
Opposition
In the following general election held in 1970, he was elected first MP for Colombo Central and sat in the Opposition with late J.R. Jayewardene, the Leader of the Opposition. Premadasa was once again appointed Chief Opposition Whip. Further, he was elected chairman of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth Inter- Parliamentary Association held in Australia. In the meantime, he held membership of the Constituent Assembly which drafted the constitution of 1972.
Prime Minister
Premadasa was elected first MP for Colombo Central in 1977 and became the Leader of the House and the Minister of Local Government. In addition he became the Deputy Leader of the UNP. When J.R. Jayewardene became the first Executive President of the country, Minister Premadasa became the Prime Minister on February 23, 1978.
Presidency
Presidential Standard of Ranasinghe Premadasa
He was elected second Executive President of the country when late J. R. Jayewardene stepped down, and led the UNP to victory at the general election held in 1989. The country faced both a civil war in the north and a communist insurgency in the south at the time, both key issues Premadasa concentrated on, with particularly ruthless actions against the insurgents. The security forces brutally put down the revolt and killed many of its leaders.
Premadasa also concentrated on a grassroots-level economic development drive, focusing on the provision of housing, poverty alleviation and the upliftment of the poor. He encouraged the building of model villages with clean water, transport infrastructure, schools and health centers. He encouraged the establishment of small-scale industries (mostly garment-related) in poor areas by giving factory owners low-interest loans and a share in textile quotas for the United States and Europe. The Gam Udāwa programme is one of his best-known achievements in this area, along with the Janasaviya programme that is today part of the Samurdhi scheme. His proposal to declare 1987 as the International Year of Shelter for the Homeless was unanimously accepted at the 37th session of the United Nations General Assembly.
Ranasinghe Premadasa and Diyawadana Nilame Neranjan Wijeyeratne with Raja Elephant
His handling of the country's civil war was less successful. In the north, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam were facing off against the Indian Peace-Keeping Force- the Indian presence on the island was unpopular, and Premadasa requested India to pull out its troops. In order to force the IPKF to leave the island, he authorized a clandestine operation to supply arms to LTTE, a collusion that came to light in the report published by the Sri Lankan Presidential Commission to inquire into the 1992 assassination of Lieutenant General Denzil Kobbekaduwa. While the IPKF was recalled by New Delhi in 1990, the government's war with the LTTE resumed, beginning Eelam War II, which ended in a stalemate five years later. The 1990 massacre of Sri Lankan Police officers, which occurred after the policemen were asked to surrender to the LTTE in Batticaloa at Premadasa's request, was later established to have been performed with the same weapons he had supplied them.
In September 1991, Premadasa faced an impeachment in parliament led by his two formidable rivals in the UNP, Lalith Athulathmudaliand Gamini Dissanayake. He defeated it by adjourning Parliament and the Speaker Mohamed dismissed the impeachment stating a lack of signatures after several of the parliamentarians who supported it withdrew their support after facing threats. He then expelled Athulathmudali and Dissanayake from the party, who then joined to form the Democratic United National Front (DUNF). He was found to be involved in the assassination of Lalith Athulathmudali by a presidential commission appointed by President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga.
In 1992, he changed the country’s name in English from Sri to Shri Lanka on the advice of soothsayers, who predicted it would improve the country’s fortunes. The spelling was restored after his assassination in 1993.
Assassination
Ranasinghe Premadasa was killed along with 17 others on 1 May 1993, at 12.45 p.m. during a May day rally in north Colombo, by an LTTE suicide bomber. Another 38 people were injured in the bombing including seven who were seriously wounded. An island-wide curfew was imposed hours after the assassination. Prime minister Dingiri Banda Wijetungasworn in as the new acting-president in the afternoon. Government did not announce the death of President Premadasa until 6 p.m. local time when state television Rupavahinibroadcast a tape of BBC's report of the incident. A period of national mourning was announced until the funeral. Police claimed that they recovered the severed head of a young man suspected to be the bomber, which found to have a cyanide suicide capsule, bearing LTTE tradecraft in his mouth.
Family
In 1960, he married Hema Wickramatunge, the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Wickramatunge Arachchige Charles Appuhamy of Bandarawela, on June 23, 1964. The son, Sajith, and daughter, Dulanjali, were born to this couple.
Maurya AK is with Mihan Singh
Dr. (Prof.) RAJA BABU PANWAR
Vice-Chancellor
Dr. (Prof.) RAJA BABU PANWAR
MD (Medicine), DNB (Cardiology)
Fellow of American College of CardiologyFellow of World Heart Federation, Australia
WHO Fellow, USA
Personal Details :
Date of Birth : 15th January, 1952
Registration No. : Rajasthan Medical Council, India, No. 6399 (1977)
Nationality : Indian
Address : B-210, Sadulganj, Bikaner (Rajasthan) 334 003, INDIA.
Present Designation : Vice Chancellor,
Rajasthan University of Health Sciences,
Sector-18, Kumbha Marg, Pratap Nagar, Tonk Road, Jaipur (Rajasthan) INDIA 302033
Phone : +91-141-2790481
Fax : +91-141-2795550
Academics :
(i) 1976 : M.B.B.S., University of Rajasthan, Sardar Patel Medical College, Bikaner. Honours in Pathology & Preventive Social Medicine.
(ii) 1979 : M.D. (Medicine), University of Rajasthan,
S.P. Medical College, Bikaner.
(iii) 1993 : D.N.B. (Cardiology), Diplomate of National Board, National Board of Examination, New Delhi.
Administrative Experience :
» Vice Chancellor, Rajasthan University of Health Sciences, Jaipur since 28th Nov., 2010 to till date
» Members of Board of Governors of Medical Council of India, New Delhi.
» Members of P.G. Committee of Medical Council of India, New Delhi.
» Pro Vice-Chancellor, Rajasthan University of Health Sciences, Jaipur
» Principal of S.P. Medical College, Bikaner since 6th Aug., 2008 to 25th January, 2012.
» Head of Department of Cardiology in S.P. Medical College, Bikaner since 1996 to 2012 (January)
» Superintendent of A.G. of Hospital (P.B.M.), S.P. Medical College, Bikaner (1500 bedded Multispecialty Hospital).
Fellowships :
(i) 1984-85 : Fellow Cardiology, AIIMS, New Delhi
(ii) 1987-88 : Fellow in Non-Invasive Cardiology, University of Alabama, Birmingham USA
(iii) 1989-91 : Fellow Cardiology, G.B. Pant Hospital, New Delhi.
(iv) 1993 : Fellowship of World Heart Federation (WHF) in the field of Cardiac Rehabilitation in 1993 at Austin Hospital Melbourne, Australia.
(v) 1994 : Fellow of International Federation and Society of Cardiology, Australia
(vi) 2000 : W.H.O. Fellowship in Cardiac Rehabilitation & Secondary Prevention, University of Virginia, USA
(vii) 2006 : Fellow Interventional Cardiology in Mount Sinai Hospital, New York.
(viii) 2009 F.A.C.C. (Fellow of American College of Cardiology)
Examiner & Expert:
Various Universities and PG Institutes of India, including AIIMS New Delhi, PGI, Chandigarh, National Board of examination, University of Delhi, U.P.S.C, Allahabad, RPSC, Ajmer, University of Rajasthan, Gujarat University, Bhartiya Vidaya Peeth, Pune.
Visiting Faculty of
Mount Sinai School of Medicine, USA
Saint Peter University Medical College, USA
RESEARCH PUBLICATIONS :
Published more than 100 research papers in national & international journals including Lancet, New England Journal of Medicine, American Journal of Cardiology, Echo-Cardiography and International Journal of Ultra sound and Allied Sciences, Journal of Post Graduate of Medicine, London (UK). Circulation JAPI, Indian Heart journal, Presented papers and chaired the sessions in national & international conferences including American College of Cardiology, USA, Canada, Egypt, Japan, Switzerland and Dubai.
Member of editorial board in journal of ECHO-Cardiograph (USA), Indian Heart Journal, Indian Journal of Clinical practice. Organized various national & international workshops, seminars, conferences, golden jubilee of SPMC as organizing secretary or organizing chairman.
Research Grants & collobaration
Many funded Research Projects have been going on in RUHS Jaipur as well as in the Department of Cardiology, SPMC, Bikaner of various national and international institutes or agencies.
He has worked as Research Scholar with financial assistance and collaboration of ICMR, AIIMS, Saint Johns Medical College, Bangalore, Mac Master University of Canada, Duke University of USA, Mount Sinai School of Medicine, NY, USA, World Heart Federation and various industries.AWARDS/HONORS :
"State Award" of 2003, conferred by Hon'ble Governor of Rajasthan for outstanding Medical Services. "District Award" 1993 by Collector of Bikaner.
Best Poster Presentation Award by American College of Cardiology (U.S.A)
Member: Indian delegation to Russia, Armenia and Georgia for "equivalence of Medical Qualification" theme.
Visited to Spain to participate European Commission meeting for Financial grant of Malaria Research
Member: Institutional body of All India Institute of Medical Sciences, (AIIMS) Jodhpur and Selection body for ICMR awards and AIIMS faculty recruitments, New Delhi.
Member of Board of Governors of Medical Council of India
Member of Medical Council of India
Member of Admission Regulating Committee of the state of Rajasthan
Member of ethics committee of Medical Council of India
Member of P.G. Committee of Medical Council of India.Chairman of the Selection Committee of AIIMS for the faculty recruitment, Jodhpur
Member of Selection Board for the selections of Principal and Medical Superintendant of various Medical Colleges & attached Hospitals
Chief Guest in Convocation of Maharashtra University of Health Sciences, Nasik and Dharwad University
UNIQUE ACHIEVEMENTS :
Introduced first mobile cath lab in India (which was flag-off by President of India) with collaboration of out-reach program of Escort Hospital, New Delhi, More than 700 Coronary Angiography, cardiac Angioplasties & 100 pace makers & Valvuloplasty done free of cost.
First Echo Study in school children to detect RHD in India and first time revealed significant prevalence of RHD – Awarded best paper in ACC from India.
Key person to start new medical college in Jaipur (RUHS College of Medical Sciences) in Government sector.
Key person to develop Rajasthan University of Health Sciences as unique model with the cost of. 406 Cr. of rupees and as financial independent University and developing 500 bedded hospital in 40 acres of land.
Establishing Digital Library in Rajasthan University of Health Sciences on PPP mode
Establishing simulation Lab on PPP mode
Pioneer to start skill Upgradation course in medical & dental colleges of Rajasthan
Established Chair in Bioethics of UNESCO in RUHS
Introduced horizontal and vertical integration teaching in medical college
PHILANTHROPIC AND SOCIAL ACTIVITIES :
Motivated various philanthropic agencies and social trusts in order to build & equip various hospitals and college and generate about INR. 50 crores and equal matching grant of about 50 crores by the Government of Rajasthan. Special efforts to provide medical services for poor and children. Organized special camp of pediatric cardiology, electrophysiology, cardiac surgery, interventional cardiology either free of cost or at very economy rates with the assistance of faculty of national and international repute.
EXTRA-CURRICULAR ACTIVITIES :
Has been an active player of Table Tennis and won various State or National titles.
Shankarrao Chavan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Shankarrao Chavan
Chavan on a 2007 stamp of India
Minister of Finance
In office
25 June 1988 – 2 December 1989
Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi
Preceded by N. D. Tiwari
Succeeded by Madhu Dandavate
Minister of Home Affairs
In office
21 June 1991 – 16 May 1996
Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao
Preceded by Chandra Shekhar
Succeeded by Murali Manohar Joshi
In office
31 December 1984 – 12 March 1986
Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi
Preceded by P. V. Narasimha Rao
Succeeded by P. V. Narasimha Rao
5th Chief Minister of Maharashtra
In office
12 March 1986 – 26 June 1988
Preceded by Shivajirao Nilangekar Patil
Succeeded by Sharad Pawar
In office
21 February 1975 – 16 May 1977
Preceded by Vasantrao Naik
Succeeded by Vasantdada Patil
Presidents of the Bharat Scouts and Guides
In office
1983–1998
Preceded by Jagjivan Ram
Succeeded by Rameshwar Thakur
Personal details
Born 14 July 1920
Died 26 February 2004 (aged 83)
Nationality Indian
Political party Indian National Congress (INC)
Shankarrao Bhavrao Chavan (14 July 1920 – 26 February 2004) was an Indian politician who served twice as Chief Minister of Maharashtra from 1975 until 1977 and from 13 March 1986 until 24 June 1988. He was Finance Minister of India from 1987 to 1990 and served as Home Minister of India in the P. V. Narasimha Rao cabinet from 21 June 1991 to 16 May 1996. He served as Home Minister of India in the Rajiv Gandhi cabinet 31 December 1984 to 12 March 1986.
Early life and family
Chavan completed his Bachelor of Arts from Madras University and LL.B. from Osmania University. He started his career as an advocate. He initiated the Student's Movement and gave up practice of law during the 'Quit Court' Movement in the former Hyderabad State.
