March 17, 2019

Dalit Political Parties/Organization


Bahujan Samaj Party

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

For the Nepalese party, see Bahujan Samaj Party, Nepal.Bahujan Samaj Party

The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is a national political party in India. In terms of vote share in the 2014 general election, it is the country's third-largest national party, even though it did not win any seats in the Lok Sabha. It was formed mainly to represent Bahujans (literally meaning "People in majority"), referring to people from the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Castes (OBC), as well as religious minorities that together, according to Kanshi Ram at the time he founded the party in 1984, comprised 85 percent of India's population but was divided into 6,000 different castes.

Influential figures

Jyotirao Phule, an Indian activist, thinker, social reformer from Maharashtra. He fought for the eradication of untouchability and the caste system, women's emancipation and the reform of Hindu family life. He also formed the Satyashodhak Samaj (Society of Seekers of Truth) to attain equal rights for peasants and people from lower castes.

B. R. Ambedkar, chief architect of Indian Constitution and first law minister of India who campaigned against untouchability, caste system and also campaigned for the rights of women and laborers.

Narayana Guru (ca. 1854 – 20 September 1928), was a social reformer of India. He was born into a family of the Ezhava caste in an era when people from such communities, which were regarded as Avarna, faced much injustice in the caste-ridden society of Kerala. He led a reform movement in Kerala, rejected casteism, and promoted new values of spiritual freedom and social equality.

Periyar E. V. Ramasamy, an Indian social activist, freedom fighter and politician who started the Self-Respect Movement. He is known as the 'Father of modern Tamil Nadu'. He has done exemplary works against Brahminical dominance, caste prevalence and women oppression in Tamil Nadu.

Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj was of Indian princely state of Kolhapur. He worked tirelessly for the cause of the lower caste subjects in his state. Primary education to all regardless of caste and creed was one of his most significant priorities. The party claims to be inspired by the philosophy of Gautama Buddha, B. R. Ambedkar, Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Narayana Guru, Periyar E. V. Ramasamy and Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj. Kanshi Ram named his protégée Mayawati as his successor in 2001.

The BSP has its main base in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.

UP elections, BSP was second-largest party in terms of vote share with over 22% votes despite winning only 19 seats. It has an elephant as its election symbol. The BSP has no separate youth wing as it has at least 50 percent representation of youth in its organizational structure. BSP has no social media accounts or website. Sudhindra Bhadoria, a senior party leader, is the only official spokesperson of the BSP.

Origin of the word Bahujan

The Pali word "Bahujana" is popularly found in the literature of Buddhist texts. Gautama Buddha used this word to guide his disciples to work for the Bahujana Hitaya Bahujana Sukhaya (tran. Benefit and prosperity of majority people). The BSP used this slogan extensively to campaign in her political rallies.

History
Ideology

The BSP's primary focus is on the uplifting of what it sees as the nation's downtrodden groups. Its self-proclaimed ideology is "Social Transformation and Economic Emancipation" of the "Bahujan Samaj". The "Bahujan Samaj", to them, includes the lower-caste groups in India like the Scheduled Castes (SC), the Scheduled Tribes (ST) and the Other Backward Classes (OBC). It also includes religious minorities like Sikhs, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, and Buddhists. They see these groups as having been victims of the "Manuwadi" system for millennia, a system which benefited upper-caste Hindus only. They hold B.R. Ambedkar, champion of lower-caste rights, as one of their key icons and ideological inspirations. Many doubt especially upper caste Hindu that BSP is an anti-upper caste party which is pure propaganda. BSP believes in egalitarian society and equality. in 2008 while speaking on same BSP supremo Mayawati said "Our policies and ideology are not against any particular caste or religion. If we were anti-upper caste, we would not have given tickets to candidates from upper castes to contest elections". In fact, Satish Chandra Mishra and many Upper castes Hindu are in various positions in BSP. The party also believe in egalitarianism and hold a strong emphasis on social justice.

Strategy

The Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) was founded on the birth anniversary of B. R. Ambedkar, 14 April 1984, by Kanshi Ram, who named former schoolteacher Mayawati as his successor in 2001.

Speaking of lesser-known figures from the Indian Rebellion of 1857 who have been used as Dalit icons by the BSP, such as Avantibai, Uda Devi, Mahaviri Devi, Jhalkaribai, Matadin Bhangi, Ballu Mehtar, Vira Pasi, Banke Chamarand Chetram Jatav, the social scientist Badri Narayan Tiwari has noted that

Dalit intellectuals supported by BSP, which is trying to mobilize grassroot Dalits using local heroes, histories, myths and legends found a wealth of resources in the oral history of the regions of [Uttar Pradesh] centering around the 1857 rebellion. The political strategy of the party is to tell and retell the stories of these heroes, build memorials and organize celebrations around their stories repeatedly to build a collective memory in the psyche of the people. The stories are narrated in such a manner that the Dalits imagine the story of the making of this nation in which they played a significant role.

Development

The party's power grew quickly with seats in the Legislative Assembly of Uttar Pradesh and the Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Parliament of India. In 1993, following the assembly elections, Mayawati formed a coalition with Samajwadi Party President Mulayam Singh Yadav as Chief Minister. On 2 June 1995, she withdrew support from his government, which led to a major incident where Yadav was accused of sending his goons to keep her party legislators hostage at a Lucknow guest house and shout casteist abuses at her. Since this event, they have regarded each other publicly as chief rivals.

Mayawati then obtained support from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to become Chief Minister on 3 June 1995. In October 1995, the BJP withdrew their support and fresh elections were called after a period of President's Rule. In 2003, Mayawati resigned from her own government to prove that she was not "hungry for power" and asked the BJP-run Government of India to remove Union Tourism and Culture Minister, Jagmohan. In 2007, she began leading a BSP-formed government with an absolute majority for a full five-year term.



Bahujan Samaj Party claims to represent the low and lowly. A man carrying the BSP flag.

Success in 2007

The results of the May 2007 Uttar Pradesh state assembly election saw the BSP emerge as a sole majority party, the first to do so since 1991. Mayawati began her fourth term as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh and took her oath of office along with 50 ministers of cabinet and state rank on 13 May 2007, at Rajbhawan in the state capital of Lucknow. Most importantly, the majority achieved in large part was due to the party's ability to take away majority of upper castes votes from their traditional party, the BJP.



Flags of "Bahujan Samaj

Party" at Shivaji Park, Mumbai.

The party could manage only 80 seats in 2012 as against 206 in 2007 assembly elections. BSP government was the first in the history of Uttar Pradesh to complete its full five-year term. On 26 May 2018, the party in a major revamp, Ram Achal Rajbhar was replaced by R S Kushwaha as President of UP Unit. The 2014 national Lok Sabha elections saw the BSP become the third-largest national party of India in terms of vote percentage, having 4.2% of the vote across the country but gaining no seats.

Secret successor of Mayawati

On 9 August 2009; Mayawati declared that she had chosen a successor from the Dalit community who is 18–20 years her junior. She has penned down his name in a sealed packet left in the safe custody of two of her close confidantes. The name of the successor will be disclosed upon her death.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Abbreviation BSP
President Mayawati
Secretary-General
Rajya Sabha leader Satish Chandra Mishra

Founder Kanshi Ram
Founded 14 April 1984

Preceded by DSSSS
Headquarters 12, Gurudwara Rakabganj Road, New Delhi, India-110001
Newspaper Bahujan Samaj Bulletin
Volunteer's wing Bahujan Volunteer Force
Self respect
Colours Blue
Alliance
BSP-SP-RLD Alliance (On National Level)

Seats in Lok Sabha
0 / 545 (currently 520 members + 1 Speaker)
Seats in Rajya Sabha
4 / 245








Election symbol


Website


Republican Party of India
Founded 24 October 1956
Preceded by Scheduled Castes Federation
International affiliation None
Colours Blue


The Republican Party of India (RPI) is a political party in India. It has its roots in the Scheduled Castes Federation led by B. R. Ambedkar. The 'Training School for Entrance to Politics' was established by Ambedkar in 1956 which was to serve as an entry point to the Republican Party of India (RPI). The first batch of the school consisted of 15 students. Its first batch turned out to be last batch as the school was closed after Ambedkar's death in 1956.

Origins

Independent Labour Party The Independent Labour Party (ILP) was a political organisation formed under the leadership of B. R. Ambedkar on 15 August 1936. It opposed the brahmanical and capitalist structures in India, supported the Indian working class and sought to dismantle the caste system.

The formation of the ILP was not welcomed or supported by the communist leaders, who argued that it would lead to a split in the working-class votes. Ambedkar replied that communist leaders were working for the rights for the worker but not for the human rights of Dalit workers. In his work Annihilation of Caste, Ambedkar put forth the idea that caste is not merely the 'division of labour' but 'division of labourers' based upon graded inequality.

In the 1937 Provincial elections, the ILP secured 14 of the 17 seats in which they contested. This included 11 of the 13 contested seats that were reserved for traditionally oppressed communities.

In 1938, the ILP, with the support of the Congress Socialist Party, organised a march of 20,000 tenants from the Konkan region to Bombay, marked the largest pre-independence peasant mobilisation in the region. In the same year, it also joined with Communists to organise Bombay textile labourers in opposition to a bill intended to control strike actions by the labourers. ILP opposed the bill in the Bombay Legislative Assembly.

Scheduled Castes Federation Scheduled Castes Federation (SCF) was an organisation in India founded by B. R. Ambedkar in 1942 to campaign for the rights of the Dalit community. An executive body of All India SCF was elected in the convention. N. Sivaraj from Madras State was elected as President and P. N. Rajbhoj from Bombay State was elected as general secretary.

Ambedkar had founded the Depressed Classes Federation (DCF) in 1930 and the Independent Labour Party (ILP) in 1935. Sources vary regarding which of these two bodies was succeeded by the SCF. SCF later evolved into the Republican Party of India.

There was also a party called SCF in Pakistan after Partition. Ramnarayan Rawat stated that the SCF "created the space for an alternative to Congress-type 'nationalist' politics in post- 1947 Uttar Pradesh".

Factionism During the recent years RPI suffered severe internal strife. Several distinct parties claim the name of RPI.[9] There are more than 50 factions of RPI. In 2009, all factions of RPI except Prakash Ambedkar's Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh reunited to form a united "Republican Party of India (United)". Later, Republican Party of India (Gavai) and Republican Party of India (A) led by Ramdas Athawale split again from the united party. Splinter groups of RPI include:

Republican Party of India (A) of Ramdas Athawale

Republican Party Of India (A) PresidentRamdas AthawaleFounderRamdas AthawaleFounded25 May 1999 (19 years ago)HeadquartersNo.11, Safdurjung Road, New Delhi 110001. INDIAIdeologyAmbedkarism

0 / 545 (currently 520 members + 1 Speaker)Seats in Rajya Sabha

1 / 245 Party flag

Republican Party of India (United)

Republican Party of India (United)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

During the time of 2009 Maharashtra Assembly Election, many factions of Republican Party of India united to form a single party - Republican Party of India (United) under the leadership of Rajendra Gavai, Prof. Jogendra Kawade, T.M. Kamble, etc. Later Rajendra Gavai's faction split from the united party.

Currently RPI(U) includes:

Peoples Republican Party of Prof. Jogendra Kawade/Jogendra Kawade

The Peoples Republican Party or Republican Party of India (Kawade) is a political party in India, a splinter group of the old B. R. Ambedkarite Republican Party of India. The leader of the party is Prof. Jogendra Kawade. Its presence is limited to Maharashtra among Dalits. His party had supported Bharatiya Janata Party leader Nitin Gadkari in Maharashtra Legislative Council election.

Recently, all factions of RPI except Prakash Ambedkar's Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha reunited to form a united Republican Party of India. Peoples Republican Party is also merged in this united RPI. However senior RPI leader Ramdas Athavle and his faction left the United RPI alliance after the Vidhan Sabha elections and joined hands with Shiv sena - BJP.

Prof. Jogendra Kawade criticised Ramdas Athawale for joining hands with right wing alliance of Shivsena - BJP. He also announced that his party will continue to be part of Third Front popularly known as RIDALOS.

Republican Party Of India (Democratic) of Late T.M. Kamble

The Republican Party of India (Democratic) was a political party in India. The leader and party president of the party was T.M. Kamble. After T.M. Kamble's death, Nanda T. Kamble became the president of the party.

The party was a splinter group of the Republican Party of India. After the 2004 election, it had minor representation within the Lok Sabha and was a constituent of the ruling United Progressive Alliance. Its presence was limited to Maharashtra.

