Survey and Research Papers on SC/ST


Amnesty International Report 2016/17 - India

PublisherAmnesty International
Publication Date22 February 2017
Cite asAmnesty International, Amnesty International Report 2016/17 - India, 22 February 2017, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/58b033f113.html [accessed 23 March 2017]
DisclaimerThis is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States.
Republic of India
Head of state: Pranab Mukherjee
Head of government: Narendra Modi
The authorities used repressive laws to curb freedom of expression and silence critics. Human rights defenders and organizations continued to face harassment and intimidation, and vigilante cow protection groups carried out several attacks. Thousands protested against discrimination and violence faced by Dalit communities. Millions of people opposed changes to labour laws. Marginalized communities continued to be frequently ignored in the government's push for faster economic growth. Tensions between India and Pakistan intensified following an attack by gunmen on an army base in Uri, Jammu and Kashmir. Jammu and Kashmir state witnessed months of curfew and a range of human rights violations by authorities. A ban on India's largest currency bills, intended as a crackdown on the country's black market, severely affected the livelihoods of millions.
CASTE-BASED DISCRIMINATION AND VIOLENCE
Dalits and Adivasis continued to face widespread abuses. According to official statistics released in August, more than 45,000 crimes against members of Scheduled Castes and almost 11,000 crimes against Scheduled Tribes were reported in 2015. Dalits in several states were denied entry into public and social spaces, and faced discrimination in accessing public services.
In January, the suicide of Dalit student Rohith Vemula led to nationwide protests and debates on the discrimination and violence faced by Dalits in universities. In March, the police arrested students and faculty peacefully protesting at the University of Hyderabad, where Rohith Vemula had studied. In July, widespread protests broke out in Una, Gujarat state, following the public flogging of four Dalit men by a vigilante cow protection group for skinning a dead cow – a traditional occupation for certain Dalits.
In April, the central government passed the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Rules, which specified relief mechanisms available to victims of caste-based violence.
COMMUNAL AND ETHNIC VIOLENCE
Vigilante cow protection groups harassed and attacked people in states including Gujarat, Haryana, Madhya Pradesh and Karnataka in the name of upholding laws prohibiting the killing of cows.
In March, the bodies of two Muslim cattle traders were found hanging from a tree in Jharkhand. In June, members of a cow protection group in Haryana forced two Muslim men, who they suspected were beef transporters, to eat cow dung. In August, a woman in Haryana said that she and her 14-year-old cousin were gang-raped by men who accused them of eating beef.
In May, the High Court of Bombay, hearing a case on a beef ban law, ruled that preventing people from consuming a particular type of food could violate their right to privacy.
A team formed to reinvestigate closed cases related to the 1984 Sikh massacre identified 77 cases for further investigation and invited people to testify. The functioning of the team continued to lack transparency.
Black people faced racist harassment, discrimination and violence in various cities. In February, a Tanzanian woman was stripped and beaten by a mob in Bengaluru, Karnataka state. In May, a man from the Democratic Republic of the Congo was beaten to death by a group of men in New Delhi.
CORPORATE ACCOUNTABILITY
In February, the Ministry of Environment approved the expansion of a coal mine in Kusmunda, Chhattisgarh state, operated by the state-owned company South Eastern Coalfields, despite authorities not having obtained the free, prior and informed consent of affected Adivasi communities. The central government continued to acquire land using the Coal Bearing Areas Act, which allows for the acquisition of Adivasi land without consent.
In April, the Gujarat government amended a central land acquisition law to exempt a range of projects from seeking the consent of affected families and conducting social impact assessments. The same month, the UN Special Rapporteur on adequate housing stated that most forced evictions occurred with impunity in India. In May, the Supreme Court rejected a petition challenging the decision of 12 village assemblies in 2013 to refuse permission for a bauxite mine operated by a subsidiary of Vedanta Resources and a state-owned company.
In July, the US-based Dow Chemical Company and its subsidiary Union Carbide Corporation failed, for the fourth time, to appear before a Bhopal court to face criminal charges related to the 1984 gas leak disaster. In Jharkhand, police shot dead three men demonstrating against a power plant in August, and four villagers were killed by the police following a protest against a state-owned coal mine in October.
EXTRAJUDICIAL EXECUTIONS
In April, a former Manipur state policeman told journalists that he had been involved in more than 100 extrajudicial executions in the state between 2002 and 2009. In July, the Supreme Court, hearing a case related to over 1,500 extrajudicial executions in Manipur, ruled that armed forces personnel should not enjoy "blanket immunity" from trials in civilian courts, and that the allegations needed to be looked into.
In April, a Central Bureau of Investigation court convicted 47 police personnel of extrajudicially executing 10 men in Pilibhit, Uttar Pradesh, in 1991. Security forces were accused of carrying out several extrajudicial executions in Chhattisgarh through the year.
In February, an Adivasi man was killed by Chhattisgarh police in Bastar, Chhattisgarh, in an alleged extrajudicial execution. The same month, an Adivasi man was killed in an alleged extrajudicial execution in Rayagada, Odisha. In both cases, the police claimed that the victims were Maoists.
In July, five people, including an infant, were shot dead by security forces in Kandhamal, Odisha. The security forces claimed that the deaths had occurred during crossfire in an encounter with Maoist groups. In November, eight pre-trial detainees were shot dead by the Madhya Pradesh police near Bhopal after they escaped from prison.
FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION
The central authorities continued to use the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA) – which restricts civil society organizations from receiving foreign funding – to harass NGOs. The authorities suspended the FCRA registration of Lawyers Collective in June and cancelled it in December.
In October the government refused to renew the FCRA licences of 25 NGOs without offering valid reasons. In December, it cancelled the licences of seven other NGOs, including Greenpeace India, Navsarjan, Anhad, and two NGOs run by human rights defenders Teesta Setalvad and Javed Anand. Media reports quoted government sources as saying that the NGOs had acted against "national interest".
In April, the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association said that the FCRA restrictions were not in conformity with international law, principles and standards. In June, the UN Special Rapporteurs on human rights defenders, freedom of expression, and freedom of association called on the Indian government to repeal the FCRA.
FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION
Regressive laws continued to be used to persecute people who legitimately exercised their right to freedom of expression. In February, three students at the Jawaharlal Nehru University were arrested by police in Delhi for sedition after they allegedly raised "anti-national" slogans. The same month, Delhi police also arrested an academic for sedition for allegedly raising "anti-India" slogans at a closed-door event. The sedition law was also used to arrest people for writing "anti-national" Facebook posts in Kerala, for printing a map in Madhya Pradesh which did not show all of Kashmir within Indian borders, and for organizing a protest for better working conditions for police personnel in Karnataka.
In August, police in Karnataka registered a sedition case against unnamed representatives of Amnesty International India for allegedly conducting an "anti-national" event on human rights violations in Jammu and Kashmir. A complaint of sedition was filed the same month in a Karnataka court against an actress for refuting a statement by a central government minister that "visiting Pakistan was like going to hell".
India's information technology law was used to persecute people. In March, two men were arrested in Madhya Pradesh for allegedly sharing a satirical image of a Hindu nationalist group.
HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS
Journalists, lawyers and human rights defenders were harassed and attacked with impunity.
In February, journalist Karun Mishra was shot dead by gunmen in Sultanpur, Uttar Pradesh. The state police said he had been targeted for his reports on illegal soil mining. In May, Rajdeo Ranjan, a journalist in Siwan, Bihar, who had faced threats from political leaders for his writing, was shot dead.
In February, journalist Malini Subramaniam was forced to leave Bastar following an attack on her home and pressure from police on her landlord. Another journalist, Prabhat Singh, was arrested for sharing a message online that mocked a senior police official in Bastar. Bela Bhatia, a researcher and activist, faced intimidation and harassment from vigilante groups in Bastar. Adivasi activist Soni Sori had a chemical substance thrown at her face by unidentified assailants. A group of human rights lawyers who provided free legal aid to Adivasi pre-trial detainees were also forced to leave their home in Jagdalpur, Chhattisgarh state, following police pressure on their landlord.
Journalist Santosh Yadav, who was arrested in 2015 on politically motivated charges, remained in detention at the end of the year.
In June, police in Tamil Nadu state arrested Dalit author Durai Guna and activist Boopathy Karthikeyan on false charges of assault. In July, the police arrested environmental activists Eesan Karthik, Muthu Selvan and Piyush Sethia for protesting against the construction of a railway bridge.
Irom Sharmila ended her 16-year hunger strike in protest against the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act in August. She was released from detention and a local court dismissed charges of attempted suicide against her. Irom Sharmila was a prisoner of conscience.
In October, members of the police and security forces in Chhattisgarh burned effigies of human rights defenders, after some officers were charged with attacking and burning Adivasi homes in Tadmetla, Chhattisgarh in 2011.
VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN AND GIRLS
Reported crimes against women and girls continued to rise. According to statistics released in August, over 327,000 crimes against women were registered in 2015. Women from marginalized communities continued to face systemic discrimination, making it harder for them to report sexual or other forms of violence.
In January, two groups of Adivasi women reported that they were raped and sexually assaulted by security force personnel during search operations in their villages in Chhattisgarh. Little progress was made in both investigations. In April, women garment workers protesting in Bengaluru, Karnataka, faced arbitrary and abusive actions by police. In May, a Dalit law student from Kerala was found raped and murdered at her home. The police had failed to investigate previous complaints of caste-based discrimination by the family.
In July, the government released a flawed draft law on trafficking without adequate consultation. Indian law continued to criminalize soliciting in public places, leaving sex workers vulnerable to a range of human rights abuses.
Courtesy : Amnesty International Report

World Report 2017 - India



PublisherHuman Rights Watch
Publication Date12 January 2017
Cite asHuman Rights Watch, World Report 2017 - India, 12 January 2017, available at: http://www.refworld.org/docid/587b583f13.html [accessed 23 March 2017]
DisclaimerThis is not a UNHCR publication. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it necessarily endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author or publisher and do not necessarily reflect those of UNHCR, the United Nations or its Member States.
Limits on free speech and attacks on religious minorities, often led by vigilante groups that claim to be supporters of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), are an increasing concern in India. In 2016, students were accused of sedition for expressing their views; people who raised concerns over challenges to civil liberties were deemed anti-Indian; Dalits and Muslims were attacked on suspicion they had killed, stolen, or sold cows for beef; and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) came under pressure due to India's restrictive foreign funding regulations.
A crackdown on violent protests in Jammu and Kashmir beginning in July killed over 90 people and injured hundreds, fueling further discontent against government forces. Impunity for police and security forces largely continued amid new allegations of torture and extrajudicial killings, including reports of sexual assault and other abuses by security forces in the central Indian state of Chhattisgarh.
There were also some positive developments in 2016. The Narendra Modi government took steps toward ensuring greater access to financial services such as banking, insurance, and pensions for economically marginalized Indians and launched a campaign to make modern sanitation available to more households. In July, the Supreme Court of India took a strong stand against impunity for security forces, ruling that the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) does not protect soldiers from prosecution for abuses committed while deployed in internal armed conflicts. The court also gave new life to a challenge to a discriminatory colonial-era law criminalizing homosexuality.
Security Forces Abuses and Lack of Accountability
Indian law makes it difficult, if not impossible, to prosecute public officials. Section 197 of the Criminal Procedure Code bars courts from recognizing any offenses (except sexual offenses) alleged to have been committed by public servants in the discharge of their official duties unless the central or a state government permits prosecution. In August, a special court discharged Gujarat police officer Rajkumar Pandian from a 2005 extrajudicial killing case under this provision. Pandian was the 12th defendant to be discharged in the case.
In rare cases in 2016, police were held accountable for abuses. In January, four policemen in Mumbai were sentenced to seven years in prison for their role in the death of a 20-year-old man in police custody. In April, 47 policemen were sentenced to life in prison for involvement in the killing of 11 Sikhs in 1991 in the Pilibhit district of Uttar Pradesh state.
Despite calls for repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, soldiers continue to have immunity from prosecution when deployed in areas of internal conflict. In July 2016, however, the Supreme Court of India, in a decision ordering an investigation into 1,528 cases of alleged extrajudicial killings in Manipur state, ruled that the AFSPA does not provide immunity to security force personnel who use excessive or retaliatory force, and that every alleged extrajudicial killing should be investigated. The confession of a Manipuri policeman in January that he had acted on orders to kill more than 100 suspected militants between 2002 and 2009 exposed how police had adopted illegal practices long associated with the army and paramilitary forces.
In October, authorities resisted calls for investigation into the killing of eight prisoners who escaped a high security prison in Madhya Pradesh state, fueling concerns that any wrongdoing by police would go unpunished.
Violent protests erupted in July after the killing of Burhan Wani and two other Hizb-ul-Mujahedin militants in an armed exchange with government forces in Jammu and Kashmir. In all, over 90 protesters and two police officers were killed, and hundreds of others were injured. The Central Reserve Police Force, a paramilitary unit, defended the use of shotguns that fired pellets and resulted in hundreds of eye injuries, even as they told the Jammu and Kashmir High Court that "it was difficult to follow the standard operating procedure given the nature of the protests."
Security forces operating against Maoist insurgents continue to be accused of serious human rights violations, including sexual assault. Numerous tribal villagers have been arbitrarily arrested as Maoist sympathizers. In July, security forces in Odisha killed five tribal villagers, including a 2-year-old child, claiming they were killed in crossfire during anti-Maoist operations, an assertion disputed by the National Commission of Scheduled Tribes.
In June, after 21-year-old tribal woman Madkam Hidke was killed in an alleged gunfight with armed Maoists in Chhattisgarh's Sukma district, family members and rights activists alleged that security personnel had forcibly picked her up from her home, gang raped her, and then killed her. In August, security forces killed a 19-year-old in Bastar region in Chhattisgarh in what activists alleged was an extrajudicial killing.
Treatment of Dalits, Tribal Groups, and Religious Minorities
Hindu vigilante groups attacked Muslims and Dalits over suspicions that they had killed, stolen, or sold cows for beef. The violence took place amid an aggressive push by several BJP leaders and militant Hindu groups to protect cows and ban beef consumption.
In March 2016, a Muslim cattle trader, Mohammed Mazlum Ansari, 35, and a 12-year-old boy, Mohammed Imteyaz Khan, were found hanging from a tree in Jharkhand state, their hands tied behind their backs and their bodies bruised. In August, a man was killed in Karnataka state by members of a nationalist Hindu group while transporting cows.
In July, four men in Gujarat were stripped, tied to a car, and publicly beaten with sticks and belts over suspicions of cow slaughter.
The government's continuing failure to rein in militant groups, combined with inflammatory remarks made by some BJP leaders, has contributed to the impression that leaders are indifferent to growing intolerance.
A 2016 report on caste-based discrimination by the UN special rapporteur on minority issues noted that caste-affected groups continue to suffer exclusion and dehumanization. In January, the suicide of Rohith Vemula, a 25-year-old Dalit student, drew renewed attention to entrenched caste-based discrimination in Indian society, and sparked nationwide protests by students and activists calling for reforms in higher education.
In June, a special court in Gujarat convicted 24 people for their involvement in the mass killing of 69 people by a Hindu mob in Gulberg Society, a Muslim neighborhood in Ahmedabad, during the 2002 Gujarat riots. While pronouncing the verdict, the court called the killings the "darkest day in the history of civil society." But some victims' families, lawyers, and rights activists criticized the acquittals of senior BJP leaders and a police official.
Freedom of Speech
Authorities continue to use sedition and criminal defamation laws to prosecute citizens who criticize government officials or oppose state policies. In a blow to free speech, the government in 2016 argued before the Supreme Court in favor of retaining criminal penalties for defamation. The court upheld the law.
In February, authorities arrested three students at the Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi under the sedition law for alleged anti-national speech, acting on complaints by members of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the student wing of the ruling BJP. These arrests led to widespread protests over the arbitrary use of the sedition law.
In August, police in southern Karnataka state filed a sedition case against Amnesty International India based on a complaint by ABVP, alleging that anti-Indian slogans were raised at a meeting organized by Amnesty on abuses in Kashmir. Police later claimed, however, that they did not have sufficient evidence to proceed with charges. The same month, an actor-turned-politician in the state also faced sedition charges after she praised the friendship and courtesy she received in Pakistan.
In August, the Karnataka High Court called the state government "clearly paranoid" for pressing sedition charges against three people, including two former policemen, for organizing a protest seeking better police wages and working conditions.
In Chhattisgarh, journalists, lawyers, and civil society activists faced harassment and arrest. In March, the Editors Guild of India reported that media in Chhattisgarh state were "working under tremendous pressure" from authorities, Maoist rebels, and vigilante groups.
Civil Society and Freedom of Association
The Modi government continues to use the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act (FCRA), which regulates foreign funding for civil society organizations, to cut off funds and stymie the activities of organizations that question or criticize the government or its policies. In April 2016, Maina Kiai, the UN special rapporteur on freedom of assembly and association, analyzed the FCRA and said that restrictions imposed by the law and its rules "are not in conformity with international law, principles and standards."
In May, the government temporarily suspended the FCRA status of the Lawyers Collective, an organization founded by Indira Jaising, a former additional solicitor general, and her husband, Anand Grover, a former UN special rapporteur on the right to health. The Lawyers Collective accused the government of attempting to disempower and weaken the organization because of its work assisting people in cases challenging Modi government policies. In June, three UN special rapporteurs released a statement raising concerns over the suspension and calling on the government to repeal FCRA. In November, the government refused to renew FCRA for 25 NGOs, including several prominent human rights groups.
Even as authorities were using FCRA to tighten restrictions on NGOs, the government amended the law in March to retroactively legalize funding by foreign entities to political parties.
Women's Rights
Despite some high-profile rape and sexual assault prosecutions, new reports of gang rapes, domestic violence, acid attacks, and murders of women in 2016 continued to spotlight the need for concerted government action to improve women's safety and ensure prompt police investigation of such crimes. Women and girls with disabilities in particular continue to face barriers to accessing justice for violence against them.
In March, the Bombay High Court directed the Maharashtra state government to ensure that women are not denied entry to any place of worship that allows men access. Following the decision, two temples in the state opened their inner sanctum to women. In August, the High Court further ordered that women be allowed to enter the Mumbai-based Muslim shrine, Haji Ali. A case pending before the Supreme Court at time of writing will determine whether women of menstrual age are allowed to enter the Kerala-based Sabarimala Ayyappa Hindu temple. Sabarimala is one of the few Hindu temples to restrict entry of women aged 10 to 50, saying menstruating women are impure. In April, the Supreme Court had observed that "[g]ender discrimination in such a matter is unacceptable."
In October, the government told the Supreme Court that the practice of triple talaq (giving Muslim men the right to unilaterally divorce their wives by uttering the phrase "I divorce you" three times), a part of Muslim personal law, violates fundamental constitutional rights and inhibits gender equality. The government's statement was made in response to petitions filed by the organization Muslim Women's Quest for Equality and others seeking to have triple talaq deemed unconstitutional.
Children's Rights
In January 2016, the new Juvenile Justice Act came into force, permitting prosecution of 16- and 17-year-olds in adult court when charged with serious crimes such as rape and murder. The law was enacted despite strong opposition from children's rights activists and the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights.
In July, the parliament approved a new law against child labor that bans all forms of employment of children below age 14, with an exception for children of all ages who work in family enterprises where such work does not interfere with their schooling. Indian activists opposed the law saying it left children from poor and marginalized communities open to exploitation in the absence of effective implementation of the right to education law, emphasizing that most child labor occurs invisibly within families.
Violent protests in Kashmir that began in July 2016 led to disruption in children's education as schools were forced to close for months; at least 32 schools were burned down and several were taken over by paramilitary forces who set up temporary camps inside.
Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity
In February 2016, the Supreme Court of India allowed a challenge to section 377 of the penal code to proceed, referring the case to a five-judge bench. The colonial-era provision, which the court had upheld in 2013, criminalizes same-sex relations between adults. In June, several well-known LGBT professionals filed a petition in Supreme Court arguing that section 377 violates the right to life and personal liberty.
In August, the government introduced a new bill in parliament on the rights of transgender persons. The bill was flawed, however, by provisions that were inconsistent with the 2014 Supreme Court ruling that recognized transgender individuals as a third gender and found them eligible for quotas in jobs and education.
Key International Actors
A US Congressional Commission held a hearing in July 2016 on the human rights situation in India, coinciding with Modi's visit to Washington. The hearing spotlighted issues of violence against marginalized communities and religious minorities such as Muslims and Christians.
A 2016 report by the US Commission on International Religious Freedom said religious tolerance had "deteriorated" and "religious freedom violations" had increased in India. During his visit to India in June, US Senator Ben Cardin, a ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, expressed concerns over religious intolerance, anti-conversion laws, and extrajudicial killings in the country. In August, during his India visit, US Secretary of State John Kerry emphasized the need to protect the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful protest.
In a joint statement following the India-European Union summit in March attended by Modi and the heads of the European Council and European Commission, the leaders "highlighted the need for efforts to ensure gender equality and respect for women and girls' human rights."
In August, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Zeid Ra'ad al-Hussein expressed regret at the failure of Indian and Pakistani authorities to grant his office access to Jammu and Kashmir for a fact-finding visit. "Without access, we can only fear the worst," he said.
Copyright notice: © Copyright, Human Rights Watch


