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Brahmical Dictatorship

एकता जोशी

Brahmanvaad aur Deravaad

भारत में ब्राहमणवाद

ब्राहमणी भगवान

Bahujans and Brahmins: Why their realities shall always collide, not converge

Written by Kuffir

RSS's poisonous secret agenda

The origin of Brahmanism, Caste and Riddles in Hinduism

The Brahmins wrote contradictory statements about the origin of Gods and their supremacy, about the Vedas and its origin, about the creation of Universe etc (Ref: RIDDLE IN HINDUISM – By Dr.B.R.Ambedkar). Why did they do so?

The guardian of Buddhism, the Mauryan Empire was brought down and Buddhism was demolished. There was chaos throughout India. 

It was the beginning of Brahmanism. So each one of the Brahmin philosophers tried to propose his own theory on creation. 

For example during the 19 and 20 century AD, when Physics was born, with the discovery of atoms, electron proton, neutron and sub-atomic particles, there were so many theories that tried to explain atoms and the sub-atomic particles, e.g. the Nucleus theory, Dalton atomic theory, Quantum theory etc. Some of these theories were contradictory to one-another and some aided one-another. This happened with Brahmanism. This was the period, after 185 B.C, when Buddhism collapsed in India by a revolution and Brahmins were trying to introduce a new system with a new Political and religious Philosophy. Hence initially the Brahmins tried to use the Vedas as their basis and started to propose new theories about the creation of Universe and the God who created it. So there were so many conflicting and aiding theories. But this did not give a satisfactory explanation. So then they started writing the Upanishads attacking the Vedas and claiming they are inferior to the Upanishads and proposed new theories. This also did not work out. Then there were new proposals in the name of Smrithis. So in the name of Manu Smrithi, Sumati Bharagava wrote a set of rules (like a constitution) and made that as the final authority (Manu Smriti was written by Sumati Bharagava after 185 B.C. i.e. after the Revolution of Pushyamitra by Killing the Buddhist Mauryan Emperor Brihadratha – Based on Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Ancient India,

Chapter 6: The Literature of Brahminism). 

This one got accepted and implemented by the then rulers of that time (Most probably by the Guptas between 2nd to 4th century AD and started spreading gradually through India over the next 1500 years with resistance and counter-resistance). The outcome of this is the 4 + 1 class system (Note: Earlier the Aryans had only a 3 class system). Brahmins held their position no matter, which Kingdom/dynasty came to power through the immunity given in the Manu Smrithy. The Kings who accepted the system were absorbed as Ksathrias itself as long as they were in power. The rich Businessmen were also absorbed as Vaisyas. All other classes were included in a new class called the Sudras. The ones that did not accept the system plus the Kings and his soldiers that were defeated in war were ex-communicated and ostracized from cities and towns and were gradually made untouchables.

As the system started growing the Brahmins and their supporters wrote more and more stories (e.g. addition of Bhagawat Gita to the Mahabharata, elevation of Rama as an avathar of Lord Vishnu, contradictory and unfitting avathars, of Lord Vishnu, like Balarama and Parasurama during the same time as Krishna) to aid and support their system and added them to the existing pre-Vedic, pre-Brahmanism literature that people knew about like the Bharatha (to be renamed Mahabharata), Ramayana etc. But also to hold their position the Brahmins had to be flexible enough to praise and raise the God of the King that ruled. Hence if the King was a devotee of Lord Vishnu, the Brahmins wrote stories in high praise of Lord Vishnu and degraded the other Gods, similarly if the King was a devotee of Lord Shiva, the Brahmins wrote stories in high praise of Lord Shiva and degraded the other Gods, similarly if the King was a devotee of Goddess Kali, the Brahmins wrote stories in high praise of Goddess Kali and degraded the other Gods. This is the reason there are numerous conflicting ideas about the supremacy of various Gods in Hinduism.

NOTE: According to Tolgapeeam – a Sangam Tamil literature that describes the life and state of affairs in ancient Tamil Country (Like an Encylopedia of that time) the land was classified into four major regions – Marutham – Plain lands and agricultural fields that comprised most of the Urban civilization, Mullai – Forest and settlements surrounding Forests, Kurunchi – Mountains and settlements surrounding Mountaneous region, Neythal – Seashore, Sea and settlements surrounding the seashores. 

The God for Marutham was Indran

The God for Mullai was Thirumal (Lord Vishnu) 

The God for Kurunchi was Murugan (Lord Karthik)

The God for Neythal was Varunan 

The people in the 4 regions were considered as stable settlers.

All four Gods among other Gods were described as Mallas. 

Later one more region was added as Palai – Desert region.

The God for Palai was Kotravai . 

The people who wandered in the deserts were robbers and did not have stable settlement. As the men of these robbery tribes always wandered they did not have families. 

These robbers looted people travelling outside the 4 regions and killed the male travellers most often and sacrificed these travellers to their Godess Kali. These robbers took the female travellers and had sex and left them. The children born to these robbers and raped women were raised by females. So usually a female is the head of a group or tribe. Hence they had female Godess named Kali.

At some point in time one of the robbery tribe should have gained power and established a Kingdom. The Brahamins who served this Kingdom performed pujas for the Godess of this Kingdom - Kali and later equated Kali to the wife of Lord Shiva.

The evolution of the concept: ‘Work by Birth’ in Brahmanism. 

Now a days, we know there are certain inert characteristics of each individual. Say some never seem to get tired and seem to work all the time, some take short breaks between works. Some take long rest and suddenly erupt into massive burst of speed intensive work and then go back to rest for long duration, some have specific talents on specific engineering tasks, some have specific talent as surgeon etc that we call as natural. (This may be attributed to the Sun signs e.g. Aries have certain traits, Taurus have certain traits, Cancer have certain traits etc)

The ancient Indians were aware of this. So at the time of birth astrologers tell the child’s parents of what the newborn will become to be and what special talents it will have so that the parents can nurture those fields that the child is supposed to naturally possess and become an expert in it. (There are numerous examples of these incidents in ancient Indian stories, e.g. Astrologers said Siddhartha would become King of Kings if took interest in warfare or will become a Buddha, a great teacher if he took interest in Philosophy. The Sangam age Tamil Poet Elango (born to Chera King) to become much famous than his elder brother Senguttavan. Thinking that Elanglo may become powerful than his elder brother as a king to become famous and hence to avoid a war within the family, Elango choose to become a Jain Monk and wrote the Tamil poem Silapathigaraam and became very famous). So ancient Indians believed that a person had a natural talent for a specific field and was destined to go to that field. This is what they specified by birth a person was destined to become. In the case of Vashista and Vishwamitra this was the conflict. Vashista was talented to become a sage and became a sage. Vishwamitra was already a King so as a child he was supposed to be destined to be a King. But when Vishwamitra saw the magic / mantric powers of Vashista, Vishwamitra also wanted to learn those magic / mantric powers and approached Vashista to teach him. But as Vashista believed that the natural talents of each individual was pre-destined / determined during the time of birth, Vashista told Vishwamitra that by birth Vishwamitra was destined to be a King and not a sage and hence cannot learn those tricks / mantras and refused to teach Vishwamitra (with the belief of natural talents by birth). Vishwamitra out of great curiosity and will learned the tricks elsewhere and proved to be a great sage with great power. This shattered the belief of Vashista and hence there were numerous stories about the conflict between Vashista and Vishwamitra. 

But the Brahmins during the evolution and rise of Brahmanism were looking into the Vedic stories to get their theories, as mentioned earlier, misinterpreted / misrepresented the concept of by birth (natural) talents and wrote that each person was destined to specific work when they were born (by birth), but instead of taking into account the natural talents took parentage (to whom the child was born) to mean by birth and wrote a child born to a Brahmin should work like a Brahmin (Priest), a child born to a King should become a King, a child born to a Merchant should work as a Merchant and a child born to a worker should work as a worker(Sudra). This concept very well helped the King as well to very easily make his sons as the next King without outside competition, similarly for the aristocrats to hold the position for their sons in the Kings court without difficulty. Hence the concept was well received by the King and rich to spread the concept of Brahmanism. (Note: In ancient India Democracy was well established. E.g. Within Koshlas – clan of Buddha, the King was selected from a round robin among a group of Chiefs for a specific tenure. The Mallas at the time of Buddha had democracy, Perumal was elected as the King for a period of 12 years from the chiefs of group of villages, When a King dies before his tenure, the new King was selected using the Chief King Temple Elephant from public – The Elephant was taken in procession from the King’s Temple with a garland in its trunk. Whom ever the Elephant places the garland on, becomes the next King). With the adoption of Brahmanism, the Kings had a secure way of making his son as the next King and very happily adopted Brahmanism, which gradually led to the strict enforcement of tight caste compartments and prevented anyone from switching profession.

What Brahminism did to India?

  1. Destroyed democracy in India
  2. Removed equality for women
  3. Prevented Philosophy and Science from developing. 
  4. Divided people from socializing.
  5. Made life a misery to most of the population.

Hindutva’s fascist heritage

Hindutva’s fascist heritage
In the 1930s Hindu nationalism borrowed from European fascism to transform ‘different’ people into ‘enemies’. Leaders of militant Hinduism repeatedly expressed their admiration for authoritarian leaders such as Mussolini and Hitler and for the fascist model of society. 
The existence of direct  contacts between the  representatives of the  (Italian) fascist regime, including Mussolini, and Hindu nationalists demonstrates that Hindu nationalism had much more than an abstract interest in the ideology and practice of fascism. The interest of Indian Hindu nationalists in fascism and Mussolini must not be considered as dictated by an occasional curiosity, confined to a few individuals; rather, it should be considered as the culminating result of the attention that Hindu nationalists, especially in Maharashtra, focussed on Italian dictatorship and its leader. To them, fascism appeared to be an example of conservative revolution. This concept was discussed at length by the Marathi press right from the early phase of the Italian regime.
From 1924 to 1935 Kesari regularly published editorials and articles about Italy, fascism and Mussolini. What impressed the Marathi journalists was the socialist origin of fascism and the fact that the new regime seemed to have transformed Italy from a backward country to a first class power. Indians could not know, then, that, behind the demagogic rhetoric of the regime, there was very little substance.
Moreover, the Indian observers were convinced that fascism had restored order in a country previously upset by political tensions. In a series of editorials, Kesari described the passage from liberal government to dictatorship as a shift from anarchy to an orderly situation, where social struggles had no more reason to exist. 
The Marathi newspaper gave considerable space to the political reforms carried out by Mussolini, in particular the substitution of the election of the members of Parliament with their nomination and the replacement of parliament itself with the Great Council of Fascism. Mussolini’s idea was the opposite of that of democracy and it was expressed by the dictator’s principle, according to which ‘one man’s government is more useful and more binding’ for the nation than the democratic institutions. 
Is all this not reminiscent of the principle of ‘obedience to one leader’ (‘ek chalak anuvartitva’) followed by the RSS?
Finally, a long article of August 13, 1929, ‘Italy and the Young Generations’, stated that the Italian young generations had succeeded the old one to lead the country. That had resulted in the ‘fast ascent of Italy in every field’. The article went on to describe at length the organisation of the Italian society according to fascist models. The principal reasons of the discipline of the Italian youths were strong religious feelings, widespread among the population, attachment to the family, and the respect of traditional values: no divorce, no singles, no right to vote for women, whose only duty was to sit at home, by the fireplace. The article focussed then on the fascist youth organisations, the Balilla and the Avanguardisti.
One can easily come to the conclusion that, by the late 1920s, the fascist regime and Mussolini had considerable popularity in Maharashtra. The aspect of fascism which appealed most to Hindu nationalists were, of course, both the militarisations of society and what was seen as real transformation of society, exemplified by the shift from chaos to order. The anti–democratic system was considered as a positive alternative to democracy which was seen as a typically British value.
The first Hindu nationalist who came in contact with the fascist regime and its dictator was BS Moonje, a politician strictly related to the RSS. In fact, Moonje had been Hedgewar’s mentor, the two men were related by an intimate friendship. Moonje’s declared intention to strengthen the RSS and to extend it as a nation–wide organisation is well known. 
Between February and March 1931, on his return from the Round Table Conference, Moonje made a tour to Europe, which included a long stop–over in Italy. There he visited some important military schools and educational institutions. The highlight of the visit was the meeting with Mussolini. An interesting account of the trip and the meeting is given in Moonje’s diary and takes 13 pages. 
The Indian leader was in Rome during March 15 to 24, 1931. On March 19, in Rome, he visited, among others, the Military College, the Central Military School of Physical Education, the Fascist Academy of Physical Education, and, most important, the Balilla and Avanguardisti organisations. These two organisations, which he describes in more that two pages of his diary, were the keystone of the fascist system of indoctrination — rather than education — of the youths. Their structure is strikingly similar to that of the RSS. They recruited boys from the age of six, up to 18: the youth had to attend weekly meetings, where they practised physical exercise, received paramilitary training and performed drills and parades.
According to the literature promoted by the RSS and other Hindu fundamentalist organisations and parties, the structure of the RSS was the result of Hedgewar’s vision and work. However, Moonje played a crucial role in moulding the RSS along Italian (fascist) lines. The deep impression left on Moonje by the vision of the fascist organisations is confirmed by his diary.
“The Balilla institutions and the conception of the whole organisation have appealed to me most, though there is still not discipline and organisation of high order. The whole idea is conceived by Mussolini for the military regeneration of Italy. Italians, by nature, appear ease–loving and non–martial, like the Indians generally. They have cultivated, like Indians, the work of peace and neglected the cultivation of the art of war. Mussolini saw the essential weakness of his country and conceived the idea of the Balilla organisation…Nothing better could have been conceived for the military organisation of Italy… 
“The idea of fascism vividly brings out the conception of unity amongst people… India and particularly Hindu Indias need some such institution for the military regeneration of the Hindus: so that the artificial distinction so much emphasised by the British of martial and non–martial classes amongst the Hindus may disappear. 
“Our institution of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh of Nagpur under Dr. Hedgewar is of this kind, though quite independently conceived. I will spend the rest of my life in developing and extending this Institution of Dr. Hedgewar all throughout Maharashtra and other provinces”.
Definitely more meaningful is the report of the meeting with Mussolini. On the same day, March 19, 1931 at 3 pm, in Palazzo Venzia, the headquarters of the fascist government, he met the Italian dictator. The meeting is recorded in the diary on March 20… 
“I shook hands with him saying that I am Dr Moonje. He knew everything about me and appeared to be closely, following the events of the Indian struggle for freedom… 