On 5 May 2011, the RP(D) aligned itself with the BJP-led NDA. In 2015, it was listed as one of the 26 political allies for prime minister candidate- Narendra Modi.
On 28 September 2015, the RP(D) was one of 16 parties in Maharashtra to be de-registered for not submitting audited balance sheets and IT return documents going back to 2005. Thus, they lost their official election symbols.

Republican Party of India (B.C. Kamble) of B.C. Kamble
The Republican Party of India (Kamble) is a political party in India, a splinter group of the old Ambedkarite Republican Party of India. The leader of the party is B. C. Kamble. Its presence is limited to Maharashtra among Dalits.
Recently, all factions of RPI except Prakash Ambedkar's Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha attempted to reunite and form a united "Republican Party of India".

Republican Party Of India (Khobragade) of Late B.D. Khobragade

The Republican Party of India (Khobragade) is a political party in India, a splinter group of the Republican Party of India and named for its leader, Rajabhau Khobragade. The National President is now Sunil Harishchandra Ramteke.
RPI(K) has now united with all other factions of the RPI, except Prakash Ambedkar's Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha, to form a united Republican Party of India.

National activity The party's last national representation was after the Indian general election, 1977, where it contested twelve seats, and won two, with a total of 956,072 votes. The two successful candidates were Daulat Gunaji Gawai, in Buldhana, Maharashtra, and Lal Hemraj Jain in Balaghat Kacharu, Madhya Pradesh. After this, it contested twenty-five seats in the Indian general election, 1984, receiving a total of 383,022 votes; two seats in the Indian general election, 1984, receiving a total of 165,320 votes; nineteen seats in the Indian general election, 1989, receiving a total of 486,615 votes; six seats in the Indian general election, 1991, receiving a total of 91,557 votes; and three in the Indian general election, 1996, receiving a total of 8,491 votes. It did not contest the Indian general election, 1999,[7] but in the Indian general election, 1998, it contested one seat in Madhya Pradesh, receiving 2,167 votes.
RPI(K) contested one seat in Chhattisgarh in the Indian general election, 2004, receiving 4,790 votes.

Republican Party of India (Dhale) of Raja Dhale



Raja Dhale, One of the original members of the Dalit Panther Party

Republican Party Of India (Mogha) of Shivram Mogha

Republican Party Of India (Talwatkar) of Ghanshyam Talwatkar

Republican Party of India (Sivaraj)

Indian Republican Party (Dalit Panther) of Namdeo Dhasal The Dalit Panthers are a social organisation that seeks to combat caste discrimination. The organisation was founded by Namdeo Dhasal and J. V. Pawar on 29 May 1972 in the Indian state of Maharashtra.[2][3] The movement's heyday lasted from the 1970s through the 1980s, and it was later joined by many Dalit-Buddhist activists.

History The Dalit Panthers were inspired by the Black Panther Party, a socialist movement that sought to combat racial discrimination against African-Americans, during the Civil Rights Movement in the United States, which occurred in the mid-20th century. The initiative to form the Dalit Panther movement was taken up by Namdeo Dhasal, J. V. Pawar, and Arun Kamble in Bombay. They conceived of the movement as a radical departure from earlier Dalit movements, due to its initial emphasis on militancy and revolutionary attitudes, akin to attitudes espoused by their Black American counterparts.

The Black Panther Party acknowledged and supported the Dalit Panthers through the Black Panther newspaper, which circulated worldwide on a weekly basis from 1967-1980.

Most of the organization's members were young men, some of whom were Neo-Buddhists. Most of the leaders were literary figures whose academic qualifications ranged from not having a basic education to master's degrees. The controversy over Raja Dhale's article titled "Kala Swatantrya Din" (Black Independence Day), published in Sadhana, the Dalit Panthers' official publication, on 15 August 1972, created a great sensation and built recognition for the Dalit Panthers through Maharashtra. The Panthers' support of Dhale during this controversy brought him into the movement and made him a prominent leader. The leadership split after disagreements over its future and over if other casts should be allowed join and the name 'Dalit Panther' was taken up by others in many parts of Maharashtra as well as in other states, such as Tamil Nadu and Karnataka.

The Dalit Panthers emerged to fill the vacuum created in Dalit politics resulting from B.R. Ambedkar's Republican Party of India splitting into factions. The Dalit Panthers led a renaissance in Marathi literature and art. They advocated for and practised radical politics, fusing the ideologies of Ambedkar, Jyotirao Phule and Karl Marx. Crucially, the Dalit Panthers helped invigorate the use of the term Dalit to refer to lower-caste communities. Their manifesto, issued in 1973, fit the Ambedkarite spirit into a broader Marxist framework and heralded the rise of an autonomous Dalit perspective in post-Independence India.

Bahujan Mahasangh of Makhram Pawar RPI(U) is part of Republican Left Democratic Front (RLDF) in Maharashtra.

The Republican Left Democratic Front (RiDaLoS) is a coalition of political parties in the Indian state of Maharashtra formed before the Maharashtra state assembly elections, 2009, in Maharashtra. The alliance was forged between 14 political parties and many other NGOs and non political groups as well as students organisations in Maharashtra Republican Left Democratic Front Popularly known as RIDALOS as an alternative to the existing coalitions in the state.

Formation In the weeks leading up to the 2009 Maharashtra Assembly election, RPI leader Ramdas Athawale announced the formation of the RIDALOS (RLDF) composing of Republican Party of India (United), Rashtriya Samaj Paksha, Communist Party of India (Marxist), Peasants and Workers Party, Janata Dal (Secular), Samajwadi Party, Swabhimani Paksha, Chhatra Bharati and Others. Ridalos contested all 288 Assembly seats against both Congress-NCP and BJP-Shivsena combines. He announced that the RIDALOS would be secular and would champion the cause of the poor and backward sections of the population. RIDALOS main focus was to be on the development of the Scheduled Castes, Dalits, Adivasis, Muslims and farmers. Athavale emphasised that he would not later support Congress or NCP despite his history of allying with them. Athavale also requested Prakash Ambedkar to join the RIDALOS (Third Front) But, Prakash Ambedkar did not join the Third Front (RIDALOS), Rather he formed Fourth Front composed of Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh, All India United Democratic Front, Peace Party of India, and few other small organisations.

Republican Party of India (Gavai) of R. S. Gavai and Rajendra Gavai

The Republican Party of India (Gawai) is a political party in India. It is a splinter group of the Republican Party of India. The leaders are Kerala Governor R.S. Gavai and his son Rajendra Gawai. It is a constituent of the previous ruling United Progressive Alliance. Its presence is limited to Maharashtra.
Recently, all factions of RPI except Prakash Ambedkar's Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha reunited to form a united Republican Party of India. RPI (Gawai) was a part of that but later split again.

Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh of Prakash Ambedkar



1 / 288

Rashtriya Republican Party of Annasaheb Katare
Bahujan Samaj Party founder Kanshi Ram worked with RPI for eight years. He found the reason of RPI's decline in Poona Pact. He criticized the Poona Pact and even later organised Poona Pact dhikkar (Down with Poona pact) rallies and published his Chamcha Age in 1982 to mark 50 years of the Pact. He started to mobilize Bahujans or 85% of Indian population consisting of Other Backward Classes, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and religious minorities to develop a political force. He supported Ambedkar's slogan "Political power is the master key" that is solution to all problems. He on 14 April 1984 formed Bahujan Samaj Party which is currently third largest national party in India.

Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi

The Political party is accused of extra promoting Tamil nationalism and supporting Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam which is banned in India. Although major Tamil political parties DMK and ADMK both are accused for indirectly supporting LTTE, VCK is accused of supporting LTTE leader Prabakaran openly in its party posters. It is alleged that LTTE involved in the assassination of Former Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi.VCK Party is demanding release of the Rajiv Gandhi murder accusers along with major Tamil parties like NTK,MDMK,PMK,SMK,AIADMK and DMK.VCK Party also celebrated the birth day of Slain LTTE Leader Prabakaran along with other Tamil parties. VCK Chairman is accused by Mahinda Rajapakse, Sri Lankan president for supporting LTTE

Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi
Founded 1972
Headquarters Velachery, Chennai
Dravidian politics
Alliance

TMC+ (1999)
DMK+ (2001-2004)
ADMK+ (2006-2009)
UPA (2009-2013, 2019-present)
Seats in
0 / 234
Website
www.vck.in (in Tamil)

Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (translation: Liberation Panther Party; abbr. VCK) is a Tamil Nationalist political party in Tamil Nadu, India. Its chairman is Thol. Thirumavalavan, a lawyer from Chennai.

Party principles
The main aim of the party is to abolish the differences among Tamil people and to lift up the economically weaker sections of society. The party supported the freedom movement of Tamil people in Tamil Eelam, as well as the security of Tamil people living abroad.The party also declared that Mahinda Rajapaksa should be charged with war crimes for the alleged assassination of thousands of innocent Tamil people during war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam. In the Parliament of India in May 2012, Thirumavalavan joined other leaders and raised issue of the Ambedkar cartoon, sparking a controversy in Parliament.

Ahead of the 2016 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, Thirumavalavan stated his willingness to form a coalition with any party apart from the DMK, AIADMK, BJP and PMK.

Tamil eelam issue
VCK party along with DMK,DK,NTK formed TESO Tamil Eelam Supporters Organization and demonstrated protests demanding credential probe into war time crimes against Sri Lankan government during the War between LTTE and Sri Lankan government. It is alleged that thousands of innocent Tamil people were brutally tortured and murdered during the war. Many countries in the world raised complaint against Sri Lankan government in United Nations International Criminal Court of justice.VCK party demanded that Former Sri Lankan President Rajapakse should be charged with war crimes. Many of party men were arrested by Tamil Nadu police for creating public discomfort during protest against Sri Lankan government.The party is heavily criticised for supporting LTTE and its leader Prabaharan since LTTE is banned in India.

Controversies

The Political party is accused of extra promoting Tamil nationalism and supporting Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam which is banned in India. Although major Tamil political parties DMK and ADMK both are accused for indirectly supporting LTTE, VCK is accused of supporting LTTE leader Prabakaran openly in its party posters. It is alleged that LTTE involved in the assassination of Former Indian prime minister Rajiv Gandhi.VCK Party is demanding release of the Rajiv Gandhi murder accusers along with major Tamil parties like NTK,MDMK,PMK,SMK,AIADMK and DMK.VCK Party also celebrated the birth day of Slain LTTE Leader Prabakaran along with other Tamil parties. VCK Chairman is accused by Mahinda Rajapakse, Sri Lankan president for supporting LTTE.

Puthiya Tamilagam Party

2019 Lok sabha Election Puthiya Tamilagam party joins the AIADMK-BJP-PMK alliance in Tamil Nadu under National Democratic Alliance. Puthiya Tamilagam has been given with one Lok Sabha seat under the AIADMK-led alliance. In 2019's bye-polls for the 21 vacant legislative assembly constituencies in the state, it has been decided that Puthiya Tamilagam would lend its full support to candidates of the AIADMK.

Puthiya Tamilagam is a political party based in Southern Tamil Nadu, India representing mainly Devendra Kula Vellalar caste.

Background

Dr. K. Krishnasamy, Founder and President of Puthiya Tamilagam Party
It advocates for the rights and welfare of Devendra Kula Vellalar caste. Its founder-President is K. Krishnaswamy.

Puthiya Tamilagam Political Fasting Puthiya Tamilagam party Political Fasting @Chennai on 6/2/2019 February/6/2019

Political timeline State Assembly The party contested the 1999 Lok Sabha elections.

2001 State Assembly elections Formed alliance with DMk and contested 10 seats and lost all the seats.

2011 State Assembly elections During 2009 Lok Sabha Puthiya Tamilazham party had chosen not to form an alliance with any other parties. In 2011 Puthiya Tamilazham party has announced its interests in joining hands with the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam party. In 2011 elections, the party won two: K. Krishnasamy secured 71,330 votes in Ottapidaram constituency and A. Ramaswamy secured 75,124 votes in Nilakkottai constituency.

