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Chamar/Dalit in Politics

“Poet,Dramatist,Historian,Propagandist,Social Reformer & Founder of Adi Hindu Movement”
Born as ‘HiraLal’ on 6th May, 1879 at Saurikh,Farukhabad (U.P.) to Shri Moti Ram & Ram Piari.His family left the village due to caste discrimination by Brahmins & settled in Umari,Mainpuri.He belonged to family of armymen,his father & uncle Kaluram was in army following his another uncle Mathura Prasad & elder brother Bant Lal both arose to rank of Subedar in British Indian army.His father died when he was young & grownup by his uncle who sent him Nasirabad(Ajmer) for further education.But he discontinued his education due to financial distress.Till then he was well versed with working knowledge of eight Indian languages- Hindi, Sanskrit, Persian, Marathi, Bangla and Punjabi etc.He got married to Hira Bai & had 4 daughters,one of them was married to Mangal Singh Jatav of Gwalior (was Parliamentary secretary in MP govt.)
He joined a group of sadhus and left for a pilgrimage & lived with them for 10 years.Thereafter,he came under the influence of Swami Sachitanand of Arya Samaj and Hira Lal joined him.After joining the Arya Samaj,changed his name to Swami Hariharanand.After working for sometime he got convinced that Arya Samaj was meant to save Hinduism by introducing certain minor reforms in the Hindu Society which was good for Dalits.But with time he came to know that their reforms in the Hindu religion were aimed for blocking conversion of Dalits to other religions not for giving them equal social status.So he lost faith in Arya Samaj philosophy & wanted to work towards the annihilation of hindu caste system.After leaving Arya Samaj he started Adi-Hindu movement for upliftment of the depressed Classes.In a Shastrarth in 1921 at Delhi,he defeated Pandit Akhilanandji of Arya Samaj.He rightly came to the conclusion that unless the untouchables secured political rights,there would be no salvation for them.’His name Swami Hariharanand was changed to Swami Achhutanand’. Now he was with the other stalwarts of Adi-Hindu Movement like, Gopal Baba Warangalkar,Bhagya Reddy Varma,B.Shayam Sunder & Babu Mangu Ram Magowalia and founded the Adi-Hindu Movement in unison with others which got recognized by Indian govt. in 1923.The main centre of the movement was at Kanpur where Mahatma Gandhi’s son Dev Dass Gandhi called a meeting in the house of his confidant at Kanpur where he called Swami Ji and asked him to stop his movement in the interests of Caste Hindus and Congress party but Acchutanand denied to it.Swami Achhutanand was a great rationalist of his times. He viewed any principle and policy from utility point of view and tried to eradicate irrationalism, sub-casteism and superstitions from among the Depressed Classes.When the Prince of Wales was to visit India in 1921-1922, the Congress Party decided to boycott him but Swami Achchutanand and his followers decided to accord a grand welcome to him. Therefore, a huge rally was arranged at Delhi in 1922.Swami Ji submitted written memorandum having seventeen demands of Dalits for the sympathetic consideration of the British Crown.A special session of the Depressed Classes representatives from all over India was convened at New Delhi in December 1927 to discuss the question of reforms in view of the arrival of the Simon Commission. Swami Achhutanand was Chairman of the Reception Committee of the convention and Sh. M. C. Rajah presided over the convention. The convention, demanded separate electorate and increased seats in the legislatures for the Depressed Classes.
He first met to Baba Saheb Ambedkar at Bombay in 1928 in Adi Hindu Samelan. There after both continued liaison.Swami Achhutanand met the Simon Commission on 30th Nov 1930 at Lucknow. His comrades who accompanied Swami Ji were Tilak Chander Kuril, Girdhari Lal Bhagat, Laxman Parsad, Karorhi Mall Khatik and others. Dr. Ambedkar also met the Simon Commission with his comrades as he was then President of Bahashkrit Hitkarini Sabha and submitted as exhaustive memorandum listing grievances and demands of the Depressed Classes .In 1930, Swami ji sent a telegram in support of Dr. Ambedkar and Rai Bahadur Srinivasan, the two untouchables invited to the Round Table conferences at London (UK) &supported the demand of separate electorate made by Dr. Ambedkar & opposed the Rajah-Moonje Pact.He also strongly opposed the nomenclature of Harijan given to Dalits by Mahatma Gandhi.In order to bring a new awareness among the Depressed Classes in 1922 he started a monthly paper “Achhut”, from Delhi but closed down again same year started “Prachin Hindu” but that too closed within 1 year.Thereupon “The Adi-Hindu Journal” was started from Kanpur in 1924.He was a philosopher-poet and a playwright. He wrote six books in Hindi-Shambuk Balidan (Drama),Achhut Pukar -Religious songs,Mayanand Balidan (biography),Pakhand Khandani ,Adi-Vansh Ka Danka,etc.He died in 1933 at Kanpur.
Arjun Ram Meghwal
I was born in a middle class family of Kismidesar Village (Bikaner) to Mr. Lakhu Ram Meghwal and Mrs. Heeradevi on 7 December 1954. I got my primary education from the Government school of our village and secondary education from the Jawahar Jain Secondary School at Bheenasar. I got married to Panadevi on 12 May 1968 in the village Nal Badi, when I was studying in the 8th standard. After marriage, I continued my studies further and got the graduation degree in Arts (B.A.) & Law (L.L.B.) from the Sri Dungar College, Bikaner (Rajasthan). After that, I did post graduation from the same college and got the Masters Degree in Arts (M.A). Later, I did Masters in Business Administration (M.B.A.) from the Philippines University.