“Signor Mussolini asked me if I have visited the University. I said I am interested in the military training of boys and have been visiting the Military Schools of England, France and Germany. I have now come to Italy for the same purpose and I am very grateful to say that the Foreign Office and the War Office have made good arrangements for my visiting these schools. I just saw this morning and afternoon the Balilla and the Fascist Organisations and I was much impressed. Italy needs them for her development and prosperity. I do not see anything objectionable though I have been frequently reading in the newspapers not very friendly criticisms about them and about your Excellency also. 
“Signor Mussolini: What is your opinion about them?
“Dr Moonje: Your Excellency, I am much impressed. Every aspiring and growing Nation needs such organisations. 
“Signor Mussolini – who appeared very pleased – said – Thanks but yours is an uphill task. However I wish you every success in return.
“Saying this he got up and I also got up to take his leave”.
The description of the Italian journey includes information regarding fascism, its history, the fascist ‘revolution’, etc, and continues for two more pages.
One can wonder at the association between BS Moonje and the RSS, but if we think that Moonje had been Hedgewar’s mentor, the association will be much clearer. The intimate friendship between Moonje and Hedgewar and the former’s declared intention to strengthen the RSS and to extend it as a nation–wide organisation prove a strict connection between Moonje and the RSS. Moreover, it makes sense to think that the entire circle of militant Hinduism must have been influenced by Moonje’s Italian experience.
Moonje’s Plans for Militarising Hindus:

Once Moonje was back in India, he kept the promise made in his diary and started immediately to work for the foundation of his military school and for the militant reorganisation of Hindu society in Maharashtra. He really did not waste time, for, as soon as he reached Pune, he gave an interview to The Mahratta. Regarding the military reorganisation of the Hindu community, he stressed the necessity to ‘Indianise’ the army and expressed the hope that conscription would become compulsory and an Indian would be put in–charge of the defence ministry. 
He finally made a clear reference to the Italian and German examples: “In fact, leaders should imitate the youth movements of Germany and the Balilla and Fascist organisations of Italy. I think they are eminently suited for introduction in India, adapting them to suit the special conditions. I have been very much impressed by these movements and I have seen their activities with my own eyes in all details”.
Soon fascism became a subject of public debate and Hedgewar himself was among the promoters of a campaign in favour of the militarism of society, according to fascist patterns. On January 31, 1934, Hedgewar presided over a conference about fascism and Mussolini, organised by Kavde Shastri. Moonje made the concluding speech. 
A few months later, on March 31, 1934 Moonje, Hedgewar and Laloo Gokhale had a meeting, the subject of which was again the military organisation of the Hindus, along Italian and German lines:
“Laloo — Well you are the president of the Hindu Sabha and you are preaching Sanghathan of Hindus. It is ever possible for Hindus to be organised?
“I said — You have asked me a question of which exactly I was thinking of late. I have thought out a scheme based on Hindu Dharm Shashtra which provides for standardisation of Hinduism throughout India… But the point is that this ideal cannot be brought to effect unless we have our own swaraj with a Hindu as a dictator like Shivaji of old or Mussolini or Hitler of the present day in Italy or Germany… But this does not mean that we have to sit with folded hands until (sic) some such dictator arises in India. We should formulate a scientific scheme and carry on propaganda for it.
The intimate connection between Moonje and the RSS and the fascist character of the latter is confirmed by British sources. An intelligence report published in 1933 and entitled, ‘Note on the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh’, ascribed to Moonje the responsibility of the reorganisation of the Sangh in the Marathi speaking districts and in the Central Provinces in 1927. The report, describing the activity and the character of the RSS, warned that, “It is perhaps no exaggeration to assert that the Sangh hopes to be in future India what the 
‘Fascists’ are to Italy and the ‘Nazis’ to Germany”. 
Summing up, it is clear that the Hindu nationalists were very much attracted by the figure of a strong leader. Moreover, they were keen to give their organisation a strongly centralised structure.
Moonje’s trip to Italy, contrary to what happened in the case of Subhash Chandra Bose and other nationalists, did not give place to any further co–operation between Hindu nationalism and the fascist regime. However, these contacts were important at the ideological and organisational levels. In fact, Moonje kept his promise to improve military education in India and, as soon as he came back from his European trip, he started to contact all those who could support his idea of militarising Hindu society. 
In 1934, Moonje started to work for the foundation of his own institution, the Bhonsla Military School. For this purpose, in the same year he began to work at the foundation of the Central Hindu Military Education Society, whose aim was to educate them in ‘Sanatan Dharma’, and to train them “in the science and art of personal and national defence”. Moonje’s programme was therefore entirely devoted to Hindu society, and not to Indian society as a whole.
It is possible that the other function of the society was that of facilitating the diffusion of military education and supporting the foundation of new schools. During the preliminary work for the foundation of both school and society, Moonje publicly admitted that his idea of militarily reorganising Hindu society was inspired by the “military training schools of England, France, Germany and Italy”. 
Moonje’s ‘Preface to the Scheme of the Central Hindu Military Society and its Military School’ says at the outset: “This training is meant for qualifying and fitting our boys for the game of killing masses of men with the ambition of winning victory with the best possible causalities (sic) of dead and wounded while causing the utmost possible to the adversary”.
Moonje does not give any clear–cut indication regarding this ‘adversary’, whether is was the external enemy, the British, or the ‘historical’ internal enemy, the Muslims. The document continues with a long dissertation on the relation between violence and non–violence. In it are drawn many examples from Indian history and Hindu holy books, all in favour of organised violence, in the form of Militarism. On the contrary, non–violence is considered a form of renunciation and cowardice.
Moonje’s views corresponded almost perfectly with Mussolini’s opinions: “…The same thought is repeated though in a more forceful and direct language by Signor Mussolini, the maker of modern Italy, when he says: ‘Our desire for peace and collaboration with Europe is based on millions of steel bayonets’.”
And again from Mussolini’s Doctrine of Fascism: “I absolutely disbelieve in perpetual peace which is detrimental and negative to the fundamental virtues of man, which only by struggle reveal themselves in the light of the sun”.
“War alone brings up to its highest tension all human energy and puts the stamp of nobility upon the peoples who have the courage to meet it”.
“Fascism believes neither in the possibility nor the utility of perpetual peace. It thus repudiates the doctrine of pacifism, which is born of renunciation of the struggle and an act of cowardice in the face of sacrifice”.
As far as Germany was concerned, Moonje quoted a booklet entitled Wehrwisssenschaft (Military Science), written by Ewald Banse, a professor at the Brunswick Technical High School: “The starting point of the book is that war is inevitable and certain and that it is imperative to know as much about it and to be as efficient as possible…the mind of the nation, from childhood on, must be impregnated and familiarised with the idea of war”, because, the Professor says: ‘The dying warrior dies more easily when he knows that his blood is ebbing for his national god’.”
The spirit of the last sentence is surprisingly coincident with the essence of the Hindu nationalism.
When Moonje had to indicate practical ways of militarising Hindu society, he returned again to the example of Italy and its military and paramilitary organisations, and reported what he had seen. He described in detail the structure of the ‘She Wolf’s Children’, the Balilla and the Avanguardisti. He asserted that these organisations could provide paramilitary training to the male population from the age of 8 upto18, when the youth became young fascists. Italy was therefore in a position of having “command of 6,000,000 trained and disciplined men ready to face any emergency”.
The result was that, “The Balillas are taught to build up moral character and take the first steps towards becoming soldiers”. As a consequence, “There will thus be no longer any distinction between the citizen and the soldier, between the civilian and the man in uniform”.
Of course, nowadays we know that, inspite of this remarkable number of militarily trained citizens, Italy lost the war. Moonje did not know that the level of the training was low, and the fascist faith of the people skin–deep.
Fascist ideas were widespread among Hindu nationalists, at least in Maharashtra. The above mentioned script had been printed in the form of a pamphlet and distributed not only among the people Moonje tried to involve in his project, but most probably, to an even wider public, which unfortunately, is at present difficult to measure.
Eve of Second World War:
After Moonje’s trip to Italy there was no further direct contact between exponents of the main Hindu organisations and the Italian government. However, by the end of the 1930s Italian representatives in India established some connections with the extremist fringes of Hindu nationalism. The Italian consulate in Bombay was very active in seeking contacts with the local political milieu. The Italian diplomatic mission in Bombay was part of a network linking consulates in Bombay and Calcutta with the radical movements of Maha-rashtra and Bengal. 
The influence of fascist ideology and practice must have gone far beyond the limits of the main organisations of Hindu militant nationalism and must have tended to the wide and intricate net of secondary militant groups and centres of physical education or paramilitary training. This is shown by the example of the Swastik League, founded on March 10, 1929 by M R Jayakar — who became president — and by other local personalities. In organising the Swastik League, Jayakar, who had a prominent position within the Hindu Mahasabha, drew some inspiration from the fascist paramilitary organisations. 
Savarkar and Nazism:
At this point we have to dwell on the crucial problem of Savarkar’s position vis–à–vis the European radical right. With Savarkar’s coming on the political scene, from the late 1930s to the Second World War, there was an intensification of cries in favour or in defence of Italian and German policy, even if the preference for Germany increased progressively.
Savarkar was declared president of the Hindu Mahasabha as soon as he was released in 1937, and he held that office until 1942. His presidentship covered the most sensitive period of both Indian and international history in this century. According to the commonly accepted opinion — supported by the organisations of militant Hinduism — the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha have never been particularly close, and during Savarkar’s presidentship, they severed their links. Reality, however, seems to be different. In fact, the available documentation shows not only that such a split never happened, but that the two organisations always had close connections.

We should not forget that Hedgewar had been secretary to the Hindu Mahasabha from 1926 to 1931. The RSS seems to have provided support to the Hindu Mahasabha, as shown by the fact that groups of RSS militants used to gather at the public meetings organised to celebrate Savarkar’s release.

Two of the main topics of the speeches Savarkar gave at the gatherings organised in his honour and at any other public function of his party were the international situation and Hindu–Muslim relations.

Regarding the first aspect, Savarkar had a rather cynical view of the relations India should entertain at the international level. He returned to freedom and entered into politics at the time of the formation of the Rome–Berlin Axis and Japan’s adhesion to the pact. Such an outcome was favourably assessed by Hindu radical nationalism, including the Hindu Mahasabha.

‘India’s foreign policy’ was the subject of a speech Savarkar gave to about 20,000 people in Pune on August 1, 1938. The following are the most meaningful parts of the speech, according to a press note issued by the Bombay office of the Hindu Mahasabha.

“He observed India’s foreign policy must not depend on “isms”. Germany has every right to resort to Nazism and Italy to Fascism and events have justified that those isms and forms of governments were imperative and beneficial to them under the conditions that obtained there. Bolshevism might have suited Russia and Democracy as it is obtained in Briton (sic) to the British people”.

Political systems correspond then to the nature of the respective population. This theory was clearly inspired by a deterministic conception of race, similar to the conception of race then dominant in Europe.

Starting a controversy with Nehru, Savarkar openly defended the authoritarian powers of the day, particularly Italy and, even more so, Germany: “Who are we to dictate to Germany, Japan or Russia or Italy to choose a particular form of policy of government simply because we woo it out of academical attraction? Surely Hitler knows better than Pandit Nehru does what suits Germany best. The very fact that Germany or Italy has so wonderfully recovered and grown so powerful as never before at the touch of Nazi or Fascist magical wand is enough to prove that those political “isms” were the most congenial tonics their health demanded”.

Savarkar asserted in a speech in the presence of some 4,000 people at Pune on October 11, 1938, (that) if a plebiscite had taken place in India, Muslims would have chosen to unite with Muslims and Hindus with Hindus. This was a consequence of the principle according to which it was not enough living together for a few countries to form a nation, as “the common desire to form a nation was essential for the formation of a nation”.

During Savarkar’s presidentship the anti–Muslim rhetoric became more and more radical, and distinctly unpleasant. It was a rhetoric that made continuous reference to the way Germany was managing the Jewish question. Indeed, in speech after speech, Savarkar supported Hitler’s anti–Jewish policy, and on October 14, 1938, he suggested the following solution for the Muslim problem in India: “A Nation is formed by a majority living therein. What did the Jews do in Germany? They being in minority were driven out from Germany”.

Then, towards the end of the year in Thane, in front of RSS militants and local sympathisers, right at the time when Congress expressed its resolution against Germany, Savarkar stated that, “in Germany the movement of the Germans is the national movement but that of the Jews is a communal one”. And again the next year, on July 29, in Pune, he said: “Nationality did not depend so much on a common geographical area as on unity of thought, religion, language and culture. For this reason the Germans and the Jews could no be regarded as a nation”.

Without this unity, not even Muslims and Hindus could be regarded as belonging to the same nation. Indian Muslims should rather resign themselves to be considered as a minority, the recognition of whose rights should depend on the magnanimity of the majority.

Finally, at the end of 1939, on the occasion of the 21st session of the Hind Mahasabha, Savarkar made one of the most explicit comparisons between the Muslim question in India and the Jewish problem in Germany: “…the Indian Muslims are on the whole more inclined to identify themselves and their interests with Muslims outside India than Hindus who live next door, like Jews in Germany”.
One can find a certain continuity between the ideas of nations and nationhood expressed in Savarkar’s Hindutva and the content of these declarations. Indeed in his book, Savarkar, referring to the Muslims, asserted that “their holyland is far off in Arabia or Palestine. Their mythology and godmen, ideas and heroes are not children of this soil. Consequently their names and their outlook smack of foreign origin (Hindutva: Who is Hindu?).

A feeling of admiration for the Jewish policy of Germany seems to have been shared by the entire circle of Hindu nationalism at the end of the 1930s. In We, or Our Nationhood Defined, Golwalkar, who would  become general secretary of the RSS a year later declared that:
“German national pride has now become the topic of the day. To keep up the purity of the nation and its culture, Germany shocked the world by her purging the country of the Semitic races — the Jews. National pride at its highest has been manifested here. Germany has also shown how well–nigh impossible it is for races and cultures, having differences going to the mot (?), to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindustan to learn and profit by”.

This had its root in the idea that being a Hindu was a matter of race and blood, not only a matter of culture. In turn that was an idea which was strikingly similar to the racial myths celebrated in Germany, more than in Italy.

Golwarkar’s position regarding Muslims was even more extreme than Savarkar’s: “in one word, they (Muslims) must cease to be foreigners or may stay in the country wholly subordinated to the Hindu nation claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment, not even citizen’s rights”. 

Waiting for the Right Enemy 
The literature promoted by militant Hinduism is trying nowadays to compare the attitude adopted by the Hindu Mahasabha towards the totalitarian regimes with Subhash Chandra Bose’s position towards the axis powers. According to this literature, the evidence in favour of such interpretation is a meeting which took place between Bose and Savarkar in Bombay in June 1940.

My impression of the episode is that it is a sort of historiagraphic invention, directed to legitimise the otherwise ambiguous position of the Hindu Mahasabha during the war. Asserting that Netaji’s project had Savarkar’s sanction means not only that Savarkar had a sort of patronage on Bose’s activities in Europe, but more important, that Savarkar played an important role in the freedom fight.

