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Punishment : Being Dalit

A Dalit student in Delhi? Hide your surname - Brutal assault by upper-caste landlord on research scholar blows lid off capital's can of worms

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By ANANYA SENGUPTA in Delhi
  • Published 6.05.08
New Delhi, May 5: Kanaklata had been fighting to keep her Dalit identity in the dark since moving to the capital eight years ago.


She lost her battle on Saturday when she, her siblings and a friend were brutally beaten up by her landlord and his wife because they did not like their caste.


Kanaklata’s last name is Rani, but the 30-year-old doing her MPhil in Hindi literature from Delhi University had to keep it under wraps to get a roof over her head.


“We hid the fact that we were Dalits because we knew that if we reveal our caste, there won’t be a street in Delhi where people will let us stay. Initially, we hadn’t taken the trouble of hiding our caste, but when for months we didn’t get a place to stay, we decided we had no other option,” Kanaklata said.


Om Prakash Grover, in whose house the girls had rented a room, used to treat them like “family”, recalled Kanaklata.


But things changed dramatically five days ago when the Grovers got to know from another tenant about Kanaklata’s caste.


“They disconnected our electricity and water supplies. When we objected, they started beating us up,” Kanaklata said. 


Bite and scratch marks on her body stand testimony to the assault.


The person who squealed on Kanaklata is an IAS aspirant who fled the city as soon as she went to police.


“They are all literate people. You at least expect them to understand these sensitive issues; it’s a pity they didn’t. But we aren’t surprised. There are thousands of Dalit students in Delhi who do not reveal their last names even to their closest friends. Just say your surname is Rani or Kumari and you are branded Dalits and untouchables,” said Geeta, Kanaklata’s 25-year-old sister.


Kanaklata has moved with her siblings — she has a third sister, Manorama, and two brothers, Bhushan and Vijay — to a cramped room in Brahmanand Colony, close to their earlier house in Mukherjeenagar.


The family hails from Deora district in eastern Uttar Pradesh. Manorama, 29, is a schoolteacher and Bhushan is doing his masters in computer application from Amity University.


Dalits comprise almost 17 per cent of Delhi’s population, out of whom almost five lakh are students. Most of them stay in areas like Mukherjeenagar and Brahmanand Colony, only 2km from Delhi University. 


Almost all of these students — a large chunk is from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh — dream of joining the civil services.


“We are all highly qualified. We are schedule tribes not by choice, but by birth. We can’t do anything about it,” said Kanaklata.


“These people (the landlord and his wife), whom we once shared food with, said things like ‘first, you are Biharis and then you are chamars, you have made our house impure’. For the past three days, we didn’t have water to either cook or drink. When we were being beaten up, not one person in the neighbourhood came to our rescue,” she added. 


Ashok Bharti, the chairperson of the National Conference of Dalit Organisations, said the incident was just the tip of the iceberg.


“Twenty-five lakh Dalits stay in Delhi, out of whom, every five is a student. It’s a fact that if these students reveal that they belong to lower castes, they will not be able to find accommodation in the city. It takes a lot of time and energy for a Dalit to even buy land here. These girls got away with hiding their caste as they didn’t look like the stereotypical picture of Dalits that most people have in their minds — poor, badly dressed and uneducated,” said Bharti.


Most Dalit students in the capital admit to facing harassment because of their caste. 


“I remember overhearing two teachers in my college discuss why a Dalit needs to study — they were laughing over the fact that if all Dalits start getting educated, who would clean their toilets and drag their rickshaws. This is what we have to go through everyday in our lives,” said a student pursuing a degree in social work from Delhi University.


“Had it happened in a small town or a village, I wouldn’t have thought twice about it, but something like this being so rampant in a place like Delhi is shocking.”


The police have not been of much help, not to Kanaklata and her family at least. They have refused to lodge an FIR and the siblings alleged that they were being “pressured” by the police to strike a compromise with their landlord.


The police said preliminary investigations had showed it was “merely a case of quarrel between the landlord and his tenants over water distribution” as the area was grappling with an acute water shortage. They couldn’t, however, explain why they had refused to lodge an FIR.

Being Untouchable - Indian Dalits

As home to one in six of the world's population, with a highly complex ethnic make-up, 1,600 languages, a third of the world's poor, 43% of its children under-nourished, and the fourth largest number of billionaires in the world, India confounds all expectations. 

But India enjoys a rising global profile, and with that comes heightened responsibilities. The big ideas of our times, from global development goals, to environmental protection, to human rights, will succeed or fail based on how countries of India's stature deal with them. 

We all have a stake in India. That is why we must not ignore one of the largest global scandals of all, which persists within its borders, and which fuels exploitation and poverty - a pervasive social hierarchy based on birth, which treats 167 million people as outcasts. 

These are the Dalits. If a group of 100 people represented the population of the world, five would be Americans, three would be Indian Dalits. They form the 'bottom' of India's caste system, below the four main 'varna' groups. 'Dalit' means 'broken' or 'crushed'. It is the name chosen by these 'untouchables' of old, and it represents their sense of a history reverberating with oppression, exploitation and injustics.

Indian Dalits - Being Untouchable Preview - 
Dalits are the worst victims of what is arguably the most tenacious hierarchy on earth. The caste system has ancient roots, and became a means of social stratification, in which 'low castes were expected to perform dirty, degrading and dangerous tasks for the rest of society. Caste has been described not as a means for the division of labour, but for the division of labourers. 

Although associated originally with Hinduism, the caste system is practised across all religious communities in India today. 

It may be tempting to forget the caste system and focus on India's economic boom. However, the two cannot be separated so simply. Much of India's economic infrastructure is overlaid on this ancient system of hierarchy and obligation. Caste is deeply-embedded, not only in the rural areas which almost never intersect with modern, trendy, industrialising India, but also in the fast-growing urban centres. 

In the past, Dalits had to ensure their shadow never fell on non-Dalits, so as not to pollute them. It is not quite like that today. But Dalits are still treated as untouchable in myriad ways. This exhibition exposes, through a series of portraits, what it means to be untouchable in an emerging superpower.


Caste And Punishment: Evidence From India Of How Low Social Status Diminishes

  • Published Date:November 2011
Oppressed people at the bottom of an extreme social hierarchy are less likely to punish someone who hurts a member of their own community than are individuals from higher status groups. That is the central finding of research by Karla HoffErnst Fehr and Mayuresh Kshetramade, which looks at the so-called untouchables in India’s caste system and how willing they would be altruistically to punish someone from a different caste who had cheated a member of their own caste.
The study, published in the November 2011 issue of the Economic Journal, finds that regardless of their wealth, education or involvement in local politics, men from low castes are significantly less willing to punish in this situation. At the same time, men from high castes are more likely to be less punitive if it is a member of their own caste who is cheating someone from another caste.
These findings make sense of the restrictions historically imposed on the low castes in India, such as exclusions from public celebrations and bans on marriage ceremonies and other shared rituals. Such restrictions prevent the low castes from developing positive group identities that would promote collective action.
The researchers begin by noting that well-functioning groups enforce social norms that restrain opportunism. Social norms are enforced by informal sanctions that are often imposed by those who obey the norm even though sanctioning is costly and yields no material benefits to the punisher. But what affects the willingness of individuals to play this key role in society?
This study shows that people’s lifelong position at the bottom of an extreme social hierarchy – the caste system in India – markedly reduces their willingness to punish opportunism that hurts a member of their own community.
The Indian caste system is an excellent setting for studying the effects of social structure on the willingness to punish norm violations altruistically. The reason is that individual mobility across castes is basically absent yet the greater freedoms that low caste individuals have enjoyed in the last 50 years have created a substantial overlap between high and low caste groups with respect to wealth, education and political participation in village government. This means that the study can identify the causal impact of caste status on individuals’ willingness to sanction norm violations.
The novelty of the findings in this study is to provide the first evidence that individuals assigned to the top stratum of an extreme social hierarchy have a substantially greater willingness altruistically to enforce a cooperation norm that helps their group than do individuals assigned to the bottom stratum of the hierarchy.
Those at the bottom of the caste hierarchy – members of castes that were traditionally subject to the practice of untouchability – adopted an attitude toward norm enforcement that was closer to pure self-interest than did individuals at the top of the caste hierarchy.
The result is reminiscent of an older perspective that stressed that to dominate a group thoroughly, the group had to be pulverized and atomised. In this view, many of the restrictions historically imposed on the low castes make sense because they prevent the low castes from developing positive group identities that promote collective action.
In a world in which everybody was completely selfish, such restrictions would make little sense, whereas if one takes into account the possibility of altruism towards one’s own group, these restrictions may help the high castes maintain their superior position.
The results indicate that a regime that deprives a group of basic rights may shape the repressed group’s culture in ways that diminish members’ willingness to punish violations of cooperation norms altruistically, with effects on the group’s ability to enforce informal agreements and to sustain collective action.
The caste system may exert a self-perpetuating influence on social preferences that renders the low castes less able to change the caste system. The untouchables’ unwillingness to sanction altruistically thus may be part of a vicious circle that contributes to the maintenance of untouchability.
Although untouchability is illegal under the Constitution of India, very recent work by Catherine Bros and Mathieu Couttenier demonstrates the systematic use of violence across Indian districts to enforce untouchability rules. The study by Ernst Fehr and colleagues may help to explain why.
The historical legacy of the denial of basic social and economic rights may be to diminish the repressed group’s capability to punish opportunism and therefore to sustain collective action and enforce contributions to public goods, which perpetuates the vulnerability and exploitability of the group.
ENDS
Notes for editors: ‘Caste and Punishment: The Legacy of Caste Culture in Norm Enforcement’ by Karla Hoff, Mayuresh Kshetramade and Ernst Fehr is published in the November 2011 issue of the Economic Journal.
Karla Hoff is at the World Bank. Mayuresh Kshetramade is at Affinnova Inc. Ernst Fehr is at the University of Zurich.
The study by Catherine Bros and Mathieu Couttenier is called ‘Is Blood Thicker Than Water? Untouchability And Public Infrastructure,’ manuscript, Université de Paris, Centre de Sciences Humaines: Delhi, 2011.
For further information: contact Romesh Vaitilingam on +44-7768-661095 (email: romesh@vaitilingam.com); Ernst Fehr on +41-44-634-3701 (email: ernst.fehr@econ.uzh.ch); or Karla Hoff via email: khoff@worldbank.org

Being untouchable has no place in our world

With its many different facets, there is no single solution to the plight of Dalits. However, Dalits plead for their cause to resonate worldwide, like apartheid in South Africa. 

'Untouchability' was banned in India's Constitution, but as Dr B.R. Ambedkar, architect of India's constitution and Dalit icon, once said, "It will take more than a law to remove this stigma from the people of India. Nothing less than the aroused opinion of the world can do it". The Indian Government has taken some remedial measures to address the social exclusion of Dalits, and the current political leadership has repeatedly stated its commitment to combat caste-based discrimination. 

However, much more needs to be done. 

Global corporations investing in India can play a role, by implementing the 'Ambedkar Principles', which set out how to comply with the UN Global Compact with special sensitivity to caste. Corporations must ensure all their supply chains are entirely clear of labour exploitation, for demand increases supply, and Dalits are the most susceptible to labour exploitation. They should take responsibility in hiring practices, to ensure Dalits are not excluded from employment because of the structural disadvantages faced by their communities. 

India's global partners can play a role. The UN has charged the Indian Government with demonstrating clear progress to tackle the many different forms of caste-based discrimination, and this message needs to be reinforced by fellow UN member states. 

Foreign aid and development policies, too, should specifically tackle the structures that support social exclusion, especially caste-based discrimination. 

It is up to us to see that this happens














Shocking video of Dalit men being 'punished' in Telangana: SC Commission moved

Meanwhile, the duo have gone missing from their homes, while the accused, is also absconding.






  • Wednesday, November 15, 2017 - 09:30
A screenshot from the video
A Congress leader from Telangana has approached the National Scheduled Caste (SC) Commission demanding action, after a video of two Dalit men being ‘punished’ in Telangana's Nizamabad district went viral.
TPCC general secretary Bakka Judson met with National SC Commission member K Ramulu, and submitted a representation to him.
The letter outlines the incident that took place, and demands strict action against the accused, who was identified as local BJP leader Bharat Reddy.
"I have gone through social media and saw a heinous act against two people, identified  as Rajeswar and Laxman by one BJP leader Bharat Reddy.  After thoroughly going through the issue, I came to know that both of the victims had stopped and objected illegal transportation of gravel by the accused, from one place to another," the letter reads. 
"For objecting to this and questioning illegal acts, Bharat Reddy punished them severely, assaulted them and made both of them stand in muddy water for three hours, and abused them in filthy language by using their caste name," it added.
"Therefore, I request authorities to take necessary action against the accused and protect Dalits by implementing the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act against the culprit, in the interest of justice," the letter demands. 
The Congress leader and some party men also held a protest at the Ambedkar Statue near Tank Bund. 
Victims missing
Meanwhile, the duo have gone missing from their homes, while the accused, is also absconding.
The video of the incident, which took place in Abhangapatnam village, shows a man holding a stick and threatening to cane two men as he hurls abuses at them.
He then forced them to enter muddy water and dip themselves repeatedly, even as they tell Reddy that what he was doing was wrong.
"Rajeshwar and Laxman have been missing since the FIR was filed. We spoke to their family members, who said that they had left for work on November 12, but did not return. A team has been formed to look out for the accused, and we will nab him soon. We are also making all efforts to trace the two victims," a police officer from the Navipet station told TNM on Tuesday.
The police suspect that the incident took place last month around the time of Dusshera festivities, but surfaced last week.
Nizamabad police commissioner Kartikeya visited Abhangapatnam on Monday and interacted with Rajeshwar's family, before visiting the mud water pond, where the victims were forced to take a dip.
The case has been registered under sections of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and Section 506 (Criminal Intimidation) of the IPC.
The Telangana unit of the BJP has also dismissed allegations that the person in the video was a party leader.

Caste Kills Akanksha Rathi’s 

05Nov12
Almost after a week after entrepreneur Akanksha Rathi’s death, her parents have alleged that she had faced continuous harassment from her in-laws since her marriage in 2004 due her caste background. Akansha daughter of Mr K.P.Singh come from Lower Caste (probably Scheduled Caste ) whereas Anirudh was from Jatt Caste therefore  Anirudh’s family was against the match. However, after a courtship of almost four years, they got married.
Akanksha’s parents said that Anirudh’s grandfather, PC Rathi, had handed over the Indore unit of Rathi Iron and Steel Industries Limited (RISIL) to the couple. But after the old man’s death, Anirudh’s parents allegedly transferred the shares of the couple to someone else and sold off the company in December last year. This had caused a financial crisis for the couple.
Akanksha and Anirudh met in the capital in 1999 at a GMAT coaching class. They studied together for MBA at the University of California, Berkeley, and at University of Cardiff, Wales. Anirudh then returned to India but Akanksha stayed back to complete her MS in Information Systems from Lancaster University in UK. In 2003, Anirudh told his family about his wish to marry Akanksha. However, because the two belonged to different 

Dalit boy forbidden from attending classes; faces insult on Republic Day

27th January 2017 01:56 AM  
TUMAKURU: Cash crunch post demonetisation has left Kishan M, a class 5 student, in a lurch. To make matters worse, on Thursday, he and his mother were humiliated by the school headmaster for not paying the fees.
The incident came ten days after Manjunath, secretary cum headmaster of the National English School at Yallapura, forbade him from attending the classes till he paid his dues amounting to Rs 22,000. Due to the same, his mother Prema and the boy approached the Block Education Officer (BEO) Basavaraju and explained their plight. The officer in turn requested the headmaster to let the boy attend classes as examinations were fast
approaching.
On Thursday, the boy along with his mother hesitantly entered the school premises during Republic Day celebrations. “The HM screamed at me and reiterated that he will never allow my son to attend classes in the school”, alleged Prema.
“The HM used to scold me and bully me for not paying the fees. Now having lost ten days of classes, I am afraid that I may miss out and fail to catch up next classes. I want to become an engineer”, Kishan said.
Tough times
Since kindergarten, he had been studying in the NES and until last year his parents would regularly pay the fees. “This time I had paid Rs 5,000 June 2016. My husband Mahesh who used to stitch bags on piece work basis stopped earning as manufacturers stopped orders following demonetisation. He has been roaming here and there jobless and warns of even ditching me and children”, rued Prema, an illiterate from Obalapura village on Koratagere road.
“I was expecting an education loan to the tune of Rs 5,000 from Grameen Koota as I used to get earlier for my son. But they too have stopped the micro-finance business in our village after the note ban”, she explained.
She has been managing the cash crunch with the 10 kgs of rice and 5 kgs of ragi which she gets free under PDS. “If I link the Aadhaar numbers of my children with the BPL ration card, I will get more grains and manage better”, she said.
Manjunath, when contacted over phone, said that he had told the boy not to attend the classes until he pays the fee. “How can I run the show as mine? This is an unaided institution. Over eight students out of 450 have been irregular in paying the fees”, he said.
The BEO Basavaraju told Express that he may once again try to negotiate with the school authorities. (Courtesy- Indian Express)







  • Mocked for wearing slippers, punished for winning a game: Why thousands marcMocked for wearing slippers, punished for winning a game: Why thousands marched





  • The protest brought parts of the city to a standstill, with traffic snarls as protesters blocked a carriageway of Barakhamba Road, Mandi House Metro station, Connaught Place, and Karkari Mor in east Delhi.