Scheduled Castes & Scheduled Tribes Population 

Census 2011
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Scheduled Castes :
166,635,700
16.2%
Scheduled Tribes :
84,326,240
8.2%
Scheduled Castes
State with highest proportion of Scheduled Castes
Punjab ( 28.9 %)
State with lowest proportion of Scheduled Castes
Mizoram ( 0.03 %)
UT with highest proportion of Scheduled Castes
Chandigarh (17.5%)
UT with lowest proportion of Scheduled Castes
D & N Haveli (1.9% )
District with highest proportion of Scheduled Castes
Koch-Bihar (50.1%)
District with lowest proportion of Scheduled Castes
Lawngtlai Mizoram (0.01%)
Scheduled Tribes
State with highest proportion of Scheduled Tribes
Mizoram ( 94.5 % )
State with lowest proportion of Scheduled Tribes
Goa (0.04 %)
UT with highest proportion of Scheduled Tribes
Lakshadweep (94.5 %)
UT with lowest proportion of Scheduled Tribes
A & N Islands (8.3 %)
District with highest proportion of Scheduled Tribes
Sarchhip, Mizoram ( 98.1%)
District with lowest proportion of Scheduled Tribes
Hathras, Uttar Pradesh (0.01%)

Scheduled Caste Children in Bihar 
Inclusive Educational Policy

Society for Participatory Research in Asia
42, Tughlakabad Institutional Area, New Delhi -110 062
Phone: +91-11-2996 0931 / 32 / 33; Fax: +91-11-2995 5183
Email: info@pria.org Web: www.pria.org



Acknowledgement



The idea of this study was brought up by PRIA and subsequently developed by me in consultation with several persons who had the opportunity to work among dalit children in Bihar. Many of them were associated with another study on educational exclusion of dalit children supported by the Centre of Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, Patna University about two years back. Friends from PRIA made several important suggestions regarding the scope and methodology of the study. Further, the framework of this study was a little different from earlier studies primarily because of a recent development in the form of Right to Education Act which was passed in 2009 and was declared by the Central Government to have come into effect from April 1, 2010. It is time to make an assessment of the situation keeping the infrastructural requirements and the entitlements under the Act in view.



Field level data collection from schools as well as households were very important and three partners of PRIA, namely, Dalit Vikas Abhiyaan Samiti, Dalit Samanway and Jan Adhikar Kendra took up this onerous responsibility. Amitabh Bhushan from PRIA was involved both in the design of study and field level work,. In fact he was the main resource person for the Focus group discussion which was organized in Vaishali with a number of stakeholders.



My colleagues in East & west Educational Society including Daisy Narain, Kumar Kishor, Vijoy Kant Sinha and Rabindra Rai provided assistance at various stages. Raunaq, as before, helped with computer entry and lay out design of the final report. I am indebted to Voluntary Forum for Education for helping me gain insights into ground zero problems and draw upon liberally from numerous suggestions provided by grass roots workers, who are members of VFE.



Indeed this study is a collaborative team effort of many committed social workers and their years of dedicated work and I thank them all for their contribution and generous sharing of experiences.



Vinay K.Kantha




Contents



I. Social Exclusion: Conceptual Issues

II. Status of Education among Children 
III. Rationale & Methodology
IV. Recent Programmes and Policies
V. Findings of Study 
VI. Factors behind educational exclusion
VII. Policy Framework Analysed



Annexure

1. School Survey Format 
2. Family Survey Format  
Bibliography
I.  Social Exclusion and Inclusion: Conceptual Issues



Introducing Exclusion



Although exclusion is a new term which has come into currency only in recent decades, it is not difficult to comprehend in the Indian context. It has a well understood social connotation, which is lately extended to a variety of other domains as well. The term is being increasingly used alongside, and sometimes in substitution of poverty, since the eighties, especially while discussing social policy first in Europe, and subsequently elsewhere. 

Indian society is characterized by the most inhuman kind of exclusionary practices based on pollution-purity principle. Social reformers have criticized it in different ages, leaders from lower castes like Phuley and Ambedkar initiated an ideological debate and larger programmes of struggle. Gandhi and other nationalist leaders took it up during the era of freedom struggle, Ambedkar had used the term Bahishkrita Samaj explicitly and the term bahishkaran initially was thought of in limited context. Contemporary debate is more open and wider, which needs to be appreciated equally by the academics, activists and policy planners. 
According to any standard dictionary, exclusion means to shut out whether by thrusting out or preventing admission or to debar someone from some activity or place. It may be pertinent to note that mere non-participation is not exclusion, rather it is the denial of entry or admittance, which constitutes exclusion. In fact, the word 'exclusive' on the other hand means possessed and enjoyed by a privileged few to the exclusion of others debarred from participation or enjoyment. Both the term imply a rejection of the principle of equality.
According to Piron & Curran, "Exclusion is defined with reference to groups of people who are excluded from social, political and economic processes and institutions on the basis of their social identity and who experience to a greater or lesser degree significant poverty impacts as a result of their exclusion."1 Thus exclusion is generally linked not only with equity, but also with discrimination and deprivation.
Wikipaedia gives the following definition of social exclusion: "Social exclusion is a multidimensional process of progressive social rupture, detaching groups and individuals from social relations and institutions and preventing them from full participation in the normal, normatively prescribed activities of the society in which they live."
If denial of participation is the key feature, its dimensions may be varied and several. It is true that even though individuals may be subjected to exclusion of one kind or the other, often it applies to a defined community. Of course the construction or definition of the community may not be natural phenomenon.  





Distinction between terms: Exclusion & Discrimination



Lee and Thorat have made a clear distinction between the terms 'exclusion' and 'discrimination' in the following words: “exclusion” means prohibition from participation, whereas “discrimination” denotes participation with negative distinction2.  



3. Question of dignity: 

Exclusion, especially when combined with discrimination or deprivation in some form, brings into sharp focus the question of human dignity. Denial of entry or exclusion is a clear assault on human dignity. Perhaps denial of basic human dignity is the most fundamental problem of Indian society. We are used to inequalities unmindful of its deleterious effects or inherent injustice. In different ways though, but most people take it as natural. It may be due to poverty of some, difference in social status, and other factors, but its worst manifestation has been the practice of untouchability.
Apartheid has been another well known kind of exclusion which is characterized by segregation leading to deprivation of many kinds. Practice of exclusion however has prevailed in all societies and all ages in varying forms. State politics till very recently, prior to the advent of democracy, was an exclusive affair of a few. Slaves in ancient Greece were excluded from all privileges enjoyed by the free citizens. In colonial times in India and many other colonies clubs were invariably 'exclusive', barring the entry of natives.
There could be somewhat non-discriminatory kinds of exclusions as well. For example, men may be excluded from women's world in numerous ways, in their festivals, even in their daily chores, and many more female activities. Likewise it is not uncommon for the lower caste people to conduct their affairs in privacy excluding outsiders. 
4. Equity and justice
Discriminatory exclusion inevitably entails denial of justice, and another term that becomes relevant in this context is equity. Equity in the legal sense is seen as ‘a branch of law based on natural justice, to be used when existing laws would be unfair and inappropriate’. That is why in common parlance or as it is defined in the dictionary it means ‘the quality of being fair and impartial’. To that extent its meaning is different, and possibly more nuanced than equality. The idea of justice and fairness is added on to a rather flexible notion of equality, less mechanical and more contextualized. While the meaning given to equality is more dependent on ‘sameness’ or ‘evenly balanced’, fairness and due correction to the mechanical interpretation of equality are germane to the concept of equity.
5. Denial of rights and opportunities
Another perspective which has a large acceptance today is in relation to rights and opportunities. Starting with Universal Declaration of Human Rights the idea of universality of a set of rights has caught on, and often brought on to statute books. For example in India many of the rights were included in the Indian constitution, mostly in the third part as fundamental rights, and some in the fourth part as directive principles of state policy. Subsequently through legislations many more rights have been given a legal sanction.
Scheduled castes and women constitute two obvious groups that are systematically excluded from enjoying a number of rights and opportunities available to other members of Hindu society. With a little more effort one can identify many more categories like  tribals or minorities or peasants and more. In deed this understanding of the term leads researchers readily into discussion of 'civil society' and to modern notions of citizenship. 
6. Ideology and exclusion
Most situations of exclusion are derived from some ideology, social or otherwise, explicit or implicit. Ideology could be a camouflage for protecting the privileges of a few, against the claims of many. Notion of pollution and purity is such an ideology prevalent for ages in the Hindu society. This concept may be extended to the minorities as perceived by members of Hindu society- mlechchas is a generic description for such groups. Patriarchy is again a kind of ideology, which debars women in a number of ways.
Gramsci has postulated the concept of hegemony based on ideological control, along with other means of control through force, that is domination, to ensure subjugation of groups or even nations.3 
Political determinates of ideology, consequential perception of exclusion and politics of identity have become a widespread phenomenon in recent times
7. Marginalization
Another meaning that can be given to the term exclusion is marginalization, as a process as well as its exclusionary consequences. At the social level it may be the result of a set of social practices, say for example, the practice of untouchability, or certain principles like the pollution-purity concept in the Hindu society, or structural features of a society, like caste system, for example. It may correlate with iniquitous economic arrangements, or asymmetric distribution of power in the society. For example, in the Hindu society caste identity has been traditionally tied with occupational background. Political and economic power has largely remained in the hands of upper caste groups, of course, if members of lower or middle castes were able to grab powers, often Brahmins were willing to confer on them Ksatriya status.
8. Exploitation and Oppression as a form of Exclusion
Exploitation and oppression also marks some group out and excludes them and prevents them from  enjoying normally fruits of their labour. It is thus a form of exclusion, which ahs been the main subject of Marxist analysis. Marxism provides both a framework of analysis of exploitation and exclusion and an ideology of resistance against that. Quite often the victims of social exclusion are also subjected to economic exploitation. They reinforce each other, and which should get our first attention is clearly a subject of debate. 
9. Dimensions, Typology and Analytical Framework
In fact the concept of exclusion itself can be examined at two levels, which may be described as descriptive and analytical respectively. Descriptive understanding of exclusion comprises locating and describing the features of exclusion, discrimination or disadvantage. It helps us to know the nature of exclusion, which may be many and varied, possibly leading to some classifications or working out a typology. At a deeper level an analytical understanding of exclusion could be built by examining its underlying reasons and logic. 
Even descriptively speaking, exclusion is a multidimensional reality, but in relation to different excluded groups one or the other feature may be central and predominant. While it is commonest to speak of the situation of social exclusion, with cultural dimension implicit therein, economic exclusion has received greater attention in the discussions on exploitation and oppression. Dalit exclusion is, to begin with, a social exclusion, while issues of poverty and deprivation are issues of economic exclusion. Political dimension of exclusion is either clearly expressed in relation to state power or remains dispersed in a subtle manner in all kinds of human transactions. In the context of democracy, issues relating representation become crucial, reservation has often been a contentious issue.
Unequal distribution of status and privileges, combined with some discriminatory practices result in social exclusion of some groups, untouchables for example constitute the most excluded category in the Hindu society. Unequal distribution of income, wealth, resources and opportunities push out some people to poverty and likewise uneven dispersal of political power again make some groups more vulnerable. Apart from state-related context there are other forms of power in other domains, be it a village or merely the family setting, where unevenness of its distribution confer privileges or create vulnerabilities.
10. Inclusion Today
Inclusion is the converse of exclusion, generally articulated through a conscious design. It is likely to be in the form of affirmative action of some kind. The neologism of inclusion perhaps started in the education sector. In Salamanca Declaration of 1994 there was a call for improvement in the general education system ‘to enable them to include all children regardless of individual differences and difficulties’. Even as the declaration was mainly meant for the disabled children the Framework of Action has used both the terms-‘all’ and ‘special educational needs’:
……. schools should accommodate all children regardless of their physical, intellectual, social, emotional, linguistic or other conditions. This should include disabled and gifted children, street and working children, children from remote and nomadic populations, children from linguistic, ethnic or cultural minorities and children from other disadvantaged or marginalized areas or groups… There is an emerging consensus that children and youth with special educational needs should be included in the educational arrangements made for the majority of children. This has led to the concept of inclusive school4 (UNESCO,1994,p.6)
Today this concept gets applied to many other areas. If eleventh plan document enunciates the goal of inclusive growth, we talk about creating an inclusive society in a holistic sense. If inclusive growth is an agenda which seeks to ensure that benefits of development accrue to the largest section of population, creation of an inclusive society may not be much different from the modernist agenda of a just society as envisioned in the constitution. On the one hand it implies that eradication of traditional discriminations and inequalities particularly based on caste, on the other side it also entails the idea of introduction of a modern citizenship. As for the former implication, inclusiveness may involve the principle of rejection of exclusion that is characteristic of the Indian society which is caste-based and hierarchical in its arrangement. The idea of pollution-purity and the practice of untouchability are the worst features of Hindu society, which must be rejected unequivocally. However, the modernizing intent of inclusiveness has a different character. 
11. Question of Identity
The identities surely got redefined in the years of working of Indian democracy, but identities based on primordial loyalties did not define according to the script of the modernists or those who drew up Indian constitution. On the one hand inbuilt exclusions of the Hindu caste system did not go away as visualized, on the other hand, competitive electoral politics turned out to be very important factor, particularly in redefining the role of caste, ethnicity and religion. Khilnani refers to the ‘politics of identity’ as a form of representation distinct from the ones visualized by Gandhi, Nehru, Ambedkar or Azad5. Yet even the brand of politics that is followed does not eliminate discrimination or exclusionary practices completely. There are several distortions in the operation of secular institutions either due to societal factors or their inherent inefficacy and the two are apparently interlinked. Alongside persistent social discrimination, may be a little reduced, there is a continued exclusion in the economic or many other vital domains of human activity. The present society is neither modernized as visualized earlier, nor made more inclusive. 
12. Positive or protective discrimination:
If the excluded are to be brought on par and assured entry into the mainstream or the principle of equity is to extend to cover those who are on the margins, one more principle enunciated in the Indian constitution is that of positive discrimination. There are some other terms almost synonymously used and Galanter's observations in this regard is worth quoting:
"The Mandal report can serve as a convenient marker along the winding path followed by India's 'affirmative action' policies. The ambiguities that have bedeviled these policies are reflected in the uncertainty about their name. Originally, the overall policy was nameless, the various measures that embodied it were referred to as 'reservations' or 'special treatment' or 'preferential treatment' or 'concessions'. Most of those writing about it have been content to label it 'reservations' without connecting that device to any wider principle or goal. In the 1950s Professor Alexandrowicz proposed 'protective discrimination', and this has been taken up by some writers on the subject and is raised in the courts. My later proposal of 'compensatory discrimination' gained some currency, particularly among the comparativists, but also remained a niche term. There are others like 'positive discrimination', ' benign discrimination', and 'reverse discrimination'; many writers and judges use more than one of these terms treating them as synonyms. All seem fated to be overwhelmed by the borrowed American term 'affirmative action', which began to be used in the early 1980s."6
14. Education, a contested terrain and question of hegemony and domination
If we look upon education as a part of social formation, the phrase taken in a broad sense including socio-economic and political order, then the question of creation and control of knowledge and the idea of hegemony come up immediately. Several scholars from Marx to Friere to Pierre Bourdieu to Krishna Kumar have grappled with these dilemmas. Education has been viewed by them as a site of ideological contest. Marx averred that "the class which has the means of material production at its disposal, has control over the means of material production, so that thereby, generally speaking, the ideas of those who lack the means of mental production are subject to it."7 In the 20th century how technology and bureaucratic mechanism are deployed to establish hegemony has been explored and commented upon by many including analysts like Adorno or Marcuse. Marcuse explained at length how people are deprived of criticality in the society, a scheme built up by technology, mass media, cultural symbols, education etc8. Post modernism however challenged the notion of a hegemonic meta-knowledge. Foucault, for example. observes,"…the exercise of power perpetually creates knowledge and, conversely, knowledge constantly induces effects of power…Diffused, entrenched and dangerous, they operate in other places than in the person of the old professor…It is not possible for power to operate without knowledge, it is impossible for knowledge not to endanger power."9
Krishna Kumar10, Anil Sadgopal11 and many others have elaborately discussed how education is intimately related to politics in society, and how there has remained a constant struggle between the dominant discourse and those at the margins. Whenever we examine the scheme state-sponsored system of education or education designed by  organised religious denominations, we need to take into account the perspectives from the people at the margins, in terms of class, caste or gender etc. The issues of exclusion or deprivation in education is inevitably linked with choice of knowledge to be privileged in education or space provided or agency allowed to these sections of population.
Both Gandhi and Ambedkar had noted the importance of education in contesting the basis of exclusion. Gandhi designed his own model of basic education, which sought to modify the conventional hierarchy of knowledge system. Ambedkar exhorted his followers to seek education and organize themselves.
15. Human Development Approach
At the global level focus on human development and human rights offers a  comprehensive strategy for inclusive development not only in the economic domain, but elsewhere too. According to Fukuda-Parr and Shiva Kumar, "The term human development has come to be accepted in the development economics literature as am expansion of human capabilities, a widening of choices, an enhancement of freedoms and a fulfillment of human rights."12
Human development approach accepts that income expansion matters but only when it improves quality of life. Human development is motivated by a concern for freedom, well-being and the dignity of individuals in the society. A major concern of human development has been with poverty, which in turn means "the denial of choices and opportunities for a tolerable life" (Human Development Report 1997, chapter 1.4). HDR 2000 explores the interconnections between human rights and human development. On the other side the agenda of human rights has also widened considerably since UDHR 1948, and in the Geneva Declaration of 1993 development was clearly recognized as a human rights issue. These formulations open up both possibilities- bringing human beings at the centre of development discourse thus humanizing the concept of growth, as also defining the rights of excluded communities in matters of development and more. Thus the idea of creating an inclusive society can be pursued vigorously through such a policy paradigm.