2016 State Assembly elections It formed Alliance with DMK and contested 4 seats Ottapidaram, Srivilliputhur, Krishnarajapuram and Vasudevanallur. K. Krishnasamy contested in Ottapidaram (state assembly constituency) and lost the seat to Sundarraj Of AIADMK.
In 2016 Puthiya Tamilagam(புதிய தமிழகம்) Total votes secured in four constituency-2,19,830 votes

Ottapidaram- 64,578 votes
Vasudevanallur- 55,146 votes
Srivilliputhur-51,430 votes

Krishnarajapuram- 48,676 votes K. Krishnasamy contested in Ottapidaram (state assembly constituency) 2016 and lost(Margin-493votes) the seat to Sundarraj Of AIADMK. Ottapidaram Total votes polled- 1,59,592 votes. Sundarraj Of AIADMK-65,071 votes. K. Krishnasamy (புதிய தமிழகம்)-64,578votes, தேதிமுக-14,127, BJP-5,931, நாம் தமிழர் -3,792. பா.ம.க-1,066.

2009 Lok Sabha election The best performance from PT came in 2009 Lok Sabha elections when K. Krishnasamy secured 1,16,685 votes in Tenkasi, while the victory margin was 35,324 votes and he was not part of any major alliance.

2014 Lok Sabha election 2014 Lok sabha Election Puthiya Tamilgam alliance with DMK (its alliance as Democratic Progressive Alliance.) Only one seat, Tenkasi constituency(37) M.Vasanthi AIADMK.-4,24,586 votes. K. Krishnasamy Puthiya Tamilgam-2,62,812votes. (Margin-161774votes)

Lok Janshakti Party
From Wikipedia
Lok Janshakti Party
Parliamentary Chairperson Chirag Paswan
Lok Sabha leader Ram Vilas Paswan
Founded 28 November 2000 (18 years ago)
Split from Janata Dal
Headquarters Intekhab Subhani, 12, Janpath, New Delhi, India
Newspaper Nayay Chakra
Youth wing Yuva Lok Janshakti Party
Labour wing Janshakti Mazdoor Sabha
ECI Status State Party
Alliance National Democratic Alliance (2000—2003, 2014—present)
Seats in Lok Sabha
6 / 545 (currently 520 members + 1 Speaker)
Seats in Rajya Sabha
0 / 245
2 / 243
Number of states and union territories in government
2 / 31
Website

The Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) is a state political party in the state of Bihar, India. It is led by Ram Vilas Paswan. The party was formed in 2000 when Paswan split from Janata Dal (United). The party has considerable following amongst Dalits in Bihar. Currently the party is a member of the National Democratic Alliance.

History In 2000, Ram Vilas Paswan formed the Lok Janshakti Party as its president. Along with Paswan. his brother, Ram Chandra Paswan, Capt. Jai Narain Prasad Nishad and Ramesh Jigajinagi also joined the party.

LJP contested the polls in alliance with the Indian National Congress and the Rashtriya Janata Dal and won four Lok Sabha seats. Ram Vilas Paswan remained a Union Minister in Ministry of Chemicals and Fertilizers and Ministry of Steel.

In the 2005 Bihar assembly polls held in February the party contested in alliance with the Congress and against the RJD and won 29 assembly seats. However no alliance could secure majority and party refused to give support to any alliance to form the Government. There were rumours that certain party MLAs were ready to defect to JD(U) allowing the formation of an NDA Government. In a controversial episode, President's rule was imposed in the State and after a few months Bihar's state assembly was dissolved. Elections were again held in October month in which NDA came to power with a thumping majority with Nitish Kumar as the Chief Minister. Party had fielded its candidates in 203 seats of which party could win only 10 seats.

The party contested the 2009 Lok Sabha General elections in an alliance called fourth front which constituted of the Rashtriya Janata Dal, Lok Janshakti Party and the Samajwadi Party. This move proved to be disastrous, since LJP couldn't win a single seat, and RJD were reduced to 4 seats in the Lok Sabha. After the election Laloo Prasad Yadav, admitted that it was a mistake to leave the UPA, and gave unconditional support to Manmohan Singh and the newly formed UPA government.

Jan Morcha the party founded by former Prime Minister Vishwanath Pratap Singh was merged with the LJP in March 2009. Jan Morcha president Ajeya Singh, son of Vishwanath Pratap Singh, was immediately appointed as a senior LJP functionary.

On the more disastrous side LJP suffered a major jolt when, its entire Jharkhand Unit merged with the Congress before the 2009 elections citing that Paswan had ignored them. Paswan then announced the dissolution of party's Jharkhand Unit.

In Bihar Legislative Assembly election, 2010, the party had contested in an alliance with Rashtriya Janata Dal. However party could secure only 6.75% votes winning only 3 seats which was 7 less than the previous elections in 2006.

In August 2011, there were claims made by the Speaker of the Bihar Legislative Assembly that the party had merged with JD(U) as 2 of the 3 MLAs of the party had joined JD(U). However the party had denied any such move.

On 27 February 2014, Lok Janshakti Party officially announced it re-entering the National Democratic Alliance led by Bharatiya Janata Party, after a gap of 12 years. It contested on 7 Lok Sabha seats from Bihar in Indian general election, 2014
LJP won 6 of the 7 seats it contested including Ram Vilas Paswan and his son Chirag Paswan. Ram Vilas Paswan resigned from his Rajya Sabha seat. He was also made Minister for Food and Civil Supplies in the NDA government that came to power on 26 May 2014.

In Bihar Legislative Assembly election, 2015, the party contested in an alliance with BJP-led National Democratic Alliance. It contested 40 seats out of 243 in the assembly. It won only two seats, one less than the last election in 2010.

In 2017, Pashupati Paras brother of Ram Vilas was inducted into Nitish Kumar cabinet as Minister of Animal & Fish Resources after Janata Dal (United) joined BJP-led National Democratic Alliance

Ambedkarite Party of India – API
“Declared” on 14th April 2012CE from Nagpur – Capital of Movement under ‘National Plan To Succeed In Ambedkarism [NPTSIA]’ after making public ‘Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Plan of Individual, Society, State and Nation [DAPIS2N]’ was “formed” on 14th April 2013CE and accordingly accorded “registration” by ECI on 6th December 2013CE (BE 2557, AE 122). API thus became a historical socio-political organization which was “formed” on 14th April (i.e. the Birthdate of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar) and “registered” on 6th December (i.e. Mahaparinirvan Day of Babasaheb Dr. Ambedkar).

API is a political wing of Sangh [AIMBSCS] formed on the basis of ‘Ambedkarism’ for the implementation of “Policy of Ambedkarism” [and Constitution of India, Human Rights] and guaranteeing true representation to the People of India for making our Parliamentary Democracy truly representative & participatory for the establishment of 8 Democracies of Dr. Ambedkar viz. Political, Parliamentary, Constitutional, Social, Economic, Labour, Intellectual & Moral Democracy and creating an ‘Enlightened India’, which is just, moral, humane and enlightened.

Policy of Ambedkarism is not merely a welfare policy. It is a radical emancipatory policy of Human Liberation and good. API is the first political party of India which has declared its policy of government/governance even before its formation or coming to power. Dheeman Vijay Mankar is the founder National President of API and shall look after its affairs in addition to the present responsibility of National Organiser of Sangh [AIMBSCS].

Ambedkarite Party of India
Political party

Description The Ambedkarite Party of India is a political party in India based on the ideas of B. R. Ambedkar. The API was founded on April 14, 2013 and has its headquarters in Nagpur. Vijay Mankar is the national president. The API fielded 34 candidates in the 2014 Indian general election, who together received

Founded: 2013

Bahujan Shakti Party, Nepal

Bahujan Shakti Party, Nepal

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Bahujan Shakti Party
बहुजन शक्ति पार्टी
PresidentBiswendra Paswan
IdeologyHuman rights
Social equality
Secularism
Social justice
Self respect

Bahujan Shakti Party is a political party in Nepal led by Biswendra Paswan. In the 2008 Constituent Assembly election, the party won 1 seat through the Proportional Representation vote.

The party was continuent of the NC-UML alliance. As of 2013, its independent in Constituent Assembly.

Bahujan Shakti Party won 1 seat in 2013 Nepalese Constituent Assembly election.

The Bahujan Shakti Party rejected in September the proposed 2015 Constitution stating that it did not provide rights to 85% of communities (that are marginalised by 15% Highest caste Hindus) in Nepal (Bahujan Samaj of Nepal). For ensuring rights to 85% Bahujan Samaj of Nepal in new Constitution of Nepal, Biswendra Paswan sat on Hunger strike. The demands in agendas of his agitation are:

  • Guaranteed 14 percent representation of dalits in every state apparatus
  • 15 per cent representation of the backward community of Nepal
  • 10 per cent of Muslims of Nepal
  • 37 per cent of the representation indigenous nationalities
  • Capital punishment against those convicted guilty in the cases of corruption and rape.
Dalit Janajati Party, Nepal



An Entity of Type: political party, from Named Graph: http://dbpedia.org, within Data Space: dbpedia.org

Dalit Janajati Party is a political party in Nepal. In the 2008 Constituent Assembly election, the party won 1 seat through the Proportional Representation vote. The party is a continuent of the . Dalit Janajati Party has 45 central member committee. Dille Mijar is treasurer of the party. Tej Bahadur Nepali is in charge of Foreign Department.

Dalit Janajati Party is a political party in Nepal. In the 2008 Constituent Assembly election, the party won 1 seat through the Proportional Representation vote. The party is a continuent of the . Dalit Janajati Party has 45 central member committee. Dille Mijar is treasurer of the party. Tej Bahadur Nepali is in charge of Foreign Department. (en)

15641321 (xsd:integer)
1766 (xsd:nonNegativeInteger)
995882830 (xsd:integer)
Blue (en)
दलित जनजाति पार्टी (en)
Dalit Janajati Party (en)

Dalit Janajati Party is a political party in Nepal. In the 2008 Constituent Assembly election, the party won 1 seat through the Proportional Representation vote. The party is a continuent of the . Dalit Janajati Party has 45 central member committee. Dille Mijar is treasurer of the party. Tej Bahadur Nepali is in charge of Foreign Department. (en)

Dalit Janajati Party (en)
is dbo:party of
is dbp:party of

Dalit wings of political parties in Nepal

Ambedkar National Congress


Ambedkar National Congress LeaderMohammed Kazam Ali KhanFoundedMohammed Kazam Ali KhanHeadquarters8-3-323, Amreetpet 'X' Cross Road, Ameerpet, Hyderabad - 500 073, Telangana., IndiaIdeologyAmbedkaristWebsitewww.anckarnataka.de.tl

Ambedkar Samaj Party

Ambedkar Samaj Party (Ambedkar Society Party) is a political party in India, that fights for the rights of Dalits. The party is opposed to Hindu nationalism, which it sees as representing an upper caste minority. ASP claims that Bahujan Samaj Party has betrayed dalits through its alliance with Bharatiya Janata Party. The leader of ASP is Tej Singh.

Singh is also commander-in-chief of the Bahujan Swayam Sewak Sanghathan, a militant dalit organization. BSS was founded 1995.

In the Lok Sabha elections 2004 ASP had launched nine candidates from Uttar Pradesh. Tej Singh stood as candidate from Aligarh and got 1 054 votes (0,17%).

Bahujan Republican Ekta Manch
The Bahujan Republican Ekta Manch (BREM) is a regional political party from Maharashtra, India, led by Sulekha Kumbhare. It supported the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) in the 2014 general election, but extended its support to the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) before the 2014 Maharashtra Legislative Assembly election due to differences with the UPA leader Indian National Congress over seat distribution

Bahujan Samaj Party (Ambedkar)

The Bahujan Samaj Party (Ambedkar) was a splinter group of the Bahujan Samaj Party in Punjab and Haryana, India. The party president was Devi Dass Nahar and the general secretary was Vijay Kumar Hans (later leader of the Democratic Bharatiya Samaj Party).

In the 2002 legislative assembly elections in Punjab, BSP(A) put up 23 candidates, who together received 20,260 votes. The BSP(A) reunited with the BSP on 31 December 2003.

In 2004, after the elections of Lok Sabha, Sh. Devi Dass Nahar along with Jia Lal Nahar, Pritam Chand and Balwant Singh Sultanpur was expelled from Bahujan Samaj Party and parted ways from BSP by refloating his BSP(Ambedkar) due to differences with Narender Kashyap national general secretary of party and state president Avtar Singh Karimpuri.

In 2009 Lok Sabha elections, BSP(A) announced its support to the SAD-BJP candidates after Sukhbir Singh Badal met with Devi Dass Nahar.