Written by Somya Lakhani | New Delhi | Updated: April 3, 2018 7:49:45 pm

Protesters stop traffic during the ‘Bharat Bandh’ at Connaught Place, Monday. (Express Photo by Praveen Khanna)
A sea of blue flags walked from Mandi House to the Parliament Street, to the chorus of ‘Jai Bhim’, on Monday morning. More than 1,000 members of the Dalit community participated in the Bharat Bandh to protest what they called the dilution of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, by the Supreme Court.
The protest brought parts of the city to a standstill, with traffic snarls as protesters blocked a carriageway of Barakhamba Road, Mandi House Metro station, Connaught Place, and Karkari Mor in east Delhi. “Leaders of SC/ST groups of various government offices contacted each other and met at GTB Hospital on March 24, and formed the Joint Action Forum: Fight for Atrocity (JAFFA). We mobilised in colonies through RWA volunteers and on social media too,” said Brahm Prakash (51), who works at Mausam Vibhag.
While the protest was diverse — with lawyers, farmers, students and civil servants participating — only a few women joined in. Rajesh Kumari (47) said, “Patriarchy is still so ingrained that the men in the family will go out and protest while we are expected to stay indoors.”
The Indian Express spoke to protesters to find out what brought them to the streets:
Manju Rani, 44, insurance agent, Delhi
My two sisters were raised in Raispur village in Ghaziabad. In school, their wooden slates would be taken away by upper caste students. They were mocked for wearing slippers… My father was made to drink tea in broken cups, which were kept near the buffalo shed, at upper caste homes. My own children grew up wanting to hide their caste; ticking the ‘general’ category box in forms instead of ‘SC’. I want them to know what my father and sisters underwent; and what people of our community are facing even now.
Ram Bhaj, 60, farmer, Karnal
In 1963, I won a game against another child from an upper caste family, and within an hour, my family was barred from crossing their house, not to play with their children, and the behaviour of school authorities towards me changed. I hoped it would be different for the next generation but even now my grandson’s identity is his caste, and I fear that.
Manish Kumar, 28, PhD student, Kolkata
When I began studying at Delhi University, I was made to realise my caste identity, as students of ‘general’ category would often assert that I’m not worthy of the seat. I was denied entry to homes of people in Palwal due to my caste. My education didn’t matter.
Sunita, 41, Govt hospital staff, Delhi 
A Brahmin friend of mine was beaten up by her mother because she shared food with me in Class V. At work, too, there is less faith in me because of my caste. If we don’t unite now, worse treatment will be meted out to the next generation.
Krishna, 56, nursing superintendent, Delhi
I once worked at an upper caste farmland. The men would harass us and get away with it because of their caste. When I was in school, only a Brahmin could give me water from a lota, it didn’t matter how thirsty I was. I remember when I was in Class IX, in 1975, that students of all communities were allowed to drink from same water cooler in school.
KM Gautam, 75, Retd civil servant, Jewar
The protest is a show of strength and unity. As a child, I sat on the floor in front of a Thakur; I wasn’t allowed water from a well in their area, I wore their second-hand clothes. Years ago, members of the Rajput community in my village beat us up for bringing a chariot. I studied hard just so my own children don’t have to go through this — but little has changed.
Vivek Vishal Gautam, 23, law student, Delhi
Just a few days ago, a Dalit youth who owned a horse was killed. With the dilution of the SC/ST Act, such instances will increase. While growing up, my father would tell me not to react… he feared what would happen if my caste identity was .....



























A Dalit student in Delhi? Hide your surname

- Brutal assault by upper-caste landlord on research scholar blows lid off capital’s can of worms
New Delhi, May 5: Kanaklata had been fighting to keep her Dalit identity in the dark since moving to the capital eight years ago.

She lost her battle on Saturday when she, her siblings and a friend were brutally beaten up by her landlord and his wife because they did not like their caste.

Kanaklata’s last name is Rani, but the 30-year-old doing her MPhil in Hindi literature from Delhi University had to keep it under wraps to get a roof over her head.

“We hid the fact that we were Dalits because we knew that if we reveal our caste, there won’t be a street in Delhi where people will let us stay. Initially, we hadn’t taken the trouble of hiding our caste, but when for months we didn’t get a place to stay, we decided we had no other option,” Kanaklata said.

Om Prakash Grover, in whose house the girls had rented a room, used to treat them like “family”, recalled Kanaklata.

But things changed dramatically five days ago when the Grovers got to know from another tenant about Kanaklata’s caste.

“They disconnected our electricity and water supplies. When we objected, they started beating us up,” Kanaklata said.

Bite and scratch marks on her body stand testimony to the assault.

The person who squealed on Kanaklata is an IAS aspirant who fled the city as soon as she went to police.

“They are all literate people. You at least expect them to understand these sensitive issues; it’s a pity they didn’t. But we aren’t surprised. There are thousands of Dalit students in Delhi who do not reveal their last names even to their closest friends. Just say your surname is Rani or Kumari and you are branded Dalits and untouchables,” said Geeta, Kanaklata’s 25-year-old sister.

Kanaklata has moved with her siblings — she has a third sister, Manorama, and two brothers, Bhushan and Vijay — to a cramped room in Brahmanand Colony, close to their earlier house in Mukherjeenagar.

The family hails from Deora district in eastern Uttar Pradesh. Manorama, 29, is a schoolteacher and Bhushan is doing his masters in computer application from Amity University.

Dalits comprise almost 17 per cent of Delhi’s population, out of whom almost five lakh are students. Most of them stay in areas like Mukherjeenagar and Brahmanand Colony, only 2km from Delhi University.

Almost all of these students — a large chunk is from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh — dream of joining the civil services.

“We are all highly qualified. We are schedule tribes not by choice, but by birth. We can’t do anything about it,” said Kanaklata.

“These people (the landlord and his wife), whom we once shared food with, said things like ‘first, you are Biharis and then you are chamars, you have made our house impure’. For the past three days, we didn’t have water to either cook or drink. When we were being beaten up, not one person in the neighbourhood came to our rescue,” she added.

Ashok Bharti, the chairperson of the National Conference of Dalit Organisations, said the incident was just the tip of the iceberg.

“Twenty-five lakh Dalits stay in Delhi, out of whom, every five is a student. It’s a fact that if these students reveal that they belong to lower castes, they will not be able to find accommodation in the city. It takes a lot of time and energy for a Dalit to even buy land here. These girls got away with hiding their caste as they didn’t look like the stereotypical picture of Dalits that most people have in their minds — poor, badly dressed and uneducated,” said Bharti.

Most Dalit students in the capital admit to facing harassment because of their caste.
“I remember overhearing two teachers in my college discuss why a Dalit needs to study — they were laughing over the fact that if all Dalits start getting educated, who would clean their toilets and drag their rickshaws. This is what we have to go through everyday in our lives,” said a student pursuing a degree in social work from Delhi University.

“Had it happened in a small town or a village, I wouldn’t have thought twice about it, but something like this being so rampant in a place like Delhi is shocking.”

The police have not been of much help, not to Kanaklata and her family at least. They have refused to lodge an FIR and the siblings alleged that they were being “pressured” by the police to strike a compromise with their landlord.

The police said preliminary investigations had showed it was “merely a case of quarrel between the landlord and his tenants over water distribution” as the area was grappling with an acute water shortage. They couldn’t, however, explain why they had refused to lodge an FIR. (The Telegraph)                                      

दलित के घर बना मिड-डे-मील, बच्चों का खाने से इनकार

29 Jan 2017,
नई दिल्ली
भले ही देश ने अपना 68वां गढ़तंत्र दिवस मना लिया हो, पर देश का माहौल ऐसा है कि जातिगत भेदभाव हमारे दिमाग से निकल ही नहीं पा रहा है। एक बार फिर मध्य प्रदेश के टीकमगढ़ में दलितों के साथ असामान्य व्यवहार की घटना सामने आई है। यहां सामान्य जाति के स्कूली छात्रों ने दलित के घर बना हुआ मिड डे मील खाने से मना कर दिया है।
खाना बनाने वाली दलित महिला के बच्चे ने कहा कि स्कूल के केवल 12 बच्चे खाना खाते हैं, बाकी बोलते हैं कि हमें नहीं खाना क्योंकि तुम हमारी बिरादरी के नहीं हो।
इस बारे में जब हेडमास्टर से पूछा गया तो वह बोले, ‘खाना स्कूल के किचन में बनना चाहिए, किसी के घर में नहीं, क्योंकि खाना किसी के घर में बना है इसलिए बच्चे इसे खाने में हिचकिचा रहे हैं।
सौजन्य से- Navbharat Times

लड़की को सड़क से उठा चार दिनों तक गैंग रेप, विरोध करने पर करते थे ये हाल

16 Dec 2016 07:03 AM (IST)

पटना [जेएनएन]। अपराधियों ने बिहार के समस्तीपुर की रहने वाली एक लड़की को अगवा कर उसके साथ चार दिनों तक गैंग रेप किया। फिर, उसे वैशाली स्थित ननिहाल पहुंचा दिया। अपराधियों ने उसे धमकी दी कि अगर उसने ये बात किसी का बताई तो फिर गैंग रेप करेंगे।
मिली जानकारी के अनुसार वैशाली के राजापाकर में ननिहाल में रहकर पढ़ाई करने वाली एक दलित नाबालिग लड़की को कोचिंग से लौटने के क्रम में अपराधियों ने बीच सड़क से उठा लिया। वे उसे मुजफ्फरपुर ले गए। वहां चार लोगों ने चार दिनों तक उसके साथ गैंग रेप किया। इस दौरान विरोध करने पर अपराधी उसके हाथ-पांव बांध तथा मुंह में कपड़ा ठूंस देते थे। अपराधियों ने उसे चार दिनों तक जंजीरों में जकड़कर रखा।
बताया जाता है कि घटना के बाद अपराधियों ने उसे वापस ननिहाल के पास छोड़ दिया। उन्होंने धमकी भी दी कि अगर लड़की ने घटना की जानकारी किसी को दी तो वे उसके साथ फिर गैंग रेप करेंगे।
पीड़ित लड़की के अनुसार घर आकर उसने परिजनों को घटना की जानकारी दी। इसके बाद जब वह एफआइआर दर्ज कराने थाने गई तो उसे वहां से भगा दिया गया। बाद में लड़की ने जब एसपी राकेश कुमार से गुहार लगाई, तब उनकी पहल पर गुरुवार को हाजीपुर अनुसूचित जाति-जनजाति थाना में मामला दर्ज किया गया।
एफआइआर के बाद एससी-एसटी थाना पुलिस ने लड़की का कोर्ट में बयान दर्ज कराया। घटना के लिए वैशाली के राकेश रंजन, राजीव कुमार, श्रवण कुमार व प्रमोद कुमार को नामजद किया गया है। सभी आरोपी फरार बताए जा रहे हैं।
सौजन्य से:-jagran
बलात्कार की शिकार नाबालिग लड़की ने दिया बेटे को जन्म, डीएनए टेस्ट से पहले ही हॉस्पिटल से गायब हुआ बच्चाबलात्कार पीड़िता ने गुरुवार को रात में करीब बजे एक लड़के को जन्म दिया था और जब सुबह बजे उसका परिवार अस्पताल बच्चे को देखने पहुंचा तो बच्चा गायब था।
December 3, 2016

अस्पताल के कर्मचारी और पीड़ित के परिवार ने बच्चे को ढूंढ़ने की बहुत कोशिश की लेकिन बच्चा नहीं मिला। कोतवाली थाने के एसएचओ संजय राय ने बताया कि पीड़िता के पिता ने बताया कि जब वे लोग रात में अस्पताल के बाहर सो रहे थे तभी बच्चा चोरी की घटना हुई है। उत्तर प्रदेश के मिर्जापुर जिले के अस्पताल से एक नवजात के चोरी होने का मामला सामने आया है। बच्चे को बलात्कार पीड़ित एक नाबालिग दलित लड़की ने जन्म दिया है और उस बच्चे का डीएनए टेस्ट होना था लेकिन उससे पहले ही अस्पताल से बच्चा गायब हो गया है। पीड़ित लड़की के पिता के मुताबिक, उसकी बेटी ने गुरुवार को रात में करीब 1 बजे एक लड़के को जन्म दिया था और जब सुबह 6 बजे वो अस्पताल बच्चे को देखने पहुंचा तो बच्चा गायब था। उन्होंने इसकी शिकायत पुलिस में की है।

गुरुवार की शाम तक जब बच्चा नहीं मिला तो पीड़िता के किसान पिता ने अज्ञात लोगों के खिलाफ एक नवजात के अपहरण की प्राथमिकी दर्ज कराई। बलात्कार का आरोपी 24 वर्षीय अर्जुन जिला जेल में बंद है। इसी साल पीड़िता ने उस पर बलात्कार का आरोप लगाया था। रेप का केस फिलहाल कोर्ट में लंबित है और उसमें बच्चे का डीएनए टेस्ट कराए जाने का आदेश हुआ है l .  सौजन्य: जनसत्ता-

Caste-related violence

Caste-related violence has occurred and occurs in India in various forms. According to a report by Human Rights Watch, "Dalits and indigenous people (known as Scheduled Tribes or adivasis) continue to face discrimination, exclusion, and acts of communal violence. Laws and policies adopted by the Indian government provide a strong basis for protection, but are not being faithfully implemented by local authorities."
1 1968 Kilvenmani massacre, Tamil Nadu
2 1981 Phoolan Devi, Uttar Pradesh
3 1985: Karamchedu massacre
4 1990s: Ranvir Sena

  • 5 1991-Tsundur Andhra Pradesh
  • 5.1 1996 Bathani Tola Massacre, Bihar
  • 6 1997 Laxmanpur Bathe Carnage, Bihar
  • 7 1997 Melavalavu Massacre, Tamil Nadu
  • 8 1997 Ramabai killings, Mumbai
  • 9 1999 Bant Singh case, Punjab
  • 10 2000 Caste violence in Karnataka
  • 11 2003 Muthanga Incident Kerala
  • 12 2006 Khairlanji massacre Maharashtra
  • 13 2006 Dalit protests in Maharashtra
  • 14 Rajasthan
  • 15 2011 killings of Dalits in Mirchpur, Haryana
  • 16 2012 Dharmapuri violence
  • 17 2013 Marakkanam violence, Tamil Nadu
  • 18 2014 Javkheda Hatyakand, Maharashtra
  • 19 2015 Jat-Dalit violence in Dangawas, Rajasthan
  • 20 2016 Rohith Vemula Suicide in Central University of Hyderabad

1968 Kilvenmani massacre, Tamil Nadu

December 25, 1968 in which a group of c.44 striking Dalit (untouchable) village labourers were murdered by a gang, allegedly sent by their landlords, as they were demanding higher wages.