References:



I. Social Exclusion: Conceptual Issues

1. Piron, L & Curran ,Z. Public Policy Response to Exclusion: Evidence from Brazil, South Africa and India, Overseas Development Institute, Sept 2005
2. Dalits and the Right to Food: Discrimination and Exclusion in Food Related Government Programs ,Working Paper by Lee, Joel & Thorat, Sukhadeo
3. Gramsci, Antonio Selections from the Prison Notebooks, International Publishers, New York 1971
4. Salamanca Declaration 1994, UNESCO
5. Khilnani, Sunil The Idea of India, Penguin Books, London (1998)
6. Galanter, Marc The Long half-life of Reservations in Zoya Hasan, Sridhran,E. Sudarshan,R. (eds) India’s Living Constitution, Ideas, Practices, Controversies, Permament Black, Delhi (2002)
7. Marx, Karl The German Ideology , Moscow: Progress Publishers (1968)
8. Marcuse, Herbert One Dimensional Man London: Abacus (1972)
9. Foucault, Michel Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-1977 London: Harvester Wheatsheaf (1980)
10. Kumar, Krishna Social Character of Learning, SAGE Publications, New Delhi/ Thousand Oaks/London, (1989)
11. Sadgopal, Anil Globalization: Demystifying its Knowledge Agenda for India's Education Policy (Durgabai Deshmukh Memorial Lecture) New Delhi: Council for Social Development (2004)
12. Fukuda-Parr, Sakiko and Shiva Kumar, A.K.(eds) Introduction in Readings in Human Development , Oxford University Press, New Delhi (Second edition, 2005)





II  Status of Education among Children from SC Households



Bihar- Profile & Potentials 

Bihar is considered as one of the most backward states in the country. It stands at the lowest rung in respect of almost all indicators of human development, included those relating to education. At the time of independence the literacy rate in Bihar was 16.7 percent as against national average of 18.2 percent. According to 2001 census while the country's literacy rate rose to 65.38 percent, in Bihar it was below half way mark at 47.53 percent only It is the most populated state after Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra with a population of about 829 lakhs (2001 Census).It is predominantly an agrarian society with about 89 percent population staying in the villages where illiteracy, poverty and unemployment is rampant.
Bihar is rated as backward on almost all key parameters of economic development currently in vogue, and yet nobody would deny the tremendous potential that the state has for growth and development. Further, many social scientists from the state would be at pains to explain the indirect ways in which Bihar contributes to the country’s economy and well being. Persons of Bihar excel in different field and in different lands, but something is amiss right here which needs to be probed and rectified. Education arguably can be the best means to remedy the situation.
Such a situation as outlined above makes for a turbulent society where urgent social interventions are called for and curriculum for the state therefore needs to be designed keeping these factors in view. Fortunately, there are rich cultural and political resources available which can be used in taking the state beyond the present morass. If a very rich Mithila culture exists in the eastern part of north Bihar, western side is part of large Bhojpuri speaking region spreading beyond the state. Magadh region has its own language and culture, and so has the areas around Bhagalpur where a distinct angika is the lingua franca. Each region has its own repertoire of different genres of arts, its own sense of cultural and historical identity. In a sense Bihar is the microcosm of India with its own version of multiculturalism.
In terms of political consciousness society is alert and active, albeit not always in a responsible manner. Energies of people needs to be channelised and schools can be the most appropriate sites of training.
Scheduled castes: The Most Excluded Category
The Scheduled Castes constitute about 16.48 percent of India's population. They have suffered the curse of untouchability and are discriminated against socially, economically and educationally for ages. They are denied access to land and often even water, which is the bounty of nature, due to the machinations of society.  Dalits, i.e. the Scheduled Castes or “untouchables” suffer most acutely from the social and economic violence of the caste system, which prescribes their position at the bottom of the graded hierarchy.  As Lee and Thorat observe, "Dalits in Indian society negotiate social and economic transactions in many spheres of life from this inherited position at the bottom, while in other spheres “untouchability” excludes them from transactions with dominant caste society altogether." They are still forced to work in degrading conditions even after over six decades of independence and all constitutional promises.
Demographic profile
In the state of Bihar the total SC population is 13,048,608 as per 2001 census constituting 15.7 percent of the total population  of 82,998,509. The state ranks third in terms of SC population among all states and UTs. The growth of SC population during 1991-2001 has been 30.7 percent, which is 2.1 percent higher than the growth of total population (28.6 percent). This itself is an indicator of the backwardness of the group. In fact in the first census after independence in 1951 the SC population accounted for 12.6 percent of the total population (5,057,812 out of 40,225,947).Even if we take into account the increase in SC population after creation of Jharkhand the rate of growth of population among SCs haas been a little higher than general population.
The state has a total of twenty three categories of SCs enumerated in the 2001 census. The overall sex ratio of the SC population in Bihar is 923 females per 1000 male population which is lower than the national average of 936 in respect of all SCs. The literacy rate among SCs of Bihar is dismally low at a mere 28.5 percent during 2001 census, which is nearly half of that recorded for all SCs at the national level (54.7 percent). The male and female literacy rates are 40.2 percent and 15.6 percent respectively against the corresponding national figures of  66.6 and 41.9 percent. Thus while SCs lag behind non-SCs all over the country, the Bihar scenario is even more disconcerting. Among the numerically larger sub-caste groups Dhobis have the highest literacy rate (including female literacy) followed by Pasi, Dusadh and Chamar. Musahars have shown the lowest literacy rate.
Among the literates, 39.7 percent of SCs are either without any educational level or have attained education below primary level. The proportion of literates who have education up primary or middle level constitute 28.4 percent and 13.1 percent respectively. A meager 15.1 percent of literates have education up to matriculation or senior secondary level. The percentage of graduates and above is only 3.6 percent, while non-technical and technical diploma holders constitute a meager 0.1 percent. These data reveal that even if some literacy has been achieved the educational level is low and largely unproductive. As a study of impact of formal education on dalits in Bijnor district of U.P. shows that the educated youth initially perceived education as a means for getting 'respectable' jobs, but failing to get jobs they felt frustrated and even the parents reportedly began to withdraw from investing in education subsequently. The situation may not be very different in Bihar. The low level and low quality of education wipes out much of the assumed advantages of education.
Bottom of the pyramid
Recently the Government of Bihar notified some castes as Mahadalits and drew up special programmes for their upliftment. Initially 19 out of 23 castes, excluding 4 castes, namely, dhobi, chamar, pasi, and paswan, were notified as Mahadalits. This characterization covered musahars, scavenging community, nats, bhuiyan, bantar, halakhor etc and  their literacy was 10.54% (M: 15.63, F:5.08) in 2001 census. Musahars, with a population of 35 lakh, had a literacy rate of mere 6.88%, followed by scavenging community with  12.42 % literacy. However, two of the four groups earlier excluded from the classification of mahadalits , namely, dhobi and chamar, have since been included.
As one moves from dalits to mahadalits there is a drop in literacy and educational achievements and if one thinks of a dalit girl child born in a mahadalit family, one  hits the rock bottom. What meaning does the constitutional promise has for her? None at all. If she is born in Bihar, the odds are more heavily against her.
Literacy & Educational Level
As noted before the literacy rate among SCs of Bihar was dismally low at a mere 28.5 percent during 2001 census, which is nearly half of that recorded for all SCs at the national level (54.7 percent). The male and female literacy rates are 40.2 percent and 15.6 percent respectively against the corresponding national figures of  66.6 and 41.9 percent. Among the literates, 39.7 percent of SCs are either without any educational level or have attained education below primary level. The proportion of literates who have education up primary or middle level constitute 28.4 percent and 13.1 percent respectively. And think of it, it is no minuscule share of population. The Scheduled castes account for 15.7% of the total population of Bihar and about half of then are female. Even as we take note of the recent reports and studies that parental interest in education has grown rapidly, which is reflected in a general decline of never-enrolled children in schools, we are constrained to admit that this change reaches the girl child last and rather sluggishly. They are doubly jeopardized first as dalits and then as girls, and if we follow the Gandhian prescription of sparing a thought for the last man, she is the most obvious candidate for our attention. If the state happens to be Bihar, then perhaps there is nothing further down to look into. She is in deed the last person.
Education among the major Scheduled Castes
Among the numerically larger castes, Dhobi have registered the highest overall literacy rate as well as female literacy rate followed by Pasi, Dusadh and Chamar, Mushar have shown the lowest literacy rate.



Literacy Rate All SCs (Bihar) Dhobi Pasi  Dusadh Chamar Bhuiya Musahar    

                           Male 28.5                   43.9 40.6         33.0          32.1          13.3   9   
                       Female 15.6                   27.9 25.3         18.15  16.8          6.5         3.9  



Literacy Rate (Census of India, 2001 Office of the Registrar General, India)



As noted earlier among the literates, 39.7% of SCs are either without any educational level or have attained education below primary level. The proportion of literates who have attained education up to primary and middle level constitute 28.4% & 13.1% respectively. As many as 15.1% literates are educated up to matric / secondary / higher secondary, etc. Graduates & above are 3.6% while non-technical & technical diploma holders constituted a meager 0.1% only.



Among the major sub-castes, Dhobi have the higher proportion of matriculates (19.7%) whereas Musahar and Bhuiya have the lowest proportion of matriculates (6% each). Chamar has every 7th literate, a matriculate, whereas Dusadh and Pasi have every 6th literate, a matriculate.



It may be discerned from the educational levels attained by the all SCs, that the drop-out rate is high after primary level as the percentage of middle level literates is less than half of the primary level literates. Number of students decline sharply from secondary level onwards. 



  Educational Levels attained    

  Primary Middle Matric / Secondary/ Higher Secondary / Intermediate etc. Technical & Non- Technical diploma etc. Graduate and above   
All Schedule Caste 6.6 33.1 28.4 13.1 15.1 0.1 3.6   
Bhuiya 15.3 44.1 26.5 7.4 6 Nil 0.6   
Chamar 5.9 33.6 28.5 13.4 15 0.1 3.5   
Dhobi 4.5 28.3 27 14.9 19.7 0.2 5.4   
Dusadh 6 32 28.5 13.7 16.1 0.1 3.5   
Musahar 15.3 44 27.8 6.7 5.5 Nil 0.8   
Pasi 5.7 30 27.1 13.4 17.9 0.2 5.6  



Out of the total 38.8 lakh SC children in the age 5-14 years, 11.4 lakh attend school constituting 29.4%. Alarmingly, as many as 70.6% (27.4 lakh) children in the corresponding age group do not go to school. Among the major SCs, Dhobi have the highest share of school going children followed by Pasi, Dusadh and Chamar.



Recent Progress or Lack of Progress

As DISE data available with BEPC reveal that despite significant increase in enrollment of all children as well as SC children the gap between the two does not narrow down over a period of seven years. While gender gap reduces during this period, social gap does not.





  As on 30th Sept. 2002 As on 30th Sept. 2009    

  Population (6-14) Enrolment %age Population
(6-13+) Enrolment %age   
Total: 19414505 10397449 54% 20797574 19092050 92%   
Boys: 10307119 6052702 59% 11016662 10019227 91%   
Girls: 9107386 4344747 48% 9780912 9072823 93%   
SC: 3157713 1688814 53% 4143437 3544014 86%   
Indicators Status (2002) Current Status (2009) Expected Status by (2010)   
Gender Gap: 11% -2% 0%   
Social Gap (SC): 1% 6% 2%  










III Rationale & Methodology for the Study Project




Almost all empirical studies in the field of primary education in different parts of the country demonstrate the fact that the social status in terms of caste affects the schooling pattern of SC children. SC children have low chance of enrollment, grade attainment and completion of primary education. (Jha and Jhingran 2002) 

The impediments to education are faced by SC children at various levels; household, community and School through several factors as: inability to meet schooling cost (loss of economic work), Physical segregation (isolation of SC habitations on one end of villages), social isolation, caste discrimination at schools leading to hesitation and diffidence towards education etc. 
India's concerns for the welfare of the weaker sections of the Indian society, has been reflected in Article 46 of the Constitution, which states that the State will promote the educational and economic interests of the weaker section of the Indian society, specially the Scheduled Tribes (ST) & Scheduled Castes (SC). The welfare of the SC & ST has been generally made the responsibility of the State Governments. Over the past five year Bihar has improved significantly on some of the developmental indicators. In 2005, when the first survey was carried by Sarva Shisha Abihyan, to identify children who are out of school (OOS), Bihar was the second worst performer in terms of OOS children -- 31.7 lakh constituting 17% of children in the state in the 6-14 age group. Now in 2009, it is claimed to have come down to only 13.15 lakh. In percentage terms, this is just 7% of 6-14 child population. Bihar's success story is often ascribed to large teacher recruitment, and other specific efforts to attract children of marginal communities and girl child. Still a lot more needs to be done to improve enrolment or quality of education among SC children.