Certainly the meeting did take place, and very possibly the two leaders discussed Bose’s intention to go to Europe and seek support of the axis powers. However, all this is far from meaning that Savarkar inspired Bose, who, right from 1933, had his own connections with the dictators’ governments. The president of the Hindu Mahasabha put forward his claim on the content of his meeting with Netaji four years after Gandhi’s assassination, when the image of the Hindu Mahasabha and its affiliation were badly damaged by the suspicion of their involvement in the murder. Accordingly it makes sense to think that the organisations of militant Hinduism must have perceived the necessity to rehabilitate their political past and re–invent a more clear–cut anti–British stand. What stronger argument, therefore, could be available than the assertion that the Hindu Mahasabha was secretly ready to support Bose’s plan?
The involvement in Gandhi’s assassination was not the only reason of crisis; the image of Hindu nationalism was indeed already damaged by the ambiguous attitude adopted in the war period. The policy actually followed by Hindu nationalism during the war, namely, responsive co–operation, was far from being unambiguous on both transfer of powers and relations with the British.

The committee wished for the realisation of the militarisation of Indian society and the Indianisation of the army. It requested a reform of the Arms Act, along the lines prevailing in the UK. It demanded also that territorial forces and paramilitary groups be strengthened, that new military organisations be created in those provinces where they did not exist before, and finally that more Indian students be accepted in the military academies. The Hindu Mahasabha requested the government to increase the local production of modern armaments so that India could equip its army, without depending on imports from other nations.

Soon after this resolution, the Hindu Mahasabha started to work for the creation of a national militia. Naturally enough, Moonje became the person in charge. Inviting party members to attend a preliminary meeting for the foundation of the militia, in Pune on October 8, Moonje described the future organisation in the following terms:
“I have the pleasure in bringing to your notice a resolution of the Hindu Mahasabha for the organisation of the Hindu Militia in the country for the purpose of taking part in the defence of India both from external and internal aggression whenever an occasion of emergency may arise during the course of the Anglo-German War.
“…I believe that it will be quite in the fitness of things, in view of the historic All–India Military leadership of the Maharashtra, that a beginning should be made in the Maharashtra; so that the lead may be taken up by the whole of India afterwards”. 
Who could be the internal aggressors if not the Muslims?
The answer seems to be contained in a letter from Moonje to Khaparde of October 18: “… the Moslems are making themselves a nuisance. The Congress government will not stand up but will yield to them. We cannot expect any consideration at the hands of the Congress government. We shall have to fight both the government and the Moslems just as the Khaskars are doing in UP. The Hindu Mahasabha will give its support to such fights as the Muslim League is supporting the Khaskars: you must prepare the volunteers in your towns. The Rashtriya Swaymasevak Sangh may be useful and handy.

The theme of the ‘internal enemy’ is a further element of affinity between the ideology of fascism and of Hind nationalism, expressed by a similar rhetoric. It seems nevertheless that the Sanghatanists were inclined to fight the Muslims and the Congress, rather than the British.

According to Moonje’s plans, the RSS should be involved in the creation of the national militia. Indeed, in a letter of October 18 to General Nanasahib Shinde of Baroda, Moonje affirmed: “I am glad to note that you have approved of my idea of a Hindu National Militia for Maharashtra as is being organised by the Hindu Mahasabha.

“I have been myself thinking of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and I am corresponding with their leader. They may have their peculiar (sic) difficulties and the point is that the militia should be organised under these circumstances whether the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh can undertake the task or not.

During this preliminary phase, Moonje consulted Hedgewar, with whom he exchanged several letters and whom Moonje hoped to meet, in order to discuss the participation of the RSS in the militia.

On October 27 a militant from Lahore informed Moonje that: “We have at present in Punjab several Dals and Sanghs, the total number of members of which is approximately about 50,000, but they are not working under a single organisation. There are Rashtriya Sevak Sangh, Atma Sangh, Mahabir Dal, Seva Sangh and Akali Dal working under different leaders. They have a sort of military organisation. The Akali Dal is armed with swords, but the others have other weapons. The Rashtriya Sevak Sangh has only lathis. The first thing to do is to bring all these sanghs on a uniform basis working under a single leadership though not of one man but of a council.

In spite of such mobilisation, the Hindu militia had not been formed. The government did not withdraw the existing restrictions imposed on military and paramilitary organisations and schools.

It is difficult to establish if the organisations of militant Hinduism were arming themselves against possible foreign invaders, the internal enemy, or the British. Most probably they were carefully hedging their bet, ready to take advantage of any future development. However, it is a fact that at a meeting with Linlithgow in Bombay on October 8, 1939, Savarkar adopted a decidedly conciliatory position vis–à–vis the British.

When, in the 1940s, the totalitarian regimes had already revealed their true colours, the attitude of the organisations of militant Hinduism towards fascism and Nazism was still benevolent. In spite of the already, even if only partially, known atrocities committed by Hitler and Mussolini, the main organisations of Hindu nationalism still praised the dictators and their regimes. This position could be justified, had it been part of a coherent and strong anti–British policy. However, as I have tried to demonstrate, the forces of Hindu nationalism seem to have concentrated their efforts more against the so–called internal enemies — Muslims and Congress — rather than the foreign invaders. While Bose’s alliance with the axis powers had mainly an anti–British function, the Hindu Mahasabha used its support to the dictators as an instrument in blackmail the British.

The preceding discussion has shown that: (a) the main historical organisations and leaders of Hindu nationalism had a distinctive and sustained interest in fascism and nazism; (b) fascist ideological influences on Hindu nationalism were present and relevant; and (c) to a certain extent, these influences were channelled through direct contacts between Hindu nationalists and members of the Italian fascist state. No doubt, beginning with the early 1920s and up to the second world war, Hindu nationalists looked at the political reality of fascist Italy, and subsequently of nazi Germany, as a source of inspiration.

One of the results of the contacts between the fascism and Hindu nationalism was the attempt to militarise Hindu society and to create a militant mentality among the Hindus. If it is true that the Hindu society elaborated its own patterns of militarisation —  refer to the shakhas as a typically Indian phenomenon — it is equally true that a most relevant result of fascist influence was the transmission of a more functional organisation and a stronger political character to the already existing organisation of political Hinduism.

At the ideological level, the most meaningful effect of the fascist influence is represented by the way in which Hindu nationalism developed its own concept of diversity, transforming ‘diverse’ people into enemies. Of course, the concept of internal enemy is already implicitly contained in Savarkar’s Hindutva. Nevertheless, the continuous reference to German racial policy and the comparison of the Jewish problem in Germany with the Muslim question in India reveals the evolution of the concept of ‘internal enemy’ along explicitly fascist lines.
In my opinion, if one is to understand the evolution of Hindu radicalism in the post–independence period, one has to take into account both the domestic roots of this phenomenon and the external influence on its development.

In the 1920s and 1930s fascism was an international phenomenon. As such it was bound to influence the ideology and practice of similar movements all over the world. Since many of Bal Thackeray’s most outrageously anti–Muslim and racist statements are literal quotations of Savarkar’s speeches and theories, it is legitimate to conclude that such influence is still alive in today’s militant Hinduism.

(The above article has been excerpted from a much larger piece, with detailed references under the title, ‘Hindutva’s Foregin Tie-up in the in the 1930s — Archival Evidence’, published in the January 22, 2000 issue of the Economic and Political Weekly. Marzia Casolari is an Italian researcher). 
Against Brahminical Tradition:

A Philosophical view of Dalit 

critique of Modernity

Dr.P.Kesava Kumar
The decade of eighties in Andhra Pradesh is known for a radical assertion of Dalits, women, adivasis and the Telangana people. These struggles are not only critical about dominant philosophical thinking, but also put a responsibility to record the past based on these foundations. They made a conscious attempt to interrogate the dominant traditions in order to liberate them. They have raised several questions relating to the nature of State and developmental strategy pursued by it. They created a new universe with alternative value system. Mostly, the knowledge about them could be in their literary and cultural articulation. Their literature is overshadowed by the philosophical inquiry into the conditions of the good society, the good person and, the good life. Literature is a primary means by which a community situates itself in place. The literature in the written form as established ‘the literature’ with the advent of print technology. The print culture not only succeeded in marginalizing the oral forms of larger social groups and also facilitated modern public sphere. For a long time this sphere is mostly dominated by educated brahminical class, though theoretically this space is available to everybody. The recent entry of dalits in to this modern space not only created tension, but also provides alternative philosophical insights through literary and cultural works. This gives the opportunity to read the politics of modernity in Telugu literature. On one hand, Dalit literature blatantly opposed the brahminical tradition, and other hand further radicalized the politics of alternative struggles.

The Karamchedu massacre of 1985 and the Pro-Mandal agitations in 1991 shattered the modern secular pretensions of various social and political institutions. One of the features of contemporary Dalit movement is that engaged with the politics of modern public sphere, which is seen as secular space (in the spheres of literature, cinema, university and political party etc.). It is the Dalit struggles and their assertion that showed the casteist brahminical character of these spheres. From the decade of eighties onwards, a considerable number of Dalit middle class is visible in Indian society. Their presence was felt in the public sphere for the first time. They are resisting the hegemony of the upper castes in these spaces by asserting themselves in all possible ways. For the upper caste people, it was as if the space which was so far reserved for them exclusively, suddenly became uncomfortable and they are becoming irritated with the entry of Dalits into their spaces. One can see the antagonism between these two in Universities, literary and cultural fields. The University, the city, cinema and literature are predominantly urban spaces where the above said encounters are very often witnessed. The upper castes have suddenly picked up a liberal language to corner the Dalits.

With the entry of Dalits into the various public institutions, one common response is that the objectives of these public institutions have been subverted. To put it in other words, the universe of values constituting these public institutions has been thwarted. To make sense of this, one has to find a relevant conceptual framework. Partha Chatterjee offers one. According to him, there are two worlds: a world of middle class constituted by modern norms of freedom of speech, voluntary associations and individual capable of choice; another is a world of subalterns constituted by other concepts which does not come under this modern bourgeoisie rubric. There is a relationship of pedagogy between the former and the latter. The entry of Dalits into modern public institutions, cause a rupture between two universes. The universe of public institutions is underpinned by modern rationality and concomitant values as created by modern-nation-State. The introduction of the universe of Dalits into public institutions results in, broadly, two consequences. It questions the nature of translation and application of modern values of liberty and equality in modern public institutions. Secondly, the visions of public institutions enter into a phase of crises of understanding and coherence. This interpretation helps us to understand the nature of hatred and conflict in public institutions. But, it also sets in other agendas of shedding the potential of modernity to liberate Dalits from the shackles of tradition. Dalits share an ambiguous relationship with modernity.

When modernity entered India, the Indian traditional intellectual community had seen it as a threat to the Indian social structure. To protect the age old brahamnical societal structure, the upholders of the tradition moved to keep the tradition intact. They started the process of monopolization of modernity by embracing the epistemologies of modernity - such as the basic sciences and technical education. Initially, when modernity opened up new opportunities, with its inherent economic viability, the Brahmin intellectuals given up traditional epistemologies and embraced modern epistemology purely for the material prosperity.

The writings reveal that Dalit relation to modernity is complex. It is also, in some sense critical about the general understanding of modernity, i.e., modern development, science and reason. Dalit politics refuses to get incorporated into the binaries of nationalism/colonialism and secularism/communalism. It also resists Universalism, the unmarked and abstract citizen as a centre of the emancipatory discourse of modernity. It is equally critical about the abstract 'working class'. In other words, it constantly speaks with and against both the liberal and the radical conception of man and society.

Indian Renaissance and valorization of Brahmanism

 In the nineteenth century and early twentieth century there occurred a renaissance in India, which was significant movement in Europe in fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. With changed socio- political situation, there emerged social elite (liberal brahminical class) and started thinking critical about their religious and cultural traditions. In India, this renaissance movement began with the realization that hindu society was anachronistic, that there was a need for its reform and reorganization to adjust obsolete social relationships. This impulse for reform did not come from the oppressed classes or lower castes, but from persons who belonged to the upper classes, studied western science and literature and understood the needs of their contemporary world. It was soon found that without religious reform there could be no social reconstruction. The essence of the fundamental beliefs which form the core of Hinduism was identified, reexamined and reinterpreted. The social reformers Raja Ramohan Roy, Dayananda Saraswati, Vidya Sagar, and Vivekananda identified as contemporary Indian philosophers in philosophy text books are classic example.
The intellectuals of the Indian renaissance to resist the hegemony of the colonialism interpreted the past for their immediate demands. The rise of national consciousness coincided with the revival of interest in Indian philosophy. The nationalist intellectuals happen to be elites of the Brahminical class and reflected from their own social imagination in constructing the Indian philosophy. 'In their search for internal principle of unity to the past, religion was given a foundational position by both orthodox and reformist Brahmin intellectuals'. This can be seen in torch bearers of modern India like Rajarammohan Roy, Dayananda Saraswati, Sri Aurobindo, Tagore, Vivekananda, Tilak, Gandhi, Radhakrishnan etc. The hindu nationalists started the tradition of dressing up the spirit centred metaphysics of orthodox Hinduism in modern scientific clothes. As Radhakrishnan argues that Indian wisdom is needed today not only to rejuvenate the Indian nation but to reorient the entire human race’. P. T. Raju offered that ‘the East can impart the spiritual basis to the west. The future of mankind depends on conciliation and synthesis.’ There are many writers engaged in this project by saying cultural synthesis of east and west or of dialogue of India with west’. The Oriental Scholars like Max Muller, Duessen, Schopenhauer too fascinated by it. They promoted or over-exaggerated Indian irrationalism and mysticism.

The modern hindu intellectuals are very much aware of the social contradictions of the Indian society, but they never attempted seriously to change the society. They responded to the situation indirectly in such a way that it does not effect their socially privileged position. To conceal the contradictions of the Indian society, the renaissance and nationalist intellectuals were clever enough to invent a new language that works wel. One may find equality in spiritual realm and inequality in material world or social world. It promises equality in other world by negating affairs of this world or by projecting it as māya. The grand philosophies constructed on this line, ultimately helps in maintaining the status quo and hegemony of brahminism.

Marginalization of Non Brahmin intellectuals

The vast majority of bourgeois scholars (Brahminical scholars) ignore the central place of the question of the relation between existence and thought-between matter and consciousness-among the philosophical problems and decisive significance of its solution for characterizing the nature of every philosophical school. As a result, they are incapable of properly interpreting the history of Indian philosophy as the history of struggle between materialism and idealism, between atheism and religion. Bourgeois scholars either totally deny the conflict of ideas in Indian philosophy or admit such conflict only within the framework of idealism by viewing it as the struggle between the three major religions of India-Hinduism, Budhism and Jainism

The main reason for distorted interpretation of Indian philosophy, the scholars idealistic bias in their outlook, they ignore the social significance of philosophy and do not comprehend the truth that philosophy is the product of concrete social environment. They tried to understand through textual and linguistic analysis of its sources. The contemporary Indian philosophy projected exclusively as idealistic. Almost the entire first generation of philosophers to come out of Indian universities were idealists, influenced by advaita Vedanta and some form of European idealism derived from Kant and Hegel. Consequently, the older Indian academic philosophers were more or less favourable to religion and in the thought of every one of them there was a place either for the Absolute or God.