  • Athawale Ramdas Bandu

  • Father's Name                 Shri Bandu Bapu Athawale
    Mother's Name                Smt. Honsabai Bandu Athawale
    Date of Birth                    25 December 1959
    Place of Birth                  Agalgaon, Distt. Sangli (Maharashtra)
    Marital Status                  Married
    Date of Marriage             16 May 1992
    Spouse's Name               Smt. Seema Athawale

    Educational                      Under Graduate 

    Qualifications                  Educated at Siddharth College, Mumbai (Maharashtra)

    Profession                   Artist, Political and Social Worker, Publisher and Religious Missionary

    Permanent Address          91, Lumbini, Sector-7, Charkop, 

                                              Kandiwali, Mumbai-400 067 


                                              Tel. (022) 8695532

    Present Address                8-A, Lodhi Estate, 

                                              New Delhi-110 003 

                                              Tels. (011) 4651149, 4695532

    Positions Held
    1990-96                            Member, Maharashtra Legislative Council

    1990-95                            Cabinet Minister, Social Welfare and Transport, Employment Guarantee 

                                             Scheme and Prohibition Propaganda, Maharashtra

    1998                                Elected to 12th Lok Sabha; 

                                            President, Republican Party of India

    1998-99                          Member, Committee on Transport and Tourism; 

                                            Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Industry

    1999                                Re-elected to 13th Lok Sabha (2nd term)
    1999-2000                     Member, Committee on Industry
    2000 onwards                Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Youth Affairs and Sports

    Literary, Artistic and Scientific Accomplishments

    Editor-Bhumika (Weekly Magazine), Mumbai;  
    Publisher, Parivartan Publications; and Founder Member, 
    Parivartan Sahitya Mahamandal

    Social and Cultural Activities

    President, (i) Dr. Babasaheb AmbedkarFoundation; (ii) Buddhist Kalawant Academy; and Founder President, Budh Dhamma Parishad

    Special Interests

    Upliftment of the handicapped, dalit, poor and weaker sections

    Favourite Pastime and Recreation

    Reading, travelling, music, discussion on social and  economic problems

    Sports and Clubs

    Cricket, volleyball, football, kho-khokabaddi and carrom

    Countries Visited

    France, Germany, Japan, Russia, U.K. and U.S.A. 

    Athawale Ramdas Bandu(Marathi:रामदास बंडू आठवले)  was a member of the 14th Lok Sabha of India. He represented the Pandharpur constituency of Maharashtra and is he president of the Republican Party of India (Athawale) political party. He also represented Mumbai North Central in 12th Lok Sabha during 1998-99. He left NCP-Congress alliance in 2011 after having lost 2009 Lok Sabha election. Though he politically separated from NCP, he still maintains relation with Sharad Pawar. Ramdas Athavale has his own speaking style. He is fond of writing poems. Sometimes he writes Shero-Shayari. Athavale led RPI party joined Shivsena-Bharatiya Janata Party alliance in 2011 and contested Bruhan Mumbai Corporation elections together. He is one of the mass leader in Maharashtra. He is a former Deputy Chief Minister of Maharashtra.



    Andimuthu Raja

    BornVelur, District Perambalur (Tamil Nadu)
    Alias(es)Spectrum Raja
    AllegianceDravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK)
    Charge(s)Criminal breach of trust by a public servant under section 409, criminal conspiracy under section 120-B, cheating under section 420 & forgery under sections 468 and 471. Booked under the Prevention of Corruption Act for accepting illegal gratification. 
    Conviction statusTaken into custody (arrested) by CBI on 2 February 2011 On 9 May 2012 he applied for bail for the first time since his arrest.and was granted bail on 15 May 2012As of May 2012, trial is being conducted in Special CBI Court.
    SpouseM.A. Parameshwari
    Children1 Daughter (Mayuri)

    Andimuthu Raja (born October 26, 1963, Perambalur, Tamil Nadu, India) is an Indian politician from the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam(DMK) political party. He was a member of the 15th Lok Sabha representing the Nilgiris constituency of Tamil Nadu.
    In 2011, TIME magazine listed the 2G spectrum scam, in which Raja was allegedly involved, as number two on their “Top 10 Abuses of Power” list.

    Political career


    On October 17, 2008 he submitted his post-dated resignation to the DMK party chief, M. Karunanidhi, in protest of the killings of Tamil civilians in Sri Lanka. His resignation was a part of the mass resignation of all the DMK ministers forming a parts of the coalition United Progressive Alliance government (UPA) in Centre.

    Ajit Jogi

    Image result for ajit jogi biography

    Founder President Janata Congress Chhattisgarh Ajit Jogi addresses a press conference at Le Meridien on August 2 2017 in New Delhi India Former...

    Ex - Chief Minister of Chhatisgarh
    Personal details
    Born29 April 1946
    Bilaspur, Chhattisgarh
    Political partyINC
    Spouse(s)Dr. Renu Jogi
    ChildrenAmit Jogi
    As of January 25, 2009

    Ajit Jogi (born 29 April 1946) was the first chief minister of the state of Chhattisgarh, India. He currently represents the Marwahi Scheduled Tribe constituency in the state assembly and is a member of the Indian National Congress (INC) political party.

    Jogi studied Mechanical Engineering at the Maulana Azad College of Technology, Bhopal, winning the University Gold Medal in 1968. After having worked briefly as a lecturer at the Government Engineering College, Raipur, he was selected for the Indian Police Service and Indian Administrative Service.
    Ajit Jogi's son Amit Jogi was said to have been involved in an operation of bribing Dilip Singh Judeo in 2003. This is as per statement given by Central Bureau of Investigation in Supreme Court of India in 2005 Amit Jogi was later also sent to jail for being involved in a murder case.

    On April 20, 2004 Ajit Jogi was seriously injured in car accident at Gariabandh, 130 km from Raipur and had to be flown to Mumbai. He has become a wheelchair user since then. Although, he has not yet quit from active politics.

    Ashok Tanwar

    • NameShri Ashok Tanwar
      Constituency from which I am electedSirsa
      Father's NameShri Dilbag Singh
      Mother's NameSmt. Krishna Rathi
      Date of Birth12 Feb 1976
      Birth PlaceVill. Chimni, Distt. Jhajjar (Haryana)
      Maritial StatusMarried
      Date of Marriage30 Jun 2005
      Spouse NameSmt. Avantika Maken Tanwar
      No. of ChildrenNo.of Sons:2   No.of Daughters:1
      State NameHaryana
      Party NameIndian National Congress
      Permanent Address01, Sector 20,HUDA, Sirsa, HaryanaTels. (01666) 247533, 247534 09466933333 (M)
      Present Address59, North Avenue,New Delhi - 110 001Tels. (011) 23092045 9013180222, 9810559115 (M) Fax. (011) 23092045
      Email id(i) ashok[dot]tanwar[at]sansad[dot]nic[dot]in
      (ii) ashoktanwariyc[at]yahoo[dot]com
      Educational QualificationsM.A.(History), M.Phil (History), Ph.D. Educated at Jawahar Lal Nehru University, New Delhi

      Positions Held
      Jan. 2005 - Feb. 201President, Indian Youth Congress
      2009Elected to 15th Lok Sabha
      31 Aug. 2009Member, Standing Committee on Human Resource Development
      23 Sep. 2009Member, Library Committee

      Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Environment and Forest

      Member, Joint Parliamentary Committee on office of Profit
      25 Jan. 2010Convenor, Parliamentary Forum on Youth
      Special InterestsSocial work (especially in the field of education and health; environment and forest conservation issues )
      Other InformationFormer National President, National Students`s Union of India (NSUI)

    Bangaru Laxman

    Bangaru Laxman was born in a Madiga Dalit family in Andhra Pradesh. He did his BA and LLB. He was a minister of state for railways in Government of India from 1999 to 2000. Later he became President of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) but resigned soon after Tehelka corruption case.
    Bangaru Laxman joined politics at a young age. He was jailed during emergency in 1975. He was elected to Rajya Sabha in 1996. He has held many party positions including the party president.