1981 Phoolan Devi, Uttar Pradesh

Main article: Phoolan Devi
Phoolan Devi (1963 – 2001) was an Indian dacoit (bandit), who later turned politician. Born into a traditional boatman class Mallaah family, she was kidnapped by a gang of dacoits. The Gujjar leader of the gang tried to rape her, but she was protected by the deputy leader Vikram, who belonged to her caste. Later, an upper-caste Thakur friend of Vikram killed him, abducted Phoolan, and locked her up in the Behmai village. Phoolan was raped in the village by Thakur men, until she managed to escape after three weeks.[2]
Phoolan Devi then formed a gang of Mallahs, which carried out a series of violent robberies in north and central India, mainly targeting upper-caste people. Some say that Phoolan Devi targeted only the upper-caste people and shared the loot with the lower-caste people, but the Indian authorities insist this is a myth.[3] Seventeen months after her escape from Behmai, Phoolan returned to the village, to take her revenge. On February 14, 1981, her gang massacred twenty-two Thakur men in the village, only two of which were supposedly involved in her kidnapping or rape. Phoolan Devi later surrendered and served eleven years in prison, after which she became a politician. During her election campaign, she was criticized by the women widowed in the Behmai massacre. Kshatriya Swabhimaan Andolan Samanvay Committee (KSASC), a Kshatriya organization, held a statewide campaign to protest against her. She was elected a Member of Parliament twice.
On July 25, 2001, Phoolan Devi was shot dead by unknown assassins. Later, a man called Sher Singh Rana confessed to the murder, saying he was avenging the deaths of 22 Kshatriyas at Behmai. Although the police were skeptical of his claims, he was arrested. Rana escaped from Tihar Jail in 2004. In 2006, KSASC decided to honor Rana for "upholding the dignity of the Thakur community" and "drying the tears of the widows of Behmai."

1985: Karamchedu massacre

Karamchedu massacre is a massacre which occurred in Karamchedu, Andhra Pradesh on 17 July 1985, where madiga caste dalits were killed by Kamma then ruling caste in 1985.Many people lost their lives in the incident.

1990s: Ranvir Sena

Main article: Ranvir Sena
Ranvir Sena is a caste-supremacist fringe militia group based in Bihar. The group is based amongst the higher-caste landlords, and carries out actions against the outlawed naxals in rural areas. It has committed violent acts against Dalits and other members of the scheduled caste community in an effort to prevent their land from going to them. [6]

1991-Tsundur Andhra Pradesh

The village became infamous for the killing of 8 dalits on the 6 August 1991, when a mob of over 300 people, composed of mainly Reddys and telagas chased down the victims along the bund of an irrigation canal. This happened after police department asked locals to go aggressive against large number of eve teasing outsiders entering village . In the trial which was concluded, 21 people were sentenced to life imprisonment and 35 others to a year of rigorous imprisonment and a penalty of Rs. 2,000 each, on the 31 July 2007, by special judge established for the Purpose under SC,STs Atrocities(Prevention) Act. But so many people who are in that village oppose that, as the Christian community people filed a case on government employees who were in job. There might be a rumor the Christian community people put case on reddy and telaga communities on the basis of voter list.However, the case is surrounded by many rumors hence a completely reliable source of evidence is not known for this incident.

1996 Bathani Tola Massacre, Bihar

21 Dalits were killed by the Ranvir Sena in Bathani Tola, Bhojpur in Bihar on 11 July 1996.  Among the dead were 11 women, six children and three infants. Ranvir Sena mob killed women and cildren in particular with the intention of deterring any future resistance which they foresaw. 
Six members of Naimuddin Ansari's family were slaughtered by Ranvir Sena according to the Naimuddin Ansari's witness statement. The FIR was lodged against 33 persons the day after the massacre. Niammuddin was a bangle-seller at the time of the carnage, whose 3 month old daughter was killed. Widespread claims suggest they were killed by Ranvir Sena aggressors.. Naimuddin's 7 year son Saddam was attacked and his face was mutilated by sword lacerations.
On 17 April 2012, the Patna High Court acquitted 23 men convicted of the murders. A Division Bench of judges Navneeti Prasad Singh and Ashwani Kumar Singh cited "defective evidence" to acquit all of them. The next day, the Bihar State SC/ST Welfare Minister Jitan Ram Manjhi stated that the NDA-led Government (under Nitish Kumar) had decided to move to Supreme court challenging the Patna HC Order.
A Ranvir Sena sympathizer, who spoke to the Hindu correspondent Shoumojit Banerjee, justified the reactionary mobilisation of the upper castes against those Naxals. "The land is ours. The crops belong to us. The labourers did not want to work, and also hampered our efforts by burning our machines and imposing economic blockades. So, they had it coming."
Post Bathani Tola Carnage there were several retaliatory naxal attacks killing at least 500 upper caste civilians  as well as attacks on Dalits and Labourers organized by the Ranvir Sena in Laxmanpur Bathe and Sankarbigha in which 81 Dalits were killed.
The Counsel for the witness, Anand Vatsyayan, expressed being shocked at the High Court verdict and reportedly said that "sufficient evidence were at hand to uphold the judgement passed by the Ara sessions court. The Supreme Court guidelines in the event of a massacre are quite clear. The eyewitnesses need not remember all the names. And, of the six prime witnesses questioned in this case, all had conclusively pointed fingers at the persons convicted by the lower court.

1997 Laxmanpur Bathe Carnage, Bihar

On 1 December 1997, Ranvir Sena gunned down 58 Dalits at Laxmanpur Bathe in retaliation for the Bara massacre in Gaya where 37 upper castes were killed for no reason. In particular, a specific Bhumihar community of upper castes was targeted in retaliation for their opposition towards handing out their land for land reform. Charges were framed in the Laxmanpur-Bathe case against 46 Ranvir Sena men on December 23, 2008.
On 7 April 2010 sentenced 16 convicted persons to death out of the 26 convicted at Patna court. Announcing the judgement, Additional District Judge Vijay Prakash Mishra sentenced to life imprisonment the remaining 10 convicts and imposed a fine of Rs. 50,000 on each.
Around 91 of 152 witnesses in the case had deposed before the court.

1997 Melavalavu Massacre, Tamil Nadu

In the village of Melavalavu, in Tamil Nadu's Madurai district, following the election of a Dalit to the village council presidency, members of a higher-caste(Thevar) group murdered six Dalits in June 1997.
Melavalavu panchayat, which was a general constituency, was declared a reserved constituency in 1996. This had caused resentment between Scheduled Caste people and Ambalakarar community. In the 1996 panchayat elections, Murugesan was elected president.
In June 1997, a group of persons attacked Murugesan, vice-president Mookan and others with deadly weapons, resulting in the death of six persons and injuries to many others. A total of 40 persons were cited as accused in the case. The trial court convicted Alagarsamy and 16 others and sentenced them to undergo life imprisonment. On appeal, the High Court by its judgment dated April 19, 2006, confirmed the trial court’s order. Alagarsamy and others filed appeals against this judgment.

1997 Ramabai killings, Mumbai

Main article: 1997 Ramabai killings
On 11 July 1997, a statue of B.R. Ambedkar in the Dalit colony of Ramabai was desecrated by unknown individuals. An initially peaceful protest was fired on by the police, killing ten people, including a bystander who had not been involved in the protests. Later in the day, 26 people were injured when the police carried out a lathi charge against the protesters. Commentators suggested that the arbitrarily violent response from the police had been the result of caste based prejudice, as the leader of the team stood accused in multiple cases involving caste-based discrimination.

1999 Bant Singh case, Punjab

In January 1999 four members of the village panchayat of Bhungar Khera village in Abohar paraded a handicapped Dalit woman, Ramvati devi naked through the village. No action was taken by the police, despite local Dalit protests. It was only on July 20 that the four panchayat members and the head Ramesh lal were arrested, after the State Home Department was compelled to order an inquiry into the incident.
On the evening of January 5, 2006 Bant Singh, Mazhabi, Dalit Sikh, was attacked by unknown assailants. His injuries necessitated medical amputation. He alleges that this was in retaliation for actively working to secure justice for his daughter, who was gang raped by upper caste members of his village in Punjab five years earlier.
A 55-year-old Dalit Sikh woman, Sawinder Kaur has been tortured, stripped and tied to a tree in Ram Duali village of Punjab because her nephew eloped with a girl from the same community. The police arrested four persons for allegedly committing the crime on 9 September 2007.

2000 Caste violence in Karnataka

Karnataka that is generally known for frequent linguistic violence incidents against non-Kannada population and religious violence incidents, went through major caste violence in 2000. Eight people were killed in Karnataka in an outbreak of caste violence. According to police reports, the trouble began when an upper-caste youth was killed in an attack blamed on Dalits formerly known as untouchables. In retaliation, relatives and friends of the youth set fire to several houses in a Dalit hamlet, burning seven Dalits to death.

2003 Muthanga Incident Kerala

On 19th Feb 2003, the Adivasis/Tribals gathered under Adivasi Gothra Mahasbha (ADMS), at Muthanga faced 18 rounds of police firing in which 2 fatal casualties were confirmed officially. The Tribals gathered in protest to the Governments delay in allotting them land, which was signed in October 2001. Later, the casualty toll had reached 5 deaths among the Tribals. Vinod, a Police Constable who died was also a Dalit.yes 

2006 Khairlanji massacre Maharashtra

On September 29, 2006, four members of the Bhotmange family belonging to the Mahar community were killed by a mob of 40 people belonging to the Maratha Kunbi caste. The incident happened in Kherlanji, a small village in Bhandara district of Maharashtra. The Mahars are Dalit, while the Kunbi are classified as an Other Backward Class by the Government of India. The Bhotmanges were stripped naked and paraded to the village square by a mob of 40 people. Initial reports suggested that the women of the family, Surekha and Priyanka, were raped, although a later investigation denied this. The four family members were beaten before being murdered. The subsequent police and political inaction led to protests from Dalits. After allegations of a cover-up, the case was transferred to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI).

Maharashtra's home minister and Indian National Congress leader RR Patil claimed that the Dalit protests were motivated by extremist elements. A government report on the killings implicated top police officers, autopsy doctors and the local BJP MLA Madhukar Kukade for covering-up. A local court convicted 8 people, sentencing 6 of them to death and the other 2 to life. However, the death sentences were later commuted to life by the Nagpur bench of the Bombay High Court. The High Court declared that the murders were motivated by revenge, not caste.

2006 Dalit protests in Maharashtra

In November–December 2006, the desecration of an Ambedkar statue in Kanpur (Uttar Pradesh) triggered violent protests by Dalits in Maharashtra. Several people remarked that the protests were fueled by the Kherlanji Massacre. During the violent protests, the Dalit protestors set three trains on fire, damaged over 100 buses and clashed with police At least four deaths and many more injuries were reported.

Rajasthan

See also: 2008 caste violence in Rajasthan
In the Indian province of Rajasthan, between the years 1999 and 2002, crimes against Dalits average at about 5024 a year, with 46 killings and 138 cases of rape.

2011 killings of Dalits in Mirchpur, Haryana

In 2011, dalits were killed by jats in Mirchpur village in Narnaund, Sub District of Hissar. The houses of dalits were burned hence causing them to flee the village.

2012 Dharmapuri violence

In December 2012 approximately 268 dwellings – huts, tiled-roof and one or two-room concrete houses of Dalits of the Adi Dravida community near Naikkankottai in Dharmapuri district of western Tamil Nadu were torched by the higher-caste Vanniyar most dominant caste group..The victims have alleged that ‘systematic destruction’ of their properties and livelihood resources has taken place.
In December 2012, in case of caste violence, two men named Akbar Ali and Mustafa Ansari were beaten by Muslims.

2013 Marakkanam violence, Tamil Nadu

In April 2013, violence broke out between the villagers along East Coast Road near Marakkanam and those travelling to Vanniyar most dominant caste gathwwering at Mamallapuram. A mob indulged in setting arson to houses, 4 buses of TNSTC and PRTC. 3 people were injured in police firing. Traffic was closed in ECR for a day.

2014 Javkheda Hatyakand, Maharashtra

In 2014, triple dalit hatyakand in Javkheda, Maharashtra.

2015 Jat-Dalit violence in Dangawas, Rajasthan

On Thursday, May 14, 2015, clashes between Jats and Dalits in Dangawas village of Rajasthan's Nagaur district left 4 people dead and 13 injured.


A Dalit student in Delhi? Hide your surname

- Brutal assault by upper-caste landlord on research scholar blows lid off capital’s can of worms
New Delhi, May 5, 2008: Kanaklata had been fighting to keep her Dalit identity in the dark since moving to the capital eight years ago.

She lost her battle on Saturday when she, her siblings and a friend were brutally beaten up by her landlord and his wife because they did not like their caste.

Kanaklata’s last name is Rani, but the 30-year-old doing her MPhil in Hindi literature from Delhi University had to keep it under wraps to get a roof over her head.

“We hid the fact that we were Dalits because we knew that if we reveal our caste, there won’t be a street in Delhi where people will let us stay. Initially, we hadn’t taken the trouble of hiding our caste, but when for months we didn’t get a place to stay, we decided we had no other option,” Kanaklata said.

Om Prakash Grover, in whose house the girls had rented a room, used to treat them like “family”, recalled Kanaklata.

But things changed dramatically five days ago when the Grovers got to know from another tenant about Kanaklata’s caste.

“They disconnected our electricity and water supplies. When we objected, they started beating us up,” Kanaklata said.

Bite and scratch marks on her body stand testimony to the assault.

The person who squealed on Kanaklata is an IAS aspirant who fled the city as soon as she went to police.

“They are all literate people. You at least expect them to understand these sensitive issues; it’s a pity they didn’t. But we aren’t surprised. There are thousands of Dalit students in Delhi who do not reveal their last names even to their closest friends. Just say your surname is Rani or Kumari and you are branded Dalits and untouchables,” said Geeta, Kanaklata’s 25-year-old sister.

Kanaklata has moved with her siblings — she has a third sister, Manorama, and two brothers, Bhushan and Vijay — to a cramped room in Brahmanand Colony, close to their earlier house in Mukherjeenagar.

The family hails from Deora district in eastern Uttar Pradesh. Manorama, 29, is a schoolteacher and Bhushan is doing his masters in computer application from Amity University.

Dalits comprise almost 17 per cent of Delhi’s population, out of whom almost five lakh are students. Most of them stay in areas like Mukherjeenagar and Brahmanand Colony, only 2km from Delhi University.

Almost all of these students — a large chunk is from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh — dream of joining the civil services.

“We are all highly qualified. We are schedule tribes not by choice, but by birth. We can’t do anything about it,” said Kanaklata.

“These people (the landlord and his wife), whom we once shared food with, said things like ‘first, you are Biharis and then you are chamars, you have made our house impure’. For the past three days, we didn’t have water to either cook or drink. When we were being beaten up, not one person in the neighbourhood came to our rescue,” she added.
Ashok Bharti, the chairperson of the National Conference of Dalit Organisations, said the incident was just the tip of the iceberg.

“Twenty-five lakh Dalits stay in Delhi, out of whom, every five is a student. It’s a fact that if these students reveal that they belong to lower castes, they will not be able to find accommodation in the city. It takes a lot of time and energy for a Dalit to even buy land here. These girls got away with hiding their caste as they didn’t look like the stereotypical picture of Dalits that most people have in their minds — poor, badly dressed and uneducated,” said Bharti.

Most Dalit students in the capital admit to facing harassment because of their caste.
“I remember overhearing two teachers in my college discuss why a Dalit needs to study — they were laughing over the fact that if all Dalits start getting educated, who would clean their toilets and drag their rickshaws. This is what we have to go through everyday in our lives,” said a student pursuing a degree in social work from Delhi University.

“Had it happened in a small town or a village, I wouldn’t have thought twice about it, but something like this being so rampant in a place like Delhi is shocking.”

The police have not been of much help, not to Kanaklata and her family at least. They have refused to lodge an FIR and the siblings alleged that they were being “pressured” by the police to strike a compromise with their landlord.

The police said preliminary investigations had showed it was “merely a case of quarrel between the landlord and his tenants over water distribution” as the area was grappling with an acute water shortage. They couldn’t, however, explain why they had refused to lodge an FIR.


Dalit IAS and IPS officers neglected: Puthiya Tamilagam



After 1967 not even a single Dalit IAS officer has become Home Secretary in the State. Similarly, the AIADMK Government ignored Dalit IPS officers for top posts in the Police Department, he said.
The Centre’s role is only in recruitment of the civil servants who are then deployed at the mercy of the State Governments. “The Centre should issue a standing order that would ensure that the posts like Home Secretary and Chief Secretary are given to Dalits on a rotation basis,” he said.
Though he said that he was not completely in agreement with the senior IAS officer C. Umashankar on his contention for taking up religious preachings, he said it could be out of neglect by the Government that the IAS officer, known for his integrity, converted to Christianity.
Dr. Krishnasamy said that Tamil Nadu stood second in rime against oppressed classes in the entire nation, next only to Uttar Pradesh. “Among those incidences, the southern districts accounted for the majority,” he said. “Southern districts have turned into a field for atrocities against Dalits,” he said. He said that he would seek the intervention of President of India for a setting up a special investigation team to probe into atrocities against Dalits.
Dr. Krishnasamy sought the Government to set up special courts to try cases registered under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act expeditiously.