The dominant idealistic outlook as most prominent philosophical view renders materialistic world as unreal and its metaphysical approach which renders concept of change untenable. As they are blindfolded to look at the antagonistic social relations of contemporary India, it is obvious for non development of moral, social and political philosophy in India. Philosophers have to reflect on the social and cultural practices in which they lived. In India, caste is the fundamental social reality that shapes and influences everyday life. It is determining force in one’s perception of the world. As Pratima Bowes rightly observed, "....The philosophers in India failed in their task in as much as they did nothing towards developing political, social or moral philosophy in India. One reason for this non-development may be that philosophical thought was a monopoly of the Brahmin caste, whose privileges would have been under attack if questions were to be asked about the social system.”

The brahminical philosophy consciously keeps away from the contemporary social situation and cleverly banks on classical past. The brahminical philosophy never internalizes the change. It maximum tried to assimilate it as a part of its own tradition. One may accept it or not, it is the struggles of the people paves the way for new ideas and new thinking. We have seen that brahminical intellectuals succeed in caricaturing Indian philosophy as mainly idealistic, spiritualistic and religious through their writings. It is not surprise that one may not find any thinker in their whole spectrum of contemporary Indian philosophy from outside this tradition. One may argue that it failed to see the differences within this tradition in relation to its social and moral implications. But these intellectual elites never consider the other political currents both in colonial and post independent India. We didn’t find any thinkers of contemporary India from sudra and untouchable communities though the thinkers like Ambedkar, Jyothibha Phule, Narayana Guru and E.V. Ramaswamy Periyar in the books of contemporary Indian philosophers. Hardly we find anybody from the other than hindu religion. Though India is known for diverse social groups, languages and regions, no where we will find these markings in packaging Indian philosophy. This is same with the intellectuals of lower castes responded in literary and cultural fields with an alternative to brahminical knowledge system.

Dalit critique of Modernity

 When modernity entered India, the Indian traditional intellectual community had seen it as a threat to the Indian social structure. To protect the age old brahamnical societal structure, the upholders of the tradition moved to keep the tradition intact. They started the process of monopolization of modernity by embracing the epistemologies of modernity - such as the basic sciences and technical education. Initially, when modernity opened up new opportunities, with its inherent economic viability, the Brahmin intellectuals given up traditional epistemologies and embraced modern epistemology purely for the material prosperity. At this juncture, the whole process of embracing modernity by the intellectual community of the times, raises very interesting questions. For instance, it asks why Brahman community embraced modernity? What were the reasons for the monopolization of modernity? Did they allow modernity to go into corners to transform the basic structure of the society? If it was not the case, was it the fault of ‘other’s, who were not able to absorb modernity?
If we asses the impact of modernity on Indian society, the under-privileged sections of the society hardly benefited from it. If one thinks of possible reasons for this, one can easily come to the conclusion that the modernity project, in the nineteenth century, was monitored by the social elites of the times, and came from the Brahmin community. Apart from monitoring and controlling the whole process of modernization, there were constant conscious interventions by this community to ensure their interests are secure by not allowing the fruits of modernity into other sections of the Indian society. This resulted in the halting or postponing of societal transformations. To reserve the fruits of modernity for them, they constantly realized the price of modernity. Apart from providing new avenues, modernity has implications for social transformation. The elites have to overcome their own traditions and cultural beliefs. To resolve this kind of a situation they had started defending their cultural traditions and simultaneously enjoying the material benefits of the modernity at colonial times.

The relationship of the Dalits to the modern State, both colonial and post colonial, is ambiguous. It is important to re-look at political /cultural practices of Dalits to understand the Dalit response to State and modernity. If one emphasises the discursive aspects of modernity, it offers enormous possibilities to talk about Dalit suffering/ humiliation and oppression. It can also be said that Ambedkar’s argument for creating a moral community is possible only if one emphasizes the discursive aspects of modern experience.
Ambedkar tried to overcome the tradition-modernity dichotomy. The critique of the tradition is accompanied in his refusal to accept ready made alternatives manufactured in the west. His philosophy is essentially ethical and religious and he keeps away from western thought. And at the same time, he attacked Hinduism and its claims as religion .he upholds the moral basis of life while allowing critical reason to operate. He considers Buddhism as the only religion which can respond to the demands of modernity and culture. Buddhist teachings he believes, appeal to reason and experience. in this sense he is critical of modernity and high lightened that priority of social reconstruction can not be achieved without taking into account the legacy of tradition .He further considers that legal and political institutions do not have a capacity to reconstruct social solidarity, and therefore tries to provide a social basis for the liberal and political ethos which does not mean an uncritical acceptance of western modernity or indigenous traditionalism.’

Further, modernity, as imposed on the third world countries has been attacked from many fronts. Modernity is considered as a necessary extension of colonialism. Modernity in India came as a package with colonialism. There is an attack on the general philosophical beliefs of modernity such as notions of Universalism and its truth claims. There is an attack on the very values of post-Enlightenment thought, on its conception of secularism and rights etc. As observed by Javeed Alam, people readily reject terms like secularism on the grounds that they are alien to and lack any affinity with ‘Indian culture or traditions. However, other terms such as democracy or equality are readily acceptable.’ This may give a clue to understand modernity which has taken roots in the Indian context and its complexity.

Modern is historically embodied form of enlightenment. Whatever is entailed under enlightenment as values, beliefs, principles, ethics, morality and so on, has been thought of as universal – not just in an abstract sense but as something universalizable in the thinking and practices of all human beings. Colonialism has a historical connection with capitalism and therefore also what we have referred to as entrenched modernity. The capitalism in the colonies have demonstrative with all the features of distorted consciousness, racial superiority, arrogant cultural exclusiveness, and intellectual condescension over and above political control of those inferiors whom it has subjugated.

The writings reveal that Dalit relation to modernity is complex. It is also, in some sense critical about the general understanding of modernity, that is modern development, science and reason. Dalit politics refuses to get incorporated into the binaries of nationalism/colonialism and secularism/communalism. It also resists Universalism, the unmarked and abstract citizen as a centre of the emancipatory discourse of modernity. It is equally critical about the abstract 'working class'. In other words, it constantly speaks with and against both the liberal and the radical conception of man and society. Ambedkar doesn't believe in mere individualism, whereas the individual is the centre for liberal and modern life. He believes in community life that is rooted in a moral society and is based on the ideals of modernity. He makes differences with other communitarians like conservatives (Hindutva forces) and Marxists.

The trajectory of modernity in post-colonial India is a very complicated one. The Brahminical Hindu elite's engagement with the modernist project is quite interesting. The liberation of the self/nation is imagined in the spiritual and cultural domains. In its initial phase, Hindu nationalism started internal social reforms. The project of modernity pursued by these social elites of post-colonial India has ended up as anti-modern . As Partha Chatterjee notes: “…the search for the post colonial has been tied, from its very birth, with its struggle against modernity'. The modernization process carried the tag of the tradition. This ultimately led to the confrontation of secular state and the Nehruvian ideal of modernity by the Hindutva forces in contemporary times. In Post-independent India, the Nehruvian project of 'modernity', 'development', and ' progress’ through big dams, heavy industries and scientific institutions benefited the upper caste groups more than anybody else. This lead to the generation of capital in India but it did not develop a capitalist culture and its values. The upper caste groups didn't come out of their feudal mindset. On the other hand, Dalits are marginalized and dislocated. This situation often meets with conflicts and tensions in the nation. Any radical assertion of Dalits is suppressed by the State. The political institutions become s oppressive. Secular democracy may become a farce. Further, the governability for ruling class becomes a serious problem until and unless it attends the situation in a real democratic spirit.

On the other hand, the Dalit’s involvement with the colonial-mediated modernity project was too complex. In a feudal set up, where Dalits are degraded and humiliated in the name of caste and social norms, colonial modernity, to a certain extent, facilitated to become conscious of their objective condition. The institutions set by the colonialsts promised political, legal and social equality at least theoretically, if not practically. In this respect, Ambedkar is in favour of the active intervention of the State to bring Dalits into the modern sphere. In early days, Brahminical social elite too felt the need for modernizing Dalits. For this, they prescribed habits of 'purity' and the need for 'education' for Dalits. When more Dalits are entering the public space so far reserved for upper castes, through State-sponsored developmental programmes, it creates antagonism and conflict. With an increased assertion of Dalits and their struggles, and the marked visibility of Dalits in post-independent India has frustrated the upper castes. They pick up a new liberal language to counter the Dalits against the spirit of liberalism. For instance, when Dalits are fighting against the hegemony of caste, the upper castes dismiss this struggle as casteist. Dalits talking about caste is considered as parochial and anti-modern by them. Further, they argue for an economic basis for any emancipatory project of the State. In the anti- Mandal agitation this attitude can be witnessed. Upper castes find various strategies like this to maintain the status quo in society. Casteism of the upper castes took modern incarnation in the public sphere, and started articulating their interests in modernist discourse like, purity and pollution, 'hygiene', 'efficiency' and 'merit'.

One more interesting point is that, the upper castes started discrediting the modern political institutions in the context of the entry of Dalits into it. They go on propagating that these institutions got 'corrupted' by blaming the lower caste people. They even go on opposing the very foundations of the secular democratic State of the nation. They argue that this secular democracy based on the 'rationality' of western colonial model, is not based on indigenous cultural and philosophical traditions. At this point, Dalits came to the rescue of secular democracy. The Upper caste intellectuals, by taking the post- modernist position, that 'science is a social construct', started justifying the philosophies of irrationality and dogmatism as science. It had a negative implication for Dalits. In this context, Ambedkar and Dalits of post-colonial India, are arguing in favour of the 'scientific reason' of modernity that is rooted in indigenous traditions.

Literature as a tool of modernity

 With the advent of print culture the literary and cultural forms of oppressive social groups such as Dalits, women, adivasis, Telangana, Muslims got marginalized and literary elite (happened to be brahminical class) managed to establish their social experience and their literary imagination as ‘the Telugu literature’ in whatever the form it may be. With intensified struggles of these submerged groups, there comes a new literary consciousness with the emergence of middle classes from these sections. It will focus on how the struggles of society marked the literature, and especially in contemporary times from the decades of late eighties. On the one hand they are resisting the brahminical hegemony and on the other questioning the existing abstract idea of ‘class’ and ‘progressive’ literature by enriching their literature with the concrete life experiences/struggles.
The struggles in the name of class, caste, gender, region, nation has provided the social context for implicit politics of Telugu literature. Added to this, the policies of liberalization of economy, hindu communalization and globalization further brought about changes in social structure and its value system. Inequalities have become sharpened in these times of globalization. Insecurity prevails among all sections of society. To transform these inequalities into politicization requires a kind of cultural intervention. Literature has played a significant role in this political process by narrating a slice of the larger complex reality.

Literature is a creative rational knowledge generated by an individual/author about collective/society. In the case of Dalits, the problem of caste has influenced them very much. For Dalits, access to natural resources and opportunities for wellbeing were denied naturally or socially, because of their caste. The denial to access, restricts the Dalit individuals to a particular set of social relations for many generations and this forces them to struggle against such restrictions and change the oppressive relations. This is generally identified as a caste contradiction or the problem of caste. The conscious Dalit individuals responded to this kind of social situation and offered a creative solution to the problems. This creative ideal model takes the form of a story, a novel, a poem or a song and is introduced back into the society. Dalit struggles around him/ her influenced the Dalit writers and made them conscious of their subjective positions and in assessing the world around them objectively.

Historically, the social groups, which had acquired political and economic dominance, enjoyed the privilege over cultural production and others got silenced. Western influenced middle class, those who later played a major role in moulding the nationalist struggles, involved in the production of literary writings. It is obviously, the upper caste group’s ideals and aspirations and their worldview reflected in literature too. In the post independent India, modern State was unable to uphold the promised ideals of good life and better society to the vast number of the oppressed of this country. In the political writings of literature of this time, there emerged an upper caste middle-class man as a protagonist. He is sympathetic to the lower classes and he articulates their needs and is seen to be mobilizing the oppressed masses. There are very few writings which talk about Dalits and their life. Those that exist come out as the sympathy of the upper caste writers towards labourers as a part of the class struggles. The protagonists in the literary writing are always from the upper caste groups. They are portrayed as shouldering the responsibility to reform/educate Dalits. This completely lacks knowledge about the authentic Dalit life and their experiences. These upper caste writers have constrains to perceive the lives of other communities. These socially sensitive upper caste writers could not mobilize the support of their communities to their imagined ideals and many of them moved towards spiritualism. Most of the writers came from Brahmin middle class families. In latter days, the intensified struggles aspiring the communist ideals too failed to capture the Dalit imagination and the question of caste remained immune to their discourses. Till the 1980s, the entire literary discourse centred on the concept of the abstract human being, erosive of all cultural markers like caste, colour, religion, region and gender.
However, the modernity in Telugu literature reflected through the reformist agenda of intellectuals of telugu society. Modernity is identified with the spoken language than textual language. The modernity articulated through the genres like drama, novel, short story and free verse than classical poetry. The issues identified are practice of untouchability, problems of women, importance of education. For this, either they negotiated within tradition or to reform the tradition in the backdrop of colonial education. In later days, the progressive agenda of the communist movements are taken up the project of the modernity in the name of class struggle. They are not explicit in their articulation about caste or patriarchy. Special reference to this considered as pre modern and celebrated an identity of the class. The idea of class not only conceals these realistic social identities but also indirectly helps in maintaining the hegemony of caste and patriarchy. The social agency mediated the modernity through their writings is mostly brahminical class or broadly upper caste men. With the emergence of conscious intellectuals from the lower castes and women exposed the shallowness of the above said modernity. They problematized the writings of their predecessors on the issues of ‘authenticity’ and ‘representation’. They evaluated them from the unchanged social life of contemporary times. In other words, the new intellectuals are assessing the literary modernity through its social functioning. In this process, not only questioned the canons of literature but also dismissed the celebrated telugu modernists like Gurujada and Sree Sree. Celebration of Jashua, the dalit writer could be seen as a Mahakavi as against the progressive writer Sree Sree. Normatively the modernity manifested through the dalit literature is different from the earlier telugu literary writings.