He was elected to Bombay State Assembly from Dharmabad in 1957 and to Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha from Dharmabad during the 1962 election and from Bhokar during 1967, 1972 and 1978 elections.
His son Ashok Chavan served as chief minister of Maharashtra. His daughter-in-law and Ashok Chavan's wife, Ameeta Ashokrao Chavan represented Bhokar in Maharashtra Vidhan sabha.
Political career
Membership in legislative bodies
Bombay State Legislative Council, 1956
Maharashtra Legislative Assembly, 1960–80
Lok Sabha, 1980–84 and 1985–86
Maharashtra Legislative Council, 8 July 1986 – 21 October 1988
Rajya Sabha from Maharshtra 28 October 1988 – 2 April 1990, April 1990 – April 1996 and April 1996 – April 2002
Committee on Rules, Rajya Sabha, 1992–96
Leadership in Rajya Sabha
Congress(I) Party in Rajya Sabha 2 July 1991 – 15 May 1996
Leader of the House in Rajya Sabha from 2 July 1991 to 15 May 1996 elected to the Rajya Sabha in October 1988, re-elected in April 1990 and again in April 1996
Chief Minister
Shankarrao served as chief Minister of Maharashtra on two occasions.
21 February 1975 – 16 May 1977: This coincided with The Emergency declared by prime Minister, Indira Gandhi. Sanjay Gandhi, the son of the prime minister became the power behind the throne and Chavan had to meet Sanjay first to get an appointment with the prime minister
12 March 1986 – 26 June 1988
Union Cabinet Minister, Government of India
Culture and Social Welfare & Education (HRD), 19 October 1980 – 7 August 1981
Deputy Chairman, Planning Commission, 8 August 1981 to 18 July 1984
Defence, 2 August 1984 December 30, 1984
Home, 31 December 1984 – 12 March 1986
Finance 25 June 1988 – 2 December 1989
Home, 21 June 1991 to May 1996
Positions
Chancellor
Tilak Maharashtra University, Pune (Deemed University)
President
The Bharat Scouts and Guides, New Delhi (April 1983 to November 1998)
Maratha Mitra Mandal, New Delhi
Chairman
Indian Institute of Public Administration, New Delhi
Shri Sharda Bhavan Education Society, Nanded
Committee on Human Resource Development, Parliament of India
Ethics Committee, Rajya Sabha
Member
Business Advisory Committee, Rajya Sabha
General Purposes Committee, Rajya Sabha
Executive Committee of the Indian Parliamentary Group
Consultative Committee for the Ministry of Railways
Parliamentary Affairs Committee of Congress(I) Party in Parliament
All India Congress Committee (A.I.C.C.)
Central Cooperative Union, Hyderabad
In Memory
Dr. Shankarrao Chavan Government Medical College & Hospital, Nanded
NWCMC's Dr.Shankarrao Chavan Auditorium, Near SGGS Stadium
SBES's Shankarrao Chavan Memorial, VIP Road
Shankarrao Chavan Chowk, Kamtha-Nanded
Shankarrao Chavan Chowk, Chimegaon Nanded
Dr.Shankarrao Chavan Garden & Library, CIDCO, Nanded
Sushilkumar Shinde
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sushilkumar Shinde
In office
31 July 2012 – 26 May 2014
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
Preceded by P. Chidambaram
Succeeded by Rajnath Singh
In office
3 August 2012 – 18 May 2014
Preceded by Pranab Mukherjee
Succeeded by Narendra Modi
In office
4 November 2004 – 29 January 2006
Preceded by Surjit Singh Barnala
Succeeded by Rameshwar Thakur
In office
30 January 2006 – 31 July 2012
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
Preceded by Anant Geete
Succeeded by Veerappa Moily
In office
18 January 2003 – 4 November 2004
Preceded by Vilasrao Deshmukh
Succeeded by Vilasrao Deshmukh
Personal details
Born 4 September 1941
Nationality Indian
Political party Indian National Congress
Other political
affiliations United Front (1996–2004)
United Progressive Alliance (2004–present)
Website Official website
Sushilkumar Sambhaji Shinde (born 4 September 1941) is an Indian politician from the state of Maharashtra. He was the Minister of Home Affairs, Minister of Power in the Manmohan Singh government, and the Leader of the House in Lok Sabha until 26 May 2014. He previously served as the Chief Minister of the state of Maharashtra during 18 January 2003 to October 2004.
Early life and education
Shinde was born on 4 September 1941 at Solapur in a Dhor caste to Sambhaji Rao Shinde and Sakhu Bai. Shinde completed his education with an honours degree in Arts from Dayanand College, Solapur and LLB from Shivaji University. and New Law College, University of Bombay, Maharashtra.
Early career
Sushilkumar Shinde started his career as a bailiff in the session's court of Solapur where he worked from 1957 - 1965. He then joined the Maharashtra Police as a constable. Subsequently, he served in the Maharashtra CID for six years., as a sub-inspector of police, under Amukuraj Patil, his CID mentor.
Political career
In the year 1971, Shinde became a member of the Congress Party. He won the Maharashtra state assembly elections in 1974, 1980, 1985, 1990,1992, 24 May 2003 to August 2004-(General) by-election, September 2004 to 2 October 2004-(General) Shinde was elected to Rajya Sabha from Maharashtra during July 1992 to March 1998. In 1999, he acted as campaign manager of the Congress chairperson Sonia Gandhi in Amethi, Uttar Pradesh. In 2002, Shinde lost the election for the post of Vice-President of India contesting against the National Democratic Alliance candidate Bhairon Singh Shekhawat. He served as the chief minister of Maharashtra from 2003 to 2004. He was appointed as the Governor of Andhra Pradesh on 30 October 2004 replacing Surjit Singh Barnala, who became the Governor of Tamil Nadu. He left the office on 29 January 2006.
Shinde was elected unopposed to the Rajya Sabha for the second time from Maharashtra on 20 March 2006. Shinde became the Leader of Lok Sabha after his predecessor Pranab Mukherjee was elected President of India.[16] Shinde served as Power minister of India from 2006–2012. Later, he was appointed Home Minister of India in 2012. His tenure as a Home Minister saw two major decisions of hanging the terrorists Afzal Guru and Ajmal Kasab.
In 2014 Lok Sabha elections, Shinde was the Congress party nominee. He was defeated by BJP Candidate Mr. Sharad Bansode.
Sushilkumar Shinde contested the 2019 Lok Sabha Elections from Solapur. Shinde was the Congress party nominee. He was defeated by BJP Candidate Mr. Siddheshwar Maharaj by a margin of 156,261 votes.
According to him, 2019 Indian general election were the last lok sabha elections contested by him.
Personal life
Shinde married Ujwala Shinde on 1 May 1970. The couple has three daughters. One of his daughter Praniti Shinde is MLA of Solapur, Maharashtra India.
Awards & Honours
15 January 1977: Selected in Ten Noteworthy Youth of the country by Indian Jaycees.
1978: Second choice as most popular Minister in the survey by 'Manohar' a weekly.
1981: Honoured with Basav Bhushan Award as "Ideal Youth" by Congress Party.
9 March 1996: "National Citizen Award" as a Best Member of Parliament at the hands of Mother Teresa.
2003: Bhai Bagal Award 2003, Third place at India Today - Reader's Choice The Best Chief Minister.
2005: Guruvarya Shankarrao Kanitkar Award at the hands of senior journalist Arun Tikekar.
22 September 2005 to 21 September 2007 & 21 November 2007 to 24 December 2009: Tilak Maharashtra Vidhyapeeth Chancellor.
23 January 2007: First D Lit. awarded by D Y Patil University. (Subject - Literature)
9 September 2007: Second D Lit. degree awarded by Srikrishna Devrai University, Andhra Pradesh. (Subject - Literature)
18 February 2009: Third D Lit. awarded by Rajiv Gandhi Technical University, Bhopal. (Subject - Science)
9 May 2009: "Navshakti Jeevan Gaurav Puraskar" awarded by Navshakti Times.
19 July 2009: Government Award of "Ideal Teacher" in memory of Education Officer Hon. B.C. Dhegale.
Positions Held
1974 - 1992: Member, Maharashtra Legislative Assembly
1974 - 1975: Minister of State for Sports and Cultural Affairs, Government of Maharashtra
1975 - 1977: Minister of State for Finance, Family Welfare, Sports and Cultural Affairs, Government of Maharashtra
1978: Cabinet Minister for Labour and Tourism, Government of Maharashtra
1983 - 1985: Cabinet Minister for Finance, Planning, Sports and Cultural Affairs, Government of Maharashtra
1985: Cabinet Minister for Finance, Planning, Environment, Government of Maharashtra
1986: Cabinet Minister for Finance, Planning, Industry, Law and Judiciary, Social Welfare, Government of Maharashtra
1988 - 1990: Cabinet Minister for Finance, Cultural Affairs, Sports and Planning, Government of Maharashtra
1990: Cabinet Minister for Urban Development, Government of Maharashtra
1991: Cabinet Minister for Urban Development, Law and Judiciary, Government of Maharashtra
1992: Elected to Rajya Sabha
1998 - 1999: Member, Twelfth Lok Sabha
1999 - 2003: Member, Thirteenth Lok Sabha
2003 - 2004: Member, Maharashtra Legislative Assembly
2004: Chief Minister, Maharashtra
2004 - 2006: Governor of Andhra Pradesh
2006: Member, Rajya Sabha and Union Cabinet Minister of Power
2009: Re-elected to 15th Lok Sabha
31 May - 31 July: Union Cabinet Minister, Power
Aug 2012: Union Cabinet Minister, Home Affairs
30 Aug 2012: Leader of the House, Lok Sabha
Theatre & Films
The Marathi film, Dusari Goshta (2014) & one documentary film, "Andherese Ujale Ki Aour" are based on his life from childhood to becoming a popular politician.
He has also acted in 8 Marathi dramas,
1) Mumbai chi Manse
2) Karayla Gelo Yek
3) Bebandh Shahi
4) Minuchi Mavshi
5) Vegla Vhaichy Mala
6) Ghara Baher
7) Lagnachi Bedi
8) Prema Tuzha Rang Kasa
Criticisms and controversies
Telangana 2014
He was one of the key figures in the division of Andhra Pradesh. Being Union Home Minister, he favoured the division and the formation of Telangana, amidst a lot of controversies.
North India power failure
During the 2012 northern India power grid failure, Shinde deflected criticism by observing that India was not alone in suffering major power outages, as the United States and Brazil had both experienced similar blackouts within the previous few years. Officials in Uttar Pradesh, where the problem was believed to have begun, said the grid could not keep up with the huge demand for power in the hot summer. Uttar Pradesh power corporation chief Awanish Kumar Awasthi stated that the grid collapse was due to the states drawing more than their allotted power to meet the summer demand.
Saffron Terror
Shinde along with Chidambaram coined and spread the concept of Hindu Terror and used the word Saffron Terror number of times.
Shibu Soren
Assumed office
22 June 2020
Preceded by Prem Chand Gupta
Constituency Jharkhand
In office
30 December 2009 – 31 May 2010
Governor K. Sankaranarayanan
Deputy Raghubar Das
Preceded by President's rule
Succeeded by President's rule
In office
27 August 2008 – 18 January 2009
Governor Syed Sibtey Razi
Preceded by Madhu Koda
Succeeded by President's rule
In office
2 March 2005 – 12 March 2005
Governor Syed Sibtey Razi
Preceded by Arjun Munda
Succeeded by Arjun Munda
In office
29 January 2006 – 28 November 2006
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
Preceded by Manmohan Singh
Succeeded by Manmohan Singh
In office
27 November 2004 – 2 March 2005
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
Preceded by Manmohan Singh
Succeeded by Manmohan Singh
In office
23 May 2004 – 24 July 2004
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
Preceded by Mamata Banerjee
Succeeded by Manmohan Singh
In office
2002–2019
Preceded by Babulal Marandi
Succeeded by Sunil Soren
Constituency Dumka
In office
1989–1998
Preceded by Prithvi Chand Kisku
Succeeded by Babulal Marandi
Constituency Dumka
In office
1980–1984
Preceded by Babulal Marandi
Succeeded by Prithvi Chand Kisku
Constituency Dumka
Personal details
Born 11 January 1944
Ramgarh, Bihar, British India (Now in Jharkhand, India)
Political party JMM
Spouse(s) Roopi Soren
Children
Durga Soren
Basant Soren
Anjali Soren
Residence Bokaro
As of 25 September, 2006
Source:
Shibu Soren (born 11 January 1944) is an Indian politician who thrice served as Chief Minister of Jharkhand, first in 2005 for 10 day (2 March to 12 March), then from 2008 to 2009 and again from 2009 to 2010. He was sworn in as the third Chief Minister of Jharkhand on 30 December 2009 after winning the Jharkhand Assembly elections. He resigned on 30 May 2010 after failing to obtain coalition support from the Bharatiya Janata Party, his national party partner. He previously represented the Dumka constituency of Jharkhand in the 14th Lok Sabha, and is the President of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) political party, a constituent of the UPA.