Bahujan Vikas Aaghadi
Bahujan Vikas Aghadi (English: Majority Development Front) is a political party in Vasai-Virar region of Maharashtra.. Formerly, it was known as Vasai Vikas Aghadi but it was renamed later. BVA is based among the Vadaval community. The party leader is Hitendra Thakur, a former Independent candidate and current member of the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly.

Baliram Sukur Jadhav of the BVA, backed by Hitendra Thakur, was elected to the 15th Lok Sabha in 2009 and declared unconditional support to the UPA government.

General Election In 2009, 15th Lok Sabha election, Bahujan Vikas Aaghadi won the Palghar seat and Baliram Jadhav became the first member of parliament from the party.
Bahujan Vikas Aaghadi was not able to retain the seat & drew blank in 16th Lok Sabha election as Baliram Jadhav lost to BJP's Chintaman Vanga.

Maharashtra Legislative Assembly election In 2009 Maharashtra Legislative Assembly election, Bahujan Vikas Aaghadi bagged 2 seats Boisar where Vilas Tare & Nalasopara where Kshitij Thakur won the election.
In 2014 Maharashtra Legislative Assembly election, Bahujan Vikas Aghadi increased its tally to 3 seats form Boisar where Vilas Tare & Nalasopara where Kshitij Thakur & Vasai where Hitendra Thakur won the election.

Vasai Virar Municipal Corporation In 2015, The BVA swept the Vasai Virar Municipal Corporation polls by winning 106 seats. Vasai elected its first woman Mayor, Pravina Thakur representing the Bahujan Vikas Aghadi. Pravina Thakur is also wife of Hitendra Thakur, MLA from Vasai.

Many of the corporators won the elections without any opposition candidate . BVA aka Bahujan Vikas Aghadi is one of the strongest hold political party in its region all over Maharashtra.
All India Dalit Mahila Adhikar Manch

All India Dalit Mahila Adhikar Manch (AIDMAM) is a platform for women from the Dalit community to raise their voices for justice. This platform has raised several struggles and movements for self-respect and dignity. AIDMAM is a movement which was initiated by the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR). The aim of the movement is to recognize how the class, caste, and gender identity of a dalit woman overlap and place them at the very bottom of the social hierarchy. They work to empower dalit women to challenge these caste, class, and gender hierarchies and move forward in their struggle for justice. They do so through networking, enhancing skills and leadership at the state and district level.

Beginnings and organisation AIDMAM was founded in 2006 by convener, Vimal Thorat and general secretary, Asha Kowtal.[3][4][2] They primarily work in North India and have intervened in six states: Haryana, Orissa, Punjab, Bihar, MP and Rajasthan. As a movement they are constantly networking with dalit, women and human rights organisations and facilitate the building of dalit women's perspective. They monitor violence against dalit women and also conduct research on these issues which facilitated their advocacy efforts. Building on the capacities of dalit women connected with the movement is one of their main activities.

In 2009, AIDMAM started a programme which worked with dalit women who were elected representatives of panchayats in five states. The aim was to train these women to act upon issues of violence against women. They also started a dalit women's self-respect yatra, which was a monthlong yatra in 2014 where they traveled across states and organised the dalit community and campaigned against violence against dalit women. In 2015, AIDMAM traveled in the United States and spoke to black activists in that country. AIDMAM held additional marches in 2018. Also in 2018, they presented a "side event" at the 38th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council which included testimonies of caste-based violence against women. A social media campaign, called #DalitWomenFight, is used by AIDMAM to increase support for their work.

Rajyadhikara Party
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Rajyadhikara Party

Abbreviation AIRP
Leader VGR Naragoni
President VGR Naragoni
Secretary Salim Basha
Founder VGR NARAGONI
Founded 18 June 2007 (14 years ago)
Headquarters Flat no.205, Hi Line Complex, Road Number.12, Banjara Hills, Hyderabad, Telangana, India - 500034
Website


The Rajyadhikara Party is a political party, comprising BC, SC, ST and Minorities established in 2007, India by V. G. R. Naragoni as its national president. And its National Vice President is Shaik Ismail. The Party was formed mainly to represent and empower the Bahujans (literally meaning "People in majority"), referring to people from the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Castes (OBC), as well as religious Minorities that together consist of 85% of India's population

The party claims to be inspired by the philosophy of B. R. Ambedkar, Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and Kanshi Ram.

Party history

Even after India attaining Independence from the British Raj in 1947, India is governed till today either by Indian National Congress or Bharatiya Janata Party, dominated by some upper castes (15% of population), or by only one family for a long time. This created a wide disparity in Socio-Economical development between Forward Caste and Backward Classes in India. Backward Classes, comprising 52% of population (consisting of 94 castes), neither came to power by floating a political parties before nor democratically elected member of Backward Classes community was allowed to become the Prime Minister of India through Indian National Congress or Bharatiya Janata Party. In fact, 85% of India's Backward Classes do not have any representation in either of Indian Parliament (Loksabha and Rajya Sabha). VGR Naragoni floated a party Rajyadhikara Party way back in 2007 to represent BC, SC, ST and Minorities to achieve political power to bring social, political, and economical developments to the backward and weaker sections of the Indian states.

BAMCEF
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

BAMCEFThe All India Backward And Minority Communities Employees Federation
Formation 6 December 1978 (42 years ago)
Founder Kanshi Ram
Founded at BAMCEF Convention at New Delhi
Type Social organization of educated employees
Legal status Active

President Waman Meshram

"The All India Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation", abbreviated as BAMCEF (pronounced "bee a em cee e ef", as if spelled). The term got its significance from the Constitution of India, which intersects the oppressed and exploited Indians into classes on the basis of their status: Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), Other Backward Class (OBC) and Minority Communities.

The origins of BAMCEF lie in the organisation for employees of oppressed communities that was established in 1971 by Kanshi Ram, D. K. Khaparde and Dinabhai. This became BAMCEF at a convention held in Delhi in 1978, with an official launch on 6 December 1978, the death anniversary of B. R. Ambedkar. The ideology of BAMCEF is to fight the rooted system of inequality that divides Indian society and to abolish the caste system.

History

As an employee of the Defence Research and Development Laboratory in Pune, Kanshi Ram realized that the formation of a Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes bureaucracy was important to serve depressed class's interests. He set about forming a federation, through which he worked his way up the bureaucratic hierarchy. By identifying a few zealous officers, he was able to influence lower-ranked staff.

The motto of this organisation is to 'Change the System', to inspire the Sc/St/OBC and Minority bureaucrats to do their bit for the moolnivasi (Sc/St/OBC and Minority) masses. In this way, a continuous supply of intellectual property, money and talent was ensured. Ram did not want to make BAMCEF an employees' union. He wanted it to become an organisation of educated Bahujan employees: "the think tank, talent bank, and financial bank of the Bahujan samaj".

BAMCEF raised funds to promote their agenda and for training. Kanshi Ram appointed state-level conveners as well as mandal conveners to act as links between state and district levels. Suryakant Waghmore says it appealed to "the class among the indigenous moolnivasi bahujans that was comparatively well-off, mostly based in urban areas and small towns working as government servants and partially alienated from their untouchable identities".

Others established the Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti (DS4) in 1981. This organization made an impact on people in North and South India. Later, this group was led by Ishaan Singh Tomar. Before the formation of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), DS4 entered local elections in Delhi and Haryana in the name of "Limited Political Action". Later on, Ram dissolved DS4 and formed BSP as a completely political wing. This caused strain within BAMCEF ranks.

In early 1986, BAMCEF split. Kanshi Ram announced that he was no longer willing to work for any organisation other than BSP. One element of BAMCEF, which was associated with Kanshi Ram, became a shadow organisation to help BSP in electoral mobilisation. Those remaining in BAMCEF after Ram's departure registered BAMCEF as an independent non-political organisation in 1987.

The current national president of BAMCEF is Waman Meshram

Bhim Sena
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Not to be confused with Bhim Army.
Akhil Bhartiya Bhim SenaAbbreviation ABBS
Formation 1 October 2010
Type leftism
Legal status Active
Purpose Pro-Constitution and Dalit rights
Headquarters Delhi - Jaipur Expy, Sector 10A, Gurugram, Haryana
Origins Haryana

Area served India

Official language Hindi, English

Founder & National President (Chief) Nawab Satpal Tanwar

Main organ Bhim Chat
Affiliations Ambedkarism

Volunteers 23,00000 plus

Bhim Sena or Bheem Sena or Akhil Bhartiya Bhim Sena, abbreviated as ABBS, lit."All India Ambedkar Army", is an Ambedkarite social organization working for rights of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes and religious minorities in India currently under national president, Nawab Satpal Tanwar. It works for protecting the Indian Constitution and reservation. The organisation is named after B. R. Ambedkar. Seema Chauhan is PRO of Bhim Sena.

Historical background

On 1 October 2010, Gurgaon, Haryana's Nawab Satpal Tanwar founded Bhim Sena as a volunteers corps, seeking self-defence and equality which asserted that dalits are mool bharatis (the original inhabitants of India). On 29 May 1972, on similar patterns Dalit Panthers was founded in Maharashtra. First ever dalit volunteer organization was Samata Sainik Dal formed in 1927 by B. R. Ambedkar. In 1907, Ayyankali Pada was created by dalit reformer Ayyankali in Kerala. As of 2018, Seema Chauhan is PRO of Akhil Bhartiya Bheem Sena.

Vanchit Bahujan Aaghadi
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

This article contains wording that promotes the subject in a subjective manner without imparting real information. (April 2019)

A major contributor to this article appears to have a close connection with its subject. (April 2019)

This article contains content that is written like an advertisement. (April 2019)

Not to be confused with Bahujan Vikas Aaghadi.

Vanchit Bahujan Aaghadi
Abbreviation VBA
President Prakash Ambedkar
Founded 20 March 2018 
Merger of Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh (2019)
Headquarters First Floor, Thackersey House, Ballard Estate, Fort, Mumbai, Maharashtra 400001
Newspaper Prabuddha Bharat
Colours Blue
ECI Status Registered Party
Number of states and union territories in government Maharashtra
Website


The Vanchit Bahujan Aaghadi (translation: Deprived Majority Front; abbr. VBA) is an Indian political party founded by Prakash Ambedkar on 20 March 2018.The party is primarily based in Maharashtra state.

History and background

On 1 January 2018, the name "Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi" was firstly used in a convention held by Dhangar community people at Pandharpur, Maharashtra. The convention was presided over by Prakash Ambedkar. After this so many organizations of all the communities those were exploited, deprived and the communities being constantly subjected to injustice, became involved in this convention. So far, around 100 small political parties and social organizations have participated in this convention. In June 2018, a decision was taken to constitute a political party, that is the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi by all pro-progressive parties in a meeting in the presence of Prakash Ambedkar, Laxman Mane, Haridas Bhade and Vijay More. "There will be the inclusion of all progressive parties in this front (VBA), and this political front will be led by the eminent leader Prakash Ambedkar and existence of each progressive party shall be upheld" In this way, Prakash Ambedkar explained the doctrine of the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi. Later, on 20 May 2018, Ambedkar established the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi. On 15 March 2019, Ambedkar asserted that the Election Commission of India has announced the list of registered parties in India, and "Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi" has been recognized as a registered political party, moreover Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangh, a political party shall be dissolved into Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi as said by Prakash Ambedkar. On 28 September 2018, the first session of the VBA was held at Solapur and resulted in agreement from the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen to form a coalition. The Coalition Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi is going to contest for the upcoming Lok Sabha and Legislative Assembly elections 2019 in the state Maharashtra. Ambedkar subsequently organised public gatherings throughout Maharashtra under the VBA banner. In the beginning, in order to organize the masses efforts were made by organizing conferences in the name of farmers, workers, youths and reservations and organised various conventions and conventions at district levels were also organised.

On 23 February 2019 at Shivaji Park in Mumbai an OBC Reservation Conference was held. This conferences was presided by Rajaram Patil, the leader of Agri-Koli community in the presence of Ambedkar and Owaisi. In this conference, questions of OBC rights were discussed. Furthermore in Mumbai there are 200 villages in Agri, Koli, Bhandari, East Indians tribal for which the government should distribute the property cards, to entitle them with the right to self development, in the same manner the development of slums should be done as per village site law. The people received huge response in the meeting at Shivaji Park, Mumbai. The meetings held by these alliances have received great response so far. Adequate efforts were also made to get Ambedkar along with Indian National Congress-Nationalist Congress Party for the anti-Bhartiya Janata Party agitation. In order to give representation for the deprived communities such as Muslim, Dhangar, Koli, Nomadic tribes OBC and smaller OBC communities, VBA demanded 12 seats (2 seats for each community) to the Indian National Congress. Though Congress was reluctant to share seats and hence Congress didn't take any cognizance of VBA's demands. Therefore, VBA joined AIMIM. As a result of this coalition between VBA and AIMIM, Congress offered 4 seats to the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi. "We had proposed 12 seats initially before Congress, but the proposal did not get any positive response. [There] now there is talk of 22 seats, but that has also been revoked," said Prakash Ambedkar. Thereafter VBA took a rigid stand to contest all 48 seats in the state Maharashtra.