    He was involved in a major controversy when a private TV network showed him taking bribes on a hidden camera while he was the president of the BJP. He was forced to resign as the party president and a criminal case was registered against him which has entered prosecution stage. However, he was never convicted .

    Sardar Buta Singh

    Sardar Buta Singh
    Personal details
    Born21 March 1934 (age 78)
    Mustafapur, Jalandhar district, Punjab
    Political partyIndian National Congress
    Spouse(s)Sardarni Beant Singh
    Buta Singh (born on 21 March 1934) was Chairman of National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC). He is an Indian National Congress leader.

     Political career

    He has been eight times elected as a member of Lok Sabha in 3rd, 4th, 5th, 7th, 8th, 10th, 12th and 13th Lok Sabha. He is former Union Home Minister under Rajiv Gandhi's Government & more recently governor of Bihar state, India. He took office on November 5, 2004. He was the home minister of India during the early 1990s. He is a Sikh and was first elected to the Indian Parliament in sadhna. He has written a book "Punjabi Speaking State - A Critical Analysis" and a collection of articles on Punjabi Literature and Sikh History.


    In 2000, judge Ajit Bharihoke of a special court convicted the former Prime Minister P. V. Narasimha Rao and Buta Singh in the JMM bribery case.The Central Bureau of Investigation had charged Rao, Buta Singh and others with bribing MPs belonging to the Janata Dal (Ajit) and Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) for voting in favour of the minority Congress government during the no-confidence motion against it in Lok Sabha in 1993. The decision was later overturned and both Rao and Buta Singh were cleared of the charges in 2002. In the 2009 Lok Sabha elections Buta Singh was denied a ticket by the Congress Party to run for Lok Sabha. So he contested as an independent candidate from the Jalore constituency in Rajasthan although he was not successful.
    As the Governor of Bihar, Buta Singh's controversial decision to recommend the dissolution of the Bihar Assembly in 2005 was sharply criticised by the Supreme Court. The court ruled that Mr. Singh had acted in haste and misled the federal cabinet because he did not want a particular party claiming to form the government, to come to power. Mr. Singh however claimed that the party was resorting to unfair means (read horse trading) to secure support to form the government. On January 26, 2006 Singh sent a fax to President Abdul Kalam offering to resign his post. The next day he left office and was replaced by West Bengal governor Gopalkrishna Gandhi.
    In the latest controversy, his son Sarabjot Singh has been charged of demanding a hefty bribe — Rs 1 crore — exploiting the official position of his father Buta Singh, has put the focus on the Constitutional body NCSC, set up with the objective of serving the cause of the Scheduled Castes

    Brinda Karat

    Brinda Karat
    Member of the Rajya Sabha
    In office
    ConstituencyWest Bengal
    Personal details
    Born17 October 1947 (age 65)
    Calcutta, West Bengal, India
    Political partyCommunist Party of India (Marxist)
    Spouse(s)Prakash Karat
    Brinda Karat (Bengali: বৃন্দা কারাট) (born 17 October 1947) is a communist politician from India, elected to the Rajya Sabha as a Communist Party of India (Marxist) CPI(M) member, on 11 April 2005 for West Bengal.
    In 2005, she became the first woman member of the CPI(M) Politburo She has also been the general secretary of the All India Democratic Women's Association (AIDWA) from 1993 to 2004, and thereafter its Vice President.

    Childhood and educationBiography

    Brinda Karat was born in Calcutta, where she spent her early childhood in a family of four siblings, including one brother and three sisters. Her father, Sooraj Lal Das was from Lahore. She lost her mother Oshrukona Mitra, at the age of five. She has a sister, Radhika Roy who is married to Prannoy Roy.

    Brinda was educated at the elite Welham Girls School in Dehradun and, at 16, went on to do her diploma at Miranda House, a college affiliated to the University of Delhi. In 1971, she enrolled for her degree in History at the University of Dehradun

    Political career

    In 1967, she left for London, where she worked with Air India at Bond Street for four years. While working for Air India, she campaigned against the mandatory wearing of skirts in the airlines, after which she became an activist.

    In an interview, Karat says she returned to India motivated to work for the people While working in London, she became associated with the anti-imperialist, and anti-war movements during the Vietnam War and Marxist ideology. She also attributes many of her political ideals to the economist Devaki Jain, her professor at Miranda House
    In 1971, she decided to leave her job and return to Calcutta, where she joined the Communist Party of India (Marxist) CPI (M) in 1971, under the guidance of B.T. Ranadive. On the suggestion of the party to understand practical politics, she joined the Calcutta University. Initially she worked with students in the college campus and later during the Bangladesh war at refugee camps in the city.

    In 1975, she shifted to Delhi and started working as a trade union organiser with textile mill workers in North Delhi. She grew to be active with worker's movements and the Indian women's movements She gained prominence in the campaign for reform of rape laws in the 1980s. Karat resigned from the central committee of the CPI(M)protesting the lack of representation of women. Even today, Brinda stands out as a prominent campaigner for gender issues.
    On 11 April 2005, she was elected to the Indian Parliament, Rajya Sabha as a CPI(M) member, for West Bengal.
    In 2005, only after the inclusion of 5 women members to the Central Committee did Brinda Karat agree to be nominated to the exclusive 17 member Politburo.  The Politburo is the highest decision-making body of the party and Brinda Karat is its first woman member

    Recent controversies

    Remarks on Baba Ramdev

    Her remarks accusing Yoga Guru Swami Ramdevof violating labor laws, and publicising accusations about his workers mixing human body parts in potions, have drawn strong condemnation from some in North India, including reprimands from politicians like Sharad Pawar,Mulayam Singh Yadav, Ambika Soni, andNarayan Dutt Tiwari. Pawar noted that Baba Ramdev's 'scientific approach' to yoga was useful while Laloo Prasad Yadav denounced Karat's allegations Subsequently she received a legal notice on the behalf of a Bharatiya Janata Party(BJP) leader in Faridabad.