Study Project

In the light of relative success and limitations of these efforts made by the state government there is a need to explore the factors and processes, which are state specific and affecting the educational processes of dalit children especially in areas with higher concentration of dalit population. The issues concerning the education processes of will be studied on three aspects of education: household, community, and schooling issues. This is to understand the extent and trends pertaining to the exclusion of SC children from educational system. It will analyze the special needs of SC children and recommend measures to overcome the obstacles at policy and program level.  The study findings will be based on both secondary and primary sources of data. Based on the study report a policy framework will be prepared. 
The present study will explore and take into account the factors and processes leading to educational exclusion of SC children. A new opportunity is provided by the RTE 2009 to tackle the issues of exclusion of dalit children from educational processes. It is evident from various studies that unless and until the educational needs of dalit children are adequately addressed it will not be possible to implement inclusive education policy in its true sense.. 
Apart from making use of existing studies and grass roots experiences the study and policy framework is being prepared on the basis of primary and secondary data on the issues of social exclusion of dalit children in the state.  



Specific Objectives: 



To identify the factors and processes of social exclusion in educational opportunities of SC children.

To identify the provisions of RTE 2009 which can help in ushering in an inclusive kind of education in favour of SC children
To examine the status and processes in schools and other support institutions to understand the dynamics of social exclusion. 
To identify key issues, possible delivery agents and stakeholders which may enable inclusion of SC children 
To examine and suggest ways for ensuring equal and adequate participation of SC children in educational system.



Methodology: 

The study entailed the following
Literature Review
Study of schools & other support Institutions
Workshop & process study
Focus group discussion
Individual /semi structured interviews  
Consultation at State level: 



The survey of schools took place in three districts of Bihar, namely, Vaishali, Madhubani and Rohtas covering 40 schools of which 12 were located in Dalit bastis. Household surveys, focus group discussion, and interviews were other tools to assess the ground situation and formulate recommendations. 












IV.    Recent Programmes and Policies

While in the years after independence a variety of programmes have been made for the education of dalits, their success is at best partial. Even otherwise the constitutional promise of universal education remains a distant dream, with children from marginalized sections 
Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan
Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan is the flagship of the government for promoting the cause of universal elementary education in the country. Although the targets set initially for the Abhiyan have apparently not been achieved, (after all by 2005, it was promised that all children will complete five years of schooling), there have been notable success stories from across states, not excluding Bihar. Yet the goal is still elusive. SSA also promised gender parity and closing of gaps between classes at the primary level by 2007 and at the middle level by 2010, but again the success is partial at best. In Bihar SSA was introduced in 17 districts in 2001-02 itself in continuation of DPEP and was extended to cover all districts in the following year.
After a period of relative neglect the idea of universal school education started getting more attention since the adoption of the national Policy of Education in 1986. Of the various central schemes launched thereafter Operation Blackboard (OB) deserves special mention. The OB scheme was introduced in 1987-88 with a view to provide minimum standard of infrastructural facilities to all existing primary schools. The minimum norms prescribed under OB was at least two reasonably large all-weather rooms along with verandah and separate toilet facilities for boys and girls, at least two teachers including as far as possible one woman, and essential teaching learning materials including blackboards, maps, charts, small library, toys and games and some equipment for work experience. subsequently it was decided to add a third room/teacher to primary schools where enrolment exceeded 100, and further the scheme was extended to cover upper primary schools as well. While OB was not faithfully carried out, a new exercise was undertaken to lay down norms and compute the expected expenditure. Saikia Committee took it up in 1996, while three years later Tapas Mazumdar Committee took up a more thorough exercise. The focus soon shifted to the larger programme, that was, Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan from the year 2000.
When SSA was launched all the ongoing programmes and schemes were brought under its umbrella including Non-formal education (NFE), OB, then District Primary Education Programme (DPEP) etc. Nonetheless a careful examination of SSA norms as well as style of implementation reveals that it was simply not enough for improving quality of education, particularly for the weaker sections of the society. In principle the SSA allows for wide-ranging interventions including institutional reforms particularly in management and delivery, sustainable financing, community ownership and capacity building. In order to ensure quality improvement and social change through education, the mobilization of 'disadvantaged groups in the planning process' is emphasized and decentralized educational planning and community-based monitoring is postulated. The document also proposes task force for monitoring the participation of girls, SCs and STs and calls for improved resource targeting in their favour. But the actual implementation overlooks these commitments, except their ritualistic mention now and then. To put it blandly there was not much for dalits or girl child in SSA at the ground level, rather a parallel track of education was continued and legitimized with the sanction for under-qualified lowly paid teacher and many more compromises. Providing textbooks free to these children was not adequate, if the basic quality of education remains indifferent. In fact SSA has drawn flak for giving a formal acceptance to large-scale recruitment of para-teachers. The consequences of these developments according to Govinda are:
"First, it hides the real magnitude of the problem to be addressed in the long run, in financial terms; secondly. it distorts the shape of the budget by projecting teacher salary which should in the normal course be part of the recurring expenditure as plan expenditure, unlikely to be absorbed as non-plan component as they (the para-teachers recruited through SSA funds are on contract basis; and third, this places the evolution and strengthening of a professional community of teachers in serious jeopardy."
In fact it is not only the issue of teachers' salary or inadequate infrastructure, rather the question of mindset. At best the state is willing to grant that some provision for education needs to be made for the poor which generally includes Dalits. Even calculations based on the norms of Tapas Mazumdar Committee were diluted further regarding infrastructure or PTR or teachers' qualifications etc under SSA. A decade back Tapas Mazumdar Committee had assumed a salary level of Rupees 5000 per month for a primary school teacher, just after Fifth Central Pay Commission recommendations. Even after Sixth Pay Commission which has given a huge increase in the salary of government employees, Government of Bihar has recruited primary teachers at the meager salary of Rupees four thousand only. The question of dual salary structure in the same institution is no less debilitating. The alternative educational arrangements like Residential Bridge Courses or National Child Labour Project provide for still lower wages to instructors making a complete mockery of education of the poor, who in deed need much better arrangements given the difficulties in their education. This mindset is questionable and against the constitutional principles enshrined in Part III, which promises equality of opportunity, and now right to education as well. If right to live has been interpreted by the Supreme Court as right to live with dignity, right to education can mean nothing less than a proper quality education for all, and for the deprived sections in particular. No ad hoc arrangements can be sufficient when we are dealing with the making of future generations and the future society of India.
Right to Education Act and Dalit Child
The Act is apparently not drafted in the rights perspective because rights are neither clearly formulated with appropriate safeguards, nor it applies to all children, nor adequate provisions are made to translate them into reality. If elementary education was being made a fundamental right then a clear declaration of the right and explicit assignment of specific responsibility with adequate safeguards and clauses to ensure its enforcement were essential requirements. On the contrary rights have been truncated, responsibilities made vague and unenforceable and safeguards claimed to have been provided are nothing more than ritualistic.
There is no comprehensive and unified framework of schools visualized in the Act which may have been called a Common School System. Not only there are different types of schools with different scales of responsibility, there is little to suggest a design of a equitable, common and complete framework. The net result of the provision on this subject will be the perpetuation and legitimization of the currently prevailing hierarchy of schools, some meant for privileged classes and others for the poor classes. This violates both Article 14 (equality before law) and Article 21A (Right to Education) of the Constitution. Establishment of a Common School System in India is surely the most logical and equitable option available, if the State intends to strictly adhere to these fundamental rights in the Constitution. 
As for the disadvantaged sections the Act has a condescending tone rather than enunciation of a  a right to equal opportunities in education, not to speak of an extra attention, under the constitutional promise of positive discrimination or affirmative action in their favour.
Eleventh Plan
The specific goal of SSA during the Tenth Plan included among other things the "Bridging of all gender and social gaps at primary stage by 2007 and at elementary level by 2010. SSA interventions, as Eleventh Plan document says have brought down the number of out of school children from 32 million in 2001-02 to 7.0 million in 2006-07. An independent study of Social and Research Institute (2005) estimated that about 6.9% of total children in the 6-13 age group were out of school, but social composition of out of school children still reveals a predominance of Muslims, dalits and adivasis. According to Plan their respective figures are 9.97%, 8.17% and 9.54% respectively. Bihar alone accounts for 23.6% of out of school children in the country. The drop out rate at primary level among SC children in the country remains as high as 34.2%.



Eleventh Plan document sets some targets for elementary education like universal enrolment for all children including hard to reach groups and closing of gaps by 2011-12, reduction of drop out rates, universalization of MDMs by 2008-09, etc, but the main emphasis seems to be on quality improvement. Of course some special interventions are proposed for disadvantaged groups.



More ambitious changes are proposed for Universal access and quality at the secondary stage including revamping of ICT in schools, expansion of facilities for teacher education or strengthening of various types of support institutions. Thoroughgoing changes are being introduced for expansion of higher and technical education too. All these will require policy level changes, revamping of institutional set up and larger financial support.



As for financing of Education the government was committed to raise it to 6% of GDP which remains unrealized. For accelerating public expenditure the Central Budget of 2004 introduced a cess of 2% for elementary education and Budget 2007 a cess of 1% for secondary and higher education. A commensurate increase in the central public expenditure and the devolution on a lagging state like Bihar has not materialized. The total Eleventh Plan expenditure proposed in the document is Rs 2.70 lakh crore at current prices (Rs 2.37 lakh crore at 2006-07 prices). It is neither clear nor likely that Bihar gets its legitimate share in education during the plan period, which should be higher than its proportionate share if the state has to move up from its present lowly level.



Eleventh Plan document rightly notes that 'Young learners from socially marginalized sections experience education in a distinctly different form than those who occupy mainstream positions of power and privilege. They face overt and covert forms of rejection in schools.' The Plan goes on to promise a special focus on disadvantaged groups and educationally backward areas. The focus however includes 'not only higher resource allocation but also capacity building for preparation and implementation of strategies based on identified needs, more intensive monitoring and supervision, and tracking of progress.' A close look at the policy framework belies the promise, even as the promise itself is not more than inadequate and partial. The per capita allocation of gross resources for the disadvantaged groups can not match the ever increasing educational costs being incurred by the privileged sections, particularly of those studying in public schools. No systemic change is proposed in the Plan, and the stratified educational system is a device of not only perpetuating the inequalities, but also exacerbating them. 



V.  Findings of Study 



Apart from survey of school household level data were collected followed by a focus group discussion. Interviews of stakeholders were also conducted, persons included were parents/guardians, representatives of PRIs/VSS, and children. Significant conclusions can be drawn from all these which can both understand the ground reality and devise a realistic strategy for the educational inclusion of children from SC families. 

A brief report is given below.



A. Survey of Schools



Among the 40 schools surveyed 34 were government schools while remaining 6 were private schools. Of these 12 were situated in dalit bastis (7 primary, 5 middle). A break up of types of schools is given in Tables 1 & 2



Tables 1    


Habitation Primary Middle Total   
Dalit 7 5 12   
Near Dalit 7 8 15   
OBC 1 0 1   
FC 0 4 4   
Slum 2 1 3   
Near Slum 1 4 5   
Total 18 22 40  



Tables 2    


  Primary Middle Total (P+M)   
  Rural Urban Total Rural Urban Total Rural Urban Total   
Govt. 13 2 15 15 4 19 28 6 34   
Pvt. 1 2 3 2 1 3 3 3 6   
Total 14 4 18 17 5 22 31 9 40  



Tables 3 Status of Schools


  Building Land   
  Pakka Kachcha Adha N.Avl. Y N   
  Primary 7 3 0 2 2 5 2   
  Middle 5 2 0 3 0 5 0   
                       Total 12 5 0 5 2 10 2  





As Table 3 shows of the 12 schools in dalit basti 2 did not have any building and 5 had only half kachcha building. In fact no other type of schools lacked buildings as such, while only 2 more schools had half kachcha building. Of course regarding the availability of land private schools were badly placed and half of the six schools do not have land.



Data was collected for may other facilities but neglect of schools primarily meant for dalit children was too glaring to be missed. Ordinarily government schools both had land and pucca buildings except for schools in dalit bastis. Of the other government schools only at one place land was unavailable in urban area, while at one place each in rural and urban area building was only half pucca.





Tables 4


  Private(U+R) 6 3 0 3 0 3 3   
  Dalit 12 5 0 5 2 10 2   
  Rural(Govt) 16 15 0 1 0 16 0   
  Urban(Govt) 6 5 0 1 0 5 1   
  Total 40 28 0 10 2 34 6  



Enrollment & Attendance (Boys & Girls)



In terms of attendance the status of dalit children is quite unsatisfactory with less than 43% of enrolled children attending schools on the day of visit of the survey team, while private schools stand out with their high rate of attendance. even in government urban schools attendance is low, presumably because children from lower classes attend these schools. for others somewhat better quality private schools are available in towns unlike villages.









Tables 5 : Enrollment & Attendance (Boys & Girls)


  Private(U+R) 6 1024 866 84.57   
  Dalit 12 3396 1453 42.786   
  Rural(Govt) 16 5887 3542 60.166   
  Urban(Govt) 6 3236 1483 45.828   
  Total 40 13543 7344 54.227  



Tables 6: Teachers





 
    
    
  Primary 5 22 4 0 11 7 0 2 4 18   
  Middle 9 90 62 3 64 15 5 27 33 57   
Total 14 112 66 3 75 22 5 29 37 75   
  
  Primary 9 38 21 0 29 6 3 10 13 25   
  Middle 7 80 33 0 58 7 23 18 51 29   
Total 16 118 54 0 87 13 26 28 64 54   
  
  Primary 4 10 8 2 7 5 1 3 3 7   
  Middle 6 59 11 0 48 10 5 27 22 37   
Total 10 69 19 2 55 15 6 30 25 44   
  
  
  Primary 18 70 33 2 47 18 4 15 20 50   
  Middle 22 229 106 3 170 32 33 72 106 123   
Total 40 299 139 5 217 50 37 87 126 173  





Tables 7   Status of School as norms of RTE


  Teacher HM(full time) Part time tch   
  Teacher Requi. Less Yes No Required Less   
  Primary 7 1125 21 38 17 0 7 0 0   
  Middle 5 2205 41 63 22 2 3 15 15   
Total 12 3330 62 101 39 2 10 15 15   
Primary 14 2443 47 83 37 0 14 0 0   
  Middle 17 6003 151 173 38 9 8 51 44   
  P+M 31 8446 198 256 75 9 22 51 44   
  Primary 4 867 23 26 7 1 3 0 0   
  Middle 5 2770 49 81 35 3 2 15 12   
  P+M 9 3637 72 107 42 4 5 15 12   
  Private(U+R) 6 808 49 25 0 4 2 9 0   
  Dalit 12 3330 62 101 39 2 10 15 15   
  Rural(Govt) 16 4818 109 145 36 5 11 30 29   
  Urban(Govt) 6 3127 50 92 42 2 4 12 12   
  Total 40 12083 270 363 117 13 27 66 56  



As the above table shows there is a shortage of teachers of about 35% in government schools, in dalit schools it is a little higher at 38.6%. However the gap is higher in primary schools and is likely to go up at middle level when more schools are upgraded or opened. Surprisingly the shortage is lower in rural government schools (24.8%), but much higher in urban government schools (45.6%). Calculations have been made according to the norms laid down in RTE 2009.



Next table shows that other facilities in dalit schools are also lacking, for example , separate kitchen or separate toilets for girls  or doors. In fact the position is worse in dalit schools compared to others.



Tables 8 Facilities in School according to standard of RTE


  Traveling faci. Sep. Kichen Sep. Toilet Door   
  Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No   
  Primary 7 6 1 2 5 2 5 2 5   
  Middle 5 5 0 3 2 3 2 3 2   
Total 12 11 1 5 7 5 7 5 7   
  Primary 14 12 2 4 10 6 8 6 8   
  Middle 17 15 2 11 6 12 5 12 5   
  P+M 31 27 4 15 16 18 13 18 13   
  Private(U+R) 6 4 2 2 4 4 2 5 1   
  Dalit 12 11 1 5 7 5 7 5 7   
  Rural(Govt) 16 14 2 10 6 10 6 10 6   
  Urban(Govt) 6 6 0 2 4 4 2 5 1   
  Total 40 35 5 19 21 23 17 25 15  





     Brief Look at Findings of Study



58.3 % schools situated in dalit habilitation not having separate toilets for girls.

Village Education Committee not formed in 42.5% schools of surveyed Schools. 
Low attendance rate of dalit children (42.4% against overall attendance of 54.2%)
Availability of only 17% Dalit teachers in the surveyed schools 
Irregular supply of teaching learning material in 50% of the schools situated in dalit habilitation dalit children.
No initiatives were undertaken 72.7% of existing VSS for facilitating education among dalit children.
 Gap of 38.6% teaches was recorded in the school situated in dalit habitations whereas this gap was 32.9% in other government Schools in the neighboring habitations of other castes.
75.4% School in dalit habilitation did not have facilities of library whereas only 58.4% schools situated in other habitation lacked library facilities. 
16.6% of the Schools situated in dalit habitation did not have School buildings. 





B. Household Survey



A survey of 62 dalit households was undertaken to get a direct feel of their conditions which may have a bearing on the education of children in these households. There were three components of survey: first part was meant to get an idea of dalit households, second part was focused on education related issues, while the last part was pertaining to an appraisal of social behaviour on exclusion-related issues.