An overview of Dalit Literature
The radical contribution the entry of the Dalit literary movement was to bring is to foreground the Dalit cultural experiences characterized by humiliation, insult and suffering based on caste. By the 1980s, there emerged a considerable Dalit middle class which consists of small jobholders like teachers, clerks, constables, nurses, gang men, hamalies and attenders. Their exposure to education and economic security opened up new possibilities in politics and literature. In the Andhra politics, Dalit movement is known for the innovation of a new category called Dalit, making discrimination on the basis of caste explicit. In the left parlance, the amorphous landless masses, an agricultural coolie is being replaced by category Dalit. In Gandhian terms, the word harijan has been pushed aside. The conceptual innovation has opened up the new ways of articulating the Dalit cause. This is clearly visible in the field of activity from theory to art.

In India, Dalit people’s condition is the same cutting across the regions. There is not much difference in their social suffering and economic status. At the ground level, the forms of untouchability practiced by the upper castes are same. They have to face humiliations, insults and discrimination in everyday life. In case of the Dalits, intervention by the State is minimal, weather it is police or judiciary, in protecting the rights of the Dalits. They have to struggle even for constitutionally guaranteed rights. There is no option left for them other than fighting against caste hegemony. From their struggles, a literature came into existence. In late eighties, the issue of caste came to the forefront in Andhra Pradesh. This can be seen symbolically in the massacre at Karamchedu. As a consequence of the conscious mobilization of Dalits, the issue related to caste got articulated in literature in late nineties. Many anthologies of poetry in the form of poetry came into the limelight. The quest for the search of their own Dalit identity makes them broaden the literary horizons. Dalit writers questioned not only the basic premises of literature but also the epistemological positions of the existing writers. They supplied a new prism to perceive the crude reality of casteist society. With the well-debated question of representation and subjectivity, the upper caste writers were either silenced or sidelined.

Dalit literature is very much enriched in oral forms and transmitted from one generation to other. It is in the form of social memory and collective memories. The written culture or literature of Dalits may owe its existence to recent times. The pre-requisite for written culture is education. Most of the Dalits are illiterate even today. This is not their fault. They are not allowed to learn for generations. However, with limited opportunities, they have managed to enter educational institutions and have managed to get at least some small jobs. In post-independent India, a considerable Dalit middle class has emerged, though the number is small but it is significant in Indian history. This has paved the way for Dalit literature in the print word. Dalit writers have jolted the literary world. They raised many questions about the basic assumptions of literature on the question of authenticity and representation. Their entry, dismantled all the literary canons. They declared that we will write about ourselves. Telugu literary society has witnessed the silence of the existing upper caste writer, weather it is Brahminical or progressive writer. Any new struggle or literature, brings new symbols and new language. It is same with the Dalit movement and Dalit literature. It is in Andhra that Dalit writers are confronted with the ideologies of alternative struggles in the issue of caste. Here serious debates, confrontations and negotiations in civil society are taking place among different literary and political camps.

Mostly, the questions centred on who are Dalits? What is Dalit literature? What is the ideology of the Dalit movement and Dalit literature? One Dalit anthology of poetry named Chikkanavutunna Pata(1995) came with a proposition that SC, ST, BC and Minorities are also called Dalits. At the same time, another anthology named Dalit Manifesto (1995) proposed that, the labourers who are suppressed culturally, politically and economically are called Dalits. They didn't include Muslim writers in their anthology by justifying that though Muslims are victims of Hindu religion as Dalits, they cannot be considered under the category of Dalits. Secondly, whatever is written by the Dalits are considered as Dalit literature. Dalit Manifesto argued that, whatever was written with Dalit consciousness could only be considered as Dalit literature, but not the other way. The Dalit Manifesto become controversial by considering the latter and for inclusion of progressive upper caste writers who are conscious of Dalit problems. In course of time, this controversy resolved itself by considering whatever is written by the Dalits with their social experience is only qualified to be Dalit literature. The non-Dalits writings about Dalits may be treated as sympathetic for the cause of Dalits, but not considered as Dalit literature. For the liberation of Dalits, Dalits will have to achieve political power only through the struggle but not by appealing to the State. Some others consider that it is not necessarily through the means adopted by radical left parties but also through various other means like capturing power through parliamentary means. On the question of ideology, there are different opinions. Desiya Marxism is one such dominant opinion, the Marxist philosophy that is internalised thinking of Ambedkar and Phule.

Later came the Padunekkina Pata(1996) an anthology of poetry. It declared that Ambedkarism is the only ideology for the liberation of Dalits. In all these controversies, one can see the confrontation or negotiation with the then existing alternative political struggles. One of the responses was that Dalit literature was saying that it is a part of revolutionary literature. Some of the scholars of the Marxist camp considered the problem of caste as a class problem. There is another argument that both are different literary movements. “Dalit writers consider the caste as an economical, social and political system. Where as revolutionary writers consider caste as a social problem.” Dalit literary movement is autonomous and is no way related to Marxism. “The aim of revolutionary literature is economic equality and it is a casteless society for Dalit literature. For the emergence of Dalit literature, revolutionary literature may have facilitated; but it is improper to say that both are the same.”There emerged another opinion that though both of them are not related, there is a need to struggle in a united way against oppression.

The literary expression of Dalit writers started with poetry, which has enjoyed power over other forms. To suit the authentic expression of their lives they also selected the other forms like ‘short story’ and ‘novel’. The inner urge or struggle within them has propelled them to write short stories and novels. This is a significant transformation of Dalit writers. At least, it creates confusion in locating history. Novel and short story not only broadened the canvas of the writers and made them accountable to history. The Dalit writers probed the history and brought into the literary world many things, which were not touched earlier by other the upper caste writers. In fact, Dalit writers narrated the submerged culture, philosophy and histories of the Dalits. The political discourses of Marxian revolutionary and feminist movements also influenced the Dalit novelists. It made them sensitive to other struggles, while writing about Dalits. Wherever it is necessary, they differed with Marxian revolutionary politics and its practices. The rise of sub caste consciousness among the Dalits helped the writers to speak about the concrete lifestyles of Dalit’s sub-castes rather than political rhetoric and language of the given time. Dalit novel may be said to be the culminating point of all the political movements since Dalit novelist has internalised the essence of all these struggles.

However, in the decade of the nineties, a good number of Dalit writers have come to the forefront. Most of them are of the age group of 25-35 years. They have touched all the spheres of life from a caste point of view. For example, early writings in Telugu consider the life of riksha pullers and prostitutes and treated them sympathetically for their low economic status. Dalit literature depicted the same from a Dalit point of view. Through literature, Dalit writers gave attention to concrete life experiences of Dalit lives that had so far not been touched by any one in Telugu literature. Some of the newspapers have encouraged Dalit literature. Where the Dalit movement is at a low profile, there the Dalit writers kept the Dalit issue alive. Dalit literature introduced fresh tones to Telugu literature. The idiom and expression is new to Telugu literature. They brought the respect to native Dalit dialect. The Dalit writers shattered the constructed myths in literature both in form and content. Literature came close to their life. It occupied the political space and even tried to articulate all the problems.

The Madiga Dandora movement for the categorization of SC reservation proportionate to the population of sub caste triggered a new kind of articulation in the Dalit movement as well as in Dalit literature. The logic of representing one’s own self led tofragmentation in Dalit literature. It is understood that writing about one’s caste experience is the only authentic representation. Dalit writers were forced to write/represent their own caste. In one way, this atmosphere enriched Dalit literature by representing themselves. On the other, it weakened the force of Dalit writings. Most of the Dalit writers of Mala community become silent within no time. Some time, the madiga writers were on the centre-stage when they wrote about their life struggles. Chandala Chatimpu, Madigodu (The Stories of Madiga’s life) of Nagappagari Sundar Raju and Mallemoggala Godugu (The Umbrella of Jasmines) of Yendluri Sudhakar are worth mentioning. Writers, who belong to backward castes too got separated from the earlier Dalit identity and became confined to their own community life. They brought an anthology of poems with a name of Ventade Kalalu (Haunting Pens). Muslim writers also made a conscious attempt to assert their own identity. They came with a poetry collection named Jaljala. Dalit women too started questioning the oppression of caste and patriarchy of Dalit males and this got articulated in literature. Nallapoddu (The Black Dawn) is an exclusive collection of Dalit women’s writings.

At end of the decade of nineties, Dalit writers who are active in writing poetry are slowly disappearing from Telugu literary scene. There are other reasons for the silence of Dalit literature. One is that, there is no significant Dalit movement and political leadership. The Dalit writers, who mostly came from the middle class, are limited to their urban life and somewhere lost their roots. There is competition among Dalit writers and their career orientation is also responsible in diluting Dalit literarure. There is no political or public check on Dalit writers since there is no political struggle. Thirdly, Dalit writers, are mostly confined to poetry and they didn’t take effort in other forms like story, novel, song and autobiography forms. They succeeded in tapping their rich literature from oral traditions. Finally, the upper caste media was not showing interest like earlier days in encouraging Dalit literature.

At this historical juncture, some of Dalit writers shifted to the other genres like story, song and novel to construct their cultural past and struggles of the community. They too realized that nothing is available about them in government documents and literary, cultural works. To win the political struggles Dalits need to be armed culturally. Kalyana Rao’s novel Antarani Vasantham(2000) is a landmark in Dalit literary and cultural history from the Dalit point of view. The novel recorded the collective social experiences and struggles of Dalit community. The social memory of a community, transmitted over generations, has been put in a written form. The novel is a written social document of Dalit culture, which is predominantly in oral tradition. This novel is an attempt to search a collective identity of the Dalit community. It is the chronicle of life of six generations of Dalits. This records a hundred years’ struggle of the Dalit communities. In the context where the elite scholars do not consider lower caste peoples’ struggles, culture, philosophy, life styles and history, this novel becomes the source book for culture, history, politics and philosophy of Dalits. Kalyana Rao explained how the Dalit culture is born from the lower caste peoples’ involvement in labor. They spontaneously and naturally composed the songs from their life. Apart from the value of entertainment, the Dalits used cultural performance symbolically as a social protest against the dominance of hegemony of upper caste social groups. It explains Dalit struggles in various forms in a given social conditions. The novel depicts not only the sufferings of Dalits but also joyful moments in their life. This novel is an attempt towards writing history, philosophy, politics and culture of Dalits in a comprehensive form. In Antarani Vasantham, constraints to freedom of Dalits, comes from an enemy who is an upper caste. The idea of freedom itself indicates for Kalyana Rao, a perpetual flow of resistance by Dalit community to an upper caste community. Dalit community has been described as a focal point of creativity, resistance to oppression and a character of purity.

Yendluri Sudhakar’s Malle Moggala Godugu is a collection of autobiographical stories from the Dalit community. It is the Dalit poet Sudhakar’s search for his community roots where a rich cultural tradition and indigenous knowledge systems were enlivened. To write these stories he went to his native village and recorded the social and cultural experiences of older generations. Vemula Yellaih’s novel Kakka is a Dalit boy’s struggle for madigization. He learns to play Dappu from the community’s head as a symbol of pride of the community. This novel, not only discuss the Dalit struggle against the upper caste hegemony but also finds the problems within Dalit community. In the Telugu literary world, the Dalit novel is the culmination point of all the alternative struggles. It internalized the struggles of Dalit sub castes, women and Naxalite movements.

The questions raised through literature are fresh and haunts the political movements of our contemporary times in all possible ways. All the upper caste writers ranging from Brahminical to progressive writers has compelled to take note of it.

Manifested modernity in Dalit Literature

‘I don’t know when I was born/but I was killed on this very soil thousand years ago/ ‘dying again and again to be born again’/ I don’t know the karma theory/I am being born again and again where I was dead.’ 

History!/ all these years how could you hide/ the fire in our mouth…./how could you tolerate/inequality and inhumanity.

An ideal society should be mobile and it should be full of channels for conveying a change taking place in one part to other parts. In an ideal society there should be many interests consciously communicated and shared. There should be varied and fee points of contact with other modes of association. In simple terms, Ambedkar viewed that an ideal society would be based on liberty, equality and fraternity.’Ambedkar favors for a democratic tradition that stand for reason rather negating it. He felt for hindu religious tradition need to undergo a radical reform. Caste is a natural outcome of certain religious beliefs which have the sanction of shastras. To abolish the sanctity and sacredness of caste, one has to destroy the authority of the shastras and Vedas. For this, one has to destroy the religion of both sruti and smriti. Ambedkar not only proposing the indigenous tradition that stand for reason, but also tries to link up that tradition with the governing principle of politics. As Ambedkar is the source of inspiration for Dalit movement and so reflected his thought in dalit literature.

Dalit intellectuals negotiated their philosophical views to the larger society through the medium of literature than any other form. They are organic intellectuals in strict sense of Gramsci, having the elements of thinking and organizing the community as against the traditional brahminical intellectuals. In this sense Dalit literature has to be seen as the process in creation of counter hegemony against brahminical hegemony. Dalit literature has significant in many ways-culturally, historically and ideologically. Dalit literature enriched with content and description of dalit struggles for human dignity. There has been constant effort from dalit writers in translating the condemned life styles and practices of marginalised people into symbols of protest and pride. Dalit writers gave rich meaning to dalit life that brought respect for them. In the process of writing their own history, they thoroughly interrogated the existing histories of dominant caste/class groups in their literary writings. As Dalit writer, Sivasagar marking the assertion of dalits in writing their own history against the brahminical history centred around advaita of Sankara. With a smile on his face/Shambhuka is slaying rama/ with his axe/Ekalavya is cutting drona’s thumb away/with his small feet/ Bali is sending Vamana down to pathala/ With needles in his eyes/ and lead in is ears/Manu, having cut his tongue is seen rolling on the graveyard/standing on the merciless sword of time/and roaring with rage/The chandala is seen hissing four houndson sankaracharya/ Oh..!/ The history that is occurring today/Is the most chandala history
In the process of writing their history, are collecting the memoirs of the collective suffering. Dalit writer through his writings interrogates the brahminical past, which has the character of humiliation, atrocious for dalits. Yendluri Sudhakar in his poem : ‘I am still a prohibited human being/Mine is an expelled breath/ Trying a barb tree leaf to my aist/And a tiny spittoon to my mouth/Manu made me a wretched human animal among others/The moment he left a mark of prohibition on my face/My race/Was gradually murdered… history pinched my thumb/Present history is asking all the fingers/Now we want a voice of our own/We want a voice that can choose what can do good to ourselves’.