Are Brahmins scapegoats of 'Brahmanwad'? And what does it tell us about mob rule and the state?


























by Salim
The ongoing debates around the suicide, or rather institutional killing, of Rohith Vemula and the JNU issue have brought to the public discourse a rather confusing and controversial term: “Brahmanwad”. My Facebook timeline, over the last few days, has a spate of updates from my Brahmin friends, who lament — and quite rightly so — that are Brahmins not poor, why are people creating this binary of Brahmin and non-Brahmin? Most of the non-Brahmin people also have this impression that these slogans of “Brahmanwad” are directed at the Brahmins, and this is a war cry from non-Brahmins over the Brahmins.
It needs to be understood that Brahmanwad refers to a social system, where a small privileged section of society, through different means, controls the resources and excludes others from economic and political power. The term is nothing but an attempt to draw an analogy to the previously practised rigid social system in the Indian society. Brahmanwad is a way of creating a dominant ideology in the name of religion.
ABVP rebels burn a copy of the ancient text Manusmriti. Image from PTI
ABVP rebels burn a copy of the ancient text Manusmriti. Image from PTI
In the present context, are Brahmins, who are born in that caste, the real ‘Brahmin’ of this Brahmanwad? Do upper-castes still hold the key to political as well as economic power? It is no longer the case. Brahmins have not remained that infallible set of people who can do no wrong, who used to enjoy respect throughout history from the state apparatus. While a lot has been written about the present regime and how it is targeting minorities and Dalits, nobody seems to notice that upper-castes are in the line of fire in a number of ways like never before. People might argue that the ministers and MPs of the present government deliver the hate speeches against the minorities and dalits; hence, these are the most testing times for these communities. Nevertheless, these communities were always vulnerable. I do not know of a time when Dalits or the minorities were having social or economic security in general. Different government studies, like Sachar Committee report, reaffirm this truth.
During almost 60 years of the Congress regime, the onus was on Muslims, Adivasis and sometimes Dalits also to prove that they are Nationalists. Just look at the people locked up under TADA or the way the post- Babri Masjid demolition riots were handled — people who were at the receiving end were not upper-castes. Communal riots were also blamed on Dalits, and to show fair trial, often they were sentenced harshly as the ‘token’ parties from the Hindu sides.
Rather interestingly, barring the Dadri incident, during the last two years of this regime there is no ‘actual’ violence against the minorities. Yes, members of the ruling party are delivering hate speeches, but incidents of actual violence are not there. Then why does everybody seem to talk of intolerance? What has changed? The change is in the attitude towards the upper-castes, or I might say upper class also.
Just look at who the BJP-RSS combine has allegedly targeted in last couple of years. At the top you will hear name of three rationalists, M.M Kalburgi, Govind Pansare, and Narendra Dabholkar, who were allegedly murdered by people from the Hindu Rightwing. All three of them were upper caste Hindus. You will hear name of Prof Sandeep Pandey, who was sacked from IIT-BHU, because of his political affiliations and opposition to the present regime. Kanahiya Kumar, JNUSU President, is also an upper caste man. Prof Rajesh Misra, of Lucknow University, who faced the wrath for sharing a Facebook post and now Richa Singh, AUSU President, also come from the upper castes.
By attacking centers of higher learning like FTII, JNU, HCU, AU etc., this government is challenging the intellectual class of this country. Centuries of social discrimination have ensured that nobody but the upper castes dominate these centers. Of course, the reservation policy has its effect but still academia is dominated by the upper-caste. And, any attack on these institutions of academic influence is a veiled attack over the authority of upper-caste too. When they are calling whole of the JNU, especially its teachers, anti-Nationals, they are crossing that line where you did not question upper caste for her/his devotion to the country. When we call this government anti-intellectual, it translates to anti-Brahmin too.
This Government is trying to cut the funds for higher education, disbanding the fellowships. On a pan-India basis, will it not affect upper castes more than Dalits or minorities? Especially when the dropout rate for Dalit students is very high at the primary education level? Had not Kashiram, and later Mayawati, kept BSP away from university politics, claiming that Dalits do not reach there in substantial numbers and upper castes dominate these institutions? Is not the present regime, in the name of higher education, attacking the interest of the upper castes more than the lower?
There is a clear onslaught on the Left parties, and the BJP-RSS combine is dubbing these as ‘anti-national’. Is there any doubt that all of the left parties are dominated by upper-castes and except for D Raja, of CPI, there is no Dalit face? For all these years since, 1947, the Muslim community as a whole has been questioned for its devotion to the country, repeatedly. A Muslim could be called Pakistani at the drop of hat. Now, the same is beginning to happen to people from upper castes. Kanahiya, Anirban, even Rahul Gandhi are being branded anti-national.
These are not mere slogans. The last two years have not witnessed much Hindu-Muslim violence but that does not mean that country has been peaceful. Last month, Haryana saw some of the worst incidents of violence since independence. It took the shape of caste violence. The worst-hit communities are the Punjabi trading castes and the Brahmins. The BJP heads the state government.
Losing grip over political power, and with no prominent face in the Central government or Hindi belt politics, the Brahmins are losing out in the academic milieu. The kind of slander being produced will take away public funded education — which will loosen their grip, as corporates will be calling the shots there. Will it be the start of new class hierarchy, replacing previous castes? Brahmanwad will live on for years to come, as will all that is being done in the name of it. The question remains – will the Brahmins have a stake in this constructed “Brahmanwad” which is becoming synonymous with mob rule?
The writer is a research scholar at the Center for Historical Studies, JNU





Tirupur murder: Police detain four suspects accused of killing Dalit man




























Chennai: Police on Monday detained four of the suspects accused of hacking to death a young Dalit man who married an upper caste girl, who herself narrowly survived the brutal assault in a Tamil Nadu town.
Political parties denounced the chilling murder of V Sankar, 23, in Udumalaipettai town in Tirupur district on Sunday afternoon and what they said was the deteriorating law and order situation in the state.
Representational image. Reuters
Representational image. Reuters
Sankar had married Kausalya, 19, who is from the politically influential Thevar community, eight months ago.
CCTV visuals showed about six men attack Sankar, a third year engineering student, with sickles and machetes when he and Kausalya were walking on a crowded street.
The killers apparently came on two motorcycles and appeared to have been shadowing the couple. Before escaping, the killers also thrashed the young woman, leaving her badly wounded. But she miraculously survived.
Sankar bled to death on his way to a hospital.
The attack was witnessed by scores of people, many of whom stood frozen by terror. Others fled the scene, police officials said.
Speaking from her hospital bed, a dazed Kausalya blamed her own family for the cold-blooded murder.
Her father C Gopalasamy surrendered in a court, saying he was scared and not because he was involved with the killing in any way. He was remanded in judicial custody till 21 March and taken to the Central Jail in Madurai.
Sankar's family said he and his wife had just finished shopping when they were targeted. Police said Kausalya's family was unhappy over her marriage outside the caste.
Kausalya told a Tamil news channel that she would be able to identify the killers. She said she and her husband were threatened earlier too by a few men.
She blamed her parents for the murder.
Velu Samy, the distraught father of Sankar, alleged that Kausalya was abducted by her parents once and locked up in their house.
It was only after a police case was filed that she was allowed to return to her husband.
He said Sankar and Kausalya used to get frequent death threats.
Velu Samy said he had felt that his son would be eventually accepted by the girl's family. "But that did not happen. We have lost him."
Police detained four suspects for the murder. Kausalya had reportedly recognised two of her attackers from the photographs and videos shown to her.
Police and the administration had a tough time persuading Sankar's family to take his body for cremation after the post-mortem examination on Monday afternoon.
The angry family and other Dalits protested against what they said was police inaction vis-a-vis the killers.
The National Commission for Scheduled Castes has, meanwhile, sought the response of the Tamil Nadu government within a fortnight over the murder.
Political parties preparing for assembly elections in Tamil Nadu in May condemned the incident but mostly chose not to harp on the caste issue. Dalit and Left groups have vowed to hold protests across the state this week.
The Thevar community to which the young woman belonged is closely aligned with Tamil Nadu's ruling AIADMK party.
A party spokeswoman denied the murder was the result of caste conflict. "It is a problem between two families, not between two castes," she said in Chennai. IANSTamil Nadu: Dalit man hacked to death in full public view for marrying Thevar girl in Tirupur
IndiaFP StaffMar, 14 2016 17:43:34 IST
#Caste violence#Casteism#Dalit#Dharmapuri#Ilavarasan#India#Inter-caste marriage#Tamil nadu#Thatsjustwrong#Tirupur#Udumalpet

In yet another incident of caste violence in Tamil Nadu, a newly-wed couple was beaten up by goons in full public view in Udumalpet, Tirupur, on Sunday, after which the culprits then hacked the man to death.


Screenshot from YouTube videoScreenshot from YouTube video

Reports said that the victims' inter-caste marriage was the reason why the assailants killed the man. According to a report in The Times of India, the attackers were the woman's relatives.

The police identified the victims as 22-year-old V Shankar from Chavadi Street in Kumaralingam village (15 km from Udumalpet) and 19-year-old Kausalya from Palani in Dindigul district, according to the report.


Eight months ago, Shankar had married Kausalya despite opposition from her parents.


Local police commissioner N Manjunatha said Kausalya's relatives were angered by the couple's marriage. "They married some eight months ago and the woman's family was unhappy. She is an upper Thevar Hindu caste and the man was a Dalit," Manjunatha told AFP.


Another NDTV report said that the two were walking past a market on Sunday when three men on a bike stopped behind them and attacked Shankar with sharp weapons. When Shankar stopped moving, Kausalya was repeatedly beaten up until she fell to the ground.


The TOI report also said that Kausalya suffered severe injuries to her head when she tried saving Shankar from the hooligans.


Another report in The Indian Express says that senior officers have verified the image of the three attackers fleeing on a bike. The report added that while police officials said that a major search operation was on, the police could not ascertain the identity of the attackers until late Sunday evening. The attack took place at 3 pm on Sunday.


According to CNN-IBN, the accused and father-in-law of the victim have surrendered.


Kausalya's father had also reportedly threatened his daughter after she had married Shankar. "Kausalya had filed a complaint at the local police station against her father a few weeks ago, stating that he had been threatening them and insisting that she return home,” The Indian Express quoted a police officer as saying.


According to Deccan Chronicle, Shankar was studying in the final year of BE at a private college in Palani while Kausalya was a junior college student. After the marriage, the couple was living at Komaralingam. Kausalya discontinued her studies and joined a private company near Udumalpet. Shankar had continued with 





his studies.Screenshot from YouTube video


This horrific incident brings to light the severity of the problem of caste violence in Tamil Nadu. The NDTV report said that this was the third incident of this kind in the state in the last five years.


The murder of a Dalit man over inter-caste marriage brings back memories of the tragic incident in 2013 when a Dalit man called Ilavarasan was killed after marrying a Vanniyar girl called Divya. Ilavarasan's body was found on a railway track in Dharmapuri district.



Caste violence: Three Dalit teens stripped, brutally beaten up in Chittorgarh, six arrested


FP StaffApr, 05 2016 


Three Dalit teenagers were paraded naked in public and brutally beaten up in Chittorgarh, Rajasthan on Saturday by a vicious mob for allegedly stealing a motorcycle from a upper caste man, reported the NDTV.


Representational image. AFPRepresentational image. AFP

Accusing the boys of stealing a bike, the angry mob tied them to a tree, thrashed and stripped for half-an-hour while the boys were seen cowering in fear and begging for help, the report added. An eye-witness even shot a video of the entire incident.

According to The Times of India, even though the entire incident took place in full public view, nobody came to their rescue. The report stated that the police showed up about an hour later and rushed them to the civil hospital.


"Locals stripped and beat them after they caught them with the stolen motorcycle on Saturday in Laxmipura. Police rescued them and brought them to the local police station along with the motorcycle," SP, Chittorgarh, Prasan Kumar Khamsera said on Tuesday. Khamsera emphasised that "it was not a caste-related issue."


The boys, between the ages of 15 and 18 were beaten by the villagers because they caught them with a stolen bike. According to the police, six of those who thrashed them have been arrested and others are being identified.


Gaj Singh, SHO, Bassi police station told The Times of India, that the teens confessed to lifting the bike. "A case of theft has been filed against them and they have been sent to correction home," he said.


The boys belong to the Kanjar community, which generally lives on the fringes of the city. They were going to their village on the stolen motorcycle which was identified by some youths of Laxmipura village who caught them.


With inputs from PTI





Teenage girl in Tamil Nadu set on fire by stalker shows caste cracks in state's social fabric
































A 35-year-old man murdering a 17-year-old girl — it is bound to raise some eyebrows. When this murder is committed by a Dalit man who has been stalking the girl for over two years, however, there is a whole new dimension to the case.
30 July started out like any other day for 17-year-old A Naveena and her family. She helped her mother, a daily wage labourer, in the fields and had come home. A neighbour recalls walking past her house, seeing her watching television with her two younger siblings: Nandini and Logesh. Just when everything seemed normal, tragedy struck. Senthil Kumar (34), who had been stalking her for over a year, walked into the house armed with a knife, petrol and a lighter. He pushed away her siblings and tried to set her on fire. Eventually, he doused himself in petrol, set himself alight, and grabbed her. Both Naveena and Senthil suffered serious burns.
Selvi, a neighbour, saw the smoke and rushed to the house. “We didn’t realise what was happening, but when we arrived on the scene, we could barely see through the smoke. The stench was unbearable,” she says. The neighbours then called an ambulance and rushed Naveena to the hospital.
Senthil Kumar died on the way to the Mundiampakkam Government Hospital, while Naveena, who sustained 80 percent burns, was taken to JIPMER Hospital in Puducherry, where she passed away a couple of days later. Her sister Nandini, who tried to save her sister, sustained burns on her right arm, and was taken to Chennai for treatment.
TamilNadu_Police_Reuters
The entire incident took place in the family’s house in the village of Nannadu on the Villupuram-Thirukoilur main road. From the outside, the house is like any other house located along the highway: a small brick house with sheet roofing and a small backyard that ends at a railway line passing right behind the house. To the left of the house is a small cow shed, and to the right is a garden where policemen have been sitting on guard ever since the incident took place. From the main road, it is possible to see past the small sit-out into the house itself. Neighbours say they would often see Senthil sitting under a tamarind tree across the road, looking into the house. The house is located right across from the petrol bunk, where Senthil bought the petrol he used.
As Naveena’s mother Nagamma relates the incident, there are tears in her eyes. “For over a year, my daughter has been tortured by this man [Senthil]. He used to follow her home from school and would stand outside our house calling out to her, asking her to come with him. She was terrified of him,” she says. Even a week before the murder, Senthil had stood outside their house, calling out to Naveena and even abusing her, Nagamma said. “Naveena has been upset this entire year. She scored only around 50 percent in her Class 12 exams, because she was so disturbed by this man. Now, he has taken her away from us forever,” she adds.
Senthil, a bus conductor, first started following Naveena when she was 14 years old, and used to travel in his bus to school. “Initially, she did not say anything about him, because she didn’t realise how dangerous he was,” Naveena’s uncle Ezhumalai Thevarasu said. “Slowly, he started coming to her house, calling for her, claiming he couldn’t live without her. When she didn’t respond, he would get abusive, and call her names,” he adds. Eventually, her family approached the police last year, and registered a complaint. “He was over 30 years old, why did he come after a school girl and then ruin her life?” Nagamma wails.
Senthil went missing for a couple of months. When he resurfaced, he approached the Villupuram Taluk police station, with an arm and a leg missing. He lodged a complaint claiming that Naveena’s family had attacked him and cut off his limbs. “After investigation, and a Fact-Finding Commission report, we determined that he had not been attacked, but had fallen on the railway tracks in a drunken stupor,” Senthil Vinayagam, the investigating officer on the case said. After that, Senthil was booked under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offenses Act, and remanded. Around a month ago, he was released on bail.
“After Senthil came out of jail, he continued to approach Naveena, but her mother decided not to file a case, because it could ruin her daughter’s future,” her uncle said.
“Last year, the pro-Vanniar and pro-Dalit political parties wanted to get involved because Naveena is a Vanniar and Senthil is a Dalit. We fought to make sure this didn’t happen. We did not want the problem Naveena was facing to be reduced to an issue between castes, because it was more than that,” Ezhumalai says. He now said that if the caste-based parties were involved, this tragedy could have been averted.
“There are boys in every caste who harass girls and stalk them. It is unfair to say that this happened because the boy was a Dalit or the girl was a Vanniar. There are a few people in our family, who have married into Dalit families. Even Naveena had a number of friends from the neighbouring Dalit colony,” he adds.
As much as the family wanted to keep caste politics out of the equation, the local pro-Vanniar PMK and the pro-Dalit VCK have been involved in the case for over a year now. When Senthil first made his complaint about Naveena’s family attacking him and cutting off his arm and leg, there were a number of protests by the VCK. After it was proved that it was not an attack by Naveena’s family, however, the VCK stopped their protests.
After Naveena’s murder, the PMK founder P Ramadass has been issuing a number of statements condemning the murder. “The girl suffered for two days with 75 percent burns in a hospital ward because of a boy who was stalking her. It is impossible to imagine how much she suffered,” he said. The PMK conducted protests in Villupuram as well as Chennai condemning the murder, saying they will ensure justice for Naveena and Swathi, the girl who was hacked to death in the Nungambakkam railway station.
Even after the protests, the PMK cadre has been visiting Naveena’s home, and has been taking photographs and collecting details. “Now, the PMK is saying they will help the family out,” Naveena’s mother said.
The VCK, on the other hand, has not taken up the issue in a big way. They say it is a case of stalking, which could happen with any community. “The girl's [Naveena] murder is a result of stalking; something that happens to a lot of girls in rural Tamil Nadu,” Dalit activist and VCK General Secretary Ravikumar said. There are a few questions being raised about how Senthil, with only one arm and leg, managed to do the deed.
Stalking is a problem that many girls face, especially in rural India, according to S Geetha, Villupuram District General Secretary, All India Democratic Women’s Alliance. “Stalking and harassment of girls is fairly common, especially when women have to travel some distance to get to school or work. In many cases, the women don’t report these stalkers, because they either brush them off as inconsequential, or they are afraid that it will affect their reputations,” she said. It is important to raise awareness on these cases to help the girls get justice, she added.
If schools, colleges and even workplaces have committees to counsel women and children when they are feeling unsafe, or threatened, and help able to report these cases anonymously, it will go a long way to help these women, Geetha said. “There is a certain stigma attached to the police station, which will take a while to overcome. Many families believe that filing a complaint against a man who is harassing their women will mean that the girl’s reputation will be ruined forever. If these complaints can be made with someone they trust, like a teacher, or colleague, it will help reduce this stigma,” she adds.
According to a senior police official, often girls who are being stalked, will hide it even from their families. “We take all cases of assault against women, and especially young girls, very seriously. In Naveena’s case, if we had known that this man was back in the picture, we would have revoked his bail immediately, but the family did not inform us,” he said.
As Naveena’s family and friends are still trying to come to grips with the horror of her death, they only ask that other families learn from her death. “We failed our only daughter and now she has gone. We want other families to learn from us. One day we hope Naveena will be the guiding light for any young girl who is being threatened in such a manner,” her mother said.