    She is married to Prakash Karat, a Keralite by origin and a prominent CPI(M) leader, holding the position of General Secretary currently. Her sister
    Radhika Roy is married to Prannoy Roy, founder and CEO of NDTV. In 2005, she acted inAmu a film made by her niece, Shonali Bose, on the Anti-Sikh riots in 1984. She is also related to the Marxist historian Vijay Prashad.

    Literary works

    Brinda is the author of Survival and Emancipation: Notes from Indian Women's Struggles. This is a comprehensive book on the wide ranging concerns of the women’s movements in India from a left perspective.

    · Bhai Tej Singh 
    Born (1953) and brought up in a mediocre Jatav-Kisan (Scheduled Caste) family of a small village in Etah district of Uttar Pradesh.
     Established Dr. Ambedkar Rural Welfare Association in the village with the sole intention of doing something good for the villagers particularly the poor and persecuted.
     Served the Telecom Department (1973-1978), State Bank ofIndia(1978-1981) and thereafter Customs Department till resigned in April 2004 to dedicate himself as whole timer in the service of the poor and persecuted.
     While remaining in services, He had played an active role in social activities through non-political platforms and the departmental unions and Associations of the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and the other Backward Classes.  He was the founder President of the Customs & Central Excise ST/ST Employees Association.
        On being impressed upon with BSP leader Kanshi Ram in 1978 while on his visit to Aligarh (U.P.), he has decided to give him a helping hand in his endeavor of forging unity amongst the various factions and sections of Scheduled castes, the Scheduled Tribes, Other Backwards Classes and religious Minorities and didn’t turn back till the day Mayawati had joined hand with the reactionary forces (BJP) led by RSS. It may be noted that RSS has since been working to maintain status quo by suppressing the interests of the poor as such is detrimental to the very existence of these people in India.
          While remaining with Kanshi Ram he has not only extended his able helping hand (Money management) but also taken care of his entire affairs and played decisive role in building up Bahujan Samaj Party through his non-political front BAMCEF (Backward and Minority Communities Federation). He was such a trusted lieutenant of Kanshi Ram that has disburdened him almost in every aspect of his life and mission except of taking the stage. Because of his altruism, hard work, dedication and resolution, a second spot after Kanshi Ram was developed in the party circle.  And due to his proximity with Kanshi Ram, he was popularly called mini-Kanshi Ram in BSP circle.
         Taking cognizance of his growing influence, the lady used to play mischief and trying to dislodge him from Kanshi Ram but failed. It was the growing discontent (1994) against the boorish behavior of the lady in the party that almost entire party had espoused faith in him but he had very politely refused to accede to their request and continued with his helping hand to the leader. Having no political mention that there is no  ambition and personal desire but his of place to committed to the mission of Dr. Ambedkar which has faithfully been undertaken by Kanshi Ram, he remained undeterred by the mischief of Maya and continued with his job.
     But it was the inferiority complexes of this deprave lady which compelled her to manage the ouster of so many hard workers, leaders and trusted lieutenants of Kanshi Ram who had shouldered him in his hour of need in the past! It may not be out of place to mention that it was this inferiority complex which compelled the lady to think every upcoming leader in the party as of her competitor. Her sinister plots and evil designs has become her way of life in the party. Kanshi Ram being swayed by her undue influence and her seducing overtures kept on throwing away his loyal workers out of party-fold. And finally he too has fallen victim of her evil and fanciful designs. But in the case of Mr. Tej Singh, she could not be able to impress upon Kanshi Ram.
      The incident of the fateful night of 2nd June 1995 when Mayawati has joined hands with reactionary forces like BJP, RSS…and first time taken over as the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh with the ostensible support thereof whom the duo (Maya-Kanshi) used to call a Cobra till date has left a missionary worker like him stunned and compelled to part with the company of Kanshi Ram who maintained obnoxious silence at this crucial juncture. Bhai Tej Singh could not understand as to what has happened to the man who used to ask the people of Bahujan Samaj to keep distance with the Brahminical forces led by RSS and BJP with his open intention and utterances.  Having remained in dilemma for over a week, one early morning Bhai Tej Singh had called for his wife and his four kids and clearly told them, “I have almost spent half of my life caring for my parents and you people, now the burden of the mission of my Messiah has fallen on my shoulders. Being very dear and near to me, I hope you will co-operate me by extending your helping hand in my endeavor but please do not create obstacles in my way. I am going to dedicate rest of my life to thisMission.” At this having tears in their eyes, the wife and children of Bhai Tej Singh have promised him all sorts of help and cooperation even if compelled to go without food!
              After that Mr. Tej Singh has never looked back and built up a formidable force of the missionary workers from amongst the dalit and Muslims to take on the Hindutvawadi forces led by BJP, RSS and its ilk. This is not possible for him without dislodging Mayawati from the minds and heart of dalits who in absence of any viable political alternative are compelled to vote for her party. It may be out mention that there is no 
    reliable dalit leader in Congress Party to watch their interests! Thus, “O helplessness thy name is Mayawati” has become the slogan of the day for these unfortunate dalits.  Similarly in absence of a Muslim leader of grass root approach and understanding, Mulayam Singh Yadav has since been flourishing!

     In reaching to this day’s position (a well known hardcore activist & figure amongst dalit), Mr. Tej Singh has crossed over so many hurdles and achieved many milestones so far as the ‘Dalit Movement’ is concerned. His tremendous confidence, passion and patience for poor and persecuted are making him undisputed leader of the future and darling of this very section of Indian society. He has emerged as ‘Dalit leader’ in the Indian political horizon.