On 9 January 2009, Soren was defeated in the by-election for the Tamar assembly constituency by political novice Gopal Krishan Patar, alias Raja Peter, of the Jharkhand Party by a margin of over 9,000 votes. After the Assembly elections Soren once again formed the Government along with the BJP, and was sworn in as Chief Minister of Jharkhand on 30 December 2009.
He was the Minister for Coal in the Union Cabinet in November 2006, when a Delhi district court found him guilty in the murder of his private secretary Shashi Nath Jha in 1994. He has also been indicted in the past on other criminal charges.
Life
Soren was born in Nemra village of Ramgarh district, in what was, at the time, Bihar state, India. He belongs to Santal tribe He completed his schooling in the same district. During his schooling his father was murdered by thugs employed by money lenders.
At the age of 18, he formed the Santhal Navyuvak Sangh In 1972, Bengali Maxist trade union leader A. K. Roy, Kurmi-Mahato leader Binod Bihari Mahato and Santal leader Shibu Soren formed Jharkhand Mukti Morcha. Soren became the general secretary of JMM. JMM organised agitations to reclaim the tribal lands which were alienated. They started forcebly harvesting in the lands. Shibu Soren was known for delivering summary justice against landlords and money lenders, sometimes by holding own courts On 23 January 1975, he allegedly incited a campaign to drive away "outsiders", or the 'non-tribal' people. At least eleven people were killed. Soren and numerous others were charged with various crimes related to this incident. After extended legal proceedings, Soren was acquitted on 6 March 2008. However, possibly related incitement charges—dating from two earlier deaths in 1974—remain pending.
He lost his first Lok Sabha election in 1977. He was first elected to the Lok Sabha in 1980 from Dumka. An arrest warrant was issued against him. He was subsequently elected to the Lok Sabha in 1989, 1991 and 1996 as well. In 2002, he was elected to the Rajya Sabha. He won the Dumka Lok Sabha seat in a by-election the same year and resigned his Rajya Sabha seat. He was re-elected in 2004.
He became the Union Coal Minister in the Manmohan Singh government, but was asked to resign following an arrest warrant in his name in the thirty-year-old Chirudih case. He was one of the main accused amongst 69, with allegations to kill 10 people (including 9 Muslims) on 23 January 1975, in a clash between tribals and Muslims.[13] After the warrant was issued, he initially went underground. He resigned on 24 July 2004. He was able to secure bail after spending over a month in judicial custody; released on bail on 8 September, he was re-inducted into the Union Cabinet and given back the coal ministry on 27 November 2004, as part of a deal for a Congress-JMM alliance before assembly elections in Jharkhand in February/March 2005.
On 2 March 2005, after much political bargaining and quid pro quo he was invited to form the government in Jharkhand by the Governor of Jharkhand. He resigned as Chief Minister nine days later, on 11 March, following his failure to obtain a vote of confidence in the assembly. In 2019 Lok Sabha Elections he lost to Sunil Soren of BJP from Dumka constituency.
Life imprisonment and acquittal
On 28 November 2006, Soren was found guilty in a twelve-year-old case involving the kidnapping and murder of his former personal secretary Shashinath Jha. It was claimed that Jha was abducted from the Dhaula Kuan area in Delhi on 22 May 1994 and taken to Piska Nagari village near Ranchi where he was killed. The CBI chargesheet stated that Jha's knowledge of the reported deal between the Congress and the JMM to save the Narasimha Rao government during the July 1993 no-confidence motion and an act of sodomy was the motive behind the murder. The charge-sheet asserted that: "Jha was aware of the illegal transactions and also expected and demanded a substantial share out of this amount from Soren."
Soren resigned from his post of Union Minister for Coal after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh demanded that he should do so in the wake of the verdict. This is the first case of a Union Minister of the Government of India being found guilty of involvement in a murder. On 5 December 2006, Shibu Soren was sentenced to life imprisonment. A Delhi court rejected his bail plea, stating: 'We cannot overlook the fact that the appellant (Soren) has been convicted after a detailed and elaborate trial only in November 2006 and sentenced in December 2006.
The bench also noted that he was also being tried in a number of other cases, including the case of mass murder in Jharkhand
On 25 June 2007, Shibu Soren was being escorted to his jail in Dumka, Jharkhand when his convoy was attacked by bombs, but no one was hurt.
The Delhi High Court on 23 August 2007 overruled the District Court and acquitted Soren, stating that "The trial court's analysis is far from convincing and not sustainable."
The five men convicted by the Tis Hazari court were held guilty of criminal conspiracy, abduction and murder primarily on the basis of forensic evidence provided by a post-mortem report of a body discovered in Jharkhand, namely a skull superimposition test and skull injury report. This was in addition to eyewitness accounts and some circumstantial evidence.
Personal life
He is married to Roopi Kisku. He has three sons Durga Soren, Hemant Soren, and Basant Soren and a daughter, Anjali Soren. Hemant Soren is the current Chief Minister of Jharkhand, having held the same office previously from July 2013 to December 2014. His elder son Durga Soren was MLA from Jama from 1995 to 2005.[ Durga's wife Sita Soren is current MLA from Jama. Basant Soren is president of the Jharkhand Yuva Morcha, a youth wing of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha.
Satyadev Narayan Arya
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Satyadev Narayan Arya
16th Governor of Haryana
Incumbent
Assumed office
25 August 2018
Chief Minister Manohar Lal
Preceded by Kaptan Singh Solanki
Minister of Mines and Geology
(Government of Bihar)
In office
November 2010 – November 2015
Chief Minister Nitish Kumar
Jitan Ram Manjhi
Succeeded by Muneshwar Chaudhary
Constituency Rajgir
Member of Bihar Legislative Assembly
In office
1995–2015
Preceded by Chander Dev Prasad Himanshu
Succeeded by Ravi Jyoti Kumar
Constituency Rajgir
In office
1977–1990
Preceded by Chander Dev Prasad Himanshu
Succeeded by Chander Dev Prasad Himanshu
Constituency Rajgir
Personal details
Born 1 July 1939 (age 80)
Rajgir, Bihar, British India
Nationality Indian
Political party Bharatiya Janata Party
Spouse(s) Saraswati Devi
Residence Raj Bhavan, Haryana
Satyadev Narayan Arya is the current governor of Haryana. He is a leader of BJP from Bihar. He is a former Minister of Mines and Geology of Bihar. He is an eight-time winning Member of Bihar Legislative Assembly from Rajgir.
Sunder Lal Patwa
(Wikipedia)
Sunderlal Patwa
Minister of Mines
In office
7 November 2000 – 1 September 2001
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
Preceded by Naveen Patnaik
Succeeded by Ram Vilas Paswan
In office
30 September 2000 – 7 November 2000
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
Preceded by Suresh Prabhu
Succeeded by Satyabrata Mookherjee
In office
6 March 2000 – 26 May 2000
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
Preceded by Nitish Kumar
Succeeded by Nitish Kumar
In office
13 October 1999 – 30 September 2000
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
Preceded by Babagouda Patil
Succeeded by Venkaiah Naidu
In office
1999–2004
Preceded by Sartaj Singh
Succeeded by Sartaj Singh
Constituency Hoshangabad
In office
1997–1998
Preceded by Alka Nath
Succeeded by Kamal Nath
Constituency Chhindwara
In office
5 March 1990 – 15 December 1992
Governor M. A. Khan
Preceded by Shyama Charan Shukla
Succeeded by President's rule
In office
20 January 1980 – 17 February 1980
Governor C. M. Poonacha
Preceded by Virendra Kumar Sakhlecha
Succeeded by Arjun Singh
Personal details
Born 11 November 1924
Died 28 December 2016 (aged 92)
Political party Bharatiya Janata Party
Sunder Lal Patwa (11 November 1924 – 28 December 2016) was an Indian politician, who served as the 11th Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh and a cabinet minister in the Government of India. He was the only politician who defeated congress strong man Kamal Nath in 1997 from Chhindwara constituency for member of parliament. He was born in the village of Kukreshwar located between Manasa and Rampura in the Neemuch District of Madhya Pradesh.
He was awarded Padma Vibhushan, the second-highest civilian award, posthumously in 2017 by the Government of India.
Political career
He was Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh twice, from 20 January 1980 to 17 February 1980 as member of Janata Party and from 5 March 1990 to 15 December 1992 as leader of Bharatiya Janta Party. He began his political career with Jana Sangh which merged with Janata Party in 1977. Later members owing allegiance to Jana Sangh's Hindutva ideology broke away from Janata Party in 1980 to form Bharatiya Janata Party.
He was first elected to Lok Sabha via bye-poll in Chhindwara in 1997 by defeating Congress strongman Kamal Nath in his home turf. He lost from Chhindwara in 1998 General Election.
In 1999, he was elected to the Lok Sabha from Hoshangabad constituency, and was minister in Atal Bihari Vajpayee Government from 1999 to 2001. As a legislator, he was known as strict disciplinarian.
He was associated with Indore Rajya Praja Mandal since 1941, R.S.S. since 1942 and R.S.S. Vistarak, 1947-51. He was imprisoned for seven months for participating in R.S.S. movement in 1948 and was an active worker of Jana Sangh since 1951, Chairman of District Cooperative Bank, Director, State Cooperative Bank and State Cooperative Marketing Sangh and Treasurer, Jana Sangh from 1967-74. He was Detained under M.I.S.A. during Emergency from June 1975 to January 1977. He was awarded the "Vidhan Gaurav" in the All India Conference of Presiding Officers, 1989.
He died on 28 December 2016 in Bhopal due to a heart attack at the age of 92.
Positions held
Patwa contested from a variety of seats and he held a variety of official posts:
Lost Vidhan Sabha elections from Manasa in 1967 and 1972.
1997-1998 : Lok Sabha Member from Chhindwara (Lok Sabha constituency) by defeating Kamal Nath
1999-2004 : Lok Sabha Member from Hoshangabad (Lok Sabha constituency)
1957-67 - Chief Whip, Opposition Party, Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly
1975 - General Secretary, Jana Sangh, Madhya Pradesh
1977 - Member, Working Committee, Janata Party
20 Jan 1980 - 17 Feb 1980 - Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh
1980-85 - Leader of Opposition, Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly; Chairman, Public Accounts Committee, Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly
1986 - President, B.J.P., Madhya Pradesh; Member, General Purposes Committee, Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly
5 March 1990 - 15 December 1992 - Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh
13 Oct 1999 – 30 September 2000 - Minister of Rural Development, in Vajpayee Govt
30 Sep 2000 – 7 Nov 2000 - Minister of Chemicals and Fertilizers, in Vajpayee Govt
7 Nov 2000 – 1 September 2001 - Minister of Mines, in Vajpayee Govt
Personal life
Two of his nephews entered politics on his heels. Surendra Patwa was first elected to Madhya Pradesh Vidhan Sabha from Bhojpur in 2008. He has been a minister in Madhya Pradesh state government.
His nephew Mangal Patwa (1965-2015) contested elections from Manasa seat in 1998 but lost. He became President of BJP's Neemuch District unit. Mangal Patwa died in a road accident in 2015.
Suraj Bhan
Suraj Bhan (October 1, 1928 – July 7, 2006) was a prominent Indian politician and dignitary who held several high-profile positions during his career, known for his dedication to public service and advocacy for the welfare of marginalized communities, particularly the Dalit community. He belonged to the Scheduled Caste (SC) community and rose from humble beginnings to become a significant figure in Indian politics. Below is a detailed account of his life, career, and contributions as a dignitary:
Early Life and Background
- Birth and Family: Suraj Bhan was born on October 1, 1928, in Mehrauli, Delhi, into a Dalit family. His early life was marked by the challenges faced by marginalized communities in India, which shaped his commitment to social justice and equality.
- Education: He pursued higher education and earned a Bachelor of Arts (B.A.) degree, followed by an LL.B. (Bachelor of Laws) from Aligarh Muslim University. His legal education provided him with a strong foundation for his later political and administrative roles.
- Community Roots: As a member of the Scheduled Caste community, Suraj Bhan was deeply aware of the socio-economic challenges faced by Dalits. His personal experiences fueled his lifelong mission to uplift marginalized groups.
Political Career
Suraj Bhan was a prominent leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and had a distinguished political career spanning several decades. His key roles included:
- Member of Parliament (MP):
- Suraj Bhan was elected to the Lok Sabha (the lower house of the Indian Parliament) multiple times, representing the Ambala constituency in Haryana.
- He first became an MP in 1967 and was re-elected in 1977, 1996, and 1998, showcasing his consistent popularity and influence in his constituency.
- His parliamentary career was marked by his focus on issues affecting Scheduled Castes, rural development, and social justice.
- Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha (1996–1997):
- Suraj Bhan served as the Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha during the 11th Lok Sabha (1996–1997). In this role, he played a crucial part in maintaining parliamentary decorum and facilitating legislative proceedings.
- His tenure as Deputy Speaker was notable for his impartiality and ability to manage debates in a diverse and often contentious parliamentary environment.