Tables 9 Introduction to Households



  Family Members Children Age group    

  Total Adult Child M F 0-6 6 to14 14-18   
A 21 132 67 65 38 27 14 31 20   
B 21 153 54 99 56 43 27 41 31   
C 20 137 45 92 48 44 18 52 22   
Total 62 422 166 256 142 114 59 124 73  













The child population was as high as 60% indicating high rate of growth of population among them. Further the male female ration was quite skewed in favour of male child. About half the children were in age-group 6-14 years, making elementary education the most important agenda for inclusion.




Most of them were too poor with household income (average size of household being as high as nearly seven)of about 42% households below Rs 2000/- per month, and 96% with an income level below Rs 10,000/- Poverty thus was a major issue which has to be taken into consideration while planning for the education of dalit children. It is so low even as in many households women also worked. Most of the earning members worked as labour with apparently low wages.



Tables 10    Household Income and Source 


Monthly Income of family Both do job Source of income   
<2000 2000-5000 5000-10000 >10000 Yes No Serv. Agricul. Labor Other   
2 7 10 2 5 16 0 0 20 1   
7 5 9 0 9 12 0 0 21 0   
17 3 0 0 9 11 0 5 15 0   
26 15 19 2 23 39 0 5 56 1  



Only five households had pucca houses, and as many as 36 with kachcha houses. again only five houses had toilets, only two had electric connection.



How difficult and non-conducive to proper education may be the households of dalit children is easy to notice. 



Most of the houses lacked even facilities for drinking water.



Tables 11       Status and Facilities 


Status of house Toilet Lighting   
Paka Adhpaka Kacha Indira Yes No Elec. Laltein Dhibri Other   
3 7 10 1 48 0 21 0 6 11 4   
0 2 8 11 34 1 20 1 6 13 1   
2 2 14 2 56 4 16 1 3 16 0   
5 11 32 14 138 5 57 2 15 40 5  



There is no entertainment in their lives using gadgets common to middle class households. They did not subscribe to newspapers. 



Tables 12    Facilities 


  Drinking water If yes (source) If not Entertainment   
  Yes No Well H.pump Supply Pub. Nab. Radio N.Paper TV   
A 8 13 0 8 0 9 4 0 0 0   
B 7 14 3 1 3 14 0 2 6 4   
C 5 15 0 5 0 15 0 1 0 1   
Total 20 42 3 14 3 38 4 3 6 5  



Tables 13 Status of Parents ( Migration & Education)


  Migrate to job if Y child edu. Lit. mother P Literate   
  Yes No Yes No Yes N Yes No   
A 21 4 17 1 3 3 18 7 14   
B 21 5 16 4 1 2 19 8 13   
C 20 2 18 2 0 10 10 16 4   
Total 62 11 51 7 4 15 47 31 31  



As Table 13 shows the level of migration is very high among dalits involving about twenty percent of the households surveyed and education gets affected in varying degrees in such situations. Further illiteracy of parents is a big obstacle, particularly among mothers with more than three fourths reporting want of elementary literacy. Those with literacy studied in government schools and many believed that the quality of education was high or at least medium- a scenario  which may have changed for the worse. However more than sixty percent reported discrimination, an overwhelming majority testifying that caste was the basis of discrimination.(Table 14)



Tables 14   Education Quality and Discrimination 


If Yes Quality of edu. Discrimination Cause of discrim.   
Govt. Pvt. High Med Low Yes No Poverty Caste other   
7 0 1 4 2 5 2 0 7 0   
7 1 5 2 0 2 5 2 5 0   
14 2 11 3 0 11 3 1 13 0   
28 3 17 9 2 18 10 3 25 0  



While dalit children are in the maximum need of pre-school facilities, only one fourths of the children were attending Anganwadis, Whatever be the educational  competence of Anganwadi, even this meager facility is denied to the dalit child.



Tables 15


  Attending ICDS Discrimination Cause of not attending   
  Yes No Yes No A B C D   
A 21 1 20 0 1 19 1 0 0   
B 21 7 14 2 5 13 0 0 1   
C 20 8 12 0 8 6 3 0 3   
Total 62 16 46 2 14 38 4 0 4  



Despite all the limitations of schools dalit children are being enrolled there. School, and of them the government school, is surely being given a fair trial, but actually the schools are failing, a fact borne out by the poor level of parental satisfaction- 95% reporting their dissatisfaction. This stands in sharp contrast to their own education, if any.



Tables 16  


  6-14Enrl. in sch. If Yes Sch. Daily Parent satisf.   
  Yes No Some Govt. Pvt. Yes No Yes No   
A 20 0 1 21 0 1 20 0 21   
B 16 2 3 19 0 20 1 2 19   
C 20 0 0 20 0 19 1 1 19   
Total 56 2 4 60 0 40 22 3 59  





Tables 17 Social Behavior


  Midday meal Discrimination Type of Discrim.   
  Yes No Yes No Pov. Dalit Other   
A 21 15 6 3 18 1 2 0   
B 21 13 8 2 19 2 0 0   
C 20 3 17 3 17 0 3 0   
Total 62 31 31 8 54 3 5 0  



 While mid day meals are still being served in an irregular manner, the cases of discrimination are not high any longer even if it has not been eliminated altogether. Teachers attitude is reported to be bad in about 14% cases, but an even more serious problem is the in availability or late availability of books (Table 18 &19), and the home environment being deficient for literacy or elementary school education.



Tables 18





  Teachers' attitude Books If yes (In session)    

  Good Bad Normal Yes No Begin. Mid Last   
A 8 7 6 16 5 1 13 2   
B 21 0 0 7 14 2 4 1   
C 12 2 6 18 2 0 18 0   
Total 41 9 12 41 21 3 35 3  



Tables 19


  Dress Magazines Study at home Achievable aim   
  Yes No Yes No Self Tuition No Yes No   
A 10 11 0 21 4 5 12 12 9   
B 17 4 4 17 3 13 5 4 17   
C 6 14 0 20 6 13 1 0 20   
Total 33 29 4 58 13 31 18 16 46  



Despite all these problems people do not give up hope. They are not aware of the schemes of the government, but are ready to overlook many things provided their children get good education.



Tables 20


Govt. scheme Benefits sche. Expectations Attitude of BC   
Known Unkn Yes No good bad normal good bad normal   
6 15 6 15 8 6 7 10 7 4   
1 20 17 4 20 0 1 21 0 0   
0 20 1 19 11 5 4 14 1 5   
7 55 24 38 39 11 12 45 8 9  



C. FGD in Mahuwa Block of Vaishali 



A focus group discussion was organized with different stakeholders. Participants included some dalit students (Boys /Girls), teachers, influential community Members, PRI representatives, Block Education Extension Officer, community leaders, and a few NGO representatives.



The theme of the FGD was 'Access to education by children from Dalit community'.. 







Some significant testimonies are noted below: 



Deep Narayan Kumar a child from Rajkiya Madhya Vidayalaya Sukki narrated that the teachers are good work but there is shortage of hindi/ mathematics teacher.There were one or two teachers who sometimes address them by their castes. There are more cases of physical punishment affecting dalit students. Different games are available in school but they do not have access to them.

Sunita, a 8th Std student from Paharpur added that they are beaten if they do not complete their home work. 
Mr. Rajeev, Up Sarpancha, Bajitpur Panchayat thought that access to Education should not be enough. It should cover other issues relating to dalit education, including recruitment of dalit teachers and a holistic kind of education. 
Sunita, Guardian, Patepur Panchayat complained that Midday meal is not  according to the prescribed menu. She accepted that books and school uniforms were provided to her children by the schools, but added that distribution of stipend is irregular. She also brought up the question of lack of separate toilets for girls. 
Nirmala Devi , President, VSS, Dhanautiya , Anusuchit Jati Madhya Vidyalaya narrated that the headmaster asks her to sign the proceedings but she is never given details of the proceedings. 
Sudha Devi, a guardian also complained about  irregular functioning of Midday Meal. She observed that senior children were taught by teachers,  while younger ones are often asked to play. Old books are given to children as stop gap arrangement till new books are received by them late in the session. 
Mr. Ramji Kumar of Chainpura said that teachers are engaged in several other works as surveys, election duty, meetings which hampers the educational process. There are influential members in VSS whose children do not study in the school at present. 
Mr. Shivchandra Baitha, BEEO thought that VSS should work honestly and teaching cadre should not fall in trap of greed or involve in corrupt practices. Mukhiya should be pressurized to conduct regular monitoring of School. Complaint should be made in writing against corrupt practices so that actions can be taken, Guardian should focus on education of their wards at home. 



Observations



It was a three hour discussion focused on the factors and process leading to social exclusion of dalit children in education. The FGD highlighted several important issues adversely affecting the education of dalit children as :  



Irregular attendance of Teachers. 

Irregular supplies of provisions: Mid day Meal, Books, Stipend, TLM etc. 
Abusive language: sometimes calling SC children by their caste. 
Teachers do not take education of dalit children seriously. 
Lack of separate toilets for girl children. 
Inadequate number of teachers. 
Lack of specialist teachers (Mathematics, Science, and English) as a result the children become weak in higher classes. As dalit children come from marginalized families they cannot avail of private tuitions.  
Lack of coordination between teachers and Parent Teacher Association. 
Panchayat Representatives not monitoring the educational process as envisaged. 
Lack of residential Schools in comparison to the number of learners. 
Teacher engaged in different surveys, election and other works which affects the education of dalit children. 
In some places the PTA is formed in contravention of the prescribed norms. ( The children of  presidents of the PTA do not study in the schools yet they have been made presidents) 
Lack of dalit teachers



Suggestions for improvement: 



Dalits to be made president in PTA on the basis of reservation norms. 

Effective monitoring by senior officer on performance of school and delivery of facilities, especially with focus on weaker sections. 
Ensuring timely supply of provisions. 
Opening of residential school in adequate numbers at all levels. 



D. Interviews





Ninety three persons were interviewed including 27 parents/guardians, 33 representatives of panchayats or Vidyalaya Shiksha Samitis, and 33 children. As shown in the following table a majority of interviewees were from dalit community, so that one may get an insight through their experiences. Some persons were taken from general group for the sake of comparison of attitudes and perceptions.



Tables 21



District Parents/

Guardians Representatives of Panchayats or VSS Boys Girls
Total   





  SC Gen SC Gen SC Gen SC Gen    

  M F M F M F M F M F M F M F M F   
  3 2 2 2 3 2 3 2 6 3 1 ­‑ 1 ­‑ 1 ­‑ 31   
Vishali 2 2 2 2 4 4 3 3 3 2 2 3 32   
Rohtas 3 3 2 2 3 2 2 2 5 4 1 1 30   
Total:
Genderwise 8 7 6 6 10 8 8 7 14 7 4 1 1 2 1 3   
Total: Categories 15 12 18 15 21 5 3 4   
Total 27 33 26 7 93  



There are some broad patterns that clearly emerge in the interviews. Some of these are given below;

The most disconcerting part of the report was that cutting across categories there was a consensus about the lack of quality in government schools. Whether one talked to parents or children or panchayat representatives, there was sense of dissatisfaction. Problems like teacher absenteeism, inadequacy in terms of numbers or lack of interest among teachers was reported by Many interviewees.
Regarding the mid day meals again there were similar universal complaints galore whether it was about availability or regularity, or about the quality. of food being given. Dalit parents however complained further about delayed payment pr non payment of scholarship, something that many of them need badly. They were similarly more worried about delayed supply of books as presumably they could not afford to buy books on their own and were dependent on government supply. If several children of Madhubani complained about lack of supply of uniforms, Rohtas children reported that only some of the eligible children were given scholarships. One child also complained that money was asked for by the concerned teacher for the release of scholarship. One parent (a mother) complained that scholarship was distributed among families related or close to the teachers while denied to children who came regularly to the school. Irregularity in distribution of scholarship was a widespread feature.
It was common for dalit parents to complain about discrimination against their children, a complaint less frequently made by dalit children. On the other hand parents or VSS members or even children from general category usually denied that there was any discrimination. In Vaishali there was a complaint of dominant backward caste groups to behave more aggressively sometimes. At least one parent from upper caste instructed his child not to play with dalit children because they were 'dirty'. It revealed a prejudice which persists even today, though possibly reduced now. However, one thing which is certain, is the consciousness of caste identity among different caste groups.
Parents from upper castes hold the view that guardians in dalit household do not take sufficient interest in the studies of their children, but on the other side many dalit parents expressed their inability to guide their children because their own lack of education or their inability to afford tuitions for their children for economic reasons.
Whether one spoke to parents or children either from dalit community or others it became almost clear that there was lack of free intermixing between dalit children and others. That is indicative of a strongly present social barrier which is yet to be removed and calls for social intervention. In fact there was a common tendency among children, more so the among dalit girls, to stick close to other girls from the same community.
Further, there is a perception among children of government schools, especially of dalit families, that teaching is much better and teachers pay greater attention in private schools, while there is a general neglect in government schools.
Lack of infrastructure was a common feature which was mentioned in most of the interviews implying the need of its strengthening if universal quality education is to become a reality.



E. State Level Consultation



State level consultation on “Social Exclusion in Bihar: An Inclusive Educational Policy Framework”  was organized on 27th December 2010 at SCADA Business Centre, Patna to share the findings of the study among stakeholders & deliberate upon the processes of social exclusion of SC children and suggest variables for framing an inclusive educational policy . The consultation witnessed highly enriching deliberations and suggestion from participants on inclusive education policy to address the issues of educational exclusion of SC children in the state. 



Mr. Amitabh Bhushan presenting the findings of the study said that poor educational level is one of the biggest obstacles in development of Scheduled Castes and social exclusion of SC children in education process in Bihar is a reality in spite the constitutional declaration of education as fundamental right and enactment of RTE 2009. He informed that the study covered forty schools in Madhubani, Rohtas and Vaishali district focused on comparative study and analysis of the situation of the schools based in dalit  habitation w.r.t to schools in the neighboring Surroundings.  Key findings of the Study highlighting the aspects of exclusion were presented by him. The study observed the need to change the mindset of the policy makers and implementers while working towards inclusive educational framework and effective implementation of RTE could be seen as an opportunity for correction of these imbalances. 



Prof. Vinay Kantha, observed that the study conducted by PRIA is a reconfirmation of the facts and findings of the previous studies conducted by BEP and other organization on social exclusion. He expressed concern on the increasing social gaps in education and expressed need for decentralized educational planning to accommodate 8 lakh out of school children as per government statistics. Their has been efforts to enroll dalit children in formal schooling system but retention remains a major issues to be addressed. Education in itself has been a factor for exclusion of dalits. One needs to analyze the key weakness of process of social exclusion for identification of ways and measures for mitigation. Speaking on the education of marginalized children he said that economic reasons propel educational exclusion of children from marginalized communities especially as in case of SC children. Educational exclusion can be seen at two levels in the state initiatives (a) at the level of policy and (b) at the level of implementation. There is need of facilitating a bottom up strategy to address the issues of social exclusion not top down with law of averages as usual practice.Regarding the implementation of RTE in the state he drew attention to the gaps between existing situation and norms and standards laid down in the Act In fact systematic reforms are required both at policy and implementation level. Social barriers needs to be examined for increasing educational access among school children.  There is a need for a time bound action plan for enrolling the dalit children in formal schools. Common schooling system could be one of the ways to address social exclusion. For the implementation of RTE all stakeholders will have to contribute and play a role. : 



Justice Rajendra Prasad, Member, Bihar Human Right Commission opined that an intensive campaign is required to be carried out at state level to enroll SC children in leading private schools in terms of the provisions of RTE. Mr. Anindo Banerjee, State Coordinator, Praxis Bihar, addressing the participants said that the process of Social exclusion is not accidental but rather a active political process empowering the higher castes. He felt that Panchayats and Social Justice Committees can play effective role in addressing the issue of social exclusion at the levels of panchayat and community. Mr. Saliesh Kumar Singh, State Coordinator, UNDP said that there is a need to identify indicators to track systemic faults in the design and rectify them. Mr. Budh Saran Hans, Editor, Ambedhkar Mission Patrika  complained that the teaching quality in government school is poor and there is a need to fix responsibilities of the teachers. Mr. Rajendra Prasad Nat, Member, Bihar Maha Dalit Commission narrated his experience of visiting a residential school for dalits. He was surprised to see that about forty children were sitting around one lamp and studying. If this quality of educational facilities to SC children, how can the gaps in education among social groups be minimized. Mr. A K Pandey, program Coordinator, BEP however averred that if there is a person from Mushar community having degree of matriculation and above, in most of the cases it is the contribution of SC residential school which gave them opportunity with requisite facilities. There is need to open a large number of SC residential school at block level from the level of middle School, with special teachers and facilities and reservation in proportion to their population to ensure educational access among dalit communities. Mr. Shamshad Hussain, Former Vice chancellor, Magadh University said that the state government is putting in a lot of efforts for education of dalit children. But their is need to develop the potential of individuals and developing self confidence in them. Counseling of dalit children and their parents should be taken up for orienting them on the importance of education. 



Other Studies



There are a few studies undertaken in recent years to understand the issues concerning education of the dalit child. It may be worthwhile to take a look at the major findings of these studies as well with a view to enrich our understanding before designing a meaningful policy frame for their education. Two studies are discussed below:



Indian Institute of Dalit Studies (IIDS) : 



 IIDS  took up a project with UNICEF in 2006 to work on issues of social exclusion, discrimination and deprivation of Dalit children. The project has also been able to facilitate UNICEF interface with Dalit Samanway, a collective of Dalit NGOs/CBOs, in particular exploring the issues of access to education.