    C. N. Annadurai

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

    C. N. Annadurai
    2 Anna 037 (cropped).jpg
    Conjeevaram Natarajan Annadurai

    1st Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu
    In office
    14 January 1969 – 3 February 1969
    Prime MinisterIndira Gandhi
    GovernorSardar Ujjal Singh
    Preceded by himself as 5th Chief Minister of Madras State
    Succeeded byV. R. Nedunchezhiyan (acting)
    Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha), India
    In office
    PresidentSarvepalli Radhakrishnan
    Prime MinisterJawaharlal Nehru, Lal Bahadur Shastri,
    Indira Gandhi
    Member of Madras Legislative Council
    In office
    Premier C. N. Annadurai
    GovernorSardar Ujjal Singh
    Member of Madras State Legislative Assembly
    In office
    PremierK. Kamaraj
    GovernorA. J. John, Anaparambil
    Bhishnuram Medhi
    Preceded by Deivasigamani
    Succeeded byS. V. Natesa Mudaliar
    5th and last Chief Minister of Madras
    In office
    6 March 1967 – 14 January 1969
    GovernorSardar Ujjal Singh
    Preceded byM. Bakthavatsalam
    Succeeded by C. N. Annadurai as Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu
    Personal details
    Born 15 September 1909
    Kancheepuram, Madras Presidency, British India
    Died 3 February 1969 (aged 59)
    Madras, Tamil Nadu, India
    Political partyJustice party, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam
    Spouse(s) Rani

    Conjeevaram Natarajan Annadurai (15 September 1909 – 3 February 1969), popularly called Anna ("Elder brother") or Arignar Anna ("Anna, the scholar"), was an Indian politician who served as 1st Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu for 20 days in 1969 and fifth, and last Chief Minister of Madras from 1967 until 1969 when the name of the state of Madras was changed to Tamil Nadu. He was the first member of a Dravidian party to hold either post. 

    He was well known for his oratorical skills and was an acclaimed writer in the Tamil language. He scripted and acted in several plays. Some of his plays were later made into movies. He was the first politician from the Dravidian parties to use Tamil cinema extensively for political propaganda. Born in a middle-class family, he first worked as a school teacher, then moved into the political scene of the Madras Presidency as a journalist. He edited several political journals and enrolled as a member of the Dravidar Kazhagam. As an ardent follower of Periyar E. V. Ramasamy, he rose in stature as a prominent member of the party. 

    With differences looming with Periyar, on issues of separate independent state of Dravida Nadu and on inclusion in the Indian Union, he crossed swords with his political mentor. The friction between the two finally erupted when Periyar married Maniammai, who was much younger than him. Angered by this action of Periyar, Annadurai with his supporters parted from Dravidar Kazhagam and launched his own party, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK). The DMK initially followed ideologies the same as the mother party, Dravidar Kazhagam. But with the evolution of national politics and the constitution of India after the Sino-Indian war in 1962, Annadurai dropped the claim for an independent Dravida Nadu. Various protests against the ruling Congress government took him to prison on several occasions; the last of which was during the Madras anti-Hindi agitation of 1965. The agitation itself helped Annadurai to gain popular support for his party. His party won a landslide victory in the 1967 state elections. His cabinet was the youngest at that time in India. He legalised Self-Respect marriages, enforced a two language policy (in preference to the three language formula in other southern states), implemented subsidies for rice, and renamed Madras State to Tamil Nadu.
    However, he died of cancer just two years into office. His funeral had the highest attendance of any to that date. Several institutions and organisations are named after him. A splinter party launched by M. G. Ramachandran in 1972 was named after him as Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam.

    Early life

    Annadurai was born on 15 September 1909 in Kanchipuram (then called Conjeevaram), Tamil Nadu in a lower-middle-class family. His father Nataraja Mudaliar was a weaver whereas his mother Bangaru Ammal was a temple servant and they had an intercaste marriageHe was raised by his sister Rajamani Ammal. At the age of 21, he married Rani while he was still a student. The couple had no children of their own, so they later adopted and raised Rajamani's grandchildren. He attended Pachaiyappa's High School, but left school to work as a clerk in the town's Municipal office to assist with the family finances. 

    In 1934, he graduated with a B.A. degree (Hons) from Pachaiyappa's College in Chennai. He then earned an MA degree in Economics and Politics from the same college. He worked as an English teacher in Pachaiyappa High School. Later he quit the teaching job and began involving himself in journalism and politics.


    Though Annadurai initially belonged to the openly atheist Dravidar Kazhagam he later announced his stance towards theism as "Only one race, Only one God" (Onre Kulam Oruvanae Devan). Though secular to the core, he later described himself as a Hindu sans the sacred ash, a Christian minus the holy cross, and a Muslim without the prayer cap.
    Annadurai would attack superstitions and religious exploitation but would never fight against the spiritual values of society. He once explained his stance towards God and religion as "I do not break coconuts for Pillaiyar, (a form of worship) neither do I break his idols".(Nan Thengayum udaipathillai; Pillaiyarum Udaipathillai)

    Entry into politics

    C. N. Annadurai and E. V. Ramasami (Periyaar)
    Annadurai's interest in politics made him join the Justice party in 1935. The Justice party was formed by non-Brahmin elites in 1917. The Justice party originated with the Madras United League which was initially started as a work group that helped non-Brahmin students in Madras with accommodation and later grew into a political party under the efforts of leaders like C. Natesa Mudaliar, Sir Pitti Theagaroya Chetty and Dr. T. M. Nair. The party was named South Indian Liberal Federation (S. I. L. F.) – popularly known as Justice party. The party had been in power in Madras Presidency since self-governance was introduced in 1920, until it was defeated by the Indian National Congress in 1937. By the time Annadurai joined the Justice party, Periyar E. V. Ramasami was the party president. Annadurai served as the sub-editor of the Justice magazine. He later became the editor for Viduthalai (Freedom in English) and was also associated with the Tamil weekly paper, Kudi Arasu. He started his own journal Dravida Nadu (named after the Dravida Nadu – an independent state that the party called for). In 1944, Periyar renamed the Justice party to Dravidar Kazhagam and gave up contesting in the elections.