- Governor of Multiple States:
- Governor of Uttar Pradesh (1998–2000): Suraj Bhan served as the Governor of Uttar Pradesh, one of India’s most populous and politically significant states. As Governor, he performed constitutional duties, including overseeing the state’s administration and acting as a liaison between the state and the central government.
- Governor of Himachal Pradesh (2000–2003): He later served as the Governor of Himachal Pradesh, a role in which he contributed to the state’s governance and development initiatives.
- Acting Governor of Bihar (2000): For a brief period, he also held the position of Acting Governor of Bihar, demonstrating his versatility in handling gubernatorial responsibilities across different states.
- Chairman of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC):
- Suraj Bhan served as the Chairman of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes, a constitutional body tasked with protecting the rights and interests of Scheduled Castes in India.
- In this role, he worked tirelessly to address issues such as caste-based discrimination, economic disparities, and lack of access to education and employment opportunities for Dalits.
- His leadership in the NCSC was instrumental in advocating for policies and programs aimed at the socio-economic upliftment of Scheduled Castes.
Contributions and Legacy
- Advocacy for Dalit Rights: Throughout his career, Suraj Bhan was a vocal advocate for the rights of Scheduled Castes. He worked to ensure that government policies and programs were effectively implemented to benefit marginalized communities.
- Social Justice and Equality: His political and administrative roles were guided by a commitment to social justice. He consistently highlighted the need for equal opportunities and representation for Dalits in all spheres of life.
- Public Service: As a parliamentarian, governor, and NCSC chairman, Suraj Bhan demonstrated a strong sense of duty and integrity. His ability to serve in diverse roles across different regions of India showcased his adaptability and dedication to national service.
- Inspiration for Future Generations: Coming from a marginalized background, Suraj Bhan’s rise to prominent positions in Indian politics and governance served as an inspiration for many, particularly within the Dalit community.
Personal Life and Demise
- Suraj Bhan was known for his simplicity, humility, and deep connection with the people he served. He remained grounded despite holding high offices.
- He passed away on July 7, 2006, leaving behind a legacy of service and advocacy for the underprivileged.
Key Achievements
- Represented Ambala in the Lok Sabha for multiple terms (1967, 1977, 1996, 1998).
- Served as Deputy Speaker of the Lok Sabha, contributing to parliamentary democracy.
- Held gubernatorial positions in Uttar Pradesh, Himachal Pradesh, and Bihar.
- Led the National Commission for Scheduled Castes, championing the cause of Dalit empowerment.
- Played a significant role in the BJP’s efforts to strengthen its outreach to Scheduled Caste communities.
Significance as a Dignitary
Suraj Bhan’s career as a dignitary was marked by his ability to bridge the gap between grassroots issues and high-level governance. His work as a parliamentarian, governor, and NCSC chairman reflected his commitment to constitutional values, social equity, and national development. He was a trailblazer for Dalit representation in Indian politics, and his contributions continue to be remembered as part of India’s journey toward inclusive governance.
Sarbananda Sonowal
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Sarbananda Sonowal
14th Chief Minister of Assam
Incumbent
Assumed office
24 May 2016
Governor Jagdish Mukhi
Padmanabha Acharya
Banwarilal Purohit
Preceded by Tarun Gogoi
Member of Assam Legislative Assembly
Incumbent
Assumed office
2016
Preceded by Rajib Lochan Pegu
Constituency Majuli
In office
2001–2004
Preceded by Joy Chandra Nagbanshi
Succeeded by Jibantara Ghatowar
Constituency Moran
Union Minister of Youth Affairs & Sports
In office
26 May 2014 – 23 May 2016
Prime Minister Narendra Modi
Preceded by Jitendra Singh
Succeeded by Jitendra Singh (BJP politician)
In office
26 May 2014 – 9 November 2014
Prime Minister Narendra Modi
Preceded by Office created
Succeeded by Rajiv Pratap Rudy
In office
16 May 2014 – 23 May 2016
Preceded by Ranee Narah
Succeeded by Pradan Baruah
Constituency Lakhimpur
In office
13 May 2004 – 15 May 2009
Preceded by Paban Singh Ghatowar
Succeeded by Paban Singh Ghatowar
Constituency Dibrugarh
Personal details
Born 31 October 1961 (age 57)
Political party Bharatiya Janata Party (2011-present)
Asom Gana Parishad (2001-11)
Sarbananda Sonowal (born 31 October 1961) is an Indian politician who has been Chief Minister of Assam since 2016.
He was elected to the 16th Lok Sabha from the Lakhimpur Lok Sabha constituency in Assam as a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party. He has previously served as the president for BJP Assam, and is also a National Executive Member of the party. Sonowal was the president of the All Assam Students Union from 1992 to 1999. Until January 2011, he was a member of the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) political party but later joined the Bharatiya Janata Party.
In May 2016, he was elected to the Assam Legislative Assembly from Majuli and was sworn in as the 14th Chief Minister of Assam.
Early life and education
Sarbananda Sonowal was born on 31 October 1961 in Molokgaon located in the Dibrugarh district of Assam to Shri Jibeswar Sonowal and Dineswari Sonowal. He did his Bachelor of English Honours from Dibrugarh University and went on to do his LLB from Guwahati University. He also started his political career from here.
Political career
Sarbananda Sonowal was the President of Assam's oldest student body, the All Assam Students Union from 1992 to 1999. After that, he became a member of the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP). In 2001, he was elected the MLA from Assam's Moran constituency. In 2004, he became a Lok Sabha member representing Dibrugarh constituency and continued to be so till 2009 before joining the Bharatiya Janata Party in 2011.
In 2014 general election for Lok Sabha he was appointed to head State's 16th Lok Sabha Elections Assam by Bharatiya Janata Party, and in the same year he was also elected as Member of Parliament, 16th Lok Sabha from Lakhimpur Constituency, he was then appointed as Union Minister of State-Independent Charge, of the Government of India under the Modi Government at the centre.
He was selected as the CM candidate of BJP for the 2016 Assam Assembly Election. On 19 May 2016, Sarbananda Sonowal won the Assembly Election from Majuli Constituency making himself the next Chief Minister of Assam from Bharatiya Janata Party.
Biography
Sarbananda Sonowal resigned from all executive posts within AGP and left the party, due to dissatisfaction with and amongst the senior leadership of the party who were trying to forge an alliance with a party that was against the scrapping of the controversial IMDT Act. On 8 February 2011, Sonowal joined BJP in the presence of the then BJP National President Nitin Gadkari and senior leaders like Varun Gandhi, Vijay Goel, Bijoya Chakravarty and state BJP president Ranjit Dutta. He was immediately appointed as a member of the BJP National Executive and later on the State Spokesperson of the BJP unit, prior to his current assignment to head the state as the new president. On 28 January 2016, BJP Parliamentary Board announced Sarbananda Sonowal as BJP Chief Ministerial candidate of Assam. He is not married.
Positions held
2001-2004: Elected as MLA, Assam Legislative Assembly from Moran Constituency
2004: Elected as Member of Parliament, 14th Lok Sabha from Dibrugarh Constituency
2005: Appointed Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Home Affairs
2006: Appointed Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Commerce & Industry
2011: Appointed as National Executive Member of Bharatiya Janata Party
2011: Appointed as State Spokesperson and General Secretary for Assam Bharatiya Janata Party
2012: Appointed as State President for Assam Bharatiya Janata Party
2014: Appointed to head State's 16th Lok Sabha Elections Assam Bharatiya Janata Party
2014: Elected as Member of Parliament, 16th Lok Sabha from Lakhimpur Constituency
2014: Appointed as Union Minister of State-Independent Charge, Republic of India
2016: Declared as BJP Chief minister candidate for 2016 Assam assembly elections.
2016: Member of Assam Legislative Assembly from Majuli Constituency
2016–Present: 14th Chief Minister of Assam
Social and cultural activities
President - All Assam Students Union, 1992–1999
Chairman - North East Students Organisation, 1996–2000
Sports and clubs
Football, Cricket and Badminton
Role removing the IMDT Act
Faced with the problem of massive migration from Bangladesh into Assam, the government tried to put up legislation in place to detect and deport foreign nationals. Eventually, the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunal) Act, 1983 (IMDT Act) came into being following the Assam Accord signed between the Government of India and the All Assam Students Union (AASU) to end the decade-long anti-foreigner agitation.
The IMDT Act is an instrument passed by Indian Parliament when there was no MP elected from Assam, to detect illegal immigrants (from Bangladesh) and expel them from Assam. While the IMDT Act operates only in Assam, the Foreigners Act (1946) applies to the rest of the country. It is applicable to those Bangladeshi nationals who settled in Assam on or after 25 March 1971. Under the Act, the onus of proving the citizenship of a suspected illegal alien rests on the complainant, often the police. On the other hand, according to the provisions of the Foreigners Act, the onus lies with the person suspected to be an alien.
Sonowal took the issue of Bangladeshi infiltration to the Supreme Court. By its judgement dated 12 July 2005, the court struck down the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunal) Act, 1983, as unconstitutional and termed Bangladeshi infiltration an "external aggression" and directed that "the Bangladesh nationals who have illegally crossed the border and have trespassed into Assam or are living in other parts of the country have no legal right of any kind to remain in India and they are liable to be deported."
एस. निजलिंगप्पा
एस. निजलिंगप्पा ( जन्म: 10 दिसंबर, 1902, मैसूर, कर्नाटक; मृत्यु: 8 अगस्त, 2000, चित्रदुर्ग) भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस के 1968-1969 में अध्यक्ष थे। इन्हीं के कार्यकाल में कांग्रेस में विभाजन हुआ। एस. निजलिंगप्पा 1956 में मैसूर के मुख्यमंत्री भी थे।
परिचय-
एस. निजलिंगप्पा का जन्म 10 दिसंबर, 1902 ई. को मैसूर राज्य के बेलारी ज़िले में हुआ था। निजलिंगप्पा भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस के 1968-1969 में अध्यक्ष थे। इन्हीं के कार्यकाल में कांग्रेस में विभाजन हुआ।
बचपन में निजलिंगप्पा को एक पुराने किस्म के अध्यापक वीरप्पा मास्टर से परम्परागत शिक्षा मिली। इस तरह भारत के अन्य स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन के नायकों की तरह निजलिंगप्पा शिक्षा में परम्परागत तथा आधुनिक शिक्षा का अद्भुत मिश्रण थे। बासवेश्वर का जीवन और उनके वचनों ने शंकराचार्य का दर्शन के साथ-साथ भारतीय स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन की अवधि और महात्मा गांधी की शिक्षाओं ने उन पर बहुत प्रभाव डाला। एस. निजलिंगप्पा ने बंगलौर से अपनी स्नातक पूर्ण की और पुणे से क़ानून की डिग्री प्राप्त की। क़ानून की डिग्री प्राप्त होने पर उन्होंने वकालत से अपना जीवन आरंभ किया।
निजलिंगप्पा का राजनीतिक जीवन 1936 में शुरू हुआ। वह कांग्रेस अधिवेशनों की बैठकों में एक दर्शक के रूप में उपस्थित होते थे। 1936 में जब निजलिंगप्पा डॉ. एन.एस. हार्डिकर से मिले तो वह कांग्रेस के क्रियाकलापों में रूचि लेने लगे, उन्होंने इससे पहले पहले एक कार्यकर्ता की तरह काम किया और प्रदेश कांग्रेस समिति के अध्यक्ष बन गये, और अन्ततोगत्वा 1968 में ऑल इंडिया कांग्रेस समिति के अध्यक्ष बन गये। भारत के स्वतंत्रता आंदोलन के साथ-साथ कर्नाटक के एकीकरण के लिये भी आंदोलन चल रहा था। 12 नवंबर, 1969 को प्रधानमंत्री इंदिरा गांधी को कांग्रेस की प्राथमिक सदस्यता से अलग करने की घोषणा की गई थी। सांसदों का बहुमत इंदिरा गांधी के साथ होने के कारण इस प्रकार की घोषणा करने वाले ,जिन्हें सिंडिकेट कहा जाता था, स्वयं कांग्रेस में नगण्य हो गए।[1] इसी उपरान्त एस. निजलिंगप्पा को 'भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस' का अध्यक्ष चुना गया, और उनके ही कार्यकाल में कांग्रेस का विभाजन हो गया।
एस. निजलिंगप्पा की गणना मैसूर के प्रमख नेताओं में होने लगी थी, और वे 1956 में मैसूर के मुख्यमंत्री भी बने। एकीकरण के लिये निजलिंगप्पा की सेवायें अद्भुत थीं और इसकी कदर करते हुए उन्हें कर्नाटक का पहला मुख्यमंत्री बनाया गया। वह दोबारा मुख्यमंत्री बने और अप्रैल, 1968 तक रहे।
निजलिंगप्पा को स्वतंत्रता संग्राम मे भाग लेने के कारण जेल यात्राएँ करनी पड़ी।
एस. निजलिंगप्पा को आधुनिक कर्नाटक का निर्माता कहा जा सकता है। 1967 में जब देश के लोगों ने कांग्रेस में विश्वास करना छोड़ दिया, वह इसके अध्यक्ष बने निजलिंगप्पा के अथक प्रयासों से कांग्रेस में फिर से नया जीवन आ गया। लेकिन शायद भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस के इतिहास में सबसे बड़ी दुःखद घटना उनके अध्यक्ष होने के समय घटी संगठन मोर्चे तथा प्रशासन के उग्र पक्ष के बीच दुर्भाग्यपूर्ण रूप से दरार आ गयी, और निजलिंगप्पा इंदिरा गांधी के विपक्ष में चले गये।
निधन
एस. निजलिंगप्पा का निधन 8 अगस्त, 2000 को चित्रदुर्ग में हुआ था।
(in English)
Siddavanahalli Nijalingappa (10 December 1902 – 8 August 2000) was a senior Congress politician and the Chief Minister of Karnataka (then Mysore State) between 1956 and 1958 and once again, between 1962 and 1968. He played an important role in the Indian freedom movement as well as in the Karnataka Unification movement.