The suffering of the dalits for generations is identified with the very nature of brahminical society. ‘For me the Wound is not new/Only the way I got wounded is new/The experience is as past as yesterday/Only the way I got experienced is new’. The struggle for the human dignity and self respect could be seen as in all the writings of dalit literature. Human dignity and self respect are the primary source of modernity. As the young dalit writer, Kalekuri Prassad asserts : ‘Twenty years ago my name was kanchikacherla kotesu/My birth place Keelavenmani, Karamchedu, Neerukonda/Now the hardened cruelty of the landlords/Tattooed on my chest with a plough’s point-Chunduru/Hence forth Chunduru is not a noun nut a pronoun/Now every heart is a Chunduru, a burning/ …Don’t shed tears for me/If you can/Bury me in the heart of the city/Rendering the tune of life, I will bloom like a bamboo garden/Print my corpse on the page of this country/I will diffuse into the pages of history a beautiful feature/If you can/Invoke me to your hearts/Again and again I shall take birth in this very country/By becoming a struggle of wild flames.’
The Human dignity could be attained only through fulfilment of social and economic equality. In democracy, citizenship is prerequisite for its functioning. In case of dalits, it is negated due to its casteist nature. The craving for the citizenship could be seen : In this Country we want a piece of land/These clouds has to be vanished/These walls must be collapsed/This silence/ must be bursted / this gum/ must be dried up/ O man/ I want real citizenship /Could you give me! ..what do I want/I want you/ I want a place/ In your heart/ I must wash my hands/ at your home/you must come to my hut/ and ask our girl for marriage/we must become /relatives/friend! This country/must become ours/as we walk hand in hand/this uneven earth/must become smooth/will you come? What we want now is not bloody cash/ A fearless voice that discerns what we want/ A new constitution, a new state/A new earth and a new sky.

Against the monopoly of knowledge by the brahminical class, dalits argues that ‘Knowledge is nobody’s property; It is the wealth of all jatis’. In fact, Dalits are productive class. The real knowledge produced out of their collective labour. ‘When hands/ From over the ‘Mala’ hamlets/ and ‘Madiga’ huts / Throw themselves on the fields/Banks of the fields blossomed/Trees flowered/And fields fragrant with crops’

The idea of freedom described in the novels Antarani Vasantham and Kakka is significant. In Antarani vasantham, constraint to freedom of dalits comes from an enemy who is upper caste. The idea of dalit itself indicates for Kalyana Rao a perpetual flow of resistance by dalit community to an upper caste community. Dalit community has been described as a focal point of creativity, resistance to oppression and a character of purity. This is effectively indicated through central character Yellanna who eloquently represents a creative, upright and assertive individual. This is one way of expressing dalit freedom or a mode of being dalit. One of the characters, in difficult times of community life says, we have born just not to be killed but to live too. Kakka identifies that constraint to freedom to dalits is not just from an outsider but also from the very community. The central character Kakka faces too many hardships from within community as well as outsiders. For instance, the mother of kakka was accused of an illicit relation and was subjected to social boycott by the community. Kakka was denied an opportunity to take up the duty to perform madigarikam that is considered a honouring the community. This reflects the constraint within community that projects a different community and a different kind of self-awareness. And of course, he has to fight valiant battle against the other communities, which has traditionally been dominant in the village. It is also shown that in times of struggle against upper castes, dalits come together and fought valiantly.

Further, dalit women writings’ reveals the problems within by problematizing the patriarchy of dalit men. ‘When has my life been truly mine/in the home male arrogance/sets my cheek stinging/while in the street caste arrogance/splits the other cheek open.’

Dalit song is mostly available in oral form. There is no recorded evidence for their songs. But one can listen their songs by invoking the social memory. Though there are countless composers and singers, but no name got institutionalized. Written culture had succeeded in marginalizing the singers of lower caste groups since these groups are illiterate. Even after technological innovation, no voice of these singers got recorded. On the other hand the singers of brahminical culture like Kshetrayya, Tyagaraja, Annamaya, Ramadas are not only institutionalized and revered as legendary figures in the musical tradition. By overcoming the limitations imposed on the Dalit artists/writers, in telugu history one may find some songs of the life of dalits.

In continuation with this, Gaddar composed many songs on the lives of dalits. He translated the condemned life styles as symbols of protest: How beautiful/ my dustbin.. He composed songs on miserable lives of dalits, and their role in knowledge production, and against the atrocities committed on dalits. The songs of Dalit singers invokes the feeling of revolt of dalits against the upper caste hegemony. The strength of Dalit song lies in countering the brahminical culture and in celebration of Dalit culture in public. Dalit song is a turning point in articulating the life of dalits in a concrete form than the earlier as it was in the name of ‘class’, ‘labourers’.

Guda Anjaiah’s song of Oorumanadira fills the confidence of dalits by declaring this village is ours by questioning the Dora of villages: This village is ours/This hamlet is ours/We are for every work/Then Who is this Dora /Why this hegemony.There is an attempt by the Dalit writers to establish the historical fact that they were the sons of the soil and once even ruled the nation by pointing out the foreign origin of Aryans/ Brahmins/ Manuvadis. In a song Ee Desavasulam, tries to establish the fact that dalits are the sons of the soil: We are natives of this country-sons of this soil/we are of adi jatis-the real inhibitors/you fellows came for livelihood- in the name of upper caste brahminism/by saying the natives of Bharat as slaves.

The throat that’s uniting all/will pluck a new tune for a new song/ the society/ that made their life a death/should be carried as coffin/this time/ much before the cock crows/the limbs/turn into rays that rise with liberty

To cut my thumb and give/do you think I am a gullible ekalavya/do you think I am shambuka/ to bend my head and do penance/do you think I am vali/ to be knocked down with a foul arrow/ I am the one who breaks the sinews of manu/ I hang colours/ I peel the skin of gods who made me lame. Now/ I am writing this history/With Ekalavya’s sliced thumb/The reasons you give may be right to you/ But to me/ They are lies higher than Himalayas/The poet is determined to fight the literary hegemony/Hereafter/ The black slogan begins to dawn upon this land.


Modernity has connoted with many meanings such as ‘value’, ‘rationality’, ‘western’, ‘colonialism’, ‘development’, ‘capitalism’, ‘secularism’ ‘humanism’ and so on. Dalit relation to modernity is complex and even ambiguous. Dalit modernity has to be understood in the context of Dalit liberation from humiliating, exploitative, oppressive brahminical tradition. Dalit modernity centred on the value of human dignity and self respect. In persuasion of this, it interrogates the irrational, unjust and dogmatic practices of hindu social order on the basis of scientific reason. And at the same time tried to assert its own self, upholds its indigenous tradition by claiming the elements of humane democratic practices. Dalit modernity overcomes the tradition –modernity dichotomy that has been set in the interests of the Western. In India, the fruits of modernity is enjoyed and monopolized by the brahminical class in the material level, and at the same time maintained intact with their traditions in spiritual / religious level. This has been continued from colonial to post colonial times. Dalits are systematically excluded in this project. Dalits as the victims of the project of ‘development/ progress’, of post independent India, are negotiating with larger nation from its fringes. The modernity appropriated by dalits is ‘rights’ centred and argued in favor of democratization of indigenous tradition. They are negotiating with the ideals of modernity to overcome the social exclusion, exploitation, suffering and humiliation imposed by hindu tradition.

[1] Murthy, Sachidananda , Modern India and philosophy, In K. Sachidananda Murthy and K. Ramakrishna Rao (ed.) Current trends in Indian philosophy, Waltair: Andhra University Press, 1972

[2] Raja Ram Mohan Roy (1772-1833) considered father of modern Indian philosophy, at first concluded that Upanishadic teachings, rightly interpreted, contains eternal truth relevant to all ages. (xxix). Roy for the first time tried to show that only a correct interpretation of Upanishads could be true hindu religion, and that only such religion could reconciled with modern world and science.`

[3] Khilnani, Sunil. Idea of India. London: Penguin, 1999, p.154.
[4] Rajaram mohan Roy's Brahmasamaj (reformed Hinduism, and seeks reinterpretation of Upanishads) Dayanada Saraswati's 'going back to vedas' Gandhi's religion as a source for interconnectivity and for community life.
[5] Aurobindo's theory of evolution of spirit, Vivekananda- ‘Hinduism not just as fulfillment of all other religions, but also as a fulfillment of all sciences'.
[6] P.A. Shilipp.(Ed.) “Fragments of confession” In The Philosophy of Radhakrishnan, New york, 1952, p.11
[7] P.T.Raju Radhakrishnan’s influence on Indian thought in Philosophy of Radhakrishnan, p.518.
[8] ‘Fusion between modern and tradition’, ‘Meeting East and West’, ‘Truth is one, the wise call it by different names’, ‘Truth is God’ (Gandhi) ‘Integral Consciousness’ (Aurobindo) ‘Holistic approach’ and ‘Religious revolution’ (J.Krishnamurti) ‘Unity in diversity’ (Radhakrishnan) ‘Inner and outer’ ‘tolerance’, ‘scientific spirit' etc. – the language used by the contemporary modern philosophers.
[9] Ibid.P.43
[10] Ibid. p.51
[11] Murthy, Sachidananda , Modern India and philosophy, In K.sachidananda Murthy and K. Ramakrishna Rao (ed.) Current trends in Indian philosophy, Waltair: Andhra University Press, 1972 p. xxxviii-xxxix
[12] Bowes, Pratima. "What is Indian about Indian Philosophy?" S.S.Ramarao Pappu and R.Puligandla (Eds.) Indian Philosophy: Past and Future, New Delhi: Mothilal Banarsidas, 1982. Pp.8-9
[13] Kesava Kumar .P., Jiddu Krishna murti’s Conception of Tradition and Revolution : A Critical Study. Ph.D dissertation submitted to University of Hyderabad, 1997. p.232
[14] Alam, Javeed. India: Living with Modernity, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1999. p.4
[15] Laxmi Narasaiah, G. and Tripuraneni Sreenivas (Eds.) Chikkanavutunna Pata(Thickening Song), Vijayawada: Kavitvam ,1995.
[16] Kesava Kumar and K.Satyanarayana (Eds.) Dalit Manifesto, Hyderabad: Vishpotana, 1995.
[17] Laxminarasaih, G. (Ed.) Padunekkina Pata(Sharpened Song), Vijayawada: Dalita Sana, 1996.
[18] Satyanarayana ,K. Eee Potee Venaka Vunnadi Kutra ,Andhrajothy Daily, Sunday, January 28, 1996.
[19] Laxminarasaiah, G. Dalita Sahityanikee Viplava Sahityanikee Ddrukpadhallo Tedavundi, Andhrajyothy Sunday, December 17, 1995.
[20] Je.Sree. Potee Anadam Vidduram – Kutra Anadam Kruram, Andhrajyothy Daily, Sunday, February 18, 1996.
[21] Danee, Usha S. Mudu Sangha Samskaranalu- Aru Dalita Srenulu, Andhrajothy Daily, Sunday, August 13, 1995.
[22] Kalyana Rao, G. Antarani Vasantham(Untouchable Spring), Hyderabad: Virasam, 2000.
[23] Prasad, Kalekuri, ‘Pidekedu Atmagouravam Kosam Talettinavadni’ Am Raised for a Fistful of Self-respect) In Kesava Kumar & K. Satyanarayana (Eds.) Dalit Manifesto. Hyderabad: Vishphotana, 1995. (Translation Lakshminarasiah) p.20
[24] Gowrisankar, Padasmudra , Tenali: Poetry circle, 1994
[25] Moon, Vasant. (Comp.).‘Dr. Baba Saheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches’ Vol.1 p.57
[26] Sivasagar. Nadustunna Charitra (Tr. Laxminasaiah) G.Laxminarasaiah, The Essence of Dalit poetry ; A socio- philosophic study of telugu Dalit poetry, Hyderabad: Dalitsana publications, p.34
[27] Sudhakar, Yendluri .Nettutiprasna (the Bloody question) (tr. Laxminasaiah)p.14
[28] Ramulu, P.C. “Gayam Kotthakadu.” (The Wound is not New) In Kesava Kumar & K. Satyanarayana (Eds.) Dalit Manifesto. Hyderabad: Vishphotana, 1995.
[29] Prasad, Kalekuri. ”Pidikedu Atmagauravam Kosam Talettina Vadini.” (Am Raised for a Fistful of Self-respect) In Kesava Kumar & K. Satyanarayana (Eds.) Dalit Manifesto. Hyderabad: Vishphotana, 1995. (Translation Lakshminarasiah)
[30] Nagesh Babu, Madduri. Yem kavali, Meerevultu (tr.Laxminarasaiah) p.74
[31] Sudhakar.Yendluri. Nettuti prasna p.75
[32] Gowri Shankar, Juluri. Padamudralu, p.35-36 (Tr. Laxminarasaiah) In ‘Dalit Manifesto’, Hyderabad: Vishphotana, 1995
[33]Challapalli swaruparani, Mankenapuvu In ‘ Dalit Women’s Writings in Telugu’ , Economic and Political weekly April 25,1998, p.WS-22
[34] Gaddar, Gaddar Galam Audio CD
[35] Anjaiah, G., Ooru Manadira, Ooru Manadira (patalu) , Hema Sahiti publications: Hyderabad,1999 p.1
[36] Mastejee Ee desavasulam , Dalit Manifesto p.32
[37] Gowrisankar. (Tr. Laxminarasaiah) quoted in ‘The Essence of Dalit poetry ; A Socio- Philosophic Study of Telugu Dalit Poetry’, Hyderabad: Dalitsana publications P.69
[38] Varadayya (Tr.Laxminarasaiah) quoted in ‘The Essence of Dalit poetry ; A Socio- Philosophic Study of Telugu Dalit Poetry’, Hyderabad: Dalitsana publications p.40
[39] Afsar, quoted in G.Laxminarasiah , ‘The Essence of Dalit poetry ; A Socio- Philosophic Study of Telugu Dalit Poetry’, Hyderabad: Dalitsana publications p.50


All human rights were denied to them. The ‘high’ people used the ‘low’ people as slave labour; yet they considered the very sight of a ‘low’ as bad omen.

There was a fixed distance, "theendappadu", to be kept between the "low" and "high". Theeya/Ezhava and Pulaya kept 16 feet and 64 feet respectively from a High caste. Any "low’" who went closer than the prescribed "theendappadu" towards High caste will be chopped down" was the old Chaturvarna rule.In those days Dalits were not allowed to walk along public roads. The Dalit women were not allowed to cover their breasts in public places.The ‘low’ were recognised by the black colour of their skin. New cloth was permitted after being blackened with coal dust or ash. Slippers (wooden), umbrella (of palm leaf), clean cloth, expensive jewellery was not permitted for the ‘lows’.

Only a Namboothiri (Kerala Brahmin) used umbrella in rain (in a place where it rains six months a year). The ‘upper’ said ‘hoy‘ as he walked along streets and pathways. The oncoming ‘low’ replied ‘njaavo‘ to give the former warning and for the latter time to hide behind bushes or thickets.


Although slavery as it existed in Greece and Rome never made its appearance in India; from the references in literature it would appear that some sort of slave relations did exist in ancient India.

For instance, the Mahabharata mentions that there are seven types of domestic animals viz.

1) Cow, 2) Goat, 3) Sheep, 4) Man, 5) Horse, 6) Mule and 7) Ass.