Apart from documenting Dalit Voices, this project has undertaken two studies on understanding the 1. discrimination and exclusion of Dalit children in Education and 2. Dalit children  and women in access to health care services are underway. In addition a background study on Status of Dalit children has been developed. Further, three action researches are being conducted which include one on ‘Out of  School Children in Bihar’; a second on ‘Discrimination in Schooling’ and the third on Dalit access to the NREGA in Bihar. 



The study conducted focused group discussions with different section of Dalit children; those who were never enrolled, those who had enrolled and subsequently dropped out and those who are currently going to school. Discussions were also held with parents is well as members of the Village Education Committees from the Dalit communities. The responses need addressing to facilitate Dalit children's access to education, to make universalization of elementary education a reality and to achieve goals of SSA.



Reason for being out of school (Never Enrolled)



l Parents do not ask children to go to school l Children help in household l Children do not have slates to go to school l Children are not enrolled in the school by their parents l Children are engaged in rearing the animals in the family l Children do not like to study l School is closed most of the time l Parents do not have enough resource to support children's education l Parents question relevance of education when educated people work as wage labourers l Children report that parents do not encourage them to go to school l Children rationalize that their wage earning is important for the family to survive l Children express responsibility for contributing to family income l Children report that they do not have proper clothes and get teased about it l Children have to help their siblings l No discussion in the family about sending children to school l Children have to stay back to protect the home from any theft l Children feel their families are very poor to support their education l Not forthcoming with response. 



Reason for dropping our of school (Enrolled)



l Excessive corporal punishment (beating) by teachers l Dominant caste children and abuse l Overcrowded classes without sufficient space to sit l Other caste children do not like to sit with them l Parents do not encourage or insist that the child goes back to school when s/he stops going l Mid-Day Meals was not regular l Scholarships not distributed l Schools do not provide books on time l Have become used to working in brick kilns after dropping out l Parents do not insist on child studying l Other caste children tease and insult in the name of case l Teacher's behaviour is not good l Other students do not behave well l Women of dominant caste taunt Dalit school going girls l Parents stopped adolescent girls for fear of not finding a suitably educated boy for marriage l The arrangement of dowry is a big problem if the girls is educated l Their uniforms are not clean so other children do not sit with them l Due to lack of toilets in school for girls l School opens only occasionally l Teachers do not teach l Children do not have proper uniforms and other materials required for going to school l Had to take care of younger children in the home l Dalit children were asked to sit on the back seats l The school was quite far (about 1 km) from home l Teachers do not give attention to the studies of children of Dalit community l During rainy season the road to school becomes unusable. 



In its study report titled 'Realising Dalit Children's Right to Education' NCDHR has compiled a list of 33 cases of discrimination with Dalit Children.



B. Voluntary Forum for Education and Centre for Study of Social Exclusion & Inclusive Policy, Patna University



In 2009 a study was conducted by the Centre for Study of Social Exclusion & Inclusive Policy, Patna University  in collaboration with Voluntary forum for Education, a network of NGOs working in the field of education across the state of Bihar. The survey undertaken during the study covered 15 panchayats located in 15 rural blocks in eight districts and 3 urban wards located in 2 blocks in one district. The total number of guardians of children interviewed were 696 covering four categories namely, SC, Minority, EBC, and OBC. The number of guardians in each category was 174 out of which 150 were from the rural areas and remaining 24 from urban areas. 

Enrollment & attendance
The survey data is by and large in line with governmental figures in terms of enrollment. Of the 2569 children of 853 household surveyed (Boys- 1308; Girls- 1261) only 310 were not enrolled in any school (Boys- 222; Girls-88). That is, about 12 percent children were found out of school. Their percentage is found to be highest among the minority at 20.16% followed by SC for which the corresponding figure is 17%. EBCs are a little better placed at 12%, while for OBCs the proportion has come down to 5.4%. Thus it is obvious that the extent of educational exclusion even at the elementary level is very high among the minorities and dalits, though it remains significant among the EBCs as well. If one takes a closer look then situation is much worse because actually only 51.62% of the girls are regularly going to schools meaning that nearly half the girls do not actually attend schools as against one thirds of boys. The gender discrimination is alarming when it comes to the ground reality of school education which can be measured more realistically from attendance rather than enrollment. Among the girls of SC category the situation is even more disappointing with only 40.56% girls of 6-14 age-group actually attending schools. Minority girls are the worst placed with corresponding figure being as low as 37%. Even among the enrolled girls the attendance rate is quite poor among minorities and dalits below 60 percent level implying that more than 40% of girls shown as enrolled are actually not going to schools. The incident of such artificial inflation of enrollment is much higher among dalits and minorities than among EBCs or OBCs. 
Reasons for not going to schools



Guardians from different categories had different explanations for children not going to schools. Largest number of guardians felt that economic hardships are the most important reason behind children not going to schools which compelled children to work. Poverty and lack of education go together. Tackling the problem of poverty and ensuring that state bears the entire direct and indirect cost of education are thus the surest way to guarantee education for all. Yet there are other reasons and perceptual problems, at least partly rooted in ground situation. Poor quality of education was reported as a reason by a large number of guardians. A very plausible reason in deed, but interestingly this complaint was made by  parents from OBC category, or secondly by parents from EBC category, rather than those from SC or minority group. SC parents complain of economic hardships more often, admit lack of conducive environment in homes or their inability to guide their children. Yes, one thing more. Some of them complain about the apathetic attitude of teachers and schools, which continues to be a deterrent.



Choice of schools & Quality issues



While an overwhelming majority (74.14%) of guardians perceive private schools as better ones in terms of quality, dalits express their perception more timidly. Combined with the fact that they are less dissatisfied with the quality of government schools despite getting a raw treatment occasionally, as revealed in the previous table, presumably shows their increasing keenness for education. They rate the quality of government school in the neighbourhood as generally good unlike their counterparts among OBCs who are so critical about the quality. The pattern is too obvious to be missed, the lower or more deprived is the class, the less is its expectation about quality, and the higher is its level of satisfaction. This low level of expectation is perhaps itself problematic. When confronted with the question whether they would put their children in a school where quality is ensured they are again not as categorical as the OBCs. They are obviously less concerned about quality as a class. Further data reveals the differences in the preferences of schools that different groups reveal aggregatively. If a majority wants good education in a private school, SC population, if it is at all interested in sending his child to school, is likely to prefer a residential school and then a neighbourhood school. OBCs in contrast have much less interest in residential school and strong preference for private school



Desire for education growing



Contrary to common perception that people will spend more on temples or religious ceremonies rather than education, nearly sixty percent of respondents will use money on education of children. Of course greater keenness for education of male child still prevails, most pronounced among minorities. Thus gender bias continues, though a strong desire and demand for education is unmistakably revealed by the data. Interestingly SC population has the strongest urge to buy a land or build a beautiful house, something which ahs remained a remote wish for most of them. The study shows that OBCs have started showing a strong desire to give good education to their children, which is weakly expressed by SCs compared to the desire to improve their social status. 



Perception about Mid-day Meal Programme



While there is a general approval of mid-day meal programme across the caste-category, (at best some upper caste members express their reservations regarding its rationale, not covered in the present survey), the degree of approval and biases are quite evident. As one goes up in the social hierarchy the enthusiasm tapers of. This is but natural, given the poverty among the lower caste groups especially dalits. Three fourths of dalit families accepted that they sent their children to government school to avail the facility of MDM, two thirds of OBC families rejected this suggestion. The practice of dalits cooking to promote social equality, almost universally accepted by dalits and minorities, did not find favour with OBCs, presumably the bias will be even more pronounced among the upper caste-men.



VI. Factors behind educational exclusion



1. Design and Evolution of an Iniquitous System



Commenting upon the contemporary education system in India Partricia Jeffery expresses her doubts about its capacity to combat entrenched social and economic inequalities.



There is an increasing stratification of the educational system pushing the education of dalits or the poor to the lowliest level, while quality and excellence is the privilege of a few. At one end of the spectrum we have expensive public schools taking pride in their facilities and performance in the public examinations, unaffordable by poor dalits. On the other extreme we have government schools in the villages with very few teachers, little facilities and a record of absenteeism among teachers as well as students, resulting in large number drop outs, allowing just a handful to come up to secondary level, never facing a public examination, not to say of performance. This latter category of poor quality schools claims to provide some kind of education to a majority of children from dalit families. The recently enacted Rights of Children (Free and Compulsory Education) Act 2009 puts a seal of statutory approval to this iniquitous half hearted arrangement made for the education of dalits in India, Bihar providing a rather  poor sample of even this type of schools.



Among the fundamental reasons for a rather disappointing scenario in respect of the constitutional agenda of change, especially change through education, two stand out. One is the factor of economic deprivation which goes hand and hand with social discrimination and exclusionary approach, and the other is the attitudinal deficit in the society and system managers. 



2. Exclusion in Education

One of chief characteristics of exclusion of dalits has been their exclusion from education down the ages, which lingers on to the modern times. It was both an index and cause of exclusion and deprivation of dalits from social and economic life. They were forced to take up professions where knowledge of letters was not required as such, often mere drudgery and often physical hard work was needed, sometimes at best some manual skills. It was sort of conspiracy of division of labour forced upon the vanquished or subjugated groups. Segregation practiced against them excluded many caste groups from continuous social intercourse and often socialization through education was rendered unnecessary. Barring them from standard ritualistic practices in religious life combined with access to scriptures, which could have enabled them to solve the mysteries of written words. Education, if allowed, could have sooner rather than later opened he gates of knowledge and power, and higher education involving knowledge of letters and scriptures was made the monopoly of so-called dvija castes.
If exclusion is to be tackled then the surest means can be education, and preferably an inclusive version and style of education.
3. A matter of Attitude



Whether it is the question of injustice against the dalits, or of the prejudices against one another among communities, or the discrimination against women, it starts in our minds, located in our attitudes. Education of these groups therefore gets affected. Many dalit children are out of schools, large number of children from Muslim minority receive little or largely irrelevant kind of education, if at all they get some education, girls lag behind boys or are subjected to a neglect even in matters of education in the family. Sometimes one is forced to ask if we are really serious about giving them real quality education. The arrangements that we create are merely an apology of education rather than a commitment to full quality education- teachers are less qualified and lowly-paid, facilities are uncertain, pedagogy is not up to mark or their needs. There are deep seated prejudices betrayed in our planning and action, though never admitted in the enunciation of policies, a hypocrisy on the part of the managers of the system. 



Unfortunately social attitudes have also not changed beyond a point. Perhaps in the days of freedom struggle and till sometime after independence there was a perceptible change, but it appears to have slowed down, and occasionally slipping into mere political gimmicks or rhetoric leading to a social disenchantment or sometimes, even reactionary backlash. In reality we seem to be moving away from the goal of an egalitarian society.

4. Motivation for education
It is widely acknowledged today that parental interest  in education has grown rapidly, which is reflected in the sharp decline of never-enrolled children in schools. PROBE that is, Public Report on Basic Education, an interesting survey conducted in five states, namely, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh and Haryana (conducted between September and December 1996, report published in 1999), confirms the trends and adds more insights. It says, "Most other signs of high and rapidly growing parental interest in education came to our attention in the course of this study. Here are some examples: (1) most parents support compulsory education for all children; (20 private schools are springing up in many villages, and even poor parents often enroll their children in private school if the local government school is not working". The survey reports that 99 percent of the parents in Bihar, obviously covering dalits as well, consider education of boys as important, the corresponding figures for girls is also 88 percent. In fact the interest among SC/ST is almost equal to general population (all states taken together), that is, 99 percent for boys' education and 87 percent for girls.
While explaining the success of Kerala, and lately Haryana, another interesting point has been raised by PROBE. It observes that,'the social influence of role models depends a great deal on what people see as relevant 'reference group'. a success story of a high caste boy from a remote village does not have an impact, but success of a dalit boy will have a definite impact. In the case of Kerala or Haryana a social consensus has reached on the need of sending children , even girls to school, while Bihar seems to be moving towards it. The more important problem now is the quality and relevance of education rather than its perceived value. To borrow a phrase from PROBE, parents, even dalit parents, are willing to give school a chance! But they are wary of the ways of the schools. Do they offer  kind of education which is of any use to them? Are their children welcome in the schools? Are they treated well? These and many more similar questions are to be answered before we can ask them why their children are not there.
5. Poverty and Education



Most of the marginalized rural dalit and adivasi communities depend on subsistence agricultural wage or at best cultivate very small units of land. Even in urban areas they are in lowly paid jobs, mostly in unorganized sector or precariously managing to earn their daily wage somehow. The vast majority is poor and in a state like Bihar with nine-tenths of population living in rural areas their economic conditions as a class are bad. Under the situation some of them do not mind their children adding to the family income, more so when they schools to which they are able to send their children does not give much hope or does not welcome them at all. They can ill afford the hidden cost of education, and worse, the change in the mindset of the learner making them averse to manual labour while failing to prepare them for higher level jobs. Even if a dalit child studies up to class VIII what economic prospect does he has in life. After all the constitution and the law too promises free education merely up to that level.

All empirical studies confirm the correlation between poverty and educational non-achievement. The policy implications of this situation are obvious, but rather difficult to translate into a comprehensive strategy.  
6. Quality Issues
Quality is an elusive term, difficult to define, more difficult to attain. Pedagogues may have their own notions of quality, reflected lately in approaches like constructivism, favoured by NCERT today, or the idea of joyful learning promoted in many government sponsored programmes since 1990s. Parents on the other hand may have a common sense view of what is quality for their children's education. As PROBE reports this common sense idea of quality does not vary across social groups. The report further observes, " One particular aspect of this outlook is a certain resistance to pedagogical initiatives that challenge the dominant value system. Rural parents, we found, are rather conservative in schooling matters. Far from clamouring for alternative pedagogy, they are quite at home with traditional teaching methods, school uniforms, formal examinations, and even physical punishments. Recent attempts to popularize 'joyful learning', for instance, have often met with scepticism. One parent went so far as to complain that 'teachers send their own children to convent schools, but make village children dance like monkeys'. Of course, the report clarifies, "This is not to deny that joyful learning methods may be extremely useful in sustaining the interest of children, or to claim that the skepticism of parents is immutable."
As Nambissan observes, "Poor infrastructure, lack of basic amenities and facilities, as well as inadequate number of teachers is a feature of schools that Dalit children encounter as they enter government (local body managed) schools. In addition, curriculum transaction in schools is dominated by conventional pedagogy based on textbook, 'chalk and talk' and absence of relevant teaching aids, and dominated by rote learning. Ongoing academic support, monitoring and feedback is also not a feature of primary schools, less so in more and backward rural areas and poverty zones in the cities. This provides an unattractive learning environment for Dalit children (the majority of whom enter government schools) and contrasts with quality of schooling (in 'public'- private schools) enjoyed by the more privileged strata."  The stratification of schools and the disparity between schools has been growing over the years, making it more and more difficult for the Dalit children to compete with the children of the privileged classes in post-school year, making their education largely irrelevant in the job market.
7. Social Discrimination
As PROBE and many other field reports observe that 'schooling system itself does not give equal treatment to different sections of the population. discrimination against underprivileged groups is endemic, in several forms.' In this context lately there has been a great deal of discussion on the gradual emergence of  multiple tracks in education despite very clear recommendation of Kothari Commisssion in 1966, which was accepted in National Policy on Education in 1968, and reiterated in many subsequent documents including Education Policy of 1986. However private schools have mushroomed, some of them charging very high fees, which cater to the educational needs of the elite. Government schools have not done particularly well and the recent field reports reveal that  these schools admit mostly children from backward sections of the society, while the privileged class often exercise a preference for private schools. In fact within the state sponsored arrangements for education, for the poorest of the poor sometimes we end up with non-formal or informal systems manned by parateachers. Children from dalit families are being accommodated in these cheap alternatives of education in large numbers denying them equality of opportunity. PROBE brings out the existence of differentiated facilities even within the government schooling, as a rule favouring the relatively privileged sections interms of availability or creation of infrastructure. But arguably the most serious problem is the unequal treatment inside the school.
As PROBE says, "one common example of social prejudice in the classroom is the disparaging attitude of upper-caste teachers towards dalit children. This can take various forms, such as telling dalit children that they are 'stupid', making them feel inferior, using them for menial chores, and giving them liberal physical punishment. Harassment from upper-caste pupils is another common experience of dalit children. Class-based discrimination follows similar patterns. In one school the investigator noted that new textbooks had been distributed to children from affluent families, while poor children were given old textbooks recycled from previous years." Sen in his Introduction to a Pratichi Report has also commented upon the growing chasm between teachers and children in terms of social class or economic and educational backgrounds which is often seen to underlie the negative teacher attitudes towards poor students and their disparaging comments on the absence of parental support. Nambissan notes, " What is also significant is that higher-caste teachers may also resent the crowding of Dalit children into 'institutional space' that was hitherto taboo for 'polluted' castes and see it as a transgression of traditional social hierarchies. Balgopal and Subrahmanian view 'the abuse (of Dalits) as a manifestation of a more systemic disjuncture associated with the entry of traditionally excluded groups into spaces that were hitherto the preserve of caste and class elites.'
One more aspect of discrimination which needs thorough examination is pedagogic, that is relating to the entire approach to school education, covering all curricular and co-curricular agenda of an institution. To begin the choice of knowledge system to be privileged in the formal schools is biased against the lower caste people who work generally with their hands. Whether it is the language or the very contents of learning the concerns, social realities or the practices of dalits find no reflection in the textbooks or syllabi. It may be noted that class and gender bias is a ubiquitous phenomenon of our schooling system, whether it pertains to the choice of themes or illustrations or the very objectives and style of learning. If gender stereotyping is widely prevalent, the concerns and anxieties of the poor are either missing or coloured in the textbooks.