His father name was Shri Adivappa; Born at Haluvagol on December 10, 1902; got education at A.V. School, Davangere, High School, Chitardurga. Central College, Bangalore and Law College, Poona. married Shrimati Murigamma on June 25, 1927; he was father of 3 Sons and 6 Daughters.
Nijalingappa was born in a village in Bellary district, in the erstwhile Madras Presidency of British India (in the present-day Indian State of Karnataka). His father was a small businessman and mother a homemaker and a devotee of the deity Shiva.Nijalingappa lost his father when he was five. In an interview, Nijalingappa recalled that his "father's ancestors were all rich profligates" and that they "dissipated their wealth on gambling, drinking and womanising." He added that his "mother's father helped [his] parents, but [his family] were still very poor." He grew up in Davanagere and joined secondary school in Chitradurga in 1919. During this time, he was influenced by the political writings of Annie Besant.
He graduated in arts from the Central College, Bengaluru during this time stayed in Rao Bahadhur Dharmapravartha Gubbi Thotadappa hostel (1921–1924), in 1924 and got his Law degree from the Law College, Poona in 1926. As a child, he was given a traditional education by an old teacher named Veerappa Master. Thus, like the other leaders of the Indian Freedom Movement, he also had a unique blend of both traditional and modern education. The life and the vachanas of Basaveshwar and the philosophy of Shankaracharya, as well as the course of the Indian Freedom Movement and the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi had the utmost effect on his mind.
Nijalingappa attended the Congress sessions as a spectator. It was in 1936, when he came into contact with Dr. N. S. Hardikar, that he began to take an active interest in the organization. He served it first as a volunteer, rising to be the President of the Pradesh Congress Committee and finally the President of the All India Congress Committee in 1968.
He became president of the Mysore Congress and was also a member of the historic Constituent Assembly from 1946 to 1950. Later, he was elected as a member of the first Lok Sabha from the Chitaldrug constituency (now Chitradurga) in 1952.
The services rendered by Nijalingappa towards the unification of Karnataka was enormous, and in recognition of the same, he was chosen as the first Chief Minister of the unified state. Then again for the second time, he was elected to the same responsible post and he continued in that post up to April 1968. He may well be called the "Maker of Modern Karnataka". The state owes much to him for development of agricultural, irrigation, industrial and transport projects.
He became the Congress President when people in many parts of the country had expressed their distrust in it in the 1967 elections. He chaired two Congress sessions in 1968 and 1969 held in Hyderabad and Faridabad respectively. Due to his untiring efforts, the Congress Party was re-invigorated. However, the factional feud between various factions of the party increased and finally resulted in the historic split of the party in 1969.[4] He was the last president of undivided Indian National Congress and had to see, his party being split into Congress(Ruling) supporting Indira Gandhi and Congress (Organization) or Syndicate Congress consisting of senior leaders like Nijalingappa himself, Neelam Sanjiva_Reddy Kamaraj, Morarji Desai and others.
After the Congress split, Nijalingappa gradually retired from politics. After giving up active politics, he served as chairman of Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Society. He was widely revered even after his retirement and was known for his simplicity and integrity. He died on 9 August 2000 at his residence in Chitradurga at the age of 97.
He is fondly remembered in the Tibetan community of India because as Chief Minister of Karnataka, he gave land to Tibetan refugees for the purpose of resettlement. Karnataka today has the largest Tibetan settlements and the largest population in exile. Bylakuppe (six hours from Bangalore), Mundgod (two hours from Hubli), Kollegal and Gurupura (near Bylakuppe) are the four Tibetan settlements in Karnataka.
V. S. Sampath
(Wikipedia)
Veeravalli Sundaram Sampath
In office
11 June 2012 – 15 January 2015
President Pratibha Patil
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
Preceded by S. Y. Quraishi
Succeeded by Harishankar Brahma
Personal details
Born Vellore, Tamil nadu 16 January 1950
Nationality Indian
Profession Civil servant
Veeravalli Sundaram Sampath (Tamil: வீரவல்லி சுந்தரம் சம்பத்) served as 18th Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) of the Election Commission of India from 2012 to 2015 . He succeeded S. Y. Quraishi as the Chief Election Commissioner on 11 June 2012. Born on 16 January 1950, Sampath retired on 15 January 2015 when he attained 65 years of age.
Early career
In his early career in the state of Andhra Pradesh in the southern part of India, Shri Sampath was the administrative head (District Collector) of large Indian districts between 1975 and 1986. This stint, apart from giving him a strong grounding in public administration and policy implementation, also provided a good exposure to election organization at the grass root level. As the District Collector of several coastal districts, Shri Sampath led large teams in managing natural disasters and cyclone relief in rural areas, an experience that required execution abilities under extreme pressure and timelines.
Subsequently, Shri V S Sampath also led several state owned financial institutions and federations such as the Apex Co-operative Bank, Handloom Marketing Society, and Oil Seeds Federation in Food and Public Distribution Department, Industries Department and Finance Department between 1986 and 1989. This provided a strong footing in managing organizations and working towards realization of organizational goals in compressed timeframes. He will serve as CEC until he reaches the retirement age of 65 on 16 January 2015.
Middle career
Subsequently, between 1990 and 2004, Shri Sampath moved to the upper echelons of the state administration, wherein he held several challenging portfolios like Secretary in Agriculture Department and Principal Secretary in Energy Department.
His period as Principal Secretary Energy ushered in the first instance of large-scale power sector reforms in a large state like Andhra Pradesh, and enabling the opening up of the sector for the private sector investment in power sector. The work of the Energy department and the state administration in reforming the power sector has been internationally appreciated, and has demonstrated how effective governance and reforms could reduce AT&C losses and improve distribution efficiencies.
Subsequently, Shri Sampath then served as Principal Secretary, Finance wherein he handled the state finances of Andhra Pradesh, a state with an annual budget of over Rs. 51,000 crores (or $8 billion) and a population of over 80 million.
Recent Years
In the past few years Shri Sampath held several important postings in Central Government. Starting with a stint in the Union Ministry of Rural Development. In 2005, Shri Sampath was appointed as Director General, National Institute of Rural Development. Subsequently, he held the post of Secretary, Chemicals and Petrochemicals where he was pivotal in conceptualizing and implementing the PCPIR policy to help the growth of the Petrochemical sector in India by facilitating massive investments in the identified Regions.
Later, he also served as Secretary, in the Central Power Ministry, where he was instrumental in implementing several forward-thinking policies to aid the sector. Among them was Restructured-Accelerated Power Development and Reforms Programme (R-APDRP), a mega-package for the renovation and modernization of Indian power utilities to help them improve their performance.
As CEC
To his credit, as Chief Election commissioner, Sampath has smoothly conducted the largest electoral exercise in the history of world democracies - 2014 Indian general election-the 14th general elections in India, where 550 million voters out 814 million eligible voters participated and the highest voting percentage was recorded since Indian independence-66.7%. This election was applauded as the largest electoral exercise in the world, and drew international praise. Discovery Channel also did a special show called The World's Biggest Election.
Sampath has brought with him to the office of CEC, a style of quiet efficiency, effective planning and time-bound execution. An outstanding example of his brand of election management is the recently conducted Jharkhand and Jammu & Kashmir elections. Both these elections were conducted in adverse circumstances - Jharkhand on the back of Maoist violence, and J&K on the back of floods and perennial terrorism issues. However, the election was executed to clockwork precision, and this achievement was noted by all as being one of the smoothest elections in these two states. As is typical of Sampath's style, the Election Commission has conducted these elections with least amount of media interaction and hype. Leaders of major political parties in J&K also complimented the free & fair election process.
Electoral innovations as CEC
As Chief Election Commissioner, Sampath pioneered several reforms in poll management, the primary among them being :
Expenditure monitoring.
Flying squads and surveillance teams were set up to monitor election expenditure of candidates during the election. This exercise was maximised during the General Elections 2014, where over 21000 flying squads were deployed] to monitor candidate expenditure. These teams enabled seizures of cash of Rs 313 crore, 2.2 lakh litres of liquor valued at Rs 1,000 crore and 1.85 lakh kg of drugs. The Commission also deployed a "standard operating procedure for flying squads and static surveillance teams" that was quite effective in checking usage of cash in elections.
Sampath played a role in introduction of Voter-verified paper audit trail (VVPAT) in eight Lok Sabha constituencies in Indian General Elections. Voter-verified paper audit trail (VVPAT) system was first used with EVMs in a by-poll in September 2013 in Noksen (Assembly Constituency) in Nagaland. VVPAT was used in gradual manner in all elections starting from September 2013- 2013 Mizoram Legislative Assembly election, 2013 Delhi Legislative Assembly election, 2013 Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly election, 2013 Rajasthan Legislative Assembly election, 2013 Chhattisgarh Legislative Assembly election, 2014 Indian general election, 2014 Maharashtra Legislative Assembly election, 2014 Haryana Legislative Assembly election, 2014 Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly election, 2014 Jharkhand Legislative Assembly election
NOTA was also an option on Indian voting machines during his tenure.
Sampath also introduced the Systematic Voter Awareness and Electoral Participation (SVEEP) Program to increase participation of voters in elections. This move has borne exceptional results with every election in his tenure recording higher turnouts than before, and the 2014 General Election recording the highest turnout since Indian Independence.
Under Sampath's tenure, the Election Commission has also taken many steps to make voting convenient and comfortable for voters. The Election Commission devised Model Voting Stations, a polling station with all basic amenities and essential requirements to make voting an enjoyable experience.
V. S. Sampath also emphasized voting rights for NRIs through proxy voting.Later Supreme Court of India awarded voting rights to NRIs on 12 January 2015.
Invocation of Article 324 of the Constitution of India
The Article 324 of the Indian Constitution is the basic article for the Election Commission that provides for powers to ensure free and fair elections in India. However, in comparison to earlier Election Commissions, Sampath was the first to invoke the powers under Article 324 to take strong disciplinary actions in the sphere of free and fair elections.
As an unprecedented move, Sampath banned several campaigners from the General Elections 2014 for hate speeches during the campaign time. This put a check to polarizing speeches by political parties in the run up to the General Elections, and all subsequent elections.
Further, in comparison to earlier Election Commissioners who were content with making recommendations to amend the law with regarding to Election Expenditure, Sampath was the first CEC who invoked the power of Article 324 to issue transparency guidelines. This move sparked several protests by political parties, who cited lack of jurisdiction on part of the Election Commission to issue such orders. However, in another unprecedented step, the Election Commission issued a clarification that such guidelines are binding, and any non-compliance would result in invocation of the draconian Para 16A of the Symbols Order 1968. Para 16A allows for the Election Commission to de-recognize a political party, a step that would deny the party of free airtime on state owned channels / radio, lack of access to free electoral rolls and non-availability of subsidized land for party offices. This greatly gives teeth to the Election Commission in managing election expenditure.
Personal life
VS Sampath is considered low-profile and efficient in execution of the job at hand. He is variously described as god-fearing, media-shy and self-effacing. Famously, as CEC during the General Elections 2014 (when the nation's administration was under his control), he went to the famous Tirupati temple and had a laghu darshan from a distance like any ordinary citizen, setting an example for functionaries in high office.
Sampath lives in Delhi with his wife, and has two children, a son and a daughter.
Disqualification in the Ashok Chavan case
In the landmark judgement in the Ashok Chavan case in the case of inaccurate electoral rolls in the 2009 election, the Election Commission held -
"Para 94 - Having regard to the totality of the circumstances mentioned above relating to the publication of the aforesaid 25 advertisements in various newspapers referred to above, the Commission is of the considered view that respondent cannot validly claim ignorance about the publication of the abovementioned 25 advertisements in which his name, the name of his constituency and also his photograph prominently appeared."
Thus Ashok Chavan was issued a show-cause notice for disqualification in the above case. This sets a bench-mark for accurate election reporting, and the Election Commission, under Sampath, for the first time, took the pathbreaking decision of moving towards disqualification of a politician for inaccurate reporting of poll expenses. The matter is now in appeal in the Delhi high Court.