2016 Rohith Vemula Suicide in Central University of Hyderabad

The suicide of Rohith Vemula on 18 January 2016 sparked protests and outrage from across India and gained widespread media attention as an alleged case of discrimination against Dalits and backward classes in India in which elite educational institutions have been purportedly seen as an end
uring vestige of caste-based discrimination against students belonging to "backward classes".


In Madhya Pradesh, upper caste villagers pollute Dalits' well, pour kerosene

































The incident took place, near Agar Malwa district, about 200 km from the state capital as the villagers of the upper caste category were unhappy with Chander Meghwal, who invited a band party for his daughter's wedding on 23 April since the Dalits in different societies in the country  are no longer observing witless caste taboos. The well supplied water to nearly 500 Dalits according to a report carried out by NDTV.
Representational image. PTI
Representational image. PTI
Forty five-year-old Meghwal had invited a band party despite getting a warning of facing a boycott as these acts of magnanimity and splendour are reserved solely for the suvarnas (people belonging to the upper caste.) Additionaly, the groom had come riding a bike, he had even used the main road, flouting the diktat of the upper caste villagers. The traditions of Mana village do not permit such things with special reference in the case of Dalits and they only approve a 'dhol' to welcome the groom.
Meghwal had been expressly warned that if he defied "rules", his family would not be allowed to draw water from the common well and would be barred from entering the local temple.
Following the threats, Meghwal had informed the cops and the marriage took place under tight security. Policemen, armed with rifles, batons and teargas, had been stationed to keep the peace. But two after they left, the retaliation started.
Kerosene oil was poured in the well to avenge Meghwal of his audacity for ignoring the warning of the upper caste members. With the village well polluted, the Dalits had to make alternative arrangements for potable water. Apart from this, the community also used pumps to separate the kerosene from the well water.
The well, constructed 1.5 km away from the habitat, was originally used for irrigation. But with water becoming scarce and tube-wells drying up in the village, it was the only source of drinking water."We are now forced to draw water from Kalisindh river, four km from the village," Meghwal told The Times of India.
After the well was cleaned, district collector Durvijay Singh and superintendent of police RS Meena went to the village and drank water from the well used by Dalits in order to reassure them. The collector also announced that two borewells would be dug in the area where the Dalits live. However, these promises will take time to materialise, until which time the well is the only source of potable water for the Dalits in the village.
The officers also had a word with the members of the upper caste to find out who was behind the incident. "No one admitted who put the oil or kerosene in the well. The elders were perturbed by the happenings," the district administration was quoted by The Times of India as saying. Singh further said that the recent incident has escalated tension in the village, adding that this was the first time he has witnessed such an attempt to polarise a peaceful society. The officials, Singh said, are keeping a watch on the situation.
Singh, a senior official, told NDTV that incident was "not such a big issue" since the various communities in the village have been living in amity. "Obviously someone has done this deliberately. It will eventually come out who was responsible," he said.
But no case has been registered in the matter and no investigation has been started, although the police have been stationed again in the village to provide protection to Dalits.

Contempt Proceedings Against Me Not Maintainable: Justice Karnan.



FEBRUARY 11, 2017 Brushing aside the contempt proceedings initiated against him by the Supreme Court, Calcutta High Court judge Justice CS Karnan has said the proceedings are “not maintainable under law” against a sitting high court judge and asked the top court to refer the matter to Parliament for consideration.
He again raised the issue of minority class and alleged that judges of higher caste wanted to “get rid of judges from SC/ST category.
Ordering Justice Karanan’s personal appearance, a seven-judge constitution bench on Wednesday took suo motu cognizance and issued contempt notice against him and also withdrew his judicial as well as administrative power for his open allegations against 20 judges of the Supreme Court and Madras High Court.
In a four-page letter, written on Thursday (February 9), to the Supreme Court Registrar General, Justice Karnan said: “The suo motu contempt against me as Dalit judge is unethical and goes against the SC/ST Act.”
“This is certainly a national issue and wise decision would be to refer the issue to the Parliament,” he wrote in the letter that was accessed by LiveLaw.
“My contention is only to uproot the prevailing corruption at Madras High Court and not to spoil the sanctity and decorum of the court,” Justice Karnan took the defence and questioned the apex court’s short notice given to him for his personal appearance.
Justice Karnan, former Madras High Court judge, has been in controversy for offending his fellow colleagues since 2011.
On January 21 this year, Justice Karnan had written a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, naming 20 judges of the Supreme Court and Madras High Court with alleged corruption charges.
Courtesy:-Live Law
Dalits barred from temple fest in Kannur; activist accuses Kerala’s CPM of discrimination



Feb, 11 2017 
Dalit_380_TKDevasia
The age long injustice of barring lower castes from entering temples was removed in Kerala through a royal proclamation in 1936, but the workers of the ruling Communist Party of India (Marxist) in Kannur district are not ready to accept the spirit of the revolutionary action even after 75 years.
A temple governed by the party at Azhikkal in the district has turned down a demand by Dalits to end its century-old practice of skipping Dalit homes from an annual ritual. The Dalits have viewed the exclusion of their homes from the “Thiruvayudham Ezhunnallathu”, a procession of people carrying the sacred swords of the Goddess, during the annual festival of the Pampadi Aalinkeezhil temple as a clear case of discrimination against them.
The procession, an integral part of temple’s annual festival, is based on the belief that the homes where it visits will stand blessed by the deity. While the temple has been historically using the Dalits to carry the swords during the procession, paradoxically, it doesn’t allow the procession to visit their homes.
When the procession approaches the house of a Dalit, the oracle utter aloud that the home belongs to a Dalit and will, therefore, stand omitted. The temple committee controlled by the CPM has justified the practice saying that it was part of the tradition followed by the temple for over a century.
Mullankandi Mukundan, president of the temple committee, said that the procession was usually taken to the houses of communities that are associated with the temple festival. He said that the Dalits had no role in the annual festival.
Thekkan Sunil, who staged a 72-hour fast against the alleged discrimination, refuted this claim of the temple committee. Though the ritual is conducted as per a Thiya community custom, the procession visits the houses of all Hindus except the Dalits, Sunil said.
He told Firstpost that the Kannur district administration had termed the practice as a clear case of discrimination of Dalits and ordered the temple committee to confine the ritual to the houses of Thiyas if the custom did not allow equal treatment to everybody. The order was issued on a complaint that various Dalit organisations had lodged in 2015.
“The temple committee had abided by the order in 2015 and 2016. However, this year they have reverted to the old practice without showing any reason. I have brought this to the notice of the district collector, who has not taken cognisance of my complaint so far,” said Sunil, who is also the general secretary of Dalit organisation Janadhipathya Rashtriya Sabha.
The organisation is now mobilising signatures for a mass petition to be submitted to the state government and other agencies against the discriminatory practice. A case has already been filed by the Scheduled Caste and Tribes Commission against the temple committee, terming their action as a breach of law.
The Hindu Aikya Vedi, which is linked to the Sangh Parivar, has also come out against the practice. It has termed the practice as a case of untouchability and a violation of the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955.
“Letting Dalits enter the temple, but keeping them away from various rites and rituals is atrocious. Most of the poojas in the temple are conducted with the help of offerings from Dalit devotees. But keeping them away from rites and rituals is a reminder of the feudalistic era of bygone days. These were brought to a complete halt in 1955,” said a Hindu Aikya Vedi statement.
Sunil said that many other Hindu organisations were also against the continuation of this archaic practice. However, the local CPM leaders have been opposing all the moves to change it terming it as part of the temple’s tradition.
“This is a strange argument. The CPM was always been in the forefront of the struggles against discrimination. The party had played a prominent role in the 1931-32 Guruvayoor satyagraha for entry of untouchables in the famed temple. It is now supporting a plea for entry of women in Sabarimala hill shrine. How can such a party support a discriminatory practice in a tiny temple in a remote area?” asks Sunil.
The Dalit activist feels this may be because the CPM maintains a discriminatory approach towards Dalits in Kannur, which is the cradle of  the Communist movement in the state. He said that the party men in many parts of the district were showing intolerance towards the Dalits for reasons not known.
He pointed out several cases to buttress his point. The arrest of two Dalit women, who raised their voice against alleged caste abuse by the CPM workers at Thalaserry, and the alleged persecution of a Dalit woman autorickshaw driver at Payyannur in the district are the two glaring cases in the recent past.
The two Dalit women Akhila, 30, and her 25-year-old sister Anjana, were arrested and jailed under non-bailable charges a month after the party-led government assumed power in the state on a complaint from a party worker that the two had barged into the party office at Thalaserry and beaten up two party men.
The women denied the charge. They said they had gone to the CPM office to question the caste-based taunts and obscene comments by CPM workers. The two decided to confront the party after they got fed up with the incessant abuse for years. The women were released on bail after the incident snowballed into a big controversy.
Chitralekha, a Dalit autorickshaw driver, had picked up cudgels against the CPM men when they made her life difficult after she joined the auto stand controlled by the party’s trade union wing in Edat, a village on the outskirts of Payyannur town. She had bought the autorickshaw under the Pradhan Mantri Rozgar Yojana.
The auto drivers belonging to the Centre for Indian Trade Unions (CITU), who did not like the woman’s foray into their domain, have been hounding her by attacking her and her family members and damaging the auto. Both came under attack several times in the last 12 years.
Though she staged a dharna for 122 days outside the Kannur collectorate in 2014 and another in front of the state secretariat for 20 days in February 2016, there has been no end to her persecution. Her autorickshaw came under attack a month after she ended her dharna at Thiruvananthapuram demanding protection from the miscreants.
An investigation into one such attack against Chithralekha in 2010 by a panel appointed by Feminists Kerala Network found that persecution of the Dalit woman was a ritualistic part of the untouchability practised in the region even today.
The commission, which included Gail Omvedt, publisher and activist V Geetha, and Nivedita Menon, concluded after a fact-finding visit to Payyannur that the intolerance towards the Dalit woman was the result of a fascist atmosphere created by the CPM in the area.
“The party enforces an extrajudicial power over all the people in its bastions in Kannur. It exists and thrives in the region through the use of power over entire villages. Anyone who questions the party or goes against its wishes is harassed, alienated, ostracised and sometimes even killed,” the report of the investigation said.
The report said that the attack on Chitralekha was not an isolated incident. Other Dalit women auto drivers in the region had faced similar intimidation, sexual harassment and caste-related abuses. Many have quit the trade following intimidation.
Chitralekha was facing unrelenting intimidation because she fought her tormentors by aligning with Dalit and feminist activists. The CITU apparently could not tolerate her stubborn courage and confidence.
The Azhikkal temple committee president said that the anti-Dalit charge was being hurled against the CPM by the party’s political rivals. He claimed that the party has been fighting for the rights of all the marginalised sections, including the Dalits.
Mukundan said that the party was not against changing the custom at the temple. However, the committee cannot do it without the consent of the devotees. He said that majority of the devotees, including many Dalits themselves, were against changing the custom.
Courtesy: firstpost



One dead, 25 houses torched as Thakurs, Dalits clash in UP’s Saharanpur

May 05, 2017 
Caste clash

An altercation ballooned into a full-blown clash with both groups throwing stones and bricks at each other.(HT Photo)


























A young man was killed in alleged caste clashes at a village in northwestern Uttar Pradesh’s Saharanpur area on Friday, while at least two dozen Dalit houses were torched in retaliation.
Violence broke out when members of the Thakur community from Shimlana village took out a music-filled procession to commemorate the birth anniversary of medieval Rajput warrior-king Maharana Pratap.
When the parade was passing through the predominantly Dalit village of Shabirpur, residents objected to the allegedly raucous celebration, triggering an exchange of heated words. The altercation ballooned into a full-blown clash with both groups throwing stones and bricks at each other.
A stone hit a 25-year-old Thakur man fatally. His death further enraged the community and more Thakurs from neighbouring villages gathered at Shabirpur and set at least 25 Dalit houses on fire.
They allegedly attacked police and fire brigade personnel who had dashed to the village. A fire engine was damaged, sources said.
Several people, including a police inspector, were wounded in the attack.

Police reinforcements have reached the area, and the situation is said to be under control but tense.
The area had recorded similar clashes this April when the BJP took out a procession to mark the birth anniversary of Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar, who wrote the Constitution and fought for civil rights of the lower castes.
Clashes broke out when members of a community allegedly objected to the procession and threw stones at the rallyists.
The 42-year-old parliamentarian for Saharanpur, Raghav Lakhanpal Sharma of the BJP, a senior police officer, and many more people were wounded.
Uttar Pradesh police registered two FIRs against Sharma and 300 unidentified people in connection with the April 20 violence.
“I can say with confidence that everyone will be safe in the state without any discrimination and rule of law is the priority of the state government,” chief minister Yogi Adityanath said, responding to a question on the Saharanpur violence.


Himachal School Asks Dalit Students to Sit Outside During Modi’s ‘Pariksha Par Charcha’ 













The Dalit students, according to a written complaint, had faced discrimination during midday meals as well.

An enquiry committee is scheduled to visit the school today, February 19/Representative image. Credit: PTI
An enquiry committee is scheduled to visit the school today, February 19/Representative image. Credit: PTI
New Delhi: A government-run high school in Himachal’s Kullu district segregated its Dalit students on Friday, February 17, and told them to sit outside in a “place used for horses” during the telecast of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘Pariksha Par Charcha.’
According to the Indian Express, the school in Kullu’s Chestha gram panchayat had arranged for students to watch at the residence of the head of the school management committee  the televised programme of the prime minister offering advise on exam preparation and clearing Board exams.
In a written complaint to the Kullu deputy commissioner Yunus, a few students alleged that a teacher asked them to sit separately, outside the room where the television had been set up, and warned against leaving mid-way. According to the complaint – written in Hindi on a school notebook – the teacher, Mehar Chand, warned the students that they would lose assignment marks if they did not abide.
“Students belonging to Scheduled Caste category are made to sit separately. Even the headmaster does nothing… he also practices untouchability,” they said, according to the English daily.
The deputy commissioner termed it a “serious matter” and said a magisterial probe has been ordered into the incident. “Disciplinary action has already been initiated against the headmaster. If the incident is confirmed, criminal liability will be fixed,” he said. An enquiry committee is scheduled to visit the school today, February 19.
A member of a local organisation, Anusuchit Jati Kalyan Sangh, claimed that the school’s headmaster, Rajan Bhardwaj, had “confirmed the incident and tendered an apology.” On Saturday, the group had lodged a protest with Bhardwaj, and deputy director of education, Kullu, Jagdish Pathania, after a purported clip of the incident surfaced.
Suresh Bhardwaj, the state education minister, said that besides the recent incident, Dalit students earlier had faced discrimination during midday meals as well. “If these reports are true, we will not spare the guilty,” he said.