VII.    Policy Framework Analysed

A. Background 
1. The issue of exclusion in education can not be separated from the broader theme of social exclusion, nor can it be tackled without addressing other aspects in some ways. Many studies and opinions exist on the subject, and many more are getting added in the wake of deepening of Indian democracy today, one manifestation of which is presumably a role redefinition of dalits. In public sphere, as in educational matters, there are new measures of affirmative action showing the trend. A quick look in some framework of analysis may help in comprehending the present scenario.
2. Piron & Curran have listed a range of public policies to tackle the problems of exclusion in the context of third world countries, India included. These are relevant not only for India, but for a state unit like Bihar as well, to understand and appraise the nature of interventions and the degree of success. Before success with respect to different dimensions of policies are assessed in specific contexts, it would be worthwhile list them out. These are as follows:
Constitutional and legal safeguards
Affirmative action policies
Political measures
Economic measures
Social measures 
Public expenditure
Administrative and service delivery
Promotional activities and facilities civil society interventions
Constitutional and legal safeguards
Right from the era of freedom struggle there has been a political willingness to recognize different forms of exclusion and constitutional safeguards have been introduced to deal with them. There are clear provisions in the constitutions like article 17 which abolishes untouchability or article 15 & 16 provide for protective discrimination. 
To give effect to promise of article 17 an Act , namely, the Untouchability (Offences) Act was legislated in 1955, which was later renamed and given more teeth as the Protection of Civil Rights Act 1976.(Quote legal provisions) Subsequently in 1989 there was another Act enacted, namely, Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes(Prevention of Atrocities) Act, which declared a large category of cases as an offence of atrocity and provided for a minimum sentence of six months which may extend to five years. However actual cases of such cases are few and far between and seldom if ever, conviction takes place even as cases of atrocities against the are still rampant in one form or the other.
Affirmative action policies
The constitution does not only preclude the possibilities of caste based discriminations by its promise of equality as a fundamental right but also provides for a basis of affirmative actions in articles 15 & 16. There is a system of reservations in the legislatures for SCs & STs as also in government employment, entrance in government educational institutions, etc. These provisions have been included with the intent of redressing conventional caste discrimination and exclusion in these state-controlled sectors.
In pursuance of the 93rd amendment to the Constitution aiming to provide statutory reservation to SCs, STs and OBCs in Central Educational Institutions, the Central Educational Institutions  (Reservation in Admission) Act has been passed and notified in Jaanuary 2007. The Oversight Committee (Moily Committee ) constituted in May 2006 recommended an investment of Rs 17270 crore over a period of five years for the Central Educational Institutions to increase their intake capacity by 54% so as to provide 27% reservation to OBCs without affecting the number of general seats. 
Political measures
 In the first place the constitution provided for reservation for SC &ST in the union and state legislature for a period of ten years from the commencement of constitution, and it has been successively extended for a further period of ten years each time that the period nears its end. Reservation of seats in legislature, and subsequent reservation in the local self government institutions has ensured a fair legislative participation, though its impact on the welfare of the entire community may be debatable. 
Economic measures
There are many schemes of the government to provide economic support to Scheduled castes. There is a scheme of the central government to provide pre-matric scholarships for children of those engaged in unclean occupations such as scavenging, flaying and tanning. Central assistance is provided to the state government on 50:50 basis and there is income ceiling prescribed. Under another scheme post-matric scholarships are provided to SC students for higher studies in recognized institutions and for this central assistance is full hundred percent. For pursuing researches leading to the award of M.Phil and Ph D degrees Rajiv Gandhi National Fellowship was introduced in financial year 2005-06. There are facilities of coaching created for various services, hostels are set up and many more facilities are designed.  It is possible that some states like Bihar fail to take full advantage of these schemes.
For economic development if a national Scheduled Castes finance and Development Corporation has been established at the national level, at the state level also there is a State Scheduled Castes Development Corporation.
Even before the enactment of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) in September 2005 and its subsequent enforcement from 2 February 2006 in 200 most backward districts programmes like Sampoorna Gram Rozgar Yojana or National Food for Work Programmes existed which laid special emphasis on women, SC,ST and parents of children withdrawn from hazardous occupations. Likewise whether it is Indira Awas Yojana and many other schemes SC population is the part of the target group for assistance.
Social measures
Right from the period of socio religious reform movements of the nineteenth century caste discriminations have been opposed by the reformers. Of course in the era of freedom struggle the political approach became more dominant and sometimes it was difficult to distinguish between social reform and political action. In the post independence era social reform zeal has waned, while in state policy there is evidence of reformist agenda.
Public expenditure
During the first three decades of planning the general assumption was that growth would percolate down to the poor and the hitherto deprived sections of population. When it was realised by policy planners that it is not working a series of more direct interventions were formulated. One such idea was the concept of Special Component Plan (now being renamed as Scheduled Caste Sub Plan), which was introduced during the Sixth plan (1980-85). SCP envisaged allocation of a definite share of Plan allocation for the benefit of the SCs at the central level or in a particular state proportionate to the percentage of SC population.
Administrative and service delivery
Apart from provision for reservations in government jobs at some places SC is to be accommodated as a policy measure, the most interesting example being the mid-day meal scheme. Bihar is among the states which have decide that the responsibility of cooking will be ordinarily given to dalit women. Though sometimes there are oppositions reported from members of upper castes, but that is few and far between, and such decisions are likely to have long term consequences in terms of attitudinal changes. 
Promotional activities and facilitating civil society interventions
There are campaigns and programmes supported by UN agencies, other national and international funding agencies and networks operating at different levels which contribute to the promotion of education among marginalized sections. One such campaign is the Declaration of UN Millennium Development Goal which includes some education related goals. MDG 2 sets the target of universal primary education and total wipe out of drop out at the primary level by 2015 and likewise MDG 3 seeks to bring about a gender parity at the primary level by the same date. In India Wada Na Todo Abhiyan is a UN partner for attaining the MDGs and many more networks and organizations are part of the campaigns. National campaign for Dalit Human Rights is working with dalits as the target group. Voluntary Forum for Education is a network of NGOs working in Bihar for promoting education.
3. The society in Bihar is in a state of turbulence where urgent social interventions are called for and education has emerged as a key area of intervention. In terms of political consciousness society is alert and active, albeit not always in a responsible manner. Energies of people needs to be channelised and schools can be the most appropriate sites of training.
4. The current curriculum including text books and pedagogic practices are removed from the lives of people, particularly the lower sections. Hence curriculum for the state should be designed keeping in view the rich cultural and political resources available among the dalit groups in different parts of state. If a very rich Mithila culture exists in the eastern part of north Bihar, western side is part of large Bhojpuri speaking region spreading beyond the state. Magadh region has its own language and culture, and so has the areas around Bhagalpur where a distinct angika is the lingua franca. Each region has its own repertoire of different genres of arts, its own sense of cultural and historical identity.
5. Right to Education Act and Dalit Child
The Act is apparently not drafted in the rights perspective because rights are neither clearly formulated with appropriate safeguards, nor it applies to all children (0-6 & 14-18 age-group left out), nor adequate provisions, especially financial, are made to translate them into reality. If elementary education was being made a fundamental right then a clear declaration of the right and explicit assignment of specific responsibility with adequate safeguards and clauses to ensure its enforcement were essential requirements. On the contrary rights have been weakly and inadequately enunciated, responsibilities made vague and unenforceable and safeguards claimed to have been provided are nothing more than ritualistic.
There is no comprehensive and unified framework of schools visualized in the Act which may have been called a Common School System. Not only there are different types of schools with different scales of responsibility, there is little to suggest a design of a equitable, common and complete framework. The net result of the provision on this subject will be the perpetuation of the currently prevailing hierarchy of schools, some meant for privileged classes and others for the poor classes and legitimization of privatization and commercialization. This violates both Article 14 (equality before law) and Article 21A (Right to Education) of the Constitution. Establishment of a Common School System in India is surely the most logical and equitable option available, particularly for deprived groups including scheduled caste. As for the disadvantaged sections the Act has a condescending tone rather than enunciation of a right to equal opportunities in education, not to speak of an extra attention, under the constitutional promise of positive discrimination or affirmative action in their favor. 
RTE as the most important tool at this point of time







Annexure –I
Bibliography



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    THE ENSLAVEMENT OF DALIT AND INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES IN 
    INDIA, NEPAL AND PAKISTAN THROUGH 

     DEBT BONDAGE



    Download PDF file  goonesekere.pdf (29.48KB)



    Slavery on the high street. Forced labour in the manufacture of garments for international brands.


    Poverty, Discrimination and Slavery: The reality of bonded labour in India, Nepal and Pakistan




    By Surinder S. Jodhka and Ghanshyam Shah




    By S.N. Malakar and Chittaranjan Senapati






    By Gobinda C. Pal






    By Surinder S. Jodhka






    By Patricia Maringi G. Johnston






    By Sanghmitra S. Acharya






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    By Christophe Jaffrelot


    DALITS’ ACCESS TO EDUCATION 

    Discrimination against Dalits in the educational system is a widespread problem in caste-affected countries.1 
    Alienation, social exclusion, and physical abuse transcend all levels of education, from primary education to university. Illiteracy and drop-out rates among Dalits are very high  due to a number of social and physical factors. Legislation on the area is limited, and measures that have been taken are often inadequately implemented. 
    Governments are recommended to take specific measures to ensure equal access to education for Dalits in accordance with international human rights principles. In particular, IDSN calls on governments, national institutions, UN experts and agencies, as well as civil society organisations, to take into consideration the recommendations contained in the draft UN principles and guidelines for the effective elimination of discrimination based on work and descent, as listed in the section below. 

    Illiteracy and dropout rates for Dalit children 

    The illiteracy rate for Dalit children is generally high in affected countries, compared to that of other children. Although the literacy rate has generally increased among Dalits over the last years, the literacy gap between them and other children is still wide. Sample studies from Bangladesh indicate that around 96% of the 
    country’s estimated 5.5 million Dalits are illiterate (One World Action, 2011). Apart from posing a barrier in access to education, the widespread illiteracy also results in lack of gainful employment options for Dalits (HRW, 2007). A UNICEF report from 2006 points to the fact that the quality of education is often so low that children “mechanically go through five years of primary education and emerge barely literate” (UNICEF, 2006: A). The same study concludes that the poor quality of education is a significant factor in explaining the low level of completion rates in primary education. 
    The dropout rate for the Dalit children is generally high, especially at the elementary level. Indeed, according to 
    UNICEF the dropout rate among Dalits in India is 44.27% in primary school (2006: B). Statistics from Nepal illustrate a significant gap between the share of the Dalit population in relation to illiterary rates and enrollment shares (see text box). Although the general dropout rate has generally decreased, the difference in dropout rates between Dalit children and other children has in fact widened in some countries. In India, the difference in dropout rates between Dalit youth and all Indian youth has actually grown from 4.39 pct. in 1989 to 16.21 pct. in 2008 (IDSN and Navsarjan briefing note, 2010). 
    1 Caste-based discrimination is associated with the notion of purity and pollution and practices of “untouchability”, and is deeply rooted in societies and cultures where this discrimination is practiced. It is estimated to affect 260 million persons globally, out of which the vast majority of the affected persons live in South Asia (e.g. India, Nepal, Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka). Other affected groups include the Buraku community in Japan, the Al-Akhdam community in Yemen, low caste groups in Africa such as the Osu in Nigeria, and the Diaspora community in e.g. the United Kingdom. 

    Discriminatory practices against Dalit children in schools 

    The forms of structural discrimination, alienation, and abuse that Dalit children face in schools are so stigmatising that they are oftentimes forced to drop out of school. One of the main issues is the discriminatory practice conducted by teachers. In 2006, the Special Rapporteur on the right to education noted that “teachers have been known to declare that Dalit pupils cannot learn unless they are beaten” (HRW, 2007). Discriminatory 
    practices against Dalit children exercised by teachers may include corporal punishment, denial of access to school water supplies, segregation in class rooms, and forcing Dalit children to perform manual scavenging on and around school premises (IDSN and Navsarjan briefing note, 2010). 
    A Nepalese study on caste-based discrimination in school documented that indirect discrimination by teachers, such as neglect, repeated blaming, and labeling of Dalit students as weak performers, lead to social exclusion of Dalit students in schools. The consequence was irregular attendance in classroom, less concentration in studies, less participation in school activities, lower performance, failure, and school drop-out (D.R. Bishworma, 2010). Additionally, Dalit children face discriminatory attitudes from fellow students and the community as a whole, in particular from higher caste members who perceive education for Dalits as a waste and a threat. This is linked to a perception among some higher caste people that educated Dalits pose a threat to village hierarchies and power relations, and that Dalits are generally incapable of being educated (Vasavi et al., 1997). Other factors adding to high drop-out rates 
    The poor educational status of Dalits is due to both social and physical factors. The extreme poverty in which most Dalit families live is another underlying reason why the drop-out rate of Dalit children is so high. Many parents simply cannot afford to send their children to school and are dependent on their workforce to ensure the survival of the family. 
    The distance to schools is also considered a huge barrier for Dalit children, and a significant part of the explanation for the low enrolment rate and the high dropout rate. Due to the unwillingness of higher caste groups to live side by side with Dalits, Dalit families often live in remote areas, away from the main villages and schools. This residential pattern has two major implications. Firstly, the location of schools within the main 
    villages, and hence within higher caste areas, makes it difficult for Dalit children to gain access to schools, due to caste tensions. Secondly, the great physical distance to schools often result in Dalit children dropping out, as the distance is simply too far to walk on an everyday basis (UNICEF, 2006: A). 

    Migratory labour is another factor that adds to the high dropout rates. 

    Many Dalits are landless and are forced into migrant labour, as this is often the only way to ensure the economical survival of their families. The continuous migration in search for labour implies a frequent disruption of the Dalit children’s education and makes them incapable of keeping up with the academic advancement of other children (HRW, 2007). Finally, the lack of proper facilities is a general problem in many schools. Many public schools have second-rate facilities, i.e. lack of classrooms, basic infrastructure, qualified teachers, and teaching aids. 

     Discrimination in higher education 
    Intolerance, prejudice and harassment towards Dalits are not only found at the elementary school level. Several incidents have occurred in institutions of higher education where discrimination is practiced by senior upper-caste students, teachers, faculties, and administrations. The caste bias manifests itself in the way teachers ignore Dalit students and unjustly fail them in exams, in social exclusion and physical abuse, and in the unwillingness of the university administration to assist Dalits and support them. As a grave consequence of this harassment, a disproportionate number of Dalit students have committed suicide (The Death of Merit, 2011: A). 

    Indeed, in India alone, 18 Dalit students have committed suicide in one of the country’s premier institutions between 2008-2011, and this number only represents the official cases. Counting all the Dalit students whose families did not protest against the incessant discrimination that eventually led to suicide, the number is likely to be much higher (The Death of Merit, 2011: B). 

    Legislation 
    In many affected countries, the practice of caste discrimination is explicitly prohibited as per their constitutions. 
    However, most of these countries fail to take specific legislative action to address the issue. India is the exception, and over the years several legislative measures and affirmative action have been taken to ensure the rights of the country’s large Dalit population, including reservation policies and quotas. There are good examples of how affirmative action measures have been benefitted the most marginalized. For instance, the primary school tuition fee has been abolished for Scheduled Castes, and incentives such as free textbooks, uniforms and stationary are provided for Scheduled Caste children. Out of 43.000 scholarships for talented children from rural areas, 13.000 have been given to Scheduled Caste children (UNICEF, 2006: A). 
    Unfortunately, implementation of such measures continues to be highly inadequate. Below are examples of the 
    non-enforcement of special measures and barriers to effectively improving the educational status of the Dalits 
    in India: 

     Reservation policies and quotas for Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes in India only apply to public schools, and not private schools. Moreover, the Dalits who have converted to for instance Christianity and Islam still cannot benefit from these provisions. 
     In higher educational institutions 15% of seats are reserved for Scheduled Castes. This is also the case in technical educational institutions. However, in technical and professional courses in higher education, some reserved seats remain unfilled. 
     Universities often fail to follow the guidelines set up for Dalit students by the University Grant Commission (UGC) (Government of India). The widespread discrimination against Dalits throughout the entire educational system indicate that more needs to be done by affected governments to ensure implementation of laws, programmes and quotas. 