Expenditure reform
Sampath is noted to be the first CEC to have taken far-reaching steps in expenditure management. Among these steps include static surveillance squads to monitor election expenditure of candidates, organizing expenditure observers during elections and maintaining shadow accounts for candidates. Importantly, Sampath issued the "Transparency guidelines" for political parties, thereby making it mandatory for them to file semi-annual returns of their balance sheets & and income statements.
Views on electoral reforms
V. S. Sampath believes that the Election Commission should be given greater autonomy and more power for its effective functioning. He advocates for a strong law to curb the practice of paid news. He has suggested the Parliament to take up right to reject.[clarification needed] Advocating such a move, he said, "Right to reject is an idea inherent to democracy, whose time for execution has come
V. S. Achuthanandan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
V. S. Achuthanandan
Achuthanandan in 2016
Assumed office
5 June 2001
Preceded by T. Sivadasa Menon
Constituency Malampuzha
In office
3 August 2016 – 30 January 2021
Preceded by E. K. Nayanar
In office
18 May 2006 – 14 May 2011
Governor R. L. Bhatia
Preceded by Oommen Chandy
Succeeded by Oommen Chandy
Constituency Malampuzha
In office
18 May 2011 – 25 May 2016
Preceded by Oommen Chandy
Succeeded by Ramesh Chennithala
In office
17 May 2001 – 12 May 2006
Preceded by A. K. Antony
Succeeded by Oommen Chandy
Constituency Malampuzha
In office
1992 – 9 May 1996
Preceded by E. K. Nayanar
Succeeded by A. K. Antony
Constituency Mararikulam
Secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) Kerala State Committee
In office
1980 – 1992
Preceded by E. K. Nayanar
Succeeded by E. K. Nayanar
Member of the Polit Bureau of the Communist Party of India (Marxist)
In office
29 December 1985 – 12 June 2009
Personal details
Born
V. S. Achuthanandan
20 October 1923
Political party Communist Party of India (Marxist)
Spouse(s)
K. Vasumathy
(m. 1967)
Children 2
Residence Punnapra North, Kerala Thiruvananthapuram
Website www.vsachuthanandan.in
Velikkakathu Sankaran Achuthanandan (born 20 October 1923) is an Indian politician who was the Chief Minister of Kerala from 2006 to 2011. He served as the chairman of Administrative reforms in Kerala from 2016 to 2021.
Achuthanandan was a member of the CPI(M) Politburo from 1985 until July 2009, when he was reverted to the Central Committee of the party owing to his ideological dispositions. He is a mass leader respected for integrity.
Achuthanandan initiated various actions as the Chief Minister, including: the demolition drive in Munnar which claimed back acres of illegally occupied land, the demolition drive in Kochi M. G. Road which claimed back the long lost shoulder of the road, anti-piracy drive against film-piracy, his struggle against the Lottery mafia in the state. He was instrumental in convicting former minister R. Balakrishna Pillai on charges of corruption. Achuthanandan also took the lead in promoting free software in the state, and especially in adopting free software in the public education system of the state.
After serving as Chief Minister, he was Leader of the Opposition in Kerala from 2011 to 2016. He has been Chairman of the Kerala Administrative Reforms Commission since 2016.
Early life
Born on 20 October 1923 to Sankaran and Accamma in Alappuzha, Travancore (part of present-day Kerala state, India), he lost his mother when he was four years old and subsequently lost his father at age 11. This forced him to quit his studies after finishing 7th standard in school and college He started working by helping his elder brother in a village tailoring shop. Later he took up the job of meshing coir to make ropes at a coir factory.
V.S. started his early political life by organising the agricultural workers in Kuttanadu. He was a well dedicated organizer of coir factory workers at the age of 16 under A.K. Gopalan and A.V. Kunjambu. Even though V.S. Achuthanandan lacked formal education, he was noted for his simplicity, dedication and deep reading. He was initiated into the political movement by P. Krishna Pillai. Later he participated in the freedom movement and the Communist Movement. V.S was in the forefront of the Punnapra-Vayalar uprising against the policies of C.P. Ramaswamy Iyer, Divan of Travancore who wanted to establish an American model government in Travancore. He was arrested on 28 October 1946 and was taken to Poonjar police station. He was beaten up severely in the lock-up. Policemen pierced his sole in both legs with bayonet. V.S spent five and half years in jails and four years underground during his political life.
V.S Achuthanandan was in the forefront of the land struggles in Kerala starting with the Alappuzha declaration in 1970 demanding implementation of the Land Reforms Act passed by the EMS Government in 1967. Later his activities as the leader of the Opposition in the Kerala Assembly had evoked good public response.
VS at Payyanur railway station
Political life
He entered politics through trade union activities and joined State Congress in 1938. In 1940, he became a member of the Communist Party of India (CPI). During his 40 years as a politician he was imprisoned for five years and six months and was in hiding for four and half years. He was a state secretariat member of the CPI in 1957. He is the only living Keralite among the 32 members who left the CPI National Council in 1964 to form the CPI(M). He was the Secretary of the Kerala State Committee between 1980 and 1992. He was a member of the CPI(M) Polit Bureau since 1985 until he was removed as a party disciplinary action. He is the senior most leader of CPI(M) in India.
Leadership
Achuthanandan has served many positions in his long political career. He was the Kerala State Secretary of the CPI(M) between 1980 and 1992 and he became a member of the Politburo in 1985. He has also been active in parliamentary politics; he was elected as a member of Kerala Legislative Assembly in 1967, 1970, 1991, 2001, 2006, 2011 and 2016. He was the Leader of Opposition in the Kerala Legislative Assembly from 1992 to 1996, from 2001 to 2006 and from 2011 to 2016. He was the editor of CPI(M) mouth piece in Malayalam, Deshabhimani daily. He was the Chief Ministerial candidate for 1996 State elections. In those elections, LDF gained 80 out of 140 seats, but Achuthanandan, who contested from Mararikulam in Alappuzha district, lost by a margin of 1965 votes. Thus, E.K. Nayanar, who held the position twice earlier, became Chief Minister again.
Chief Ministership
During the assembly elections held in Kerala in April–May 2006, VS Achuthanandan defeated Satheesan Pacheeni of the United Democratic Front by a margin of 20,017 votes in Malampuzha constituency in Palakkad district. He was sworn in as Chief Minister of Kerala on 18 May 2006, with his 21-member cabinet. Aged 82 years and 7 months at time, he was the oldest Chief Minister of Kerala, and one of the oldest in the whole India. It is noticeable that he had been denied a party ticket to contest elections just two months before he sworn in. He became the 11th Chief Minister of Kerala. On 12 July 2009, the CPI(M) Polit bureau and Central Committee removed him from the PB for his stands taken in relation to the accusation and legal procedures against Pinarayi Vijayan in his reported involvement in the Lavlin bribery.
2011 Assembly election
The CPI(M) denied a seat to Achuthanandan for the 2011 assembly election. Protests took place across the state and even on social networking sites such as Twitter, Facebook and via SMS.
In what can be considered as a near repeat of the 2006 pre-election build-up, the Politbureau of CPI-M impressed upon the state leadership to permit VS Achuthanandan to contest elections for the April 2011 Assembly election in Kerala. VS Achuthanandan contested from the Malampuzha Constituency and won with a margin of around 25,000 votes. It was the VS factor that had created history in the 2011 elections with the Opposition front UDF winning the elections on the margin of 72-68 assembly seats. This is considered as loss for UDF as they were ahead in 100 constituencies during the 2009 Lok Sabha Election. After this election VS has been considered the man behind the Uprising of LDF after the 2009 Parliament and 2010 Municipal election loses.
After decades of a consistent pattern of swing between two coalition in the state elections, where people voted against the incumbent government consistently, Achuthanandan boast of a government with a no anti-incumbency factor ending in a 68–72 tally in the 140 seat state Assembly elections.
Removal of personal staff
V.S. campaigning for LDF candidate V.B. Binu in Kanjirappally legislative constituency (2016 Assembly elections).
On 12 May 2013, three of his personal staffs V.K. Sasidharan (additional private secretary), A. Suresh (personal assistant) and K. Balakrishnan (press secretary) were ousted by the Politburo, which was entrusted by the CPI(M) central committee to decide on the action to be taken against them. They were expelled on charges of leaking information to media, according to CPI(M). With the decision, Achuthanandan's arch-rival and Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI(M)) state secretary Pinarayi Vijayan appears to have won. The state committee of the party where Vijayan has a huge majority also wanted Achuthanandan to be removed from the post of leader of opposition but this was not done. "This is a clipping of the wings of Achuthanandan", said K.M. Shahjahan.
2016 Assembly elections
In the 2016 Kerala Legislative Assembly election, the Left Democratic Front (LDF) secured a huge win with a total of 91 seats in 140 assembly constituencies. At the age of 92, Achuthanandan travelled across the state campaigning for the party with much vigour. Achuthanandan contested this election from Malampuzha constituency, where he won by a margin of 27,142 votes with C. Krishnakumar ending up as the runner-up. Being the face and most recognizable leader of the front, it was assumed that he would be the chief minister. However considering his advanced age and failing health, the State and Central leadership appointed Pinarayi Vijayan as the Chief Minister instead.
Achuthanandan was appointed as Chairman of the Administrative Reforms Commission on 3 August 2016.
CPI(M) dubbed him as "Fidel Castro of India" for his active role in the Communist movement in Kerala in general, and winning the elections, in particular.
Major achievements
Initiated action against encroachment on government land in the hill resort and tea plantation town of Munnar.
On 30 December 2007, he became the first Communist CM to trek to Sabarimala. The 84-year-old Achuthanandan rejected any sort of physical or medical support which worried his doctors.
V S Achuthanandan supports free and open source software movement in the state and Richard Stallman has also supported his activities regarding this.
IT park in Kollam- Kollam Technopark . The IT park is initiated, planned and constructed during while VS was also the IT minister of the state.
IT park in Thrissur- Koratty IT park. The IT park is initiated, planned, constructed and fully occpupied by IT companies during his tenure as IT minister. Phase two of the project is also initiated.
Major developments in Kochi Infopark including Infopark second phase
Major developments in Trivandrum Technopark including 2nd and 3rd phases of Technopark and technocity
IT parks in Alappuzha including one at cherthala and one at ambalappuzha
IT park in Kozhikkode- Cyberpark
Major IT export growth during his tenure surpassing national average.
Major renovation of Malampuzha Tourist destination
AshtaMudi tourism circuit in Kollam
Closing down of illegal lottery mafia from state
Major initiation against resort mafia including ordinance to take over Kovalam palace
Chamravattom regulator cum bridge a major project of Malappuram and completed during his tenure as CM
Vallarpadom transshipment hub project has completed during the tenure of VS as CM. Though it is a central government project, VS has strong steps to take over land required for road and rail lines of the project
VS filed and Won the case against Manorama for illegally occupying 400 acres of land of panthaloor temple.
Issues
Controversies
During the 2006 Assembly Elections, the party had to reverse its decision of not fielding Achuthanandan as a candidate. This was in reaction to organised protest marches by CPI(M) sympathisers across the state.
He initiated the Munnar eviction mission. Massive portions of land allegedly grabbed over the years by resort owners and multinational companies like Tata Tea Limited. Later, the demolition team landed in the city of Kochi, and other cities in Kerala and recovered huge parts of land. The District Collector Raju Narayana Swamy, Inspector General of Police and the Person in charge were replaced. Meanwhile, Achuthanandan said that the Munnar mission would continue vigorously and extended to other areas
While he was the chief minister of the state, he had to frequently face struggle with Pinarayi Vijayan, the powerful head of the party which led the ruling coalition. Both of them headed for showdowns, which often prevented Achuthanandan from taking strong decisions. This power struggle often turned worse as both attacking each other. As a result, this group fight created two set of party leaders and even the ministers in the government, the name called the VS group and the Pinarayi group.
During the CPM state conference held in Kottayam, he was criticized strongly due to his style of functioning by a majority of Pinarayi Vijayan supporters (38/53) known as official faction and they demanded his ouster from Chief Minister. They warned that the party would lose seats if it goes for ahead parliamentary elections under his leadership.
On 10 July 2013, The High Court demanded a vigilance investigation against Achuthanandan for irregularities regarding funds up to 3 crore Rupees taken from the State Treasury. These funds were used to hire expensive out-of-state lawyers who appeared for the trail of cases against mafias in high court when he was CM.
Achuthanandan was heavily criticized for his allegedly insensitive comments in regards to the family of the late NSG commando Major Sandeep Unnikrishnan who was slain while defending the city of Mumbai during the 2008 terrorist attacks. Under public criticism for not visiting the mourning family, the CM finally decided to visit them. But allegedly agitated by the perceived insult and insensitivity in sending police dogs to check in a house in mourning as well as Achuthanandan's not offering condolences in a timely manner, Sandeep's father requested that the minister not visit. When Achuthanandan attempted to enter the house, he was evicted by the father on live TV. Smarting from the snub, Achuthanandan stated during a TV interview that "Is there any rule that both the Karnataka Chief Minister and Kerala Chief Minister should go together to his (Sandeep's) home? If it were not that it was Sandeep's house, not even a dog would have gone there."(translated to English from his reply in Malayalam). Faced by heavy public criticism and furor over this, Achuthanandan eventually offered a public apology, which was accepted by Sandeep's father, bringing an end to the controversy.