       Being Dalit



बागपत में कई जगहों पर दबंगों ने कमजोरों को 


मतदान से रोका




11 Feb 2017 
11_02_2017-bagpat
आज पहले चरण के मतदान के दौरान बागपत जिले में कई मतदान केंद्रों पर दबंगों ने दलितों को वोट करने से रोक दिया। इसके चलते कई जगह हंगामा भी हुआ।
मेरठ (जेएनएन)। निर्वाचन आयोग के साथ ही जिला तथा पुलिस प्रशासन की सख्ती के बाद भी उत्तर प्रदेश के विधानसभा चुनाव में दबंगई जारी है। आज पहले चरण के मतदान के दौरान बागपत जिले में कई मतदान केंद्रों पर दबंगों ने दलितों को वोट करने से रोक दिया। इसके चलते कई जगह हंगामा भी हुआ। इसकी सूचना पर डीएम के साथ एसपी भी मतदान केंद्रों पर पहुंचे और सुचारु मतदान की व्यवस्था बनाने में लग गए हैं।
बागपत जिले के बड़ौत विधानसभा क्षेत्र के लायन गांव में बूथ नंबर 35 पर रालोद के दबंगों ने दलित वोटरों को मतदान से रोक दिया। इनकी पर्ची फाड़ दी। इससे हंगामा हो गया।
बड़ौत में दबंगों ने कमजोर लोगों को मतदान करने से रोक दिया। बागपत के ढिकाना गांव में भी दबंगों ने दलितों को वोट डालने से रोक दिया। इसकी सूचना पर डीएम व एसपी ढिकाना गांव पहुंचे और सख्त कार्रवाई के आदेश दिए। बागपत के ढिकौली गांव के एक बूथ पर 70 साल के मतदाता शिवराज पुत्र नामी की दिल का दौरा पडऩे से मौत हो गई। यह बूथ भी दबंगों के डर से खाली पड़ा है। बड़ौत के वीर स्मारक कालेज के एक बूथ पर समाजवादी पार्टी तïथा राष्ट्रीय लोकदल के प्रत्याशियों में नोकझोंक हुई। बागपत में 10 बजे तक 10 प्रतिशत मतदान हुआ था।
बूथ कैप्चरिंग को लेकर हंगामा
शामली के लिसाड़ गांव में बूथ कैप्चरिंग को लेकर हंगामा। कश्यप समाज के लोगों का आरोप है कि जाट समुदाय के लोगों ने उनका वोट डाल दिया और जब उन्होंने इसका विरोध किया तो उनके साथ मारपीट की गई। कश्यप समाज के लोग अब पंचायत करने की तैयारी में हैं। जिले में अभी तक करीब 12 प्रतिशत तक मतदान हुआ है। कंकरखेड़ा के डीएवी स्कूल के बूथ पर भाजपा और बसपा समर्थकों में मारपीट व पथराव हो गया। पुलिस ने मोर्चा संभाल कर इन्हें भगाया। मेरठ जिले में अब तक करीब 15 प्रतिशत तक मतदान हुआ।
लाठीचार्ज का आरोप, हंगामा
मुजफ्फरनगर के बुढ़ाना विधानसभा क्षेत्र के शाहपुर स्थित एक मतदान केंद्र के बाहर मुस्लिम समाज के लोगों ने हंगामा किया। उन्होंने आरोप लगाया कि पुलिस ने पर्ची बना रहे लोगों पर लाठीचार्ज किया है। मतदाN के लिए मोरना जा रहीं सपा नेता सुनीता शर्मा के स्कूटर का पहिया भोपा रोड पर निकल गया। हालांकि वह बाल-बाल बच गईं। मुजफ्फरनगर में केंद्रीय राज्यमंत्री संजीव बालियान ने कुटबी गांव स्थित पोलिंग बूथ पर मतदान किया।

लखनऊ में दोपहर के वक्त एक लड़की को सरेआम अगवा किया गया
उत्तर प्रदेश की राजधानी लखनऊ में दोपहर के वक्त एक लड़की को सरेआम अगवा किया गया। उसके साथ गैंगरेप हुआ। रेप के बाद सड़क पर फेंक दिया और घर पहुंची लड़की लहूलुहान अवस्था में तड़पती रही। आपको यह जानकर हैरानी होगी कि जिस वक्त दरिंदे इस वारदात को अंजाम दे रहे थे, उस वक्त चार लड़कियां मौका-ए-वारदात पर मौजूद थीं। एक लड़की से बलात्कार हो रहा था और सामने ये लड़कियां सामने खड़ी मजे ले रही थीं।

दोपहर करीब ढाई बजे आठवीं कक्षा की यह बच्ची स्कूल से घर लौट रही थी तभी पीछे से दो युवकों ने उसके मुंह पर पट्टी बांध दी और जबरन कार में बिठा लिया। ये लोग बच्ची को दूर सूनसान इलाके में ले गये और वहां उसके साथ गैंगरेप किया। गैंगरेप के बाद पीड़‍िता को सड़क पर फेंक दिया। दर्द से करहाती बच्ची किसी तरह घर पहुंची तो उसके गुप्तांगों से भर-भर कर खून बह रहा था। खून इतना, मानो किसी का मर्डर हुआ हो।

इस दर्दनाक वारदात की तस्वीरों को देख आपको घृणा हो जायेगी उस यूपी सरकार से, जिसके मुख‍िया कहते हैं कि चार लोग रेप नहीं कर सकते, जो कहते हैं गलती तो सबसे हो जाती है|

प्रेम विवाह करने वाले जोड़ों को पंचायत ने गांव में घुसने से रोका

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जनपद के मंसूरपुर क्षेत्र के गांव सोटा में खानदान के अंदर प्रेम विवाह के ‘जुर्म’ में दलित बिरादरी के दो लड़कियों और दो लड़कों को बिरादरी व गांव से निकालने का फरमान सुना दिया गया। दोनों जोड़ों का आरोप है कि पंचायत ने फरमान सुनाया कि एक गांव व एक जाति होने के कारण चारों भाई-बहन लगते हैं। लेकिन चारों ने प्रेम विवाह किया और गांव से फरार हो गए। दलित पंचायत ने अब इन चारों पर गांव में घुसने पर प्रतिबंध लगा दिया है। दोनों जोड़े इस मामले में कानून का सहारा ले रहे हैं।

जनपद के मंसूरपुर क्षेत्र में निकटवर्ती सोंटा गांव है। कुछ दिनों पहले गांव की दलित बस्ती से एक दलित परिवार की दो लड़कियां गांव से चली गर्इं। बाद में पता चला कि दोनों लड़कियों का उनके खानदान के ही दो चचेरे भाइयों से प्रेम प्रसंग चल रहा था ओर उन्होंने गांव से भाग कर मंदिर में शादी कर ली। मामले के खुलासे के बाद दलित बिरादरी में बैठकों का दौर शुरू हो गया।


दलित बिरादरी के लोगों में गुस्सा इस बात को लेकर है कि जब चारों भाई-बहन हैं तो उन्होंने प्रेम विवाह क्यों किया? इसी बीच लड़की के पिता ने थाने में मुकदमा दर्ज कराकर खानदान के दोनों लड़कों के खिलाफ दी शिकायत में कहा कि उनकी दोनों लड़कियों को खानदान के ही लड़के बहला-फुसलाकर ले गए।


मामला बढ़ते देख दलित पंचायत ने शनिवार को लड़के और लड़कियों को गांव में नहीं घुसने का फरमान सुना दिया। कहा गया कि रिश्ते में भाई-बहन होने के बावजूद चारों ने सामाजिक व्यवस्था, जाति, खानदान और परिवार के नियमों को चुनौती दी है। इसलिए उन्हें फिलहाल गांव में प्रवेश नहीं करने दिया जाएगा।


इसी बीच दोनों युवतियां मंसूरपुर थाने पहुचीं और पुलिस को बयान को दिया कि दोनों बालिग हैं और उन्होंने अपनी मर्जी से यह कदम उठाया है। पुलिस अब इन दोनों लड़कियों के कोर्ट में बयान दर्ज कराएगी।


लड़कियों के इस कदम के बाद पंचायत उन पर नई सजा थोपना चाहती है। पंचायत चाहती है कि दोनों लड़कियों की शादी गांव से बाहर कर दी जाए। इस शादी का खर्च उनके साथ विवाह करने वाले चचेरे भाइयों के परिजनों से वसूला जाए। फिलहाल पुलिस मामले पर नजर बनाए हुए है।

बाराबंकी में दलितों को मंदिर में पूजा करने से रोका

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दलितों को मंदिरों में प्रवेश के लिए नारायण गुरु ने दक्षिणी भारत में जो आन्दोलन चलाया था लगता हैं उसकी फिर से ज़रूरत आ पड़ी हैं। कुछ दिने पहले मैंने इसी ब्लॉग पर लिखा था के किस तरह हिमाचल प्रदेश , राजस्थान और हरियाणा में दलितों को पूजा करने से रोका था। 


अमर उजाला अख़बार में छापी खबर के अनुसार ऐसा ही बाकया उत्तर प्रदेश के बाराबंकी जिले में हुआ हैं जहा एक दलित को मंदिर में पूजा करने से रोका गया हैं। इन्ही सब कारणों की वजह से दलित धर्म परिवर्तन करने पर मजबूर होते हैं तब जा कर हिन्दू धर्म के ठेकेदार जागते हैं।


उत्तर प्रदेश में दलितों के खिलाफ अपराध, हत्याएं और छुआछूत कोई नयी बात नहीं हैं लेकिन पिछले कुछ बरसो में इनमें जिस तरह से तेजी आ रही हैं वह एक चिंता का विषय हैं। 


दर्न्दिगी की हदें पार, 13 साल की दलित लड़की से समूहिक बलात्कार के बाद आँखें निकाली

बलात्कार का गढ़ बन चुके उत्तर प्रदेश में दलितों खिलाफ हिंसा और बलात्कार की घटनाएं आम बात हो चुकी हैं।लेकिन जिस घटना का में उल्लेख में करने जा रहा हू ये बलात्कार से कही अधिक हैं। इस दिल दहला देने वाली घटना को सुनकर किसी भी इंसान के रोंगटे खड़े हो जायेंगे। 

उत्तर प्रदेश के हरदोई जिले में एक 13 साल की मासूम बच्ची के साथ कुछ दरिंदो ने सामूहिक बलात्कार के बाद उसकी हत्या कर दी। दरिंदो का मन यही नहीं भरा उन्होंने चाकू से उस बच्ची की आँखें निकाली तथा उसके गुप्तांगो पर भी चाकू से बार किया। पुलिस यह शक कर रही हैं की लड़की की आँखें इस लिए निकली गयी जिससे लड़की आरोपियों की पहचान किसी को नहीं बता पाये। 

घटना जिले में फतियापुर क्षेत्र के माजरा लुकताना गाँव की हैं। लड़की बुधबार (19/08/2015) की शाम को अपने बीमार पिता के लिए दबाई लेने के लिए घर से निकली थी लेकिन वापस नहीं आई। काफी देर बाद भी लड़की के वापस नहीं लौटने पर घर वालों ने लड़की की तलाश सुरु की। 

लड़की का नंगा शरीर गाँव के ही पास में खेतो से मिला, लड़की के कुछ कपडे उसके मुँह में ठुसे हुए भी मिले जो आरोपियों ने लड़की की आवाज़ दवाने के लिए डाले होंगे। उसके चहरे पर चाकुओ के घाव के निसान थे, लड़की के गुप्तांग भी जख्मी अवस्था में थे जो उसके साथ हुई दरिंदगी को बयां करते हैं। ऐसा काम कोई इंसान तो नहीं कर सकता ये तो किसी हैवान का ही काम हो सकता हैं। 

अपने ब्लॉग पर में उत्तर प्रदेश में दलितों के खिलाफ हो रही हत्यो और महिलाओ के खिलाफ बलात्कार के मामलो के बारे में लिख कर मैं थक चूका हु , मैंने निर्णय लिया था की एक दिन में एक ही जैसी घटना के बारे में मैं यहाँ नहीं लिखूँगा लेकिन इस मासूम बच्ची के साथ हुए अमानवीय कृत्य ने मुझे उसके बारे में लिखने को मज़बूर कर दिया। 

आप विस्वास नहीं करंगे ये ब्लॉग लिखते हुए मेरी आँखें नाम हो गयी हैं, में ही क्या किसी भी इंसान की आँखें ऐसी घटना के बारे में पढ़ कर नाम हो जाएगी। देश का मीडिया भी राजनीती में व्यस्त हैं। इसने दिल्ली में हुई घटना के बारे में तो बहुत हल्ला मचाया था लेकिन एक दलित लड़की की ज़िन्दगी इन टेलीविज़न और news Paper वालो को इतनी मत्वपूर्ण नहीं लगती। 

मैंने जो भी लिखा हैं एक इंग्लिश न्यूज़ पेपर के हवाले से लिखा हैं। में अपने पाठको से गुजारिश करुगा के जो भी कोई भाई हरदोई जिले का रहने वाला हो इस घटना के बारे में जायदा जानकारी पता कर के बताएं।

मध्य प्रदेश में दलित महिला को बलात्कार के बाद जिंदा जलाया।

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जैसा की में पहले भी यहा लिखता रहा हूँ की मध्य प्रदेश में दलितो के खिलाफ हत्या और अपराध के मामलो में तेजी आई हैं। यह वही राज्य हैं जहा एक दलित लड़की को इस लिए बुरी तरह मारा गया क्योंकि गलती से उस की छायाएक ऊंचे जाति के व्यक्ति के खाने पर पड गयी थी।

यही नहीं राज्य से हर रोज़ दलितो के खिलाफ भेदभाव, छुआछूत, मार-पीट, महिलाओ से छेड-छाड़ तथा बलात्कार की घटनाएँ होती रहती हैं। राष्ट्रीय अपराध रेकॉर्ड शाखा के अकड़ो के अनुसार मध्य प्रदेश में दलितो के खिलाफ अपराधो के मामलो में बृद्धि हो रही हैं। 


में आज जिस घटना के बारे में लिखने जा रहा हूँ वह मध्य प्रदेश के मुरैना जिले की सबलगढ़ तहसील में घटी हैं। 17 अगस्त की रात को  दो दरिंदों ने एक 24 साल की दलित महिला के साथ शराब के नशे में बारी बारी से बलात्कार किया और फिर उस पर शराब छिड़क कर आग लगा दी जिससे महिला की मौत हो गयी।


अपराधी पान सिंह और राजेश सिंह पीडीट महिला के पति के दोस्त हैं। उन्होने पहले तो महिला के पति को जाम कर शराब पिलाई और जब बह नशे में धुत हो गया तो उसके घर जा कर उसस की पत्नी से जबर्दस्ती बलात्कार कर दिया। सबूत मितले के लिए दरिंदों ने महिला को शराब छिड़क कर आग लगा दी। महिला 50% से अधिक जल गयी जिसे मुरैना के जिला अस्पताल में भर्ती कराया गया जहा उससे बचाया नहीं जा सका। महिला ने मरने से पहले पुलिस को अपना बयान दिया और बलात्कार होने की पुष्टि की। 


ये वही लोग हैं जो वैसे तो दलितो के नजदीक नहीं आने देने का नाटक करते हैं क्यों की इनके अनुसार दलित अछूत होते हैं लेकिन जब इनको मौका मिलता हैं तो दलित महिलाओ से बलात्कार में छुआछूत नहीं मानते। दरअसल दलितों को आसान शिकार मन जाता हैं क्योंकी न तो इनकी राजनैतिक पहुंच होती हैं और न ही पुलिस और प्रशासन इनकी सुनता। 