    Case stories of Dalit children in India - 

    Victims of caste discrimination: 
    A survey 
    by Navsarjan Trust, India reveals that teachers, local governments, and community members routinely subject the children of manual scavengers to discrimination and forced labour as part of their daily experience of attending school and living in their communities. The survey - Voices of Children of Manual Scavengers – is based on interviews with 1,048 children between the ages of 6 and 17 in the state of Gujarat. Together with Navsarjan’s groundbreaking report Understanding Untouchability it forms the basis of this briefing document - compiled by IDSN in February 2011. IDSN briefing paper: DALITS’ ACCE

    SURVEY OF THE SOCIAL PROFILE OF MEDIA MEN-1

    SURVEY OF THE SOCIAL PROFILE 

    OF THE KEY DECISION MAKERS IN THE NATIONAL MEDIA



    By



    Anil Chamaria, Feelance Journalist

    Jitendra Kumar, Independent Researcher

    Yogendra Yadav, Senior Fellow, CSDS


    KEY FINDINGS

     India's 'national' media lacks social diversity, it does not reflect the country's social profile
     Hindu upper caste men dominate the media. They are about 8 % of India's population but among the key decision makers of the national media their share is as high as 71 %.
     Gender bias rules: only 17 % of the key decision makers are women. Their representation is better in the English Electronic media (32 %).
     Media's caste profile is equally unrepresentative. 'Twice born' Hindus (dwijas comprising Brahmins, Kayasthas, Rajputs, Vaishyas and Khatris) are about 16 % of India's population, but they are about 86 % among the key media decision makers in this survey. Brahmins (including Bhumihars and Tyagis) alone constitute 49% of the key media personnel.
     Dalits and adivasis are conspicuous by their absence among the decision makers. Not even one of the 315 key decision makers belonged to the Scheduled Castes or the Scheduled Tribes.
     The proportion of OBCs is abysmally low among the key decision makers in the national media: they are only 4 % compared to their population of around 40 % in the country.
     Muslims are severely under-represented in the national media: they are only 3 % among the key decision makers, compared to 13.4% in the country's population.
     Christians are proportionately represented in the media (mainly in the English media): their share is about 4 per cent compared to their population share of 2.3 %
     Social groups that suffer 'double disadvantage' are also nearly absent among the key decision makers: there are no women among the few OBC decision makers and negligible backwards among the Muslims and Christians. 

    Survey methodology:

    For this survey 40 ‘national’ media organizations located in Delhi were identified. These included all the major news papers, news magazines, radio channels, television channels and news agencies that could be said to have a national spread. Of these information could be obtained about 37 organizations. For this purpose different publications or channels of the same media house have been treated as different organaisations.

    For each of these organizations we sought information on the top 10 ‘key decision makers’ who matter in deciding the news and editorial policy of the organization. For each of these persons thus identified, information was collected on their social profile in terms of their gender, age, religion, caste/community, mother tongue and state of domicile. The information was available for 315 key decision makers. This was gathered by a group of volunteers of the Media Study Group. Since the information was gathered not by face-to-face interview but by speaking to colleagues and other infomants, the data here may contain some errors 

    If sex, religion and caste are to be taken together, more than two-thirds of the top media professionals in the country come from less than 10 per cent of the population. Hindu upper caste men, who are barely 8 per cent of the countryÂs population, have a majority share of 71 per cent among top media professionals in the country. These findings are from the same survey of the social profile of key decision makers in the national media that had created a flutter last month.

    The findings are based on a survey of the social background of 315 key decisionmakers from 37 Ânational media organisations (up to 10 from each) based in Delhi. The survey was carried out by volunteers of Media Study Group between May 30 and June 3 this year. It was designed and executed by Anil Chamaria, freelance journalist, and Jitendra Kumar, independent researcher, from Media Study Group, and Yogendra Yadav, senior fellow, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies (CSDS)....


    Condition of the Untouchables or the Dalits
    Despite the fact that "untouchability" was abolished under India's constitution in 1950,5 the practice of "untouchability"—the imposition of social disabilities on persons by reason of their birth in certain castes— remains very much a part of rural India. "Untouchables" may not cross the line dividing their part of the village from that occupied by higher castes. They may not use the same wells, visit the same temples, drink from the same cups in tea stalls, or lay claim to land that is legally theirs. Dalit children are frequently made to sit in the back of classrooms, and communities as a whole are made to perform degrading rituals in the name of caste.
    Most Dalits continue to live in extreme poverty, without land or opportunities for better employment or education. With the exception of a minority who have benefited from India’s policy of quotas in education and government jobs, Dalits are relegated to the most menial of tasks, as manual scavengers, removers of human waste and dead animals, leather workers, street sweepers, and cobblers. Dalit children make up the majority of those sold into bondage to pay off debts to upper-caste creditors. Dalit men, women, and children numbering in the tens of millions work as agricultural laborers for a few kilograms of rice or Rs. 15 to Rs. 35 (US$0.38 to $0.88) a day.
    Even in these modern times, all over India the Dalits are still treated as Untouchables in the eyes of  the elite and even of the ordinary people. Having undergone three thousand years of slavery and discrimination, the Dalits find it nearly impossible to get out of this terrible trauma. The general  situation of Untouchables  is miserable but it is all the more wretched in the case of  those Untouchables who have become  Christians because they now suffer severe  discrimination in two ways - in society and in the Church.  We identify them as  the Dalit Christians. They bear the stigma of untouchability,  a  nightmare in every-day life.

    SOCIAL & POLITICAL CONDITION
    The Dalit community is a deeply wounded one,  a community that, with the sanction of the prevailing religion, has for centuries been systematically robbed and reduced to a state of empty powerlessness. The caste people on the other hand have risen to power at the cost of the Dalits. The conversion of  some Dalits to Christianity has served as a motive for the Government of India to deprive them of those  constitutional rights and privileges which are enjoyed by Dalits who are Hindu, Sikh or Buddhist.Even within the Church, the Dalit Christians are robbed by the upper caste Christians in matters of  church-related jobs and benefits. 
    Most of the key positions in the Church are occupied  by the Christians of the upper caste. Therefore, the Dalit Christians have actually become refugees in their own homeland and in their home church.  Dalit Christians represent the victimized masses, completely denied social justice. Against social and economic exploiters, they have no protection. Dalit Christians are the most exploited and oppressed community in India.

    PSYCHOLOGICAL CONDITION
    Centuries of oppression have inflicted on the Dalit people deep psychological wounds, the trauma of low self-esteem.
    The Dalit Christians are still carrying the cross of humiliation, exploitation, oppression and subjugation. For example, the Dalit cannot go to the village pump or well to draw water as the other villagers do. A Dalit cannot send his boy or girl to the village school where the other boys and girls of the village go. The Dalit cannot set foot in the temple. Dalit men and women or children may not walk in a street where caste people live. In a village restuarant, a Dalit cannot use the same cup as the caste people. Such constant inhuman treatment has a devastating impact on the psyche. This psychic wound has been inflicted on the Dalits by others.
    The cruelty of the caste system is that one is born into that caste - or non-caste, in the case of the Dalit, - and from this there is no escape, ever, no matter what one does or achieves.
    In the eyes of the majority people of India, a Dalit, by the fact of  birth alone, is forever condemned as an agent of pollution.

    ECONOMICAL SITUATION
    Deprived of the constitutional protection that they ought to have received from a Government which  in fact is carrying out  atrocious discriminatory policies, the Dalit Christians suffer from severe economic disabilities. They cannot aim at higher studies, or aspire to the Government scholarships that might lead thereto. Even if, by way of exception, some Dalit Christians have managed to acquire the necessary qualifications, they do not get the job: this in a country where job opportunities are extremely scarce and highly competitive.
    Even within the church-run institutions, schools and hospitals and such like, the jobs  go in favor of the upper caste people, acting in collusion with the clergy. The share of  job opportunities held by the upper caste people in church-related institutions is grossly disproportionate to their numbers. Even among the rural population, who are poor indeed,   the Dalits are cut off from the majority  community, and are more poor than the poor themselves.
    Caste gives no scope for Dalit Christians to change their destiny.  They are the people of the soil, yet in a so-called democratic system,  they have no hope of owning their share of that soil, condemned day after day to grief and despair, to  poverty as  their immutable condition.
    With little land of their own to cultivate, Dalit men, women, and children numbering in the tens of millions work as agricultural laborers for a few kilograms of rice or Rs. 15 to Rs. 35 (US$0.38 to $0.88) a day. Most live on the brink of destitution, barely able to feed their families and unable to send their children to school or break away from cycles of debt bondage that are passed on from generation to generation. At the end of day they return to a hut in their Dalit colony with no electricity, kilometers away from the nearest water source, and segregated from all non-Dalits, known as caste Hindus. They are forbidden by caste Hindus to enter places of worship, to draw water from public wells, or to wear shoes in caste Hindu presence. They are made to dig the village graves, dispose of dead animals, clean human waste with their bare hands, and to wash and use separate tea tumblers at neighborhood tea stalls, all because—due to their caste status—they are deemed polluting and therefore "untouchable." Any attempt to defy the social order is met with violence or economic retaliation. ("Broken People, p.23)

    HOUSING
    Most Dalits in rural areas live in segregated colonies, away from the caste Hindus. According to an activist working with Dalit communities in 120 villages in Villapuram district, Tamil Nadu, all 120 villages have segregated Dalit colonies. Basic supplies such as water are also segregated, and medical facilities and the better, thatched-roof houses exist exclusively in the caste Hindu colony. Untouchability" is further reinforced by s tate allocation of facilities; separate facilities are provided for separate colonies. Dalits often receive the poorer of the two, if they receive any at all.
    As part of village custom, Dalits are made to render free services in times of death, marriage, or any village function. During the Marama village festival in Karnataka state, caste Hindus force Dalits to sacrifice buffalos and drink their blood. They then have to mix the blood with cooked rice and run into the village fields without their chappals (slippers). The cleaning of the whole village, the digging of graves, the carrying of firewood, and the disposal of dead animals are all tasks that Dalits are made to perform.
    In villages where Dalits are a minority, the practice of "untouchability" is even more severely enforced. Individual attempts to defy the social order are frequently punished through social boycotts and acts of retaliatory violence further described below.
    Activists in Tamil Nadu explained that large-scale clashes between caste communities in the state’s southern districts have often been triggered by Dalits’ efforts to draw water from a "forbidden" well or by their refusal to perform a delegated task. Dalits have responded to ill-treatment by converting, en masse, to Buddhism, Christianity, and sometimes Islam. Once converted, however, many lose access to their scheduled-caste status and the few government privileges assigned to it. Many also find that they are ultimately unable to escape treatment as "untouchables."

    Landless labourers
    Most Dalit victims of abuse are landless agricultural laborers.28 According to the 1991 census, 77 percent of the Dalit workforce is in the primary (agricultural) sector of the economy. Those who own land often fall into the category of marginal landowners.29 Land is the prime asset in rural areas that determines an individual’s standard of living and social status.  Lack of access to land makes Dalits economically vulnerable; their dependency is exploited by upper- and middle-caste landlords and allows for many abuses to go unpunished.

    WOMEN
    No one practices untouchability when it comes to sex.  Rape is a common phenomenon in rural areas. Women are raped as part of caste custom or village tradition. Dalit girls have been forced to have sex with the village landlord.  In rural areas, "women are induced into prostitution (Devadasi system)..., which [is] forced on them in the name of religion." The prevalence of rape in villages contributes to the greater incidence of child marriage in those areas. Early marriage between the ages of ten years and sixteen years persists in large part because of Dalit girls’ vulnerability to sexual assault by upper-caste men; once a girl is raped, she becomes unmarriageable. An early marriage also gives parents greater control over the caste into which their children are married.
    Dalit women are also raped as a form of retaliation. Women of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes are raped as part of an effort by upper-caste leaders to suppress movements to demand payment of minimum wages, to settle sharecropping disputes, or to reclaim lost land. They are raped by members of the upper caste, by landlords, and by the police in pursuit of their male relatives.
    Dalit women face the triple burden of caste, class, and gender. Dalit girls have been forced to become prostitutes for upper-caste patrons and village priests. Sexual abuse and other forms of violence against women are used by landlords and the police to inflict political "lessons" and crush dissent within the community.
    "No one practices untouchability when it comes to sex."


    Dalit women more humiliated when raped: Study

    Nandita Sengupta, TNN Dec 15, 2009
    NEW DELHI: Dalit women who have suffered caste rapes were subjected to more humiliation than other women similarly assaulted, says a first of its kind research study detailing the psychological trauma of women raped.
    When Dalit women are assaulted, offenders use foul language vilifying the woman verbally, says the survey, invariably calling them prostitutes. "The feeling of being dehumanized, of having been demeaned is far greater for Dalit women," says clinical psychologist Rajat Mitra, who led the study conducted by NGO Swanchetan that works with victims of sexual assault. Mitra notes that in any other rape, the victim is not called a 'prostitute'.
    Titled 'A research study on sexual assault', it was done through detailed interviews of victims identified by state-level NGOs and government homes as well as by inviting victims to take part in the survey via posters and radio announcements. Of the 122 identified, 66 women agreed to the interview. The questionnaire's themes were identified and built on basis of data collected over the last 10 years and conducted in the last two. The respondents were across 12 states: Delhi, Meghalaya, Assam, Karnataka, Tripura, Maharashtra, UP, West Bengal, Andhra Pradesh, Jammu & Kashmir, Bihar and Gujarat. Being a first of its kind, interviewers too were thoroughly sensitized to the demands of the survey, says Mitra. Mean and standard deviation for each psychological parameter was calculated; t-test and Duncan's mean test used for comparative analyses.
    The comparative study between Dalits and non-Dalits showed that Dalits felt anguish to a greater degree of intensity. They often see rape as "something ordained" by virtue of a double disadvantage: being Dalit and woman. "Whenever a Dalit woman is raped, it gets connected to all other sufferings and discriminations. Dalits being in a disadvantaged position and there's no resilience, no bouncing back," says Mitra.
    "The women shared that during the attack, the men seemed to have more pleasure in humiliating their origins and background," adds Mitra. The report details their almost-ritualistic ostracism after the rape where older Dalit women also attempt to explain rape as "tradition".
    In a qualitative assessment, the report says girls are almost prepared to expect assault. It says, "Allusions to rape by upper castes begin to appear in subtle conversations and often inflate their anxiety and depressive symptoms that begin to mark (rape) as inevitable in the mind of young Dalit girls." It is extremely important, says Mitra, for a different rehabilitation policy for Dalit women with special training for mental health professionals, judiciary and police sensitizing them to the caste angle.
    The Swanchetan study records trauma on two broad themes: 'mehsoos hona' and 'halat' which include parameters of flashbacks, humiliation, hopelessness, shame, betrayal, loss of meaning, dehumanization, feelings of rage and distrust among a host of psychological measures. The severity and frequency of flashbacks ("My mind gets flooded with violent, unusual images that I can't stop") was measurably much greater for Dalit women. In fact, they notched higher trauma levels on every factor studied except for 'despair' and feeling betrayed. This, concludes Mitra, also demonstrates how rape for Dalits, is an inter-generational trauma and not restricted to a one-time event.
    The study assumes special significance with the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva mooting that caste-based discrimination be recognized as a human rights violation. "When discriminatory attacks are systematic and avenues for redressal are non-existent or ineffective, certainly caste violence is against human rights. To that end, international condemnation will have an impact in forcing the redressal machinery to work on caste crimes as a priority area," says social scientist Shyam Babu, fellow, Rajiv Gandhi Foundation. To that end, such a study proves a guide for action.


    Indian Dalits and European gypsies share common ancestors, reveal researches



    Dalits
    The revelation on common ancestory of Indian Dalits and European gypsies is a strak finding.
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    Indian dalits and gypsy populations in Europe may not appear to have anything in common apart from the fact that both still face discrimination in the society. Now two new studies have found a possible reason for this- they have common ancestors.



    In fact, Domas of India are the forefathers of European gypsies. Until now historians and anthropologists have believed that gypsies have Eurasian origins and most probably originated from Egypt.




    "Our genetic lineage study demolishes this theory and proves that gypsies known as Romanis actually are descendants of Domas who have inhabited the Gangetic plain for centuries now," said Dr Gyaneshwer Chaubey of Tartu University, Estonia, and a member of the research team that included scientists from Hyderabad-based Centre for Cellular and Molecular Biology(CCMB) and University of Bern, Switzerland.

    The Y chromosome is inherited from father to son, son to grandson, and so on. This means that all males of a family or a population evolved from a single founder male possess the same Y chromosome.
    Dr Gyaneshwer Chaubey
    Dr Gyaneshwer Chaubey is the man behind the research.



    Based on genetic signatures that exist on Y chromosome, every male could be assigned to a specific group. This helps in tracing paternal lineage.

    Researchers screened about 10,000 males from around the world including 7,000 belonging to 205 ethnic populations of India, to discern a more precise ancestral source of Gypsies.



    "The result of this genetic analysis showed that aboriginal scheduled tribes and scheduled caste populations of northwestern India, traditionally called Doma, are the most likely ancestral populations of modern European Roma," Dr Kumarasamy Thangaraj of CCMB said.




    This study estimates Roma founders dispersed from India about 1405 years ago.

    The second study, published last week , by another group has also concluded that Romanis migrated into Europe 1,500 years ago, much earlier than previously thought, from a single population in northern India but does not specify Domas as the originators.



    "We were interested in exploring the population history of European Romani because they constitute an important fraction of the European population, but their marginalised situation in many countries also seems to have affected their visibility in scientific studies," said David Comas, of the Institut de Biologia Evolutiva at Universitat Pompeu Fabra in Spain.





    Read more at: http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/twin-researches-indian-dalits-european-gypsies-common-ancestory-india-today/1/237137.html

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