The drive to reclaim paddy land
The anti-reclamation stir launched by the Kerala State Karshaka Thozhilali Union (KSKTU) at Mankompu in 1996–97, under the leadership of Achuthanandan created much controversy. This stir was claimed to be highlighting the serious problem of the massive conversion of paddy fields into other type of land, affecting the food security of the Kerala. But this soon developed into a crop destruction drive. The protest got the sobriquet following the violent methods and crop destruction resorted to by the KSKTU cadre. The stir attracted lot of public attention and Achuthanandan was forced to express his disapproval of any destruction of crops. 15 Years later, in November 2011, a UDF Minister, who is politically opposed to Achuthanadan, justified this struggle. JanataDal Socialist leader and minister for Agriculture, K.P. Mohananan, MM,said, such a struggle was necessary as Conversion of Paddy fields to other type of crops is a serious concern.
In popular culture
Thilakan portrayed the role of Chief Minister, which was closely modeled on V. S. Achuthanandan, in the film Aayudham (2008)
In the film I. G. – Inspector General, Rajan P. Dev portrayed the role of the CM which was closely modeled on V. S. Achuthanandan.
In the Malayalam film August 15, the character of Chief Minister of Kerala, played by actor Nedumudi Venu was inspired by the political life of V. S. Achuthanandan.
Awards
Pravasi Express Awards Lifetime Achievement Award 2013
Ali Hassan Memorial Samskarika Samithi Award
Velu Thampi Memorial National Award
S Sivasankara Pillai memorial Award
News Maker of the year Award
Janasevana Praveen Award
P Palpu Foundation Award
PS John Endowment Award
NC Sekhar Award
Books
KERALA VIKASANA SANKALPANGAL
SAMARATHINU IDAVELAKALILLA
IDAPEDALUKALKKU AVASANAMILLA
Vakkom Purushothaman
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Vakkom Purushothaman
In office
2 September 2011 – 6 July 2014
Chief Minister Lal Thanhawla
Preceded by Madan Mohan Lakhera
Succeeded by Kamla Beniwal
14th Governor of Tripura
In office
30 June 2014 – 14 July 2014
Chief Minister Manik Sarkar
Preceded by Devanand Konwar
Succeeded by Padmanabha Acharya
Speaker of Kerala Legislative Assembly
In office
2001 - 2004
1982 - 1984
Minister of Finance and Excise
In office
2004 - 2006
In office
19 March 1993 – 18 March 1996
Preceded by Surjit Singh Barnala
Succeeded by Ishwari Prasad Gupta
In office
1984 - 1991
Minister of Health and Tourism
In office
1980 - 1981
Minister of Agriculture and Labour
In office
1971 - 1977
Member of Legislative Assembly-Attingal
In office
2001 - 2006
1970 - 1984
Personal details
Born 12 April 1925 (age 95)
Vakkom, Kingdom of Travancore, British India (present day Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala, India)
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Lilly Purushothaman
Vakkom Purushothaman (born 12 April 1925) is an Indian political figure and was the Governor of Mizoram from 2011 to 2014. Former Speacker of Kerala, state minister and former Lt. Governor of Andaman and Nicobar.
Early life
Vakkom B. Purushothaman - a veteran Congress leader and advocate, was born at Vakkom near Trivandrum, the capital of Travancore, on 12 April 1928 as the eldest son of Bhanu Panicker and Bhavani and grand son of Sri. Pappu Tharakan, a notable businessman in Travancore
Beginning his political life as an active worker of the Students' Congress in 1946, he became a member of Vakkom Panchayat in 1953. Later, he served as President of the District Congress Committee, Thiruvananthapuram and the General Secretary and Vice–President of the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee. He has been a member of All India Congress Committee for over 25 years.
Political life
Vakkom Purushothaman was elected to the Kerala Legislative Assembly in 1970, 1977, 1980 and 1982 from Attingal Constituency. From 1971 to 1977, he held the portfolio of Agriculture and Labour in the Ministry headed by C. Achutha Menon. From 1980 to 1981, he was the Minister for Health and Tourism in the Nayanar Ministry. He served as Speaker of the Kerala Legislative Assembly from 1982 to 1984 and then served for two terms as a Member of parliament, Lok Sabha, 1984-1991, during which time he was also Chairman of the Committee on Public Undertakings and the Committee on Subordinate Legislation of Parliament. He was the Chairman of the Consultative Committee of Experts to the Inter Parliamentary Union for five years.
In 1993-1996, he served as the Lieutenant Governor of the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. In 1996, he lost in the Kerala Legislative Assembly election Attingal. He was elected from Attingal in 2001 and became the Speaker for a second time, holding office from 2001 to 2004. In 2004 he was made the Minister for Finance and Excise in the Oommen Chandy led UDF government and he briefly officiated as Chief Minister in 2006.
Governor of Mizoram
On 26 August 2011 President Pratibha Patil appointed Vakkom B. Purushothaman as the new Governor of Mizoram in place of Madan Mohan Lakhera. Vakkom B. Purushothaman was sworn in as the 18th Governor of Mizoram on 2 September 2011. He resigned on 11 July 2014 from his post due to his transfer to Nagaland.
Personal life
Vakkom Purushothaman married his childhood sweetheart Lilly Purushothaman, and they have two sons and one daughter(Dr.Bindhu purushothaman). His elder son Biju died on 18 January 2012 after prolonged illness. Biju's death devastated him very much, but he never went to extreme grief.
Vishnu Dayal Ram
Member of the Lok Sabha
Description
Vishnu Dayal Ram is a former Director General Police of Jharkhand state in India. He is a 1973 batch IPS officer and had served as DGP of Jharkhand Police twice from 1 July 2005 to 27 September 2006 and from 4 August 2007 to 13 January 2010. He has earlier served as SP of Bhagalpur and SSP of Patna. Wikipedia
Office: Member of the Lok Sabha since 2014
Williamson Ampang Sangma
- Meghalaya's Founding Chief Minister and Tribal Leader
Williamson Ampang Sangma (commonly known as Captain Williamson A. Sangma) was a pioneering Indian politician, statesman, and tribal leader from the Garo community in Meghalaya. He is revered as the architect of modern Meghalaya, having spearheaded the decades-long Hill State Movement that led to the state's formation as India's 21st state in 1972. His life was marked by a relentless fight for tribal autonomy, cultural preservation, and political representation for the indigenous hill people of Assam's northeastern frontier. Sangma's moderate temperament, strategic acumen, and ability to unite diverse ethnic groups like the Garos, Khasis, and Jaintias made him a towering figure in Northeast Indian politics. He passed away on October 25, 1990, at the age of 71, leaving a legacy that continues to shape Meghalaya's identity.
Early Life and Education
Sangma was born on October 18, 1919, in Baghmara, a small village in the South Garo Hills district of present-day Meghalaya (then part of undivided Assam). He hailed from a modest Garo family, an indigenous matrilineal tribe known for its rich cultural traditions, including folk music, dance, and animist-Christian syncretic practices. Little is documented about his formal education, but his early exposure to the socio-political tensions in Assam's hill regions—marked by Assamese dominance over tribal identities—shaped his worldview. Before politics, Sangma served in the military, earning the honorary title "Captain," which reflected his disciplined leadership style. This pre-political phase instilled in him a sense of discipline and commitment to public service, qualities that defined his career.
Political Career
Sangma's political journey began in the 1950s amid growing unrest in Assam's hill districts over linguistic and cultural imposition. He entered electoral politics in 1952, winning a seat in the Garo Hills Autonomous District Council (GHADC) and becoming its first Chief Executive Member (CEM). His early roles focused on advocating for tribal self-governance under the Sixth Schedule of the Indian Constitution.
- Entry into Assam Politics (1957–1960): Elected to the Assam Legislative Assembly from the Phulbari constituency in 1957, Sangma joined Chief Minister Bimala Prasad Chaliha's cabinet, handling portfolios for Tribal Areas, Information, Publicity, and Transport. However, the 1960 Official Languages Act—imposing Assamese as the medium of instruction—ignited widespread protests. Sangma resigned in September 1960 in solidarity, issuing an ultimatum to the Assam government and organizing mass conferences in Tura (e.g., April and June 1960). This marked the birth of the All Party Hill Leaders Conference (APHLC), which he chaired, uniting Garo, Khasi, and Jaintia leaders against cultural assimilation.
- Hill State Movement (1950s–1972): As APHLC chairman, Sangma led a non-violent campaign for a separate hill state. Key milestones included:
- The 1954 Tura Conference, which resolved to form an "Eastern Hills State" and submitted a memorandum to the States Reorganisation Commission, highlighting Assamese dominance and inadequate autonomy.
- Meetings with Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru in 1960–1961, rejecting partial autonomy plans like the "Scottish" and "Nehru" proposals.
- A 1968 Satyagraha boycott of elections, leading to the 1969 Assam Reorganization (Meghalaya) Bill, creating Meghalaya as an autonomous state within Assam on April 2, 1970.
- Full statehood achieved on January 21, 1972, after APHLC's advocacy under Indira Gandhi's government.
- Chief Minister of Meghalaya (1970–1978, 1981–1988): Sworn in as Meghalaya's first Chief Minister on April 2, 1970 (initially for the autonomous state), Sangma led the APHLC to victory in the 1972 assembly elections, securing a majority in the 60-seat Meghalaya Legislative Assembly. He served three terms:
- April 2, 1970 – March 3, 1978 (longest initial term, spanning pre- and post-statehood; APHLC until 1976, then merged with Congress).
- May 7, 1981 – February 24, 1983 (Congress).
- April 2, 1983 – February 5, 1988 (Congress). He represented the Baghmara constituency from 1962 to 1993, one of the few leaders to complete full five-year terms (alongside Salseng C. Marak).
- Later Roles and Affiliations: In 1976, Sangma merged his APHLC faction with the Indian National Congress (INC), strengthening its foothold in Garo and east Khasi Hills. He served as Mizoram's second Governor from July 21, 1989, to February 7, 1990—the first Garo and tribal from the Northeast in that role. He retired from active politics in the late 1980s due to health issues.
Sangma's career was defined by coalition-building amid defections and ethnic tensions, often navigating "politics of defections" through pragmatic alliances.
Key Achievements and Contributions
Sangma's tenure laid the foundation for Meghalaya's administrative and cultural framework:
- State Formation and Unity: He united fractious hill tribes, transforming Meghalaya from an autonomous entity to a full state, preserving tribal identity against Assamese assimilation.
- Education and Infrastructure: Inaugurated the Meghalaya Board of School Education (MBOSE) in Garo Hills on October 19, 1973, promoting localized curricula. Advocated for Garo economic upliftment, including land reforms and development in underserved hills.
- Governance Reforms: One of only four Meghalaya CMs to serve a full term, emphasizing stability. Pushed for better Sixth Schedule implementation, ensuring tribal councils' autonomy.
- National Impact: As Governor, he mediated ethnic conflicts in Mizoram, drawing on his hill-state expertise.
His vision emphasized "preservation of tribal identity," making Meghalaya a model for federalism in India's Northeast.
Family and Personal Life
Sangma was married and had children, though specific details about his spouse and immediate family are sparsely documented in public records. He was known for his frugal lifestyle and deep roots in Garo culture, often participating in traditional festivals like the Wangala harvest dance. No major personal controversies are noted; he was described as "cool, thoughtful, and calculative," a moderate leader who avoided radicalism. A 1970s "gentleman's agreement" with B.B. Lyngdoh to share the CM post raised minor feasibility concerns but was not a scandal.
Legacy and Honors
Sangma's death on October 25, 1990, prompted statewide mourning. His contributions are immortalized through:
- Institutions: Williamnagar (East Garo Hills headquarters, renamed in his honor); Baljek Airport (West Garo Hills, proposed renaming); Captain Williamson Sangma Technical University (now State University, inaugurated January 2025 in Tura by CM Conrad Sangma, affiliating technical and non-technical colleges).
- Awards: The Capt. Williamson Sangma Award for excellence in various fields.
- Commemorations: Annual birth (October 18) and death (October 25) anniversaries feature tributes, including Meghalaya's 2025 birth centenary events. Recent X posts from INC affiliates (e.g., Indian Youth Congress, INCIndia) hailed him as a "visionary" and "architect of modern Meghalaya," emphasizing his integrity.
Today, his influence endures in Meghalaya's politics, with family ties to leaders like P.A. Sangma (his protégé and nephew, former CM and Lok Sabha Speaker) and Conrad Sangma (current CM, P.A.'s son). Sangma's story symbolizes tribal resilience, inspiring Northeast autonomy movements.