Two raths from the Temples at Kanchipuram . Kanchipuram boasts the earliest temples in South India. Divided into Shiva-Kanchi and Vishnu-Kanchi, Kanchipuram was built upon by many dynasties like the Pallavas (7th century), Cholas (9th century), Pandyas (12th century) and Vijaynagar (16th century). All Indian dynasties used the morality of free labour service and religious and social obligations in the construction of temples (as also of palaces and public utilities).

King Harishchandra also 

supports the fact the slavery

The following episode of King Harishchandra also supports the fact the slavery existed in ancient India. Once King Harishchandra of Ayodhya was going for a hunt in a forest near his capital. While moving in search of prey he heard a sharp cry for help and ran in that direction. To his dismay he found that he had rushed into the ashram of Sage Vishwamitra. At that time the Sage was in deep meditation and Harishchandra’s ill-timed appearance had disturbed Vishwamitra’ s meditation.

Opening his eyes he glared at Harishchandra and demanded the reason for his unwarranted incursion. On being told the reason, Vishwamitra ridiculed Harishchandra and said that the scream was the work of the spirits trying to disturb his meditation and Harishchandra had fallen a prey to the spirit and became its medium for disturbing Viswamitra’s meditation (Tapasya). Angry that he was, Viswamitra was about to curse Harishchandra, but the king begged for mercy and said that he was ready to give anything Viswamitra asked for. This appeased the angry Sage who said that at the moment he had nothing to ask for but would approach Harishchandra at the right moment. On hearing this Harishchandra took his leave .

A Yagna being performed. The officiating clergymen were paid handsomely for this service by kings and the nobility. This payment was called Dakshina. This apart Dana was the customary charity made mainly to the Brahmins. Dana and Dakshina were modes of transferring wealth voluntarily (but enforced by religious and social sanction) from the nobility (kshatriyas) and to the clergy. The Kshatriyas appropriated their part of the social surplus through taxes, tithes, obligatory services from the Vaishyas and Shudras.A few days passed and the episode was forgotten by Harishchandra, but Vishwamitra was not one to forget so easily. One day unexpectedly he turned up at Harishchandra’ s Court and demanded fulfi11ment of the promise Harishchandra had given him. On being asked what he wanted, Vishwimitra coolly demanded that Harishchandra give up his Kingdom immediately. The King was stupefied; but as per his promise, he abdicated and alongwith his family he left the city.

But he had not gone for when Vishwamitra overtook the royal refugees and said that Harishchandra’s word was not yet fulfilled as the dakshina had not yet been given. (the dakshina was a voluntary, but customary, payment made to Brahmins for religious services rendered). Now Harishchandra had nothing with him except his clothes, his wife Saivya and his son Rohitashwa, all their jewels also had been left back at their palace.  Harishchandra pleaded with Vishwamitra to give him a grace period of a month to collect the dakshina which Vishwamitra reluctantly granted. But at end of the said month, Harishchandra had not yet arranged for the dakshina, as no one was ready to offer him work due to his being of noble birth.

On the morning of the last day of the said month, Vishwamitra duly appeared and demanded his dakshina. Harishchandra said that he be allowed time till sunset by when he would some way arrange for the dakshina.
The morality in ancient India was such that lay people voluntarily rendered free service in the construction of temple panels such as this one from Ajanta which dates back to 5th century. In many such panels the craftsmen have depicted happenings from real life. This panel shows an army marching to war.

With only a few hours at his disposal, Harishchandra grew desperate and the only way he could think of raising money was by selling himself in the market. He made his way to the public square in the market where slaves were bought and sold and announced that he was for sale. But looking at his lean body, no one was ready to buy him.

Dejected that he was, he asked his wife Saivya if she was ready to get herself sold. The devoted queen agreed to that shameful proposal and she was put up for sale. She was bought by a Brahmin for 500 coins. But when she was being taken away, her son prince Rohitashwa ran after her and said that he too would go with her. Seeing this the Brahmin who had purchased Saivya, said that for an additional 250 gold coins he would purchase the prince as well. Thus with 750 gold coins with him, Harishchandra approached Sage Vishwamitra, but the remorseless sage demanded 250 gold coins more for the dakshina to be respectable.

With no other option before him, Harishchandra put himself up for sale. He was brought by a Chandala (crematorium keeper) for the paltry sum of 250 gold coins. Thus Vishwamitra’s dakshina was redeemed. Harishchandra began working as the Chandala’s servant. His job was to collect the fee from the relatives of the dead and then arrange for cremation of the dead-bodies.

ब्राहमणी भगवान

Brahman Exposed

दोस्तों, ऋग्वेद के पुरुष सूक्त में विश्व की उत्पत्ति के बारे में लिखागया है। इस श्लोक के मुताबिक ब्राह्मण ब्रह्मा के मुख से, क्षत्रिय बाहुसे, जांघ (Thighs) से वैश्य और पैरों से शुद्रउत्पन हुए, लेकिन कैसे उत्पन्न हुएहै ये नहीं बताया गया है। वो कौन सी तकनीक थी ये आज भी बहुत बड़ा रहस्य है। अगर इन ब्राहमण विद्वानों से पूछा जाये तो कहते है धर्म के साथ तर्क नहीं करते सिर्फ आँखे मुंद कर धर्म को मानना चाहिए, लेकिन क्यों? ये भी किसी को पता नहीं है। अछूतों अर्थात शूद्रों की उत्पति असल में मनुस्मृति से हुई है। जब 1600 ईसवी में मनु महाराज ने मनु स्मृति के रचना की तो उस में सभी मूलनिवासियों को शुद्र कहा गया और सभी मूलनिवासियों को 6743 जातियों में बांटा गया ताकि कभी भी मूलनिवासी या शुद्र ब्राह्मणों के खिलाफ सर ना उठा सके। उस समय देश में बौद्ध धर्म का बोल बाला था और बहुत से लोग जातिवाद या मनुवाद को नहीं मानते थे। मूलनिवासी समता के साथ जीना सिख रहे थे। जो लोग समता और समानता के साथ जी रहे थे उन्ही को शुद्र और अछूत कहा गया। मनुसृत्ति और पुरुष सूक्त दोनों में भी औरत जात का निर्माणकैसे हुआ है ये नहीं बताया गया है। क्योकि उस समय औरतों को सिर्फ भोग की वस्तु समझा जाता था। औरतों के शोषण के लिए हजारों प्रथाएं और परम्पराए देश में प्रचलित थी। तो औरतों पर ध्यान देने का कोई विचार ब्राह्मणों के मन में आया ही नहीं। और औरत जात का शोषण आज भी जारी है।

ऋग्वेद के पुरुष सूक्त के मुताबिक ब्राह्मण को पढ़ने-पढ़ाने और धर्म गुरु बनने का अधिकार,क्षत्रिय को राज करने का अधिकार, वैश्यों को व्यापार करने का अधिकार दे दिया गया। लेकिन शूद्रों को सिर्फ इन तीनों वर्णों की सेवा का आदेश सुना दिया गया। जो भी वर्ग अपनाकाम ठीक तरह से नहीं करता था उसके लिए दंड के प्रावधान किया गया था। खासकर शुद्रो केलिए वे दंड बहुत ही अमानवीय थे। आज भी देश के बहुत से हिस्सों में मूलनिवासियों पर ब्राह्मणों के अत्याचारों का सिलसिला जारी है।

क्या ये व्यवस्था विश्व में सबसे अच्छी थी ? अगर थी तो फिर ये अन्यदेशों में क्यों नहीं पायी जाती है ?अगर भारत के लोगों का निर्माण ब्रह्मा के शरीर से हुआ है तो अफ्रीकन, अमेरिकन,जापानीज आदि लोग बिना किसी ब्रह्मा के कैसे पैदा हो गए?क्या ब्रह्मा की सृष्टि का ज्ञान सिर्फ भारत तक ही सीमित था? अगर सीमित था तो फिरउसको भगवान् कैसे मान सकते है? और ब्रह्मा को सिर्फ भारत के 1 अरब 30 करोड लोगों में से सिर्फ ब्रह्माणी या हिंदू धर्म को मानने वाले लोग ही जानते है जो मुश्किल से 80 करोड भी नहीं होंगे। बाकि पुरे विश्व के 8 अरब लोग बेबकुफ़ है क्या?
चलो अब जानते है इनके कर्म का क्या परिणाम के बारे में :

ब्राह्मण को ही सिर्फ पढ़ने पढ़ाने का अधिकार था इसलिए आज दुनिया कि 200सर्वोच्च विश्वविद्यालयों में आज एक भी भारतीय विद्यालय शामिल नहीं है।देश कि 65 करोड़ से भी ज्यादा आबादी को पढ़ना लिखना तक नहीं आता है। कोई भीमहत्वपूर्ण आविष्कार जैसे कि टेलीफोन, कंप्यूटर, मोबाइल, साइकिल, कपड़ा इत्यादि से लेकर शौचालय के कामोड काआविष्कार तक विदेश में हुआ है, आज तक भारत में एक भी अविष्कार नहीं हुआ।

क्षत्रिय राजा जो कि ब्रह्मा के बाहु से पैदा हुए ये खुदका राज्य बचानेमें असफल रहे। अफगानिस्तान, तुर्कस्तान से आये कुछ मुगलों ने और यूरोप सेआये अंग्रेजों ने इन क्षत्रिय राजाओं की सही औकात दिखा दी। आज भी इन तथाकथित क्षत्रियों के हालात ज्यादा अच्छे नहीं है। बस अपनी झूठी शान का दिखावा करते रहते है। लड़ाइयों में सर कटवाए इन क्षत्रियों ने और धर्म का दर दिखा कर राज किया ब्राह्मणों ने। असल में देखा जाये तो आज की तारीख में इन क्षत्रियों से ज्यादा दीन हीन शुद्र भी नहीं है। शुद्र भी तार्किक बुद्धि का प्रयोग करना सिख रहे है लेकिन इन क्षत्रियों के पास आज भी ब्राह्मणों की बात मानने के सिवा कोई दूसरा चारा नहीं है। ब्राहमणों ने हर क्षेत्र शिक्षा, राजनीति, व्यवसाय आदि से इन क्षत्रियों को दूध में पड़ी मख्खी की तरह बाहर निकल के फेंक दिया है। और ये तथाकथित क्षत्रिय आज धोबी के कुत्ते बन गए है ना घर के ना घाट के।

वैश्यों के व्यापार ने इस समाज का भरपूर शोषण किया, साहूकारी, ब्याजबढ़ा के लोगों पर कर्ज बढ़ाया, कर्ज ना देने की स्थिति में उनकी जायदाद परकब्जा किया और उनकी हजारों पीढ़ियों को गरीबी में धकेल दिया। मानते है एक समय इन वैश्यों ने मूलनिवासी शूद्रों पर मनमाने अत्याचार किये है, लेकिन आज की तारीख में वैश्यों की हालत भी धोबी के कुत्ते जैसी हो गई है ना घर के ना घाट के। लेकिन फिर भी ब्राह्मणों की बातों का अनुसरण करने के सिवा इनके पास भी कोई दूसरा चारा नहीं है।

और शुद्र के बारे में क्या लिखना जिनको इन तीनो वर्णो कि सेवा करने केअधिकार के सिवा और कुछ नहीं दिया गया था। खेत में काम करना, मेहनत मजदूरी करना येसब इनका काम था। अगर नहीं करते तो इनकी जीवा (tongue) काटना, इनके कानमें शीशा पिघला कर डालना, उनकी आँखे निकलना, उनकी गर्दन काटना जैसीशिक्षाये मनुस्मृति में लिखी गयी है। हमारे पूर्वजों पर इन ब्राहमणों, राजपूतों और वैश्यों ने मन चाहे जुल्म किये, ऐसा नहीं है कि हमारे समाज के लोगों को सचाई पता नहीं है लेकिन धर्म और जाति के जाल में उलझे मूलनिवासी पत्थरों के भगवानों और देवी देवताओं के डर से चुप बैठे हुए है। हिंदू ना होते हुए भी ब्राह्मणों के आदेशों का अनुसरण कर रहे है। और ऋग्वेद के पुरुष सूक्त कोआगे बढ़ाने का काम कर रहे है ।

दोस्तों, इस सब बातों से यह साबित होता है कि इन विदेशी आर्यों ने देश को लुटने, मूलनिवासी शूद्रों का शोषण करने के सिवा आज तक कुछ नहीं किया। आज भी मूलनिवासी शूद्रों को बेबकुफ़ बना कर देश में 90% सरकारी नौकरियों पर कब्ज़ा किये बैठे है। देश के शीर्ष से लेकर निचे तक सभी महत्वपूर्ण पदों पर सिर्फ ब्राहमणों का कब्ज़ा है। आज तक देश का कोई भी प्रधान मंत्री शुद्र नहीं बना क्योकि ब्राहमण ये होने नहीं देना चाहते। नेवी, आर्मी से लेकर वायु सेना के शीर्ष पदों पर सिर्फ ब्राहमण ही विराजमान है। यहाँ तक की क्षत्रियों और वैश्यों को भी यह अधिकार नहीं है की वो देश के शीर्ष पदों पर रह सके। दोस्तों, क्या यह ब्राह्मणों की एक सोची समझी चाल नहीं है? आज भी धर्म और जाति के नाम पर देश में हर मूलनिवासी का शोषण हो रहा है। देश की हर बहु बेटी का शोषण हो रहा है। DNA Research Report 2001 के मुताबिक भारत की सभी औरतों का DNA 100% एक है और शूद्रों के DNA से 100% मिलाता है। जिस से सिद्ध होता है कि देश की सभी औरते और लडकियां शुद्र है। इसीलिए ब्राह्मण या हिंदू धर्म में औरतों को कोई खास अधिकार प्राप्त नहीं है और भारत की महिलाएं गुलामों जैसा जीवन जीने पर विवश है।

Brahminical Policy

The brahmins came to India first, in search of food and fodder for their cattle.  Hearing from the traders and travelers, many tales of prosperity, fertility, riches and wealth of the Indus Valley, they were initially interested in making their lives, acquire wealth and riches in the New Land.  But seeing the real fertility, wealth and prosperity of the Indus Valley Civilisation, they became very jealous and highly greedy.  They cunningly developed many sinister methods of cheating and subverting the Indus Valley People.  They readily joined hands with subsequent waves of invaders to loot swindle and destroy the Indus Valley People and Civilisation completely from the face of the earth.  In course of time, they emerged to be the biggest cheats and silent criminals on the earth.  They always come as beggars and ultimately swindle to appropriate everything.  They are therefore big frauds thieves looters and merciless destroyers.  They are crude heartless sly operators.  Acting as priests, or claiming to be scholars or teachers is a big ruse to cheat and swindle the people.  It came in very handy to fool the kings and queens and the masses.  It helped them to become advisers and ministers.  They collected as expiratory offerings to pacify the angry gods and goddesses, overcome the annoyance of the heavenly authorities, or just as penalties to make amends or atone what all were considered as mistakes and or personal sins.  They collected as offerings and or as gifts only valuable things from food to fruits, cloth to wealth, gold to gems, women to wine and land, under the cover of soothing the displeasures of the forces that be on earth or in the heavens.  They ate everything, except – for reasons not known, the camels.  May be because they still want to be thankful and grateful to those, for having been very useful to them during their old difficult days in the Central Asian Deserts.  Manu also had a great value for the Camel, but not the Cow.  He and other brahmins of his time ate all animals, other than the very valuable Camel.  They did not at times spare even the dog-meat.  Even today, brahmins cook feed and eat the meat of animals including buffaloes forced to be sacrificed to the goddess Kamakhya in Assam. 