In July 2019, Laxman Mane split from the VBA and formed new party, the Maharashtra Bahujan Vanchit Aghadi.

The party had an alliance with the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen until 6 September 2019 when the alliance broke due to differences on seat distribution in the 2019 State Elections in Maharashtra.[ Prakash Ambedkar is the VBA leader.

The Election Commission of India had given election symbol "Gas cylinder" to the VBA candidates for the 2019 Maharashtra Legislative Assembly election. VBA contested 234 of the 288 seats in 2019 Maharashtra Legislative Assembly election but won none.The VBA also supported 23 other non-VBA candidates. The VBA is the party which contested the second highest number of seats in the election, after the Bahujan Samaj Party (262 seats contested). According to the figures released by the Election Commission of India, in the Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha elections held in 2019, VBA candidates had got more than 24 lakh votes (4.6%). The VBA came the second in 10 constituencies and came third in many more.

On 8 November 2019, the Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha merged into the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi.

Candidature

In March 2019, VBA declared its first list of 37 candidates along with their caste or religions being mentioned. The candidates of VBA have been selected from different politically deprived communities such as Dhangar, Kunbi, Bhil, Buddhist, Koli, Vadar, Lohar, Varli, Banjara, Muslim, Mali, Kaikadi, Dhivar, Matang, Agri, Shimpi, Lingayat, and Maratha. Ambedkar said the caste of the candidates had been given because no other political party does so and it was essential to highlight that these people were, in his opinion, kept out of politics by competing parties because of issues relating to caste. Out of the 48 seats in the 2019 Lok Sabha seat in Maharashtra, AIMIM is contesting in one seat of Aurangabad and the VBA candidate for the remaining 47 seats. The Election Commission of India has given election symbol "Teacup" (Cup Bashi) to most of the VBA candidates for the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. Prakash Ambedkar, the party leader has been an MP twice from the Akola Loksabha constituency before losing his seat in the 2019 elections.

In the Lok Sabha elections 2019, the sole candidate of AIMIM Imtiyaz Jaleel won while no candidate from VBA could win the polls. In the 17 constituencies of the state, the candidates of the VBA got more than 80,000 votes. According to the figures released by the Election Commission of India, in the Lok Sabha elections held in Maharashtra in 2019, VBA and AIMIM candidates had got 4,132,242 (7.64%) votes. 47 candidates standing on the VBA ticket received 37,43,200 votes, it was 6.92% of the total votes in Maharashtra and VBA had 7.08% votes of the 47 constituencies contested (excluding Aurangabad). In all the 48 constituencies in Maharashtra, 54,054,245 voters were polled, out of which 1,198,221 voters were polled in the Aurangabad constituency. VBA supported AIMIM was the first place in a Lok Sabha constituency in Aurangabad for getting more votes, whereas VBA was the second in the Akola constituency and VBA was in the third place in 41 constituencies
Azad Samaj Party
Advocate Chandrashekhar Azad, (born 3 December 1986) is an Indian Ambedkarite lawyer turned activist. He is the co-founder and national president of Bhim Army. In February 2021, the TIME magazine featured him in it’s Annual list of “100 emerging leaders who are shaping the future”.


Ambedkar National Congress
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Ambedkar National Congress
Leader Mohammed Kazam Ali Khan
Founded Mohammed Kazam Ali Khan
Headquarters 8-3-323, Amreetpet 'X' Cross Road, Ameerpet, Hyderabad - 500 073, Telangana., India
Website


Ambedkar National Congress is a political party based in India. The party works for the rights of Dalits. Mr. Mohammed Kazam Ali Khan is the founder and President of ANC.
Jantantrik Bahujan Samaj Party
From Wikipedia
Jantantrik Bahujan Samaj Party (Democratic Majority Society Party), splinter group of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) formed in 1997 when 19 BSP Members of the Legislative Assembly of Uttar Pradesh broke away. JBSP allied themselves with Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and joined the National Democratic Alliance. In UP they gave their support to Kalyan Singh's government. 17 out of the JBSP MLAs were inducted as ministers in the state government. The president of JBSP was DP Yadav (Rajya Sabha MP) and the general secretary Shahidullah Khan.

JBSP became an unstable party and suffered various splits. Four MLAs defected to Lok Jan Shakti Party. Another splinter group was Kisan Mazdoor Bahujan Party.

When JBSP fell apart DP Yadav organized a new party, Rashtriya Parivartan Dal.

JBSP should not be confused with another BSP splinter group, Loktantrik Bahujan Samaj Party.


Ambedkar Makkal Iyakkam
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Ambedkar Makkal Iyakkam (Ambedkar People Movement) is a political movement in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu working for the upliftment of Dalits. The founder of AMI was Dr. V. Balasundaram. Dr.Vai. Balasundaram formed 'Ambedkar People Movement' in 1977 in a ceremony held at Rajaji Hall, Chennai, in the esteemed presence of Mr. Prabhudas Patwari, Hon’ble then Governor of Tamil Nadu.Ambedkar Makkal Iyakkam is constantly fighting for social welfare,https://vikaspedia.in/social-welfare equality, human rights, women welfare, Panchami Land recovery and educational upliftment. After demise of Vai Balasundaram, his brother Vai Ramalingam was elected as president for the party in the general body meeting held at Pudukkottai on 25 January 2020. In that same general body meeting Ilamurugu Muthu was elected as Executive President for the party.

Harijan Mandal
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Harijan Mandal was an Ambedkarite political party in Jammu and Kashmir. The party was founded in 1951. It was modelled on the Scheduled Castes Federation. Unlike its predecessor, the All Jammu and Kashmir Harijan Mandal (founded in the 1920s), this organization was oriented towards electoral politics. It was led by Babu Milkhi Ram (president), Munshi Ram, Major Singh and Sain Das. The party was concentrated in Jammu. It was opposed to the Jammu Praja Parishad, which was dominated by upper caste Hindus. The party received government support during the reign of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad.

Electoral history

The party fielded two candidates in the 1952 Jammu and Kashmir Constituent Assembly election, Milkhi Ram being one of them. Both were defeated by Jammu and Kashmir National Conference candidates by large margins. The party had received support from the Praja Parishad, which had withdrawn its candidates from the election. The party won one seat (Babu Milkhi Ram, representing Jammu tehsil) in the 1957 Jammu and Kashmir assembly election. It had contested all four seats reserves for Scheduled Castes. The election symbol of party was a standing lion.

Coalition politics

The party contested the 1962 Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly election as a constituent of the United Socialist Front (a coalition led by the Praja Socialist Party, and which also included the Akali Dal). The party fielded ten candidates, but none was elected. All in all, they got 13,743 votes (1.89% of the votes in the state).

Dissolution

After the 1962 election the party entered a phase of decline. It was dissolved in 1970. Milkhi Ram later joined the Republican Party of India (RPI). In 1984 after formation of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), the Jammu unit of RPI merged into BSP under Kanshi Ram



हरिजन सेवक संघ
मुक्त ज्ञानकोश विकिपीडिया से

हरिजन सेवक संघ की स्थापना 30 सितम्बर 1932 को एक अखिल भारतीय संगठन के रूप में हुई थी। पहले इस संगठन का नाम अस्पृश्यता निवारण संघ रखा गया था, जिसे 13 सितम्बर 1933 को हरिजन सेवक संघ नाम दिया गया| इसके प्रथम अध्यक्ष प्रसिद्ध उद्योगपति घनश्यामदास बिड़ला तथा सचिव अमृतलाल विट्ठलदास ठक्कर हुए| संघ का मुख्यालय गाँधी आश्रम, किंग्सवे कैम्प, दिल्ली में है। इसकी शाखाएँ भारत में लगभग सभी राज्यों में हैं। वर्तमान में इसके अध्यक्ष शंकर कुमार सान्याल हैं।

इतिहास

महात्मा गाँधी ने पुणे की यरवदा जेल में रहते हुए ब्रिटिश सरकार द्वारा दलितों के लिए पृथक निर्वाचन की पद्धति स्वीकृत किये जाने के विरुद्ध 20 सितम्बर 1932 को उपवास शुरू किया|[3] महात्मा गाँधी तथा ब्रिटिश सरकार के बीच हुए पत्र-व्यवहार के प्रकाशित होते ही उनके 20 सितम्बर से उपवास शुरू होने की खबर अख़बारों में आ गयी, जिसकी देशभर में व्यापक प्रतिक्रिया हुई| 15 सितम्बर को बम्बई सरकार को भेजे अपने वक्तव्य में महात्मा गाँधी ने कहा, " उपवास का निर्णय ईश्वर के नाम पर, उसके काम से और जैसा मैं नम्रतापूर्वक मानता हूँ उसके आदेशानुसार किया गया है| इस उपवास का मुख्य हेतु सच्चा धार्मिक कार्य करने के लिए हिन्दूओं की आत्मा को सतेज बनाना है| अस्पृश्य वर्गों का सवाल मुख्यतः धार्मिक होने के करण मै इसे खास अपना प्रश्न मानता हूँ|" एक ओर उस सरकारी निर्णय को बदलने की देशव्यापी माँग सामने आयी तो दूसरी ओर अस्पृश्यता को समाप्त करने की भावना जागृत हुई| इसका हल निकालने के लिए राष्ट्रीय नेताओं की कई बैठकें हुई, जिसका परिणाम यरवदा करार, जिसे पूना पैक्ट भी कहते हैं, के रूप में सामने आया| इस करार पर 24 सितम्बर 1932 को डॉ. भीमराव अम्बेडकर और एम. सी. राजा ने दलितों की ओर से तथा पं. मदन मोहन मालवीय ने सवर्ण हिन्दुओं की ओर से हस्ताक्षर किए| इस समझौते के साथ ही हरिजन सेवक संघ अस्तित्व में आया तथा दलितों को हरिजन जैसा पवित्र नाम मिला|

यरवदा करार

24 सितम्बर 1932 को यरवडा जेल में बन्द गांधी के सामने भारत के दलितों की ओर से डॉ भीमराव अम्बेडकर और एम सी राजा द्वारा तथा सवर्ण हिन्दुओं की ओर से मदन मोहन मालवीय ने हस्ताक्षर कर ऐक करार किया जिसके अंतरगत सांप्रदायिक अधिनिर्णय में संशोधन के साथ दलित वर्ग के लिये प्रथक निर्वाचन मंडल को त्याग कर प्रान्तीय विधान मंडलों में 71 के स्थान पर 147 स्थान और केन्द्रीय विधायिका में कुल सीटों की 18 प्रतिशत सीटें दी गयी। तदोपरान्त 26 सितम्बर 1932 को रवीन्द्रनाथ ठाकुर की उपस्थिति में गांधी जी ने यह कहते हुये अपना उपवास तोडा उचित समय के अन्दर अस्पृश्यता निवारण सम्बन्धी सुधार यदि नेकनीयती के साथ न पूरा किया गया तो मुझे निश्चय ही फिर नये सिरे से उपवास करना पडेगा। परन्तु इस विषय पर गांधी जी को पुनः उपवास करने की आवश्यकता नहीं पडी क्योकि चौथे दिन 30 सितंबर 1932 को बम्बई में मदन मोहन मालवीय जी की अध्यक्षता में एक बैठक हुई जिसमें देश के सभी हिन्दू नेताओं ने निश्चय किया कि अस्पृश्यता निवारण के लिए एक अखिल भारतीय अस्पृश्यता विरोधी मंडल एंटी अनटचेनिलिटी लीग स्थापित किया जाय जिनका प्रधान कार्यालय दिल्ली में हो तथा जिसकी शाखायें विभिन्न प्रांतों में स्थापित हों साथ ही जो अस्पृश्यता उन्मूलन के उद्देश्य को पूरा करने के लिए निम्न कार्यक्रम चलाये.