Broader Context: Dignitaries and Meghalaya Politics
As a "dignitary," Sangma exemplified Northeast India's tribal leadership, bridging indigenous rights with national integration. Meghalaya, with its matrilineal societies and biodiversity, owes its distinct identity to his efforts. In a region prone to insurgencies, his non-violent path contrasts with armed struggles elsewhere. For deeper dives, biographies like those referenced in tributes highlight his role in the Northeast's federal evolution.
Yashwantrao Chavan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Yashwantrao Chavan
In office
28 July 1979 – 14 January 1980
Prime Minister Charan Singh
Preceded by Charan Singh
Succeeded by Chaudhary Devi Lal
In office
28 July 1979 – 14 January 1980
Prime Minister Charan Singh
Preceded by Hirubhai M. Patel
Succeeded by Zail Singh
In office
14 November 1966 – 27 June 1970
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
Preceded by Gulzarilal Nanda
Succeeded by Indira Gandhi
In office
10 October 1974 – 24 March 1977
Preceded by Sardar Swaran Singh
Succeeded by Atal Bihari Vajpayee
In office
27 June 1970 – 10 October 1974
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi
Preceded by Indira Gandhi
Succeeded by Chidambaram Subramaniam
In office
14 November 1962 – 14 November 1966
Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru
Gulzarilal Nanda (Acting)
Gulzarilal Nanda (Acting)
Preceded by Jawaharlal Nehru
Succeeded by Sardar Swaran Singh
In office
1 May 1960 – 14 November 1962
Preceded by Position established
Succeeded by Marotrao Kannamwar
In office
1 November 1956 – 30 April 1960
Preceded by Morarji Desai
Succeeded by office abolished
Personal details
Born
Yashwantrao Balwantrao Chavan
12 March 1913
Karad, Satara, Bombay Presidency, British India
Died 25 November 1984 (aged 71)
Resting place Yashwantrao Chavan Samadhi, Karad
Political party Indian National Congress (Before 1977; 1981–1984)
Other political
affiliations Indian National Congress-Urs (1977)
Janata Party (1977–1978)
Indian National Congress-Socialist (1978–1981)
Spouse(s) Venutai Chavan
Chavan with his family.
Yashwantrao Balwantrao Chavan (12 March 1913 – 25 November 1984) was an Indian politician.He served as the last Chief Minister of Bombay State and the first of Maharashtra after latter was created by the division of Bombay state. His last significant ministerial post was as the Deputy Prime Minister of India in the short lived Charan Singh government in 1979. He was a strong Congress leader, co-operative leader, social activist and writer. He was popularly known as Leader of Common People. He advocated social democracy in his speeches and articles and was instrumental in establishing co-operatives in Maharashtra for the betterment of the farmers.
Early life
Yashwantrao Chavan was born in a Maratha-Kunbi family on 12 March 1913 in the village of Devrashtre in Satara District (now in Sangli District) of Maharashtra, India. He lost his father in his early childhood and was brought up by his uncle and mother. His mother taught him about self-dependency and patriotism. From his childhood he was fascinated by the freedom struggle of India.
Despite the adverse family situation, Chavan was an active participant in the struggle for independence of India. In 1930, he was fined for his participation in the Non-cooperation Movement led by Mahatma Gandhi. In 1932, he was sentenced to 18 months in prison for hoisting the Indian flag in Satara. During this period, he came in contact with Swami Ramanand Bharti, Dhulappa Bhaurao Navale, Gaurihar (Appasaheb) Sihasane, V. S. Page and Govind Kruparam Wani. Their friendship lasted forever.
Chavan obtained his B.A. degree in history and political science from the then Bombay University in 1938. In this period, he was involved in many social activities and was closely associated with the Congress party and its leaders, such as Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Patel and Keshavrao Jedhe. In 1940, he became President of Satara District Congress. In 1941, he passed his LLB. In 1942, he married Venutai at Phaltan in Satara district, in a match arranged by their families in the usual Indian way.
Chavan was one of the delegates at the Bombay session of the A.I.C.C. in 1942 that gave the call for Quit India, and he was subsequently arrested for his participation in the movement. He spent around two years in jail, and was released only in 1944.
Political career
Offices held in the State Government of Bombay
In 1946, he was first elected as Member of Legislative Assembly of the Bombay State from the South Satara constituency. In the same year he was appointed as parliamentary secretary to the Home Minister of Bombay State. In the next government of Morarji Desai he was appointed as Minister of Civil Supplies, Social Welfare and Forests. In 1953 he was a signatory to the Nagpur Pact that assured equitable development of all regions of what is now the state of Maharashtra. The 1950s witnessed the Samyukta Maharashtra Samiti (United Maharashtra Movement) leading struggle for United Maharashtra with Bombay (now Mumbai) as its capital. Chavan never joined the Samyukta Maharashtra Samiti (United Maharashtra Movement) and in fact called Prime minister Nehru, who opposed formation of language based state reorganization, as "Greater than Maharashtra". In 1957 Assembly elections Yashwantrao Chavan was elected from the Karad constituency. This time he was elected as Leader of Congress Legislative Party and became Chief Minister of the bilingual Bombay state. The election saw the Congress party losing badly in the Marathi speaking areas to the Samyukta Maharashtra Samiti. However, he was able to persuade Nehru to agree to form Maharashtra and therefore he is regarded as the chief architect in the formation of Marathi speaking state of Maharashtra. On 1 May 1960, Yashwantrao Chavan became the first Chief Minister of Maharashtra. From 1957 to 1960 he also served on the All India Congress Working Committee. Chavan's vision for Maharashtra for the development envisaged the equal development of both the industrial and agricultural sectors across all the regions of the state. He sought to realise this vision through the co-operative movement. Legislation regarding democratic decentralized bodies and the Agricultural Land Ceiling Act were passed during his tenure as Chief Minister.
Roles in Central Government
After the resignation of Krishna Menon as Defense Minister in 1962 in the wake of India-China Border Conflict, Yashwantrao was given that portfolio by Prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru.[6] He handled the delicate post-war situation firmly and took several decisions to empower the armed forces and negotiated, along with Pandit Nehru, with China to end the hostilities. He also held the Defense portfolio in the Lal Bahadur Shastri Government during the Indo-Pakistan War of September 1965.
In the by-elections in 1962, Chavan was elected unopposed as Member of Parliament from the Nashik parliamentary constituency. On 14 November 1966, he was appointed Home Minister of India by Prime minister, Indira Gandhi. Yeshwantrao came in for criticism at the time of the first congress split in 1969. He had stuck to his earlier commitment to vote for the official Congress candidate, Sanjeeva Reddy in the presidential elections and in doing so, had invited the ire of Mrs. Indira Gandhi, but later be shifted his ground and supported her. In doing so, he exposed himself to the charge of duplicity and of being a fence-sitter. According to Hatalkar, it might be said in his favour that he had nothing in common with the Syndicate faction of the Congress party but was fully in rapport with Mrs. Gandhi's views, if not her methods, that his prime anxiety was to maintain the unity of the Congress, but that when he found that the split was inevitable, he did not succumb to the blandishments held out before him by some members of the Syndicate.
On 26 June 1970, she appointed him the Finance Minister of India. During his term, Indian economy went into recession for the first time since 1966 and real GDP growth fell by 0.55% in 1972.
He was appointed as the Foreign Minister on 11 October 1974. In June 1975, an Internal State of Emergency was declared in India by the Indira Gandhi Government. This period saw a severe crackdown on leaders and parties opposed to Mrs. Gandhi's rule. Yashwantrao remained in her Government during this period. In the subsequent general elections 1977, the Congress was routed with the party leader and Prime minister, Indira Gandhi herself losing her parliamentary seat. Therefore in the new Parliament, Chavan was elected the Congress Party Parliamentary leader. As Congress now the biggest opposition party, he became the Leader of opposition.
Split in Congress
The annual session of the Congress party was held in Bengaluru at the end of 1978. On this occasion, the party suffered a split, and two separate political parties emerged, namely Congress (Indira) and Congress (Urs). While the former was led by Indira Gandhi, the latter was led by Devaraj Urs, powerful Chief Minister of Mysore. The other important leaders who joined the Congress Urs were Dev Kant Baruah, Kasu Brahmananda Reddy, Sharad Pawar, A.K. Antony, Sarat Chandra Sinha, Priyaranjan Das Munshi and Yashwantrao Chavan. On the other side, Indira Gandhi's new party included leaders like Shankar Dayal Sharma, Umashankar Dikshit, Chidambaram Subramaniam, Kamruddin Ali Ahmad, Abdul Rehman Antulay and Gulabrao Patil.
Yashwantrao Chavan's political career suffered a major setback following his decision to move away from Indira Gandhi. Devaraj Urs himself soon joined the Janata Party, following which the Congress(Urs) was renamed the Indian Congress (Socialist). Yeshwantrao was appointed as Home Minister and Deputy Prime Minister of India in the short-lived cabinet of Prime Minister Charan Singh in 1979.
In the general elections of January 1980, Congress (I) won a majority in Parliament and came to power under the leadership of Indira Gandhi. In this election, Yashwantrao Chavan was the only candidate elected from Maharashtra as MP on a Congress(S) ticket. In 1981, Yashwantrao was allowed to return to the Indira-led Congress after a six month wait. Critics at that time commented that the "Fence-sitter has come home to roost". In 1982, he was appointed the Chairman of the 8th Finance Commission of India. He died in 1984.
Public office positions held
Chaven held many important positions during a long and distinguished career. These included:
Political offices
New office Chief Minister of Maharashtra
1960–1962 Succeeded by
Preceded by
1962–1966 Succeeded by
Preceded by
1966–1970 Succeeded by
Preceded by
1971–1974 Succeeded by
Preceded by
1974–1977 Succeeded by
Preceded by
1979–1980 Succeeded by
Preceded by
Preceded by
1979–1980 Succeeded by
Death and legacy
Yashwantrao Chavan died of a heart attack on 25 November 1984 in Delhi. He was 71. He was cremated in Karad with full state honours on 27 November and his Samadhi (resting place) is situated at Krishna-Koyna Pritisangam.
Legacy
Yashwantrao Chavan holds the record of being the only Maharashtrian leader who held the 4 most important portfolios in the Union government. They are Home, External Affairs, Defence and Finance. He ably discharged his duties as the minister of the concerned ministries.
When Yashwantrao was appointed Federal Defence minister following the China war in 1962, a popular saying arose in Maharashtra- "हिमालयाच्या हाकेला धावला सह्याद्री" ("Himalayachya Hakela Dhavla Sahyadri"), translated in English, Sahyadri (the mountain range that separates Konkan from the Deccan Plateau) came rushing on the call (for help) by the Himalaya.
During the 1960s and early 70s when Yashwantrao was at the peak of his power and influence, he was called Pratishivaji or New Shivaji.
Yashwantrao Chavan Pratishtan (Foundation)
In 1985, soon after his death,Yashwantrao Chavan Pratishtan (Foundation) was established in Bombay.
In 2010, The Pratishtan instituted a corpus at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA) for the conduct of an annual Y B Chavan Memorial lecture. Yashwantrao was the founding President of IDSA. The inaugural lecture in 2010 was delivered by Prof. Sunil Khilnani. Prof. Kanti Bajpai, and Ambassador Kanwal Sibal delivered the 2011 and 2012 lectures respectively
Places named after Yashwantrao Chavan
In 1980, Ujjani Back water named Yashwant Sagar on Bhima River village Ujjani in Solapur district.
In 1984, an engineering college named Yeshwantrao Chavan College of Engineering was established in Nagpur.
In 1989, an open university named 'Yashwantrao Chavan Maharashtra Open University' was established at Nasik in Maharashtra. The expressway between Pune and Mumbai is named after him as are the auditoriums in the Kothrud suburb of Pune, at Nariman Point in Mumbai and the Town Hall in Karad.
Yashwantrao Chavan Memorial hospital in Sant Tukaram Nagar area of Pimpri is named after him.
Shivaji University, Kolhapur has established 'Yashwantrao Chavan School of Rural Development'.
In 2009, the Mumbai Pune Expressway, India's first Express-Way, was named Yashwantrao Chavan Mumbai-Pune Express-Way.
Literature
Yashwantrao Chavan took a keen interest in literature. He established the Marathi Sahitya Mandal and supported the Marathi Sahitya Sammelan(Conference). He was very closely associated with many poets, editors and several Marathi and Hindi writers. He initiated compilation of Marathi Vishwakosh (a Marathi language encyclopedia). For this, he nominated Lakshman Shastri Joshi as a chairman. He had planned to write his autobiography in three parts. The first part covers his early years in Satara district. Since his native place is situated on the banks of Krishna River he named the first volume as "Krishna Kath". His years as the Chief Minister of the bilingual Bombay state and later as that of the newly formed Maharashtra state were spent in Bombay and so the proposed name for the second volume was "Sagar Tir". Later in 1962 he was appointed Defence Minister of India by Nehru. From then he was in Delhi until his death in 1984; so he had proposed the name "Yamuna Kath" for his third volume. He was able to complete and publish only the first volume.
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