    Differences with Periyar and birth of DMK

    The Indian National Congress, which had been fighting for the independence of India from colonial British rule, was dominated by Brahmins. Periyar assumed that independent India would bring South Indians, especially Tamils, under the dominance of Brahmins and North Indians. For these reasons Periyar called for 15 August 1947, the day of Indian independence, to be a day of mourning. Annadurai opposed this move and the schism between his supporters and Periyar widened. He saw the gaining of independence as an overall achievement of India rather than solely that of Aryan North. Moreover, Periyar's decision on giving up participating in democratic elections was also opposed by Annadurai, in reaction to which he walked out of a party meeting in 1948. Periyar considered that candidates in elections must compromise their ideologies. Moreover, it was Periyar's idea that social reformation can be better achieved outside politics, through education and canvassing the masses, rather than governments. Eventually, when Periyar married Maniammai, who was 40 years younger than he, the personal differences between Annadurai and Periyar split their supporters. Annadurai launched his own party with his party fragment, along with E. V. K. Sampath (Periyar's nephew and until then considered his political heir). The new party was named Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam. DMK's presence was initially restricted to urban centres and its surrounding areas. But by appealing to the urban lower, lower middle and working classes, students, Dalits and lower castes, Annadurai was able to accelerate its growth and spread. He fought for the social justice of the lower castes and thus rapidly gained popular support.

    Protests in 1953

    In 1953, Annadurai directed the DMK to undertake three protests:
    • Condemning Jawaharlal Nehru, the then Prime Minister of India, for describing the tarring of Hindi letters in railway station boards by DK and DMK activists as "childish nonsense"
    • Against C. Rajagopalachari (or Rajaji), the then chief minister of Madras State, for introducing a new educational system that indirectly encouraged traditional caste-based occupations called Kula Kalvi Thittam
    • Against renaming Kallakkudi, Dalmiyapuram as the name Dalmiyapuram symbolised north Indian domination. He was eventually sentenced to three months imprisonment in this protest.

    Dravida Nadu

    Dravida Nadu magazine owned and edited by Annadurai
    During his days in Dravida Kazhagam, Annadurai had supported Periyar's call for an independent Dravida Nadu. The claim for such an independent state stayed alive in the initial days of DMK. E. V. K. Sampath, who had earlier forfeited his inheritance from Periyar to join DMK, saw the call for Dravida Nadu as an unrealistic goal. Responding to Sampath's concern, Annadurai said
    Sampath's opposition to using film stars made him cross swords with many other members of the party. Eventually, with looming differences with Annadurai and other leaders on Dravida Nadu, Sampath left the DMK and formed his own party, the Tamil Nationalist Party, in 1961. In 1962, Annadurai said in the Rajya Sabha that Dravidians want the right of self-determination ... We want a separate country for southern India.
    However, the reorganisation of states in India on linguistic basis removed Kannada, Telugu and Malayalam speaking regions from the Madras Presidency leaving behind a predominantly Tamil Madras State. Giving in to realities, Annadurai and his DMK changed the call of independent Dravida Nadu for Dravidians to independent Tamil Nadu for Tamils. Annadurai felt that remaining in the Indian Union meant accepting linguistic domination and economic backwardness. Nevertheless, the Sino-Indian war brought about changes in the Indian constitution. The Sixteenth Amendment (most popularly known as the Anti-Secessionist Amendment) banned any party with sectarian principles from participating in elections. When this amendment was presented in the Parliament of India, Annadurai was one of its members. He vehemently debated against the amendment, but eventually could not stop it from being passed. Faced with the new constitutional changes, Annadurai and his DMK left the call for an independent Tamil homeland on the back burner. From then on Annadurai and his DMK aimed at achieving better co-operation between the southern states and claimed more autonomy for Tamil Nadu. On the party's position, Annadurai said

    Anti-Hindi agitations

    Hindi was first recommended to be an apt language for official purposes in India by a committee headed by Motilal Nehru in 1928. This move was opposed by people and politicians of Tamil Nadu, since they considered that it would make them second class citizens when compared to that of native Hindi speaking North Indians.

    Protests of 1938

    In 1938, the Congress government in Madras Presidency headed by C. Rajagopalachari (popularly known as Rajaji) proposed the use of Hindi language as a compulsory language in schools. This move was opposed by Tamil leaders. Annadurai, along with other Tamil enthusiasts including the poet Bharathidasan, held demonstrations. Annadurai participated in the first Anti Hindi imposition conference held in Kanchipuram on 27 February 1938. Two members of the protest, Thalamuthu and Natarajan, died as a consequence of police beating the same year. With overwhelming opposition, the government of Madras Presidency finally withdrew the order in 1940.

    Madras Anti Hindi agitation of 1965

    When India became a republic with its own constitution in 1950, the constitution had given special status to the Hindi language, which was to gain official status after 15 years in 1965. This move was regarded with anxiety by students in Tamil Nadu. Speaking of making Hindi as official language of India, Annadurai said It is claimed that Hindi should be the common language because it is spoken by the majority. Why should we then claim the tiger as our national animal instead of the rat which is so much more numerous? Or the peacock as our national bird when the crow is ubiquitous?. In view of continued threat to impose Hindi, the DMK held an open-air conference against Hindi imposition at Kodambakkam, Chennai in August 1960, which Annadurai presided over. He gave black flags to leading functionaries, to be shown to the President of India during his visit to the state. Sensing an uprising, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru assured in the Parliament that English would continue to be the official language of India, as long as non-Hindi speaking people desire. DMK gave up the plan of showing black flags and Annadurai appealed to the Union Government to bring about a constitutional amendment incorporating the assurance.
    With no constitutional amendment done, Annadurai declared 26 January 1965, the 15th Republic Day of India and also the day the Constitution, which in essence enshrined Hindi as the official language of India, came into practice, as a day of mourning. This move was opposed by the then Chief Minister of Madras State, Bhakthavatchalam, as blasphemous. Hence Annadurai, who by then had been trying to shake off the secessionist image of his party, declared 24 January as a day of mourning. He also replaced the slogan of the protests to Down with Hindi; Long live the Republic. Nevertheless, violence broke out on 26 January, initially in Madurai which within days spread throughout the state. Robert Hardgrave Jr, professor of humanities, government and Asian studies, suggests that the elements contributing to the riots were not instigated by DMK or Leftists or even the industrialists, as the Congress government of the state suggested, but were genuine frustrations and discontentment which lay beneath the surface of the people of the state.
    With violence surging, Annadurai asked the students to forfeit the protests, but some DMK leaders like Karunanidhi kept the agitations going. Nevertheless, Annadurai was arrested for instigating the agitation. Although the violence were not directly instigated by the DMK, the agitation itself aided DMK to win the 1967 elections and Annadurai became the new Chief Minister of Madras State.