- सभी सार्वजनिक कुएँ धर्मशालाओ सड़कों स्कूल शमशान घाट इत्यादि दलित वर्ग के लिए खुले घोषित किये जायें।
- सार्वजनिक मंदिर उनके लिए खोल दिए जायँ।

- साथ ही उपरोक्त दोनों कार्यों के लिए जोर.जबरदस्ती का प्रयोग न किया जाय बल्कि केवल शान्तिपूर्वक समझाते. बुझाते हुए यह प्रयास किया जाय।

इन्ही विनिश्चयन के अनुसार अश्पृश्यता विरोधी मंडल नाम की अखिल भारतीय संस्था बनाई गयी जिसका मूल संविधान महात्मा गांधी ने अपनी हस्तलिपि में तैयार किया। यही संस्था आगे चलकर हरिजन सेवक संघ कहलाई जिसका मुख्यालय किंग्सवे कैम्प दिल्ली में स्थापित है। इस संघ का प्रथम प्रमुख श्री घनश्यामदास बिड़ला को नियुक्त किया गया तथा इसके पहले मंत्री बने श्री अमृतलाल बिट्टालदास ठक्कर जी ठक्कर बाबा के नाम से जाने जाते हैं। 

हरिजन शब्द

महात्मा गाँधी ने अपने वक्तव्य में हरिजन शब्द का सर्वप्रथम प्रयोग किया तथा लिखा, " हिन्दुस्तान में जो सबसे सबसे अधिक दुःख में पड़े हुए हैं, उन्हें हरिजन कहना यथार्थ है| हरिजन का अर्थ है, ईश्वर का भक्त, ईश्वर का प्यारा| अपने एक भजन में भक्तकवि नरसी मेहता ने अस्पृश्य भाइयों का उल्लेख हरिजन पद से किया है| इस दृष्टि से अस्पृश्य भाइयों के लिए हरिजन शब्द उपयुक्त है, ऐसा मैं मानता हूँ|" मोरोपंत-ग्रंथावली के सम्पादक-प्रकाशक आर. डी. पराड़कर ने भी मोरोपंत के एक प्रमाणिक पद्य में हरिजन पद को देखा तथा महात्मा गाँधी को बताया| उन्होंने अपनी टिप्पणी में कहा कि नरसी मेहता जैसे ही प्रमाण अन्य संतों की रचनाओं में पाए जाते हैं| हरिजन नाम अस्पृश्य, अंत्यज आदि नामों की घृणाभाव से मुक्त था, इसलिए इस नाम को तुरन्त सामाजिक स्वीकृति भी मिल गई|

अध्यक्ष

हरिजन सेवक संघ के अध्यक्ष
घनश्याम दास बिड़ला सितम्बर 1932 से अप्रैल, 1959 तक
रामेश्वरी नेहरुअप्रैल,1959 से नवम्बर , 1965 तक
वियोगी हरि नवम्बर 1965 से मई , 1975 तक
श्यामलाल जून , 1975 से अक्टूबर , 1978 तक
आर. के. यार्डे दिसम्बर , 1978 से अप्रैल, 1983 तक
निर्मला देशपांडे जून , 1983 से मई , 2008 तक
राधाकृष्ण मालवीय मई , 2008 से फरवरी , 2013 तक
शंकर कुमार सान्याल। [6] अप्रैल, 2013 से अबतक

हरिजन सेवक संघ के सचिव
अमृतलाल बिट्टालदास ठक्कर सितम्बर 1932 से जनवरी , 1951 तक
वियोगी हरि जनवरी , 1951 से अप्रैल, 1959 तक
के ऐस श्रीवाम अप्रैल,1959 से अप्रैल, 1962 तक
जीवन लाल जैरामदास अप्रैल,1962 से अप्रैल, 1973 तक
शंकरलाल जोशी अप्रैल,1973 से जुलाई , 1980 तक
मानक चन्द कटारिया जून, 1976 से अक्टूबर,1977 तक
चितरन्जन देव अक्टूबर, 1980 से जुलाई,1982 तक
बसन्तराव ईग्ले मार्च ,1982 से अगस्त, 1983 तक
बलराम दास जुलाई , 1983 से अक्टूबर,1985 तक
लक्ष्मी दास अगस्त.,1983 से दिसम्बर,1988 तक
ऐ अवैयान नवम्बर,1985 से दिसम्बर,1988 तक
आनन्दी भाई मई , 1988 से दिसम्बर,1991 तक
प्रशान्त मोहन्ती दिसम्बर,1988 से जुलाई ,1991 तक
जटा शंकर फरवरी,19 91 से मई ,1993 तक
डीऐन बैनर्जी जुलाई ,1992 से जनवरी,1998 तक
रमेश भाई जून,1993 से मई ,2008 तक
ऐम ऐम जोशी जनवरी . 1998 से अप्रैल,1999 तक
ऐन वासुदेवन दिसम्बर, 1999 से जनवरी ,2004 तक
हीरापौल गंगनेगी फरवरी, 2004 से ....तक
लक्ष्मीदास अगस्त, 2008 से ....तक
रजनीश कुमार मई २०१६ से अबतक
डॉ.रमेश कुमार जून २०१९ से अबतक

प्रान्तीय व अन्य इकाइयां

हरिजन सेवक संध की महिला संभाग की अध्यक्षा सुश्री उर्मिला श्रीवास्तव है। 

संपादक श्री लक्ष्मी दास जी द्वारा संघ की पत्रिका हरिजन सेवा का नियमित प्रकाशन किया जाता है। 

उत्तर प्रदेश राज्य सहित देश के 26 राज्यों में हरिजन सेवक संघ की प्रादेशिक इकाइयां स्थापित हैं। वर्तमान में उत्तर प्रदेश इकाई की अध्यक्षा सुश्री कुसुम जौहरी तथा उपाध्यक्ष अशोक कुमार शुक्ला हैं। उत्तर प्रदेश इकाई का अधिकारिक प्रादेशिक फेसबुक हैन्डिल है।

हरिजन सेवक संघ के रचनात्मक कार्यों को व्यापक आयाम देने हेतु विश्व भर के रचनात्मक संगठनों तथा रचनात्मक कार्यकर्त्ताओं से संवाद स्थापित करने के उद्देश्य से 17 जून 2017 को माइक्रो नेटवर्किंग साइट ट्विटर पर हरिजन सेवक संघ का आधिकारिक हैंडल प्रारम्भ हुआ।

Peoples Republican Party
From Wikipedia
Flag used by various Dalit parties of India

The Peoples Republican Party, also known as Republican Party of India (Kawade), is a political party in India. PRP is a splinter group of the old B. R. Ambedkar's Republican Party of India. The leader of the party is Jogendra Kawade. Its presence is limited to Maharashtra among Dalits. His party had supported Bharatiya Janata Party leader Nitin Gadkari in Maharashtra Legislative Council election.

Recently, all factions of RPI except Prakash Ambedkar's Bharipa Bahujan Mahasangha reunited to form a united Republican Party of India. Peoples Republican Party is also merged in this united RPI. However senior RPI leader Ramdas Athavle and his faction left the United RPI alliance after the Vidhan Sabha elections and joined hands with Shiv sena]-BJP.

Jogendra Kawade criticised Ramdas Athawale for joining hands with right wing alliance of Shivsena - BJP. He also announced that his party will continue to be part of Third Front popularly known as RIDALOS.

Republican Sena
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Republican Sena
Abbreviation RS
Founded 21 November 1998 (22 years ago)
Headquarters Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Bhavan, Gokuldas Pasta Marg, Dadar (East),
Mumbai-110002

The Republican Sena (translation: Republican Army; abbr. RS) is a political party in India. It founded by Anandraj Ambedkar on 21 November 1998. Anandraj Ambedkar is son of Yashwant Ambedkar and grandson of B. R. Ambedkar. This party is based on ideology of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar i.e. Ambedkarism. The party is primarily based in Maharashtra state. Republican Sena's supporters occupied the Indu Mill land at Dadar, Mumbai in 2011 to highlight the long-pending demand for the Statue of Equality or the Bharatratna Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar Memorial. The party has also worked with the Vanchit Bahujan Aaghadi, headed by Prakash Yashwant Ambedkar.

Indian Union Dalit League

The Indian Union Dalit League is the Scheduled Caste wing of the Indian Union Muslim League. As of 2012, the IUDL Kerala State President of U.C. Raman, its state secretary M.P. Gopi and state treasurer Balan.

Hindustani Awam Morcha
Hindustani Awam Morcha (translation: Indian People's Front; abbreviated as HAM) is an Indian political party, formally launched on 8 May 2015 by former Chief Minister of Bihar, Jitan Ram Manjhi, who left the Janata Dal (United) along with 18 others to form the party following the 2015 Bihar political crisis. The name of the party was later changed to Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular) (HAM-S). In July 2015, the Election Commission recognised the HAM-S as a political party. The election symbol of the party is a telephone.

2015 Bihar assembly election

Main article: Bihar Legislative Assembly election, 2015 In July 2015, the party joined the NDA and contested 21 seats, with some additional members contesting on the BJP ticket in Bihar. On 18 September 2015, Hindustani Awam Morcha announced its first list of 13 candidates with Manjhi contesting from Makhdumpur and Imamganj.
The party ended up winning only in Imamganj with Manjhi himself losing in Makhdumpur.
Ambedkar Students' Association

Ambedkar Students' Association (ASA) is a student organization in India representing students from Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SC/ST), Other Backward Class (OBC), religious minorities and other oppressed communities. ASA works for the assertion of students from dalit and other marginalised communities.

ASA is active in University of Hyderabad, University of Mumbai, Pondicherry University, Tata Institute of Social Sciences,[8] Central University of Gujarat, Central University of Kerala and Panjab University. ASA conducts regular seminars and events on Ambedkarism and protests. It also works for scholarships and fee issues of SC/ST/Blind students.

History ASA was founded in 1993 by a group of Dalit students at Hyderabad Central University, led by PhD scholar Rajasekhar.

Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha (Hindi: बहिष्कृत हितकारिणी सभा) is a central institution formed by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar for removing difficulties of the untouchables and placing their grievances before government. In order to bring about a new socio-political awareness among the untouchables, Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar established"Bahishkrit Hitkarini Sabaha" on 20 July 1924 at Bombay. The founding principles of the Sabha were. "Educate, Organize and Agitate"

History In March 1924 to launch social movement for the uplift of the Untouchables Dr. Babasheb Ambedkar convened a meeting on 9 March 1924, at the Damodar Hall, Bombay, to consider the desirability of establishing a central institution for removing difficulties of the untouchables and placing their grievances before government. After much discussion and debate, it was resolved that an institution be established and according it was founded on 20 July 1924, under the title 'Bahishkirt Hitakarini Sabha', and was registered under ActXXI of 1860.

The aims and objects of the Sabha were as under:

(a) To promote the spread of education among the Depressed Class by opening Hostels or by employing such other means as may seem necessary or desirable.(b) To promote the spread of culture among the Depressed study circles.(c) To advance and improve the economic condition of the Depressed Classes by starting Industrial and Agricultural schools.(d) To represent the grievances of the Depressed Classes.

Members
Sri Chimanlal Harilal Setalvad - The President of the Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha
Meyer Nissim - Vice-President
J.P. - Vice-President
Rustomji Jinwala - Vice-President
G.K. Nariman - Solicitor
Dr. R.P. Paranjpye - Solicitor
Dr. V.P. Chavan - Solicitor
B. G. Kher - Solicitor
Dr.B.R.Ambedkar - The Chairman of the managing committee
S.N. Shivtarkar - Secretary
N.T.Jadhav - Treasure

Works The Sabha started one hostel at Solapur for high school students belonging to the depressed classes on 4 Jan 1925. The management of the hostel was entrusted to Shri Jivappa Suba Aydale, a social worker from Solapur.

Bhim Army

The Ambedkar Army or Bhim Army Bharat Ekta Mission or Bhim Army, also written as Bheem Army, is a Dalit-organisation in India. It was founded by lawyer Chandrashekhar Azad Ravan and Vinay Ratan Singh. The organisation is working for Dalit emancipation through education. It runs 350 free schools for Dalits in western Uttar Pradesh: Saharanpur, Meerut, Shamli and Muzaffarnagar.

Formation of Bhim Army was triggered due to atrocities from the upper caste Thakur community towards Dalits. When the victims raised the matter with the administration, they received threats from various quarters.

It became prominent after caste clashes in Uttar Pradesh, for his involvement in which Ravan was subsequently arrested by the Uttar Pradesh Special Task Force.