Kings used to specially slaughter cows to feed the brahmins.  King Ratideva butchered for the brahmins 2000 cows every day.  That is why the brahmins came to be known as the Bhojana Piriyars, which literally meant ‘Food Lovers’ and the saying – Padhi Rotikaga Artha Rathiriyile Kadha Dhooram Pogubhavan Parpan, which sticks to them always.  That means that – The brahmin is one who will walk many kilometers even in the middle of the night for just half a slice of bread.  The brahmins made such free feeding of the brahmins the principle duty of the kings and big authorities, and slowly turned the kings, other rulers, officials and other authorities away from Statecraft and the people.   The brahmins greed and lust were limitless.  They took from the people what all they needed, wanted more than their needs, met their eyes, and more to satisfy their unquenchable thirst and endless greed.  Even beyond they desired to take away whatever the people had.  That is both as a result of their greed and habit, as also their sadistic desires to keep the people deprived and leave them as much as possible poor helpless without any material possessions.  Whatever they took from the poor but could not consume, they hoarded, or silently and stealthily sold away with the help of the baniyas.  Further surpluses and those they could not preserve and store, and other perishable items, the evil brahmins wasted by throwing them in the fire of their yagnas, as offerings to Agni; or pouring them on the stone clay and wooden heads of their stupid gods and goddesses, or even on the Lingas.  

Over a period of time the brahmins became a curse on the State.  That is how the Indian States and their rulers repeatedly failed miserably, and the Country slid down to become and remain as one of the most backward and poor Nations of the World.  Since the brahmins took the space of being scholars and priests in the society, and became advisers to the kings rulers and the powerful, they could only prove to be shallow scholars, hollow priests and false advisers.  That is why there never was any worthwhile, useful or practical intellectual input in this Country after the destruction of the Indus Valley Civilisation by the Aryan brahmins.  They only busied themselves in forcing the foolish kings, rulers, officials, authorities and the rich in building small temples everywhere.  They were to prove to be places of living for the brahmins, sources of plentiful rich nutrient food easy earnings unlimited wealth.  The temples in course of time became centers of exploitation, influence, fraud and debauchery.  And the People Society States Govts and the Nation as a whole suffered and made no progress.  So there were no developments, no achievements.  And the Country had to gulp repeated humiliations, suffer many a defeats, and face a number of losses.

The brahmins were only interested in food and eating.  Being very big voracious eaters, they are symbolised by their potbellies.  Being the most lazy parasites they are known for their dirty habits and unclean unshaven appearances.  One could hardly keep their company, because they used to stink horribly, due to improperly washed clothes, ritualistic bath of taking an hurried dip in cold water in early morning hours, or pouring a pot of water over their heads pretending to have taken a bath.  They did those mostly with their clothes on, and never used soap either to take bath or wash themselves and their clothes.  After such bath, they would either leave their clothes as a lump or heap to dry, or just rinse in the water and leave them in a clump to dry; or go about their business in the wet clothes till they dry or they choose to change.  As a result, their clothes were never white, became grey and yellowish, and soon turned in colour to almost saffron – the colour of their fundamentalists even today. 

The brahmins never used to brush their teeth, or used any paste to clean their teeth, claiming that the brush and paste would spoil their teeth.  They only used to gargle and spit out the water, or at the most used their fingers and their holy Thulsi Leaves known otherwise for medicinal and therapeutic values.  Because of not brushing of their teeth, they had all gone yellowish and black with tartar and rubbish, adding to their stink.  Their girls and women also suffer from these drawbacks.  They also stink of cow dung and urine.  Yet the brahmins were mortally scared and extremely scared. 

Normally as a rule, the brahmins never allowed their females to go anywhere out of their houses unescorted, except to the palaces and the residences of the rulers etc, for obvious reasons, generally not discussed, studied or recorded.  Many of the brahmin girls excelled in the art of being affectedly coy, excessively talkative, extraordinarily expressive, trained singers, and professionally exclusive private dancers dancing in palaces of the kings and rulers in privy, for the exclusive eyes of the ruler or the king. Not used to hard or outdoor work, they remained slim or attractive when young or out of poverty since their men generally did never worked to have a regular and reliable income.  Yet no one other than the kings and rulers aspired for them.  That is because of their dirty habits, unwashed clothes, unbrushed teeth, stinking mouth, smelly personality, and unreliable untrustworthy unfaithful unfidel characters.   Perhaps because they don’t brush their teeth and stink horribly in the mouth, they consider mouth as the dirtiest part of all animals.  Hence the mouth of their holy cows, whose urine is very sacred and purifying for the stupid orthodox brahmins even today, are considered to be very polluting. 

Many Stories like the epics were conceived by the brahmins to fool cheat and swindle the people, and also propagate all the meaningless and stupid vedic beliefs and practices; and to strengthen the hold of the brahmins on the stupid kings, foolish queens, helpless States, simple people and nameless masses.   They preached violence on all the thinking wise and independent people.   Those who were concerned at the dubious and destructive nature of the cunning brahmins were very worried.  It is because of them, that the Upanishads were written as anti-thesis’s of the exploitative vedas, and enunciated non-violence.  These were not only anti-vedic, and also against all beliefs and practices of vedic-rites, but were against all forms of manipulations and oppressions of the poor and the helpless, by the brahmins.  Following these noble traditions of the wise and the thinkers, came many sincere honest and great personalities.  Gautama Buddha and Mahavira were natural products of that milieu.  These two Great Noble Wise Men preached the Doctrine of non-Violence to even the Kings the Queens and the common People.  Ashoka the Great Warrior and King Emperor was the Noblest amongst them all who accepted Buddha, Buddhism and non-Violence.  He made non-Violence and meaningless killings of the helpless and the animals a crime.  Even Ashoka did not include Cow in the list of animals prohibited from slaughter.  For beef and pork were the poor common man’s food.  They were also cheap easy and plentiful sources of rich nutrient food. 

Gautama Buddha also ate beef and pork.  Buddha, yes, was against all forms of Animal Sacrifices by the brahmins to all those endless lists of brahmin’s own and adopted gods and goddesses.  Gautam Buddha considered all sacrifices, either to the Kings or Queens, or to the Gods and Goddesses, and on the top of it burning them alive or dead in fire, as sacrifices to Agni during the yagnas or any other special occasions, as nothing but wasteful, meaningless and barbaric and cruel.  Sita had vowed to sacrifice thousand Cows and hundred jars of wine to Yamuna.  It is such meaningless sacrifices and show of power and wealth that Gautam Buddha resented.  Buddha was also against violences by the kings and queens against the people of their own States or against the People of other Nations due to clashes of egos and games of war.  But at the same time, Gautam Buddha did never believe in coming in the way of the food of either the brahmins or the common people.  For, beef and the meat of other animals were very important part of the food of people, Medicare, and other offerings to guests etc. 

References of cow slaughter could be found as recently as in the eighteenth century India.  Sami Vivekanand in the eighteenth century not only ate beef while in USA, but had also vehemently defended his action.  In the first half of this century, brewing of beef-tea was developed to help patients recuperate from sicknesses.   Even today, hundreds of communities in different parts of the Country, including Buddhists, Christians, Muslims, SC Dalits and many ST Dalits, as well as many so-called hindus take Beef as a regular part of their food.  And to top them all, many millions of brahmins, and their kshatriya and baniya partners, in the loot of this poor Country and the People living here-in take beef while visiting or living in the middle-east, south-east, Russia, Europe, Africa, USA, Australia, New-Zealand etc.  Often they prefer beef for its taste, nutrient value, or because it is cheaper than other food items, or other meat, or their popular chicken.

The brahmins like the urchins on the street, can not give up cow!  From its sacrifice to worship, and stealthily eating it, they have a very long way – almost a complete-big-circle.  Perhaps, only perhaps they have madly taken this full circle, to counter the influences of Buddhism, Jainism and to escape from the criticisms of the people for their cruel practices of senseless sacrifices and wasteful butchering of useful domestic animals of the common people.  They have now taken to the base practices like consuming as elixir, the repulsive mixture of cow-dung and urine along with its milk, curd and butter as Panchagam – their purifactor.  Only missing items are the cows’ saliva, blood and meat. 

The real truth of brahmin double-dealing is visible when we realise that in the while of sub-Continental India, there does not exist one Temple for their Holy-Cow.  Nor is there any cow god or cow-headed goddess, amongst the thousands and thousands of gods and goddesses!

Dalits suffer under 

Brahminical dictatorship in 
IIT - Madras


Under the Institute of Technology Act 1961 ("Act 59 of 1961") passed by Parliament, six institutes were declared as "Institutes of National Importance". One such institute is the IIT Madras. Every year these institutes receive Rs. 1,000 crore from the Govt. of India (HRD).
The IIT Madras is situated on a 300-acre campus in the heart of Madras for which the credit goes to Chief Minister Kamaraj. Despite the IIT being locate
d in Tamil Nadu, the representation of Tamils here is minimum.


It has become one of the foremost Brahmin bastions all over the world in the field of academics. In the past four decades of its existence the Brahmins who occupy all the decision-making positions have dominated it. In all these years of existence, the Institute has not had a single Dalit or Backward Caste director.

In the past decade, large-scale financial irregularities and mishandling of public funds have attracted the adverse notice of the public and the media. The arbitrary selections and appointments made to the post of faculty members have been challenged under several writ petitions. In fact, within this short period of 10 years over 200 cases have been filed against it.

Human rights violation:

Though the Constitution guarantees reservation (human rights) for the OBCs and Dalits in matters of education and employment, this policy is not followed here either at the level of student admission or faculty selection.

Faculty appointments:Out of the total faculty strength of 450, only two are Dalits despite the constitutional mandate that 22.5% of all positions must be reserved for the Dalits. Hardly 50 faculty members are BCs.

The rest of the faculty are upper castes, most of them Brahmins.

Writ petitions on reservation in faculty pending before the court are:

(1) W.P.No. 5415/95 filed by IIT BC Employees Welfare Association; (2) W.P.No.16528/95 filed by the Vanniar Mahasangam; (3) W.P. No. 16863/95; (4) W.P.No. 17403/95; (5) W.P. No. 4242/97 filed by Dr. Muthuveerappan; (6) W.P. No. 4256/97 filed by Dr. W.B. Vasantha Kandasamy; (7) W.P. No. 4257/97 filed by Dr. W.B. Vasantha Kandasamy and (8) W.P.37020/2003.
To escape the constitutional mandate, it has cunningly followed the "contract" system hiring faculty members on "ad hoc" basis. Faculty members from the upper castes are eventually made permanent.

To escape legal problem advertisement is published. All the advertisements will not stand up to review. Because all material particulars will be clearly absent: number of vacancies, number of positions reserved etc.

Student admissions:

 As in faculty positions reservation policy is not followed in student admissions. It was only in 1978 it first thought of reservation to Dalit students. But this 22.5% quota is not completely filled up. Instead the eye-wash of using lower cut-off marks is said to be followed. Besides, in a gross violation of the fundamental right to equality, Dalit students who gain admission to B.Tech are made to undergo a one-year preparatory course before being admitted to B.Tech.

No reservation exists in the IITs for Backward students. There is also no relaxation of criteria. In the name of merit, the legitimate rights of the deprived castes are denied. In September 2005, a writ petition was filed in the Madras high Court seeking 27% reservation in IITs for OBC students.


Occupying office illegally:


1996 faculty recruitment drive:


Arbitrary selection of 130 new faculties:
I have hired 130 faculty members in the last three years, of who 36 have B.Techs from various IITs who’ve done Ph.D. abroad and come back. But I have lost 90 by retirement and so I am running very fast to stay where I am.
This large-scale appointments reveals the undue haste, lowering of eligibility criteria, favouritism of recruiting alumni and absolute lack of transparency. Moreover, with a callous disregard to social justice and the constitutional mandate of reservation, not even half a dozen Dalits have been selected as a faculty member.

Shameful role:To facilitate this hasty, biased selection process, the advt. on the Institute’s website (http://www.iitm. Openings) says:

This is a standing advertisement. There is no specific requirement on when a candidate can submit an application. Applications will be accepted throughout the year. Candidates who meet the prescribed qualifications need not wait for any formal announcement of recruitment to submit an application.
The ambiguity is apparent because even the number of vacancies is not announced. To broad-base this arbitrary activity, applications to the entry-level position of Asst. Prof. is invited for all the 15 departments in the institute.

Norms and guidelines for selection are wilfully abandoned and unbridled power to select less meritorious candidates is given to the respective departments. The standing advertisement states, "the departments have the right to set different as well as higher norms, while shortlisting, taking into account the requirements of the departments". This paves way for a pathetic dilution of standards.

Today, even the universities stipulate five yeas of research and teaching experience after receiving the doctoral degree as the basic eligibility criteria for the entry-level lecturer positions. Yet, in a shameful role-reversal, IIT Madras stands stripped of its halo of high quality, the standing advt. relaxes the eligibility criteria and invites applications for the Asst. Prof. position from "candidates who expect to receive their Ph.D. within the next six months" adding that "their appointment to the post, if found suitable, will be subject to their receiving the degree".

Hush hush appointments: Worse in the interview, M.S. Ananth accepted that the IIT Madras has "adjunct faculty who don’t even need a master’s degree".
Faculty appointments have been bestowed with an infamous history, having been consistently challenged in judicial avenues for the past decade. Since then, it has shied away from open advertisements and opted for using the internet-based standing advt. which makes the entire exercise shrouded in secrecy. The regular selection process has been subverted by resorting to the tested technique of bulk back-door entries.

This is taking place because the Brahmins here are extremely averse to recruiting people from Dalits and BCs. By using "standing advertisements" they can overlook reservation and deny equal opportunity.

Now a fresh advt. has been issued in the press on Sept.26, 2005. It calls for applications to the posts of Professor and Associate Professor. No mention is made of the number of vacancies. Like all the previous times, only Brahmins and upper castes will be selected. No reservation policy will be followed.

Unless this is prevented all the vacancies shall be filled up and for decades no non-Brahmin can enter the institute.Immediately after M.S. Ananth took over office in 2002 he issued an advt. calling for applications to the post of Asst. Prof. Those selected were Brahmins. H