UP में खाप पंचायत का आदेश, बदला लेने के लिए दलित बहनो का बलात्कार करो
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उत्तर प्रदेश से हर रोज़ किसी दलित लड़की के साथ दबंगों द्वारा ज़बरदस्ती बलात्कार की खबर तो रोज़ आती हैं लेकिन ये खबर सुन के आप का खून खौल जायेगा। ऐसा लगता हैं जैसे राज्य में कानून व्यवस्ता पूरी तरह खत्म हो गयी हैं और खाप पंचायतो के भरोसे कानून व्यवस्ता चलाई जा रही हैं। 
राज्य के बागपत जिले में एक खाप पंचायत ने अमानवीय फरमान सुनाया हैं। खाप पंचयत ने दो दलित बहनो के साथ बलात्कार का आदेश दिया हैं और उन को पुरे गाँव में नंगा घूमाने को कहा हैं। जाटो की इस खाप पंचायत ने ऐसा इस लिए किया हैं क्योंकि एक जाट लड़की एक दलित लड़के से प्यार करती थी और बह उस के साथ भाग गयी। पंचायत ने बदला लेने के लिए दलित लड़की की दोनों बहनो के साथ बलात्कार का फरमान सुनाया हैं। 
दलित लड़का रवि और जाट लड़की कई बरसो से एक दूसरे से प्रेम करते थे लेकिन लडकी के माँ-बाप ने उस की शादी इसी साल फरबरी में कही और करदी। लड़की सादी से खुश नहीं थी और मौका देख के प्रेमी के साथ भाग गयी।  
दलित लड़की ने खाप पंचायत के फरमान के खिलाफ उच्चतम न्यायालय में गुहार लगायी हैं। कोर्ट ने उ.प्र. सारकार को लड़की की हिफाज़त करने का आदेश दिया हैं और दोषियों के खिलाफ कड़ी करवाई करने को कहा हैं।
जाटलैंड हमेशा दलितों के खिलाफ अपराधो के लिए जाना जाता रहा हैं। उत्तर प्रदेश ही नहीं पडोसी राज्यों हरयाणा और राजस्थान में भी जाटो द्वारा दलितों के साथ हिंसा और अत्याचारों की खबर आती रहती हैं। 

महाराष्ट्र में दलित महिला सरपंच को नहीं फहराने दिया तिरंगा

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जहा मध्य प्रदेश के मुरैना जिले में दलित सरपंच बादामी बाई ने 4 साल के संघर्ष के बाद किसी तरह स्वतंत्रता दिवस पर झंडा फैराने का अधिकार प्राप्त किया। वही देश के 69वें स्वतंत्रता दिवस के मौके पर शनिवार को महाराष्ट्र के सांगली जिले में दलित महिला सरपंच को तिरंगा नहीं फहराने दिया गया।


विशाखा कांबले अपने दफ्तर में 
घटना आरग गांव की है जहां महिला सरपंच विशाखा कांबले को तिरंगा फहराने से रोक दिया गया। उनकी जगह गांव के उप सरपंच अनिल काबू ने खुद ही झंडा फहराया। इस घटना से गांव के दलित समुदाय के लोगों में काफी गुस्सा है।

विशाखा कांबले जी को भी मुरैना की बादामी बाई से सीख लेते हुए अनसन और कानूनी रास्ता अपनाना चाहिए तभी जा कर प्रशासन हरकत में आएगा। एक दलित महिला का सरपंच बनना महिला ससक्तिकरण के साथ में सामाजिक बदलाब का भी प्रतीक हैं।


बाबा साहेब के प्रयासों से दलित एवं आदिवासियों को आरक्षण के रास्ते पंच-सरपंच बनने का मौका तो मिल गया हैं लेकिन ये बातें ऊँची जाती के लोगो को रास नहीं आती। वैसे भी महाराष्ट्र का दलितों के खिलाफ हिंसा के मामले में रिकॉर्ड बहुत ख़राब रहा हैं  वह आजादी के 68 साल बाद भी देश दलितों के प्रति भेदभाव, छुआछूत, जातिगत अपराध और हिंसा खुलेआम जारी है।

दलित को शरण दी तो 50 हजार जुर्माना

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स्वतंत्रता दिवस की पूर्व सन्ध्या पर उस तालिबानी सोच का उदाहरण पेश कर रहा हूँ जो भारत की स्वतंत्रता पर ग्रहण लगाती है। मथुरा जिले की एक घटना थाना नौहझील के गाँव पारसौली की है। विगत 9 अगस्त को नब्बे बामन और चन्दो जाटव शराब पी रहे थे पिन्नक में दोनों में झगड़ा हो गया और चन्दो चुटैल हो गया। चन्दो के कुछ परिजनों ने नब्बे से मारपीट कर घायल कर दिया। दोनों पक्षों की रिपोर्ट भी दर्ज हो गयी।बाद में जाट यह घटना (बामन का अपमान) सहन नहीं कर सके और तनावपूर्ण स्थिति हो गयी।यहाँ उल्लेखनीय है कि पिछड़े (जाट) जिन्हें सवर्णों की "सोशल पुलिस"कहा जाता है ज्यादा आहत नजर आ रही है। जाटों की पंचायत ने किसी दलित को शरण देने के जुर्म में 50 हजार का जुर्माना तथा किसी सवर्ण के खेत में घुसने पर 5 हजार रुपये जुर्माना लगाने का फैसला सुना दिया है। खबर है कि सोशल पुलिस के डर से करीबन 50 दलित परिवार गाँव से पलायन करने को मजबूर हुए हैं।


अफसोस ही व्यक्त किया जा सकता है,उस घिनौनी सोच पर जिसके अनुसार समाज में दलितों पर सामान्य से अपराध पर थाने चौकी और अदालतों के अलावा जातीय पंचायतें तालिबानी हुकुम सुनाती हैं और तमाम तरह की सामन्तवादी पाबन्दी लगाती हैं। यही पंचायतें उन जघन्य अपराधियों पर कोई पाबन्दी नहीं लगाती हैं जो दलितों के विरुद्ध अपराध करते हैं क्यों? ऐसी वहशी पंचायतें एकाकी फैसले सुनाकर अपनी पाशविक सोच का क्रूर प्रदर्शन करती हैं जिसकी एक भारतीय नागरिक को सच्चे दिल से घोर निन्दा करनी चाहिए। जहाँ हम भारत के लोग 69 वें स्वतंत्रता दिवस के राष्ट्रीय पर्व के अवसर पर खुशी के आलम में रंगे हुए हैं वहाँ ऐसी अमानवीय घटनाएँ निश्चित रूप से हम दलितों को यह आभास कराती हैं कि आजादी में कुछ न कुछ खामी है वरना सामान्य से अपराध की प्रतिक्रिया में इस तरह पाबन्दियाँ-बन्दिशें लगायी जायें तो क्यों?हमें आवश्यक रूप से सामाजिक आजादी के लिए बलिदान देने के लिए तत्पर रहना होगा, तभी ऐसे पाशविक सोच के जमूरों को हतोत्साहित किया जा सकता है,अन्यथा हमारा भारत ऐसे ही कलंक कथाओं का मंचन देखने को मजबूर होगा।

मथुरा (नौहझील): नौहझील क्षेत्र के गांव पारसौली में गुरुवार को जाट समाज के कुछ लोगों ने पंचायत कर दलितों को शरण देने वाले परिवार पर 50 हजार रुपये जुर्माना लगाने का तुगलकी फरमान सुनाया। जबकि अपने खेतों पर दलितों को घुसने की अनुमति देने वालों को पांच हजार रुपये जुर्माना देना होगा। इस पंचायत से हालात तनावपूर्ण बने हुए हैं। 50 दलित परिवार गांव से पलायन कर गए हैं।
नौ अगस्त को गांव पारसौली निवासी ब्राह्माण नब्बे और जाटव समाज का चंदो शराब पी रहे थे, तभी किसी बात को लेकर नब्बे ने चंदो से मारपीट कर उसे घायल कर दिया। इस पर जाटव समाज के अन्य लोगों ने नब्बे से मारपीट कर डाली और उसे लहूलुहान कर दिया। तभी से गांव में कुछ लोग इस विवाद को जातीय संघर्ष का रूप देने में लगे हैं। कुछ लोग आगामी त्रिस्तरीय पंचायत चुनाव में इस विवाद का सियासी लाभ उठाने की फिराक में हैं। हालांकि दोनों पक्ष एक-दूसरे के खिलाफ रिपोर्ट दर्ज करा चुके हैं। मगर समाज विशेष के कुछ लोगों के आक्रामक रवैये से डरकर अब तक जाटव समाज के 50 परिवार पलायन कर गए हैं। दलित समाज के लोग केंद्रीय अनुसूचित जाति एवं जनजाति आयोग से गुहार लगा चुके हैं। आयोग ने पुलिस-प्रशासन के आला अफसरों को दलित परिवारों को पूर्ण सुरक्षा प्रदान कर नियमानुसार कार्रवाई करने के निर्देश दिए थे। तभी से पुलिस गांव के लोगों की गतिविधियों पर नजर रखे है। शांति बनाए रखने को पुलिस तैनात की है।

थाना नौहझील के एसओ प्रेमचंद का कहना है कि जाट समाज के कुछ युवकों ने पंचायत की थी। गांव के बुजुर्गो ने उनको समझाया है। सभी ग्रामीणों से दलित परिवार के लोगों को परेशान न करने को कहा है। कुछ लोग दोनों पक्षों में समझौता कराने का प्रयास कर रहे हैं।

Gaurakshak Dal Ke Atankwadi





हरियाणा में दलितों को कावड़ चढ़ाने से रोका

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सबसे पहले तो अपने सभी देश वासियो को 69वे स्वतंत्र दिवस की सुभ कामनाएं देना चाहता हू। जहा आज पूरा देश स्वतंत्र का जश्न मन रहा हैं वही हरियाणा के गांव डिडवाड़ा में कावड़ लिए दलितों को मंदिर में गंगाजल चढ़ाने से रोकने का मामला सामने आया है। मैंने कल अपने ब्लॉग पर राजस्थान में हुई एक घटना का उल्लेख किया था जिसमें एक दलित महिला को मंदिर में पूजा करने से रोक गया था।  गांव के दलितों ने घटना के दो दिन बाद शुक्रवार (14/08/2015 ) को एसडीएम कार्यालय में जमकर नारेबाजी कर नाराजगी जाहिर की और एसडीएम बलराज जाखड़ को ज्ञापन सौंपा। एसडीएम ने शांति बनाए रखने व दोषियों के खिलाफ उचित कार्रवाई करने का आश्वासन दिया। 
दलित समुदाय से संबंध रखने वाले ग्रामीणों ने कहा कि शिवरात्री के दिन वे कावड़ लेकर गांव में पंहुचे थे। जब वे गांव के मंदिर में गंगाजल को अर्पित करने लगे तो गांव के कई लोगो ने उन्हे मंदिर में गंगाजल चढ़ाने से रोक दिया। इससे उन्हें गांव से करीब 7 किलोमीटर दूर गांव बडौद के शिव मंदिर में पूजा कर गंगाजल अर्पित करना पड़ा। इन लोगों ने बताया कि पिछले दो दिनो से गांव में तनाव का माहौल है और मजबूरन उन्हें दो दिन बाद इस मामले की शिकायत देनी पड़ी। इस मामले में एसडीएम ने शांति बनाए रखने व दोषियों के खिलाफ उचित कार्रवाई करने का आश्वासन दिया।
देश तो आजाद हो गया लेकिन ये आज़ादी कुछ लोगो के लिए ही हैं। दलितों को इस आज़ादी का हिस्सा बनने में न जाने कितना समय लगेगा। कल मुझे अपने एक पाठक का मेल मिला था वो बोल रहे थे की हमें ये दलित शब्द इस्तेमाल नहीं करना चाइये ये हमें छोटी जात का होने का अहसास करवाता हैं। में उसके जवाब में यही कहना चाहता हु के ये शब्द हमने अपनी इच्छा से नहीं अपनाया हैं ये हम पर जबरदस्ती थोपा गया हैं। 

राजस्थान में दलित महिला को मंदिर में पूजा से रोका

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मंदिरो में दलितों को प्रवेश न करने देने और उन्हें पूजा से रोकने के बारे में में पहले भी अपने ब्लॉग पे लिख चूका हू। कुछ दिन पहले हिमाचल प्रदेश में ब्राह्मणो ने दलितों को एक मंदिर में प्रवेश करने से रोक दिया था। दक्षिण भारत में तो ऐसी घटनाएँ आम बात हैं। देश आजादी की 68वीं सालगिरह मानाने जा रहा हैं लेकिन इतने साल बाद भी ये कुप्रथाएं प्रचलित है जो की देश के लिए शर्म की बात हैं। 


दलितों को मंदिर में प्रवेश ना करने देने का एक मामला राजस्थान में सामने आया हैं। जयपुर के विधाधर नगर इलाके में एक दलित महिला को पुजारियों ने मंदिर में पूजा करने से रोक दिया। दरअसल, इंद्रा डारू नाम की ये महिला विधाधर नगर इलाके में स्थित निगम के पार्क में बने तत्कालेष्वर महादेव मंदिर में पूजा करने गई थी।
महिला का आरोप है कि मंदिर के पूजारियों ने उससे जाति पूछी जिसके जवाब में उसने खुद को दलित होना बताया। इस पर पुजारियों ने उस महिला को पूजा करने से मना कर दिया। जानकारी के मुताबिक़ ये महिला कस्टम विभाग में एलडीसी के पद पर कार्यरत है। मामले का पता चलने पर वालमिकी समाज में आक्रोष फैल गया।

खबर फैलने के बाद वालमिकी समाज के लोग बड़ी संख्या में एकजुट होकर मंदिर पहुँच गए। समाज के लोगों ने पहले तो पुजारियों को जमकर खरी कोटी सुनाई और फिर बाद में दलित महिला को मंदिर में पूजा करवाई। इसके बाद महिला ने आरोपी पुजारियों के खिलाफ विधाधर नगर थाने में मामला दर्ज कराया। पुलिस ने मामला दर्ज जांच शुरू कर दी है।



देश में नयी सरकार आने के बाद से धार्मिक कट्टरता बढ़ी हैं और साथ में इस तरह की जातिगत छुआछूत की घटनाओ में भी बृद्धि हो रही हैं। इस से पहले राजस्थान के मुख्य मंत्री श्री अशोक गहलोत, जो खुद एक माली जाती से हैं, के कार्यकाल में राज्य में ऐसी घटनाएँ नहीं होती थी। इसी तरह की घटनाओ से तंग आ कर दलित अपना धर्म बदलते हैं उसके बाद हिन्दू धर्म के ठेकेदार हरकत में आते हैं। 


3 माह के बच्चे को ढाल बना दलित महिला के साथ सामूहिक बलात्कार!