Bhim Army organised two big rallies in Jantar-Mantar, New Delhi, where thousands of Dalit protesters gathered to protest against the atrocities that they say they continue to face and to demand the release of Ravan.

Bihar Dalit Development Organization

From Wikipedia

Bihar Dalit
Development Organization
Bihar Dalit Vikas Samiti
Abbreviation BDVS
Established 1982; 37 years ago
Headquarters Bailey Road, Rukunpura

Founder José Kananaikil

Director Anto Joseph
Affiliations Jesuit, Catholic
Website BDVS

Formerly called Harijan Uthan Samiti

Bihar Dalit Development Organization (Bihar Dalit Vikas Samiti) was founded in Bihar, India, by José Kananaikil in 1982 for village level mobilization of Dalit men and women, solidarity building, the educational and economic empowerment of Dalits, and the elimination of caste discrimination.

It has grown into an association of 500 villages encompassing 100,000 families, with 14 affiliated centers and a central office at Barh. Its goal is to establish an educated, justice-seeking Dalit society. Kananaikil received many awards including the national award of the Bhartiya Dalit Sahitya Academy.

History Jose Kananaikal started to work among the people in Bihar State and founded Harijan Uthan Samiti (Harijan Uplift Association), but he later changed its name to “Bihar Dalit Vikas Samiti” to focus on poor people working for the Upper Shudras.

Birsa Ambedkar Phule Students' Association (BAPSA)

is a student organization formed on 15 November 2014 at Jawaharlal Nehru University on Birsa Munda's birth anniversary. It claims to work for student rights and the issues affecting Dalits, Adivasis and other minority groups. BAPSA says it stands for assertion, follows Ambedkarite ideology and is critical of both Left- and Right-wing forces on campus. BAPSA is also active in Central University of Gujarat.

Campus activities Founded by members of the United Dalit Students’ Forum, BAPSA conducts rallies and protests, as well as inviting students and teachers from the campus to talk about their issues.

In 2017, BAPSA blocked the JNU administration building for 20 days in protest at a cut in the number of reserved seats and changes in the entrance criteria for graduate programs which they thought would make it difficult for marginalised applicants to gain admission to study. In February 2018, BAPSA protested the Tata Institute of Social Sciences administration’s decision to withdraw financial aid to students from the Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe and Other Backward Class communities.

JNUSU elections BAPSA has contested the Jawaharlal Nehru University Students' Union (JNUSU) polls since 2016.[7] The Hindu noted after the 2017 elections, where the BAPSA presidential candidate finished third, that the result showed "there was space for a party that did not subscribe to the Left-Right binary. With every election, the Ambedkarite forces have put up a better show basing their campaign on the 'unity of the oppressed' slogan."

The 2017 elections to the JNUSU Gender Sensitisation Committee Against Sexual Harassment (GSCASH) were won by BAPSA's Magare Bhupali Vithal. The elections were not recognised by the university authorities and were held in protest at the administration's disbandment of the GSCASH.

Dalit Bahujan Shramik Union

The Dalit Bahujan Shramik Union (DBSU) is a Dalit-Bahujan civil rights organization locally coordinated from Gandhinagar, Hyderabad, Andhra Pradesh, South India.

Origins The DBSU was previously known as the Andhra Pradesh Dalit Bahujan Vyavasaya Vruthidharula Union (APDBVVU)

Formation

Image taken in 1920s : Theagaroya Chetty is seated at the centre (to the immediate right of the girl). To his right is Arcot Ramaswamy Mudaliar. Also present are Raja of Panagal and Raja of Venkatagiri

In the 1916 elections to the Imperial Legislative Council, the non-Brahmin candidates T. M. Nair (from southern districts constituency) and P. Ramarayaningar (from landlords constituency) were defeated by the Brahmin candidates V. S. Srinivasa Sastri and K. V. Rangaswamy Iyengar. The same year P. Theagaraya Chetty and Kurma Venkata Reddy Naidu lost to Brahmin candidates with Home Rule League support in local council elections. These defeats increased animosity and the formation of a political organisation to represent non-Brahmin interests. On 20 November 1916, about thirty prominent non-Brahmin leaders met in Victoria Public Hall under Chetty and T. M. Nair. They established the South Indian People's Association (SIPA) to publish English, Tamil and Telugu newspapers to publicise grievances of non-Brahmins. Chetty became the secretary. Chetty and Nair had been political rivals in the Madras Corporation council, but Natesa Mudaliar was able to reconcile their differences. The meeting also formed the "South Indian Liberal Federation" (SILF) as a political association. Later, the association came to be popularly called the "Justice Party", after the English daily Justice published by it. In December 1916, the association published "The Non Brahmin Manifesto", affirmed its loyalty and faith in the British Raj, but decried Brahminic bureaucratic dominance and urged for non-Brahmins to "press their claims as against the virtual domination of the Brahmin Caste". The manifesto was harshly criticised by the nationalist newspaper The Hindu (on 20 December 1916):

It is with much pain and surprise that we have perused this document. It gives a manifestly unfair and distorted representation of many of the matters to which it makes reference. It can serve no purpose but it is bound to create bad blood between persons belonging to the Great Indian Community.



The masthead of the English daily - Justice The periodical Hindu Nesan, questioned the timing of the new association. The New Age (Home Rule Movement's newspaper) dismissed it and predicted its premature death. By February 1917, the SIPA joint stock company had raised money by selling 640 shares of one hundred rupees each. The money purchased a printing press and the group hired C. Karunakara Menon to edit a newspaper which was to be called Justice. However, negotiations with Menon broke down and Nair himself took over as honorary editor with P. N. Raman Pillai and M. S. Purnalingam Pillai as sub–editors. The first issue came out on 26 February 1917. A Tamil newspaper called Dravidan, edited by Bhaktavatsalam Pillai, was started in June 1917. The party also purchased the Telugu newspaper Andhra Prakasika (edited by A. C. Parthasarathi Naidu). Later in 1919, both were converted to weeklies due to financial constraints.

On 19 August 1917, the first non-Brahmin conference was convened at Coimbatore under the presidency of Ramarayaningar. In the following months, several non-Brahmin conferences were organised. On 18 October, the party published its objectives (as formed by T. M. Nair) in The Hindu:

1) to create and promote the education, social, economic, political, material and moral progress of all communities in Southern India other than Brahmins 2)to discuss public questions and make a true and timely representation to Government of the views and interests of the people of Southern India with the object of safeguarding and promoting the interests of all communities other than Brahmins and 3) to disseminate by public lectures, by distribution of literature and by other means sound and liberal views in regard to public opinion. Between August and December 1917 (when the first confederation of the party was held), conferences were organised all over the Madras Presidency—at Coimbatore, Bikkavole, Pulivendla, Bezwada, Salem and Tirunelveli. These conferences and other meetings symbolised the arrival of the SILF as a non-Brahmin political organisation.

Early history (1916–1920) During 1916–20, the Justice party struggled against the Egmore and Mylapore factions to convince the British government and public to support communal representation for non-Brahmins in the presidency. Rajagopalachari's followers advocated non-cooperation with the British.

Conflict with Home Rule Movement In 1916, Annie Besant, the leader of the Theosophical Society became involved in the Indian Independence Movement and founded the Home Rule League. She based her activities in Madras and many of her political associates were Tamil Brahmins. She viewed India as a single homogeneous entity bound by similar religious, philosophical, cultural characteristics and an Indian caste system. Many of the ideas she articulated about Indian culture were based on puranas, manusmriti and vedas, whose values were questioned by educated non Brahmins. Even before the League's founding, Besant and Nair had clashed over an article in Nair's medical journal Antiseptic, questioning the sexual practices of the theosophist Charles Webster Leadbeater. In 1913, Besant lost a defamation suit against Nair over the article.

Besant's association with Brahmins and her vision of a homogeneous India based on Brahminical values brought her into direct conflict with Justice. The December 1916 "Non-Brahmin Manifesto" voiced its opposition to the Home Rule Movement. The manifesto was criticised by the Home rule periodical New India. Justice opposed the Home Rule Movement and the party newspapers derisively nicknamed Besant as the "Irish Brahmini". Dravidan, the Tamil language mouthpiece of the party, ran headlines such as Home rule is Brahmin's rule. All three of the party's newspapers ran articles and opinions pieces critical of the home rule movement and the league on a daily basis. Some of these Justice articles were later published in book form as The Evolution of Annie Besant. Nair described the home rule movement as an agitation carried on "by a white woman particularly immune from the risks of government action" whose rewards would be reaped by the Brahmins.

Demand for communal representation On 20 August 1917, Edwin Montagu, the Secretary of State for India, proposed political reforms to increase representation of Indians in the government and to develop self-governing institutions. This announcement increased the division among the non-Brahmin political leaders of the Presidency. Justice organised a series of conferences in late August to support its claims. Theagaraya Chetty, cabled Montagu asking for communal representation in the provincial legislature for non-Brahmins. He demanded a system similar to the one granted to Muslims by the Minto-Morley reforms of 1909—separate electorates and reserved seats. The non-Brahmin members from Congress formed the Madras Presidency Association (MPA) to compete with Justice. Periyar E. V. Ramaswamy, T A V Nathan Kalyanasundaram Mudaliar, P. Varadarajulu Naidu and Kesava Pillai were among the non-Brahmin leaders involved in creating MPA. MPA was supported by the Brahmin nationalist newspaper The Hindu. Justice denounced MPA as a Brahmin creation intended to weaken their cause.[7][16][18] On 14 December 1917, Montagu arrived at Madras to listen to comments on the proposed reforms. O. Kandaswami Chetty (Justice) and Kesava Pillai (MPA) and 2 other non-Brahmin delegations presented to Montagu. Justice and MPA both requested communal reservation for Balija Naidus, Pillais and Mudaliars (Vellalas), Chettis and the Panchamas—along with four Brahmin groups. Pillai convinced the Madras Province Congress Committee to support the MPA/Justice position. British authorities, including Governor Baron Pentland and theMadras Mail supported communal representation. But Montagu was not inclined to extend communal representation to subgroups. The Montagu-Chelmsford Report on Indian Constitutional Reforms, issued on 2 July 1918, denied the request.

At a meeting held in Thanjavur, the party dispatched T. M. Nair to London to lobby for extending communal representation. Dr. Nair arrived in June 1918 and worked into December, attended various meetings, addressed Members of Parliament (MPs), and wrote articles and pamphlets. However, the party refused to cooperate with the Southborogh committee that was appointed to draw up the franchise framework for the proposed reforms, because Brahmins V. S. Srinivasa Sastri and Surendranath Banerjee were committee members. Justice secured the support of many Indian and non–Indian members of Indian Civil Service for communal representation.

The Joint Select Committee held hearings during 1919–20 to finalise the Government of India Bill, which would implement the reforms. A Justice delegation composed of Arcot Ramasamy Mudaliar, Kurma Venkata Reddi Naidu, Koka Appa Rao Naidu and L. K. Tulasiram, attended the hearings. Ramarayaningar also represented the All India Landholder association and the Madras Zamindar association. Reddi Naidu, Mudaliar and Ramarayaningar toured major cities, addressed meetings, met with MPs, and wrote letters to the local newspapers to advance their position. Nair died on 17 July 1919 before he could appear. After Nair's death, Reddi Naidu became the spokesman. He testified on 22 August. The deputation won the backing of both Liberal and Labour members. The Committee's report, issued on 17 November 1919, recommended communal representation in the Madras Presidency. The number of reserved seats was to be decided by the local parties and the Madras Government. After prolonged negotiations between Justice, Congress, MPA and the British Government, a compromise (called "Meston's Award") was reached in March 1920. 28 (3 urban and 25 rural) of the 63 general seats in plural member constituencies were reserved for non-Brahmins.

Opposition to non-cooperation movement Unsatisfied with the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms and the March 1919 Rowlatt Act, Mahatma Gandhi launched his non-cooperation movement in 1919. He called for a boycott of the legislatures, courts, schools and social functions. Non-cooperation did not appeal to Justice, which sought to leverage continued British presence by participating in the new political system. Justice considered Gandhi to be an anarchist threatening social order. The party newspapers Justice, Dravidan and Andhra Prakasika persistently attacked non-cooperation. Party member Mariadas Ratnaswami wrote critically of Gandhi and his campaign against industrialisation in a pamphlet named The political philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi in 1920. K. V. Reddi Naidu also fought non-cooperation.