    Literary contributions

    Annadurai, known for his excellent oratorical skills, was fond of books. This image shows his private library.
    Annadurai was known as one of the best Tamil orators during his time. He developed a style in Tamil public speaking using metaphors and pleasing alliterations, both in spoken and written language. Anna was also best known for his extempore speaking ability being very well affluent on rhetoric skills.
    He has published several novels, short stories and plays which incorporate political themes. He himself acted in some of his plays during his time in the Dravidar Kazhagam. He introduced movie media as a major organ for propaganda of Dravidian politics. In total Annadurai scripted six screen plays.
    His first movie Nallathambi (Good Brother, 1948) which starred N. S. Krishnan promoted cooperative farming and abolition of zamindari system. His novels such as Velaikaari (Servant Maid, 1949) and Or Iravu, which were later made into movies, carried the hallmarks of propaganda for Dravidian politics. On Velaikari, Annadurai said that the movie
    Velaikari made direct references against the suppressive landlords who were traditionally allied with Jawaharlal Nehru and Gandhi. His movies had some elements of Dravidian political ideologies like anti-Brahminism and messages differing against Congress with detailed reasons and scenarios behind. Popular stage and cine actors who stood by Anna in early years were D. V. Narayanasamy, K. R. Ramasamy, N. S. Krishnan, S. S. Rajendran, Sivaji Ganesan and M. G. Ramachandran.
    Some of his books had a social approach and its content were debatable, such as "Arya Mayai" (Aryan Illusion) in which he highlighted the view point of bringing an equal living society regardless of any caste dominance and especially drawing similarities which existed by then of the upper-caste Brahmin (Aryan) people. He was fined INR 700 for sedition and was also sent to prison.
    Some of his well-known works are his books Annavin Sattasabai Sorpolivukal (Anna's speeches at the state legislative, 1960), Ilatchiya varalaru (History of Ideals, 1948), Valkkaip puyal (Storm of life, 1948) and Rankon rata (Radha from Rangon). His work Kambarasam criticises Ramayana of Kamban. His works of fiction such as Kapothipura kathal (Love in the city of Blind), Parvathy B.A., Kalinga rani (Queen of Kalinga) and Pavayin payanam (Travels of a young lady) carried elements of political propaganda.
    At times when Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam was extensively using movies for its propaganda, censorship crippled the process. To evade censorships, DMK movies used Annadurai's popular nickname Anna, which also means elder brother in Tamil, as a pun. When praises were bestowed on the Anna on screen, the crowd would break into applause. Kannadasan has criticised Anna's works that apart from Sivaji Kanda Hindu Rajyam and Needhi Devan Mayakkam, the rest lacked even a plot

    Posts held

    The provincial conference of the DMK was held at Tiruchirappalli in May 1956. Annadurai stepped down from the General Secretaryship of the party, and Nedunchezhian was elected to that position. It was at the Tiruchirappalli conference that the party decided to contest free India's second general elections which were to be held in 1957. The DMK secured 15 Assembly seats and two parliamentary seats. Anna was elected from his home constituency, Kanchipuram for the first time to the Madras Legislative Assembly. In that election, the DMK won 15 seats and Annadurai became the leader of the opposition in the state In 1962, the DMK emerged as the major political party in the state outside the Congress, winning 50 seats in the Assembly. Although Annadurai himself lost the elections, he was nominated as a member of parliament to the upper house (Rajya Sabha).

    As chief minister

    In 1967, the Congress lost nine states to opposition parties, but it was only in Madras state that a single non-Congress party majority was achieved The electoral victory of 1967 is also reputed to an electoral fusion among the non-Congress parties to avoid a split in the Opposition votes. Rajagopalachari, a former senior leader of the Congress party, had by then left the Congress and launched the right-wing Swatantra Party. He played a vital role in bringing about the electoral fusion amongst the opposition parties to align against the Congress. At that time, his cabinet was the youngest in the country.
    Annadurai legalised Self-respect marriages for the first time in the country. Such marriages were void of priests to preside over the ceremony and thus did not need a Brahmin to carry out the wedding. Self-respect marriages were a brainchild of Periyar, who regarded the then conventional marriages as mere financial arrangements which often caused great debt through dowry. Self-Respect marriages, according to him, encouraged inter-caste marriages and caused arranged marriages to be replaced by love marriages. Annadurai was also the first to use subsidising of the price of rice for election victory. He promised one rupee a measure of rice, which he initially implemented once in government, but had to withdraw later. Subsidising rice costs are still used as an election promise in Tamil Nadu.
    It was Annadurai's government that renamed the Madras State to its present-day form declaring officially as Tamil Nadu. The name change itself was first presented in the upper house (Rajya Sabha) of the Parliament of India by Bhupesh Gupta, a communist MP from West Bengal, but was then defeated. With Annadurai as chief minister, the state assembly succeeded in passing the bill renaming the states.
    Anna was instrumental in organizing the World Tamil Conference under the aegies of UNESCO in 1967.Another major achievement of Annadurai's government was to introduce a two language policy over the then popular three language formula. The three language formula, which was implemented in the neighbouring states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Kerala, entitled students to study three languages: the regional language, English and Hindi. It was during the period of his Chief Ministership that the Second World Conference was conducted on a grand scale on 3 January 1968. Nevertheless, when a commemorative stamp was released to mark the Tamil conference, Annadurai expressed his dissatisfaction that the stamp contained Hindi when it was for Tamil. Annadurai also issued an order for the removal of the pictures of gods and religious symbols from public offices and buildings. He proceeded on a world tour as an invitee of the Yale University's Chubb Fellowship Programme and was also a guest of the State Department in the US in April–May 1968. He was awarded the Chubb Fellowship at Yale University, being the first non-American to receive this honour. The same year he was awarded an honorary doctorate from Annamalai University.


    Anna memorial
    On 10 September 1968 Annadurai travelled to New York for medical treatment and he was operated for Cancer in the gullet at the Memorial Sloan–Kettering Cancer Center. He returned to Chennai in November and continued to address several official functions against medical advice. His health deteriorated further and he died on 3 February 1969. His cancer was attributed to his habit of chewing tobacco. His funeral had the highest number of attendees until then, as registered with The Guinness Book of Records. An estimated 15 million people attended it. His remains were buried in the northern end of Marina Beach, which is now called Anna Memorial.