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मध्य प्रदेश में दलितों के खिलाफ हिंसा और बलात्कार के मामलो में दिन प्रति दिन बढ़ोतरी हो रही हैं। यह वही राज्य हैं जहाएक दलित लड़की को इस लिए बुरी तरह पीटा गया था क्यों की उस की छाया किसी ऊपरी जाती के व्यक्ति के भोजन पर पड गयी थी। लेकिन जहा ऊँची जाती के दरिंदे अपनी काम बासना को संत करना चाहते हैं तो वह सारा छुआ-छूत भूल कर दलित महिलाओ को अपनी हबस का शिकार बनाते हैं। दलितो की पर होने वाले अपराधो को आवाजदेने वाला कोई हैं नहीं इस लिए ये लोग आसान सीकर बन जाते हैं।





ऐसी ही एक घटना भोपाल शहर के बाहरी इलाके में घाटी जहा एक दलित महिला के तीन माह के बच्चे को बंधक बनाकर उसके साथ सामूहिक बलात्कार किया गया। गाँव के ही दो युवकों ने महिला के घर में गुसकर यह कृत्य किया। उस दौरान महिला के परिजन बाहर गए हुए थे। सोमवार रात (10/08/2015)  हुई इस घटना के बाद पुलिस ने गैंगरेप का मामला दर्ज किया है। हालांकि, आरोपी अब भी पुलिस की गिरफ्त से बाहर हैं और महिला सदमे में हैं।

26 साल की यह दलित महिला घर में अकेली सो रही थी। महिला का पति और परिजन गांव के ही किसी आयोजन में गए थे। घरवाले किसी भी समय लौट सकते थे, ऐसे में महिला ने घर का मुख्य दरवाजा खुला ही छोड़ दिया था। इसी बीच मेहरबान सिंह गुर्जर और प्रदीप साहू नामक दोनों आरोपी घर में घुस आए और उसकी बच्ची को उठा लिया। दोनों ने महिला को धमकी दी अगर उसने शोर मचाया तो वो बच्ची को जान से मार देंगे।

महिला ने अपने बच्चे की जान बचाने की खातिर अपनी आबरू को लूट जाने दिया। इसके बाद दोनों ने महिला के मुंह में कपड़ा ठूंस दिया और उसके साथ बारी बारी से बलात्कार किया। जब महिला के परिजन घर वापस आए तो सबने पुलिस के पास जाकर रिपोर्ट लिखाई। पुलिस के मुताबिक गैंगरेप के आरोपी इसी गांव के हैं और घटना के बाद फरार हो गए।

गुजरात के 13 मंदिरों में दलितों को अभी भी प्रवेश नहीं

आजादी के इतने वर्षो बाद भी देश में छुआछूत कायम है। वहीं आधुनिक कहा जाने वाला गुजरात भी इससे अछूता नहीं है। राज्य में अब भी तेरह ऐसे मंदिर हैं, जहां दलितों के प्रवेश करने पर रोक है। सदन में प्रश्नकाल के दौरान शहरकोटडा से विधायक शैलेष परमार के सवाल के जवाब में राज्य के गृहमंत्री ने यह बात स्वीकार की।

    राज्य के जो तेरह मंदिर हैं, उनमें भरूच के 3, अहमदाबाद ग्रामीण का एक, आणंद के 2, महीसागर का एक, देवभूमि द्वारका का एक, गिर-सोमनाथ के दो, पोरबंदर के दो और बनासकांठा एक मंदिर शामिल है।
हाल ही में जामनगर के जाम-जोधपुर के सतापर गांव में स्थित एक मंदिर के बाहर बैनर लगा था। इसमें स्पष्ट रूप से लिखा था कि मंदिर के अंदर दलित भाई-बहन, मुस्लिम, बुनकर, देवीपूजक व कोली समाज के लोग प्रवेश न करें।

सिर पर चप्पल नहीं रखी तो दबंगों ने दलितों को पीटा, 4 गंभीर


वक़्त बदल गया है लेकिन हालात नहीं बदले, कुछ दलितों ने पुरानी रूढ़ियों को तोड़ने की हिम्मत क्या दिखाई अस्पताल जाने की नौबत आ गई। मामला मध्य प्रदेश के दमोह जिले के तेजगढ़ थाने के मनका गांव का है। यहां के दलितों का मात्र इतना कसूर था कि वे दबंगो के घर के सामने से सिर पर चप्पल रखने की बजाय पहनकर ही निकल गए। घटनाक्रम में दलित समाज के 8 से अधिक लोग घायल हुए हैं। जिनमें चार की हालत गंभीर बनी हुई है।
जानकारी के अनुसार अहिरवार समाज के लोग संत रविदास जयंती मना रहे थे। इसी उपलक्ष्य में उन्होंने शाम को भोज का आयोजन किया था। तभी गांव के दबंग महेंद्र, गौतम व राजेंद्र यादव वहां पहुंचे और सभी के साथ गाली गलौज कर मारपीट कर दी। घटना में रामदीन, हल्ली बाई, रचना, सूरजबाई,मिट्ठू, शिव, संतोष, लक्ष्मीरानी आदि को गंभीर चोटें आ गईं। इन्हें इलाज के लिए अस्पताल में भर्ती कराया गया है।


पीडि़तों ने बताया कि उन्होंने सुबह प्रभात फेरी का आयोजन किया था जिसे बैंड बाजे के साथ निकाला गया। इस पर आरोपियों ने उनके साथ ये कहकर मारपीट की, कि वे उनके घर के सामने से चप्पल जूते पहनकर निकले हैं। मामले में इमलिया चौकी पुलिस द्वारा कार्रावाई ना करने की बात भी सामने आ रही है। जिसकी शिकायत कलेक्टर से की गई है। पीडि़त पूरी सब्जी लेकर आज कलेक्ट्रेट पहुंचे थे।

Source : http://mp.patrika.com/damoh-news/half-dozen-dalit-injured-after-beaten-a-dabang-34176.html

गौ मूत्र को पवित्र मान पी जाते हैं, लेकिन दलितों के 

हाथ का छुआ हुआ पानी नहीं पी सकते !




भंवर मेघवंशी

राजस्थान की राजधानी जयपुर के निकटवर्ती इलाके दुदू के फागी कस्बे के चकवाडा गाँव के निवासी बाबूलाल बैरवा लम्बे समय तक विहिप से जुड़े रहे हैं तथा उन्होंने कारसेवा में भी हिस्सेदारी की। संघ की विचारधारा से जुड़ने और वहाँ से मोह भंग होने के बाद वे इन दिनों अम्बेडकर के विचारों से प्रभावित हैं। उनके साथ घटी एक घटना ने उनकी और उन्हीं के जैसे अन्य दलित ग्रामीणों की आँखें खोलने में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका अदा की है।






हुआ यह कि बाबूलाल के गाँव चकवाडा के जिस तालाब में गाय, भैंस, बकरी, बिल्ली, कुत्ते, सूअर आदि सब नहाते थे, उसमें यह कारसेवक बाबूलाल बैरवा भी नहाने की हिम्मत कर बैठा, यह सोच कर कि है तो वह भी हिन्दू ही ना, वह भी संघ से जुड़ा हुआ विहिप का कार्यकर्त्ता और राम मंदिर के लिए जान तक देने को तैयार रहा एक समर्पित कारसेवक है। इसी गाँव के लोग तो ले गए थे उसे अयोध्या अपने साथ, वैसे भी सब हिन्दू-हिन्दू तो बराबर ही है, लेकिन बाबूलाल का भ्रम उस दिन टूट गया जिस दिन वह अपने ही गाँव के तालाब में नहाने का अपराध कर बैठा। गाँव के सार्वजनिक तालाब में नहाने के जुर्म में इस दलित कारसेवक पर सवर्ण हिन्दुओं ने 51 हज़ार रुपये का जुर्माना लगाया। 




गाँव वालों के इस अन्यायपूर्ण फैसले के खिलाफ बाबूलाल चिल्लाता रहा कि वह भी तो हिन्दू ही है, कारसेवा में भी जा चुका है, विश्व हिन्दू परिषद् से जुड़ा हुआ है और फिर वह भी तो उसी तालाब में नहाया है जिसमें सब लोग नहाते हैं। इसमें जब जानवर नहा सकते हैं तो वह एक इन्सान हो कर क्यों नहीं नहा सकता है ? लेकिन बाबूलाल बैरवा की पुकार किसी भी हिन्दू संगठन तक नहीं पहुंची।




थक हार कर बाबूलाल न्याय के हेतु जयपुर में दलित अधिकार केंद्र के पी एल मीमरौट से मिला। इसके बाद दलित एवं मानव अधिकारों के लिए काम करने वाले संगठन आगे आये और बाबूलाल को न्याय और संवैधानिक हक अधिकार दिलाने की लड़ाई और तेज तथा व्यापक हुयी। देश भर से आये तकरीबन 500 लोग एक रैली के रूप में चकवाडा के दलितों को सार्वजानिक तालाब पर नहाने का हक दिलाने के लिए सदभावना रैली के रूप में निकले, मगर उन्हें माधोराजपुरा नामक गाँव के पास ही कानून, व्यवस्था और सुरक्षा के नाम पर पुलिस और प्रशासन द्वारा रोक लिया गया। मैं भी इस रैली का हिस्सा था, हिन्दू तालिबान का टेरर क्या होता है, आप इसे उस दिन साक्षात् देख सकते थे। लगभग 40 हज़ार उग्र हिन्दुओं की भीड़ ‘ कल्याण धणी की जय‘ और ‘जय जय श्रीराम‘ के नारे लगाते हुए निहत्थे दलितों की सदभावना रैली की और बढ़ रहे थी। उनके हाथ में लट्ठ और अन्य कई प्रकार के अस्त्र शस्त्र भी थे, उनका एक ही उद्देश्य था दलितों को सबक सिखाना। अब अतिवादियों की भीड़ थी सामने, बीच में पुलिस और एक तरफ मुट्ठी भर दलितों की एक रैली।





हालात की गंभीरता के मद्देनज़र दलितों ने अपनी रैली को वहीँ समाप्त कर देने का फैसला कर लिया। गुस्साए हिंदुत्ववीरों की हिंसक भीड़ ने पुलिस और प्रशासन पर धावा बोल दिया। वे इस बात से खफा हो गए थे कि प्रशासन के बीच में खड़े हो जाने की वजह से वो लोग दलितों को सबक नहीं सिखा पा रहे थे। इसलिए उनका आसान निशाना जिलाधिकारी से लेकर पुलिस के आई जी और एस पी इत्यादि लोग बन गए। बड़े अधिकारीयों को जानबूझकर निशाना बनाया गया, जिन्होंने भाग कर जान बचायी अंततः लाठी चार्ज और फायरिंग हुयी जिसमे 100 से ज्यादा लोग घायल हो गए। दलितों की समानता रैली और बराबरी की मुहिम अपने मक़ाम तक नहीं पहुंच पाई।



इस घटनाक्रम पर संघ की ओर से दलितों के पक्ष में एक भी शब्द बोलने के बजाय इसे विदेशी लोगों द्वारा हिन्दू समाज को बांटने का षड्यंत्र करार दिया गया। उस दिन दलितों के विरुद्ध जुटी हिंसक भीड़का नेतृत्व संघ परिवार के विभिन्न संगठनों से जुड़े ग्राम स्तरीय कार्यकर्त्ता कर रहे थे। इसका मतलब यह था कि दलितों के आन्दोलन को विफल करने की पूरी साज़िश को संघ का समर्थन प्राप्त था। मनुवादियों ने मानवतावादियों की मुहिम को मात दे दी थी। अंततः बाबूलाल बैरवा को हिन्दू मानना तो बहुत दूर की बात इन्सान ही नहीं माना जा सका, या यूँ समझ लीजिये कि जानवर से भी बदतर मान लिया गया।



संघ परिवार में इंसानों को जानवरों से भी कमतर मानने का रिवाज़ शुरू से ही है। इसका साक्षात् उदाहरण हरियाणा प्रदेश के जज्जर जिले की वह घटना है, जिसमे पुलिस की मौजूदगी में गौहत्या की आशंका में पांच दलितों की निर्मम तरीके से जिंदा जला हत्या की गयी, जबकि ये लोग एक मरी हुयी गाय की खाल ( चमड़ा ) उतार रहे थे, पूरे देश के इंसानियतपसंद लोगों ने इस अमानवीय घटना की कड़े शब्दों में निंदा की, वहीँ विहिप के राष्ट्रीय नेता आचार्य गिरिराज किशोर ने निर्दोष दलितों के इस नरसंहार को उचित ठहराते हुए यहाँ तक कह दिया कि –‘एक गाय की जान पांच दलितों की जान से ज्यादा महत्वपूर्ण है।’ एक गाय जो कि अंततः है तो एक जानवर ही, वह उनके लिए दलितों (इंसानों ) की जान से ज्यादा कीमती होता है ! 

वे गाय के मूत्र को पवित्र मान कर पी जाते हैं, लेकिन दलितों के हाथ का छुआ हुआ पानी नहीं पी सकते हैं। घर में पाले गए कुत्ते और बिल्लियाँ उनके साथ खाती हैं, साथ में एक ही पलंग पर सोती है और उनकी महँगी महंगी वातानुकूलित गाड़ियों में घूमती है मगर दलितों को साथ बिठाना तो दूर उनकी छाया मात्र से ही उन्हें घिन आती है। यह कैसा धर्म है जहाँ पर गन्दगी फ़ैलाने वाले लोग सम्मान पाते है और सफाई करने वाले लोग नीचे समझे जाते हैं, तमाम निकम्मे जो सिर्फ पोथी पत्रा बांचते हैं या दुकानों पर बैठ कर कम तोलते हैं और दिन भर झूठ पर झूठ बोलते हैं, उन्हें ऊँचा समझा जा कर उच्च वर्ग कहा जाता है, जबकि मेरी नज़र में यह विचार एवं व्यवहार के तल पर ‘ उच्च‘ नहीं ‘तुच्छ‘ वर्ग है जो किसी और की मेहनत पर जिंदा रहते हैं, श्रम को सम्मान नहीं, अकर्मण्यता को आदर देने वाला निकम्मापन ही यहाँ धर्म मान लिया गया है। यह बिलकुल झूठ, फरेब पर टिका हुआ गरीब, दलित, आदिवासी और महिला विरोधी धर्म है, रोज महिलाएं घरों में अपमानित होती हैं। उन्हें ज्यादती का शिकार होना पड़ता है, जबरन शादी करनी पड़ती है और रोज बरोज अनिच्छा के बावजूद भी अपने मर्द की कथित मर्दानगी जो कि सिर्फ वीर्यपात तक बनी रहती है, उसे झेलना पड़ता है। उन्हें हर प्रकार से प्रताड़ित, दण्डित और प्रतिबंधित एवं सीमित करने वाला यह धर्म ‘ यत्र नार्यस्तु पुजयन्तु,रमन्ते तत्र देवता‘ के श्लोक बोल कर आत्ममुग्ध होता जाता है। इसे धर्म कहें या कमजोरों का शोषण करने वाली अन्यायकारी व्यवस्था ? इस गैर बराबरी को धर्म कहना वास्तविक धर्म का अपमान करना है।




गैर बराबरी पर टिके इस धर्म के बारे में सोचते सोचते मुझे डॉ. अम्बेडकर का वह कथन बार बार याद आता है जिसमें देश के दलितों को सावधान करते हुए वो कहते हैं कि – ‘भारत कभी भी मजहबी मुल्क नहीं बनना चाहिए, विशेषकर हिन्दू राष्ट्र तो कभी भी नहीं, वरना देश के अनुसूचित जाति व जन जाति के लोग पुनः अछूत बनाये जा कर गुलाम बना दिए जायेंगे।

…….अब यह दलितों, आदिवासियों और महिलाओं को तय करना है कि वे आज़ाद रहना चाहते है या वर्ण व्यवस्था के, जाति और लिंग भेद के गुलाम बनने को राज़ी है ? अगर राज़ी है तो मुझे कुछ भी नहीं कहना है।

" खाने की थाली को छुआ तो वह भी अछुत हो गई "

राजस्थान प्रदेश के जोधपुर जिले मे ओसियां तहसील के राजकीय उच्च माध्यमिक विद्यालय के अध्यापक हेमाराम जाट द्वारा चौथी कक्षा में पढने वाले दलित छात्र दिनेश को मिड डे मील खाने के लिए आम थाली के हाथ लगाने पर मास्टर ने बच्चे की बेरहमी से पिटाई कर दी। (ज्ञातव्य है कि विद्यालय में दलित छात्रों के खाने के लिए अलग थालियाँ रखी जाती है) छात्र का घर विद्यालय के पास ही होने के कारण उसके पिताजी जब स्कूल पहुंचे तो अध्यापक नें उनके साथ भी मारपीट कर उन्हें जातिसूचक शब्दों से अपमानित किया। जिसका मुकदमा ओसिया मे FIR NO- 181 दिनांक 1.10.2015 को दर्ज किया गया है।
मेडिकल के बाद डॉक्टर्स नें छात्र को सामुदायिक स्वास्थ्य केंद्र ओसिया से उम्मेद अस्पताल जोधपुर को रेफ़र कर दिया..जहाँ उसे भर्ती कराया गया है । बच्चे के दोनो गुर्दों सहित पीठ व शरीर के अन्य अंगों पर चोट के निशान है व सूजन आई हुई है। बुरी तरह पिटाई करने के कारण छात्र की हालत गंभीर है व उसका परिवार सदमे में है।

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The Union Public Service Commission under the Constitution of free India started functioning from January 26, 1950. The The Union Public Service Commission Commission conducted its first examination to recruit personnel for the IAS and Central Services the same year. There were 3,647 candidates for this examination. The First Report of the UPSC does not mention the number of Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe candidates. But it discloses that Achyutananda Das was the country's first SC to make it to the IAS in 1950 itself. He was, in fact, the topper of his batch in the written examination.


Achyutananda Das, from West Bengal, secured 613 (58.38 per cent) out of 1050 marks in written examination whearas N. Krishnan from Madras secured 602 (57.33 per cent). But in the interview, Krishnan secured 260 (86.66 per cent) out of 300 as against 110 (36.66 per cent) by Achyutananda Das. Thus Achyutananda was left miles behin…