This stance isolated the party—most political and social organisations supported the movement. Justice party's believed that he associated mostly with Brahmins, though he was not a Brahmin himself. It also favoured industrialisation. When Gandhi visited Madras in April 1921, he spoke about the virtues of Brahminism and Brahmin contributions to Indian culture. Justice responded:

The meeting was presided over by local Brahmin politicians of Gandhi persuasion, and Mr. Gandhi himself was surrounded by Brahmins of both sexes. A band of them came to the meeting singing hymns. They broke coconut in front of Gandhi, burnt camphor and presented him with holy water in silver basin. There were other marks of deification and, naturally, the vanity of the man was flattered beyond measure. He held forth on the glories of Brahminism and Brahminical culture. Not even knowing even the elements of Dravidian culture, Dravidian philosophy, Dravidian literature, Dravidian languages, and Dravidian history, this Gujarati gentleman extolled the Brahmins to the skies at the expense of non-Brahmins; and the Brahmins present must have been supremely pleased and elated. Kandaswamy Chetty sent a letter to the editor of Gandhi's journal Young India, advising him to stay away from Brahmin/non-Brahmin issues. Gandhi responded by highlighting his appreciation of Brahmin contribution to Hinduism and said, "I warn the correspondents against separating the Dravidian south from Aryan north. The India today is a blend not only of two, but of many other cultures." The party's relentless campaign against Gandhi, supported by the Madras Mail made him less popular and effective in South India, particularly in southern Tamil districts. Even when Gandhi suspended the movement after the Chauri Chaura incident, party newspapers expressed suspicion of him. The party softened on Gandhi only after his arrest, expressing appreciation for his "moral worth and intellectual capacity".

In office The Government of India Act 1919 implemented the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms, instituting a Diarchy in Madras Presidency. The diarchial period extended from 1920 to 1937, encompassing five elections. Justice party was in power for 13 of 17 years, save for an interlude during 1926–30.

1920–26 During the non-cooperation campaign, the Indian National Congress boycotted the November 1920 elections. Justice won 63 of the 98 seats. A. Subbarayalu Reddiar became the first Chief Minister, soon resigning due to declining health. Ramarayaningar (Raja of Panagal), the Minister of Local Self-Government and Public Health replaced him.The party was far from happy with the diarchial system. In his 1924 deposition to the Muddiman committee, Cabinet Minister Kurma Venkata Reddy Naidu expressed the party's displeasure:

I was a Minister of Development without the forests. I was a Minister of Agriculture minus Irrigation. As a Minister of Agriculture I had nothing to do with the Madras Agriculturists Loan Act or the Madras Land Improvement Loans Act... The efficacy and efficiency of a Minister of Agriculture without having anything to do with irrigation, agricultural loans, land improvement loans and famine relief, may better be imagined than described. Then again, I was Minister of Industries without factories, boilers, electricity and water power, mines or labor, all of which are reserved subjects. Internal dissent emerged and the party split in late 1923, when C. R. Reddy resigned and formed a splinter group and allied with Swarajists who were in opposition. The party won the second council elections in 1923 (though with a reduced majority). On the first day (27 November 1923) of the new session, a no-confidence motion was defeated 65–44 and Ramarayaningar remained in power until November 1926.[20][25][26] The party lost in 1926 to Swaraj. The Swaraj party refused to form the government, leading the Governor to set up an independent government under P. Subbarayan.

1930–37

Image taken in 1930s : (starting fifth from left after the woman) Periyar E. V. Ramasamy, C. Natesa Mudaliar, Raja of Bobbili and S. Kumaraswami Reddiar After four years in opposition, Justice returned to power. Chief Minister B. Munuswamy Naidu's tenure was beset with controversies. The Great Depression was at its height and the economy was crumbling. Floods inundated the southern districts. The government increased the land tax to compensate for the fall in revenues. The Zamindars (landowners) faction was disgruntled because two prominent landlords—the Raja of Bobbili and the Kumara Raja of Venkatagiri— were excluded from the cabinet. In 1930, P. T. Rajan and Naidu has differences over the presidency and Naidu did not hold the annual party confederation for three years. Under M. A. Muthiah Chettiar, the Zamindars organised a rebel "ginger group" in November 1930. In the twelfth annual confederation of the party held on 10–11 October 1932, the rebel group deposed Naidu and replaced him with the Raja of Bobbili. Fearing that the Bobbili faction would move a no-confidence motion against him in the council, Naidu resigned in November 1932 and the Rao became Chief Minister. After his removal from power, Munuswamy Naidu formed a separate party with his supporters. It was called Justice Democratic Party and had the support of 20 opposition members in the legislative council. His supporters rejoined the Justice party after his death in 1935. During this time, party Leader L. Sriramulu Naidu served as Mayor of Madras.

Decline Increasing nationalist feelings and factional infighting caused the party to shrink steadily from the early 1930s. Many leaders left to join Congress. Rao as inaccessible to his own party members and tried to curtail the powers of district leaders who had been instrumental in the party's previous successes. The party was seen as collaborators, supporting the British government's harsh measures. Its economic policies were also very unpopular. Its refusal to decrease land taxation in non-Zamindari areas by 12.5% provoked peasant protests led by Congress. Rao, a Zamindar, cracked down on protests, fueling popular rage. The party lost the 1934 elections, but managed to retain power as a minority government because Swaraj (the political arm of the Congress) refused to participate.

In its last years in power, the party's decline continued. The Justice ministers drew a large monthly salary (Rs.4,333.60, compared to the Rs.2,250 in the Central Provinces) at the height of the Great Depression which was sharply criticised by the Madras press including Madras Mail, a traditional backer of the party, attacked its ineptitude and patronage.The extent of the discontent against the Justice government is reflected in an article of Zamin Ryot:

The Justice Party has disgusted the people of this presidency like plague and engendered permanent hatred in their hearts. Everybody, therefore, is anxiously awaiting the fall of the Justice regime which they consider tyrannical and inauguration of the Congress administration...Even old women in villages ask as to how long the ministry of the Raja of Bobbili would continue. Lord Erskine, the governor of Madras, reported in February 1937 to then Secretary of State Zetland that among the peasants, "every sin of omission or commission of the past fifteen years is put down to them [Bobbili's administration]". Faced with a resurgent Congress, the party was trounced in the 1937 council and assembly elections. After 1937 it ceased to be a political power.

Justice's final defeat has been ascribed variously to its collaboration with the British Government; the elitist nature of the Justice party members, loss of scheduled caste and Muslim support and flight of the social radicals to the Self-Respect Movement or in sum, "...internal dissension, ineffective organisation, inertia and lack of proper leadership".

In opposition Justice was in opposition from 1926–30 and again from 1937 until it transformed itself to Dravidar Kazhagam in 1944.

1926–30 In the 1926 elections, Swaraj emerged as the largest party, but refused to form the government because of its opposition to dyarchy. Justice declined power because it did not have enough seats and due to clashes with governor Viscount Goschen over issues of power and patronage. Goschen turned to the nationalist independent members. Unaffiliated, P. Subbarayan was appointed Chief Minister. Goschen nominated 34 members to the Council to support the new ministry. Initially Justice joined Swaraj in opposing "government by proxy". In 1927, they moved a no confidence motion against Subbarayan that was defeated with the help of the Governor–nominated members. Halfway through the ministry's term, Goschen convinced Justice to support the ministry. This change came during the Simon Commission's visit to assess the political reforms. After the death of Ramarayaningar in December 1928, Justice broke into two factions: the Constitutionalists and the Ministerialists. The Ministerialists were led by N. G. Ranga and favoured allowing Brahmins to join the party. A compromise was reached at the eleventh annual confederation of the party and B. Munuswamy Naidu was elected as the president.

1936–44
Main articles: Anti-Hindi agitation of 1937-40 and Dravidistan After its crushing defeat at the hands in 1937, Justice lost political influence. The Raja of Bobbili temporarily retired to tour Europe. The new Congress government under C. Rajagopalachari introduced compulsory Hindi instruction. Under A. T. Panneerselvam (one of the few Justice leaders to have escaped defeat in the 1937 elections) Justice joined Periyar E. V. Ramasamy's Self-Respect Movement (SRM) to oppose the government's move. The resulting anti-Hindi agitation, brought the party effectively under Periyar's control. When Rao's term ended, Periyar became president on 29 December 1938. Periyar, a former Congressman, had a previous history of cooperation with the party. He had left Congress in 1915 after accusing the party of Brahminism. SRM cooperated closely with Justice in opposing Congress and Swaraj. Periyar had even campaigned for Justice candidates in 1926 and 1930. For a few years in the early 1930s, he switched from Justice to the communists. After the Communist party was banned in July 1934, he returned to supporting Justice. The anti-Hindi agitations revived Justice's sagging fortunes. On 29 October 1939, Rajagopalachari's Congress government resigned, protesting India's involvement in World War II. Madras provincial government was placed under governor's rule. On 21 February 1940 Governor Erskine cancelled compulsory Hindi instruction.

Under Periyar's leadership, the party embraced the secession of Dravidistan (or Dravida Nadu). At the 14th annual confederation (held in December 1938), Periyar became party leader and a resolution passed pressing Tamil people's right to a sovereign state, under the direct control of the Secretary of State for India. In 1939, Periyar organised the Dravida Nadu Conference for the advocacy of a "separate, sovereign and federal republic of Dravida Nadu". Speaking on 17 December 1939, he raised the slogan "Dravida Nadu for Dravidians" replacing the "Tamil Nadu for Tamils" that had been used earlier (since 1938). The demand for "Dravidistan" was repeated at the 15th annual confederation in August 1940. On 10 August 1941, Periyar stopped the agitation for Dravida Nadu to help the government in its war efforts. When the Cripps Mission visited India, a Justice delegation, comprising Periyar, W. P. A. Soundarapandian Nadar, N. R. Samiappa Mudaliar and Muthiah Chettiar, met the mission on 30 March 1942 and demanded a separate Dravidian nation. Cripps responded that secession would be possible only through a legislative resolution or through a general referendum. During this period, Periyar declined efforts in 1940 and in 1942 to bring Justice to power with Congress' support.

Transformation into Dravidar Kazhagam Periyar withdrew the party from electoral politics and converted it into a social reform organisation. He explained, "If we obtain social self-respect, political self-respect is bound to follow". Periyar's influence pushed Justice into anto-Brahmin, anti-Hindu and atheistic stances. During 1942–44, Periyar's opposition to the Tamil devotional literary works Kamba Ramayanam and Periya Puranam, caused a break with Saivite Tamil scholars, who had joined the anti-Hindi agitations. Justice had never possessed much popularity among students, but started making inroads with C. N. Annadurai's help. A group of leaders became uncomfortable with Periyar's leadership and policies and formed a rebel group that attempted to dethrone Periyar. This group included P. Balasubramanian (editor of The Sunday Observer), R. K. Shanmugam Chettiar, P. T. Rajan and A. P. Patro, C. L. Narasimha Mudaliar, Damodaran Naidu and K. C. Subramania Chettiar. A power struggle developed between the pro and anti-Periyar factions. On 27 December 1943, the rebel group convened the party's executive committee and criticised Periyar for not holding an annual meeting after 1940. To silence his critics Periyar decided to convene the confederation.

On 27 August 1944, Justice's sixteenth annual confederation took place in Salem where the pro-Periyar faction won control. The confederation passed resolutions compelling party members to: renounce British honours and awards such as Rao Bahadur and Diwan Bahadur, drop caste suffixes from their names, resign nominated and appointed posts. The party also took the name Dravidar Kazhagam (DK). Annadurai, who had played an important role in passing the resolutions, became the general secretary of the transformed organisation. Most members joined the Dravidar Kazhagam. A few dissidents like P. T. Rajan, Manapparai Thirumalaisami and M. Balasubramania Mudaliar did not accept the new changes. Led at first by B. Ramachandra Reddi and later by P. T. Rajan, they formed a party claiming to be the original Justice party. This party made overtures to the Indian National Congress and supported the Quit India Movement. The Justice Party also lent its support to Congress candidates in the elections to the Constituent Assembly of India. It contested nine seats in the 1952 Assembly elections. P. T. Rajan was the sole successful candidate. The party also fielded M. Balasubramania Mudaliar from the Madras Lok Sabha constituency in the 1952 Lok Sabha elections. Despite losing the election to T. T. Krishnamachari of the Indian National Congress, Mudaliar polled 63,254 votes and emerged runner-up. This new Justice party did not contest elections after 1952. In 1968, the party celebrated its Golden Jubilee at Madras.
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