    The statue of Annadurai at the College of Engineering, Guindy campus of Anna University which is named after him
    After his electoral success with his DMK in 1967, the Congress has not yet returned to power in Tamil Nadu. His government was the first in the country to be from a non-Congress party with full majority. When the DMK later split, with M. G. Ramachandran forming his own Dravidian party, the rebel fragment was named after Annadurai as Anna DMK. Anna Nagar, a residential neighbourhood in Chennai is named after him. Sri Lankan Tamil nationalist leaders and writers are considered to be influenced by Annadurai's chaste Tamil movement.Anna University, a premier institution in science and technology was named after him. DMK's current head office built in 1987 is named after him as Anna Arivalayam. One of the major roads in Chennai was named in his honour, Anna Salai—it was previously called Mount Road, and a statue of Annadurai now stands there. The central government issued a commemorative coin of 5 denomination to mark the centenary celebrations of him on 15 September 2009 in Chennai. Jawaharlal Nehru hailed him as one of the great parliamentarians for speeches in Rajya Sabha. Selig Harrison, a US-based analyst of South Asian and East Asian politics and journalism commented,
    The magazine India Today has listed Annadurai in its "Top 100 people who shaped India by thought, action, art, culture and spirit". In 2010, Anna Centenary Library was established in Chennai in remembrance of Annadurai.
    A life-size statue of Annadurai was unveiled on 1 October 2002 in the Parliament House by then President of India, A.P.J. Abdul Kalam in his honor and the function was attended by notable politicians

    Ch Dalbir Singh

    In these days of brazen and almost whole sale corruption of the political class across the political spectrum except perhaps some leftist parties and individuals, as evidenced by the acts of central cabinet minister Raja, MPs Kalmadi, Kanimozhi and many others & counting, the present generation of Indians would find it hard to believe that once such totally honest and incorruptible politicians walked on the Indian soil.

    Dalbir Singh was born in a Dalit family of landless agriculture laborers family of Kani Ram in village Prabhuwala in Hissar district of pre-partitioned Punjab, traditionally a neglected and backward region of the state. Youngest child in the family, Dalbir lost his mother early in childhood. His extended family including uncle Chandgiram were all very poor but were very keen that Dalbir, an intelligent and active child, should get the highest possible education and uplift the family fortunes .A family story goes that once when very seriously ill, a wise Sadhu (holy man) cured him and predicted that he would one day ride an elephant i.e. be a great man.

    Sensitive even as a child Dalbir Singh faced and suffered upper caste discrimination right from the very first day in primary school , a behavior he had to face , resist and fight all his life in schools and colleges .He finished his primary school education at Prabhuwala and a neighboring village .He was then shifted to Hissar for education in a charitable middle school and later government high school .Here he met with and forged a lifelong friendship with Mani Ram Godara , a Bishnoi, and both took plunge into politics at a very young age.

    During the closing decades of 19 century, Punjab, including the region around Hissar fell under the influence of Arya Samaj movement which had emerged to counter caste based discriminatory and obscurantist Hindu thought and practices .The movement also laid great emphasis on education and organized modern and science education at DAV schools and colleges .All members of Dalbir Singh family were imbued with, influenced and followed the precepts and teachings of Arya Samaj.

    The author born at Bhiwani, then a subdivision of Hissar district is aware of the backwardness of the desolate, waterless sandy district. During 1940s and 1950s, the region especially Bhiwani and Hissar areas were dusty and waterless towns, with sand dunes encroaching right inside Bhiwani’s western limits. There used to be perpetual water scarcity in the region. Summers brought in hot abrasive sand storms. There were many big ponds dug to store rainwater for drinking, washing and for the cattle.

    Arya Samaj teachings taught equality and opposition to caste and religious discrimination .It also forbade liquor and even meat eating .The author, a Rajput, took to meat eating only when he went over to Banaras for his engineering degree. But now, in the wake of prosperity following extension of irrigation to the region and the green revolution the situation has unfortunately changed to increased violence and alcoholism, a serious menace. 

    Adjoining Rajasthan ,Hissar district produced many rich Baniyas aka businessman who with others established many charitable educational institutes .Apart from many schools ,Bhiwani city boasted , a degree Vaish ( now Kirori Mal ) college and a Textile Engineering Institute attached to one of the two textile mills .Neighboring Rohtak city boasted , two degree colleges and a Medical college too.

    When in class X Dalbir Singh was married to Kalawati in 1946 , a marriage arranged through the good offices of a common Arya Samaj reformer .Such child marriages were common in those days .But the bride would stay home till puberty .Kalawati’s family was better off with its own lands , her brother Ram Singh ,the first Dalit graduate among Dalits of the region ,was a Panchayat Officer in Punjab state .It was a good match for her family since Dalbir Singh , a promising and intelligent student would do well in life . Ram Singh and his family, also Arya Samajis, had wholesome impact on young Dalbir. Since Ram Singh was once posted at Lahore, a major centre of education, it was felt that Dalbir Singh instead of studying at Hissar should pursue his college education at DAV College Lahore .Here apart from Godara, Ch Chand Ram, also a Dalit studied and they became good friends. Ch Chand Ram also emerged as a major political leader.

    In 1947, after India’s division into India and Pakistan and partition of the Punjab province Dalbir Singh was forced to shift to Rohtak to complete his graduation, which he duly did .It must be emphasized that, tall and wiry lad, he was an excellent athlete both in his school and college days .Till his terminal illness in mid 1980s he maintained excellent health and spirits.

    After graduation, at Ram Singh’s prodding Dalbir Singh did apply for the job of a Block Development Officer ,a very good job in those days, and received the appointment letter too .But he declined  to take up the appointment  , much to the consternation, anguish and distress of his family specially father Kani Ram .They had slogged and made extreme sacrifices so that he could complete his education, not that Dalbir Singh himself had not undergone many privations .The family expected him to take up the job and alleviate poverty ,bring some prosperity and happiness to the family .

    Finally one day Dalbir Singh told his father that he would not take up a job .He had endured too much caste, creed, regional, rich and poor discrimination so he was determined to devote his life to resist evils of the Indian society and help reform it. He remembered that while studying at Lahore he was constantly a victim of cruel and inhuman treatment at the hands of prince lings and rich students. His mind was made up and he would strive and try to eliminate various evils and ills of the Indian caste based society .Father Kani Ram agreed.

    Next day Kani Ram watched his son speaking for the first time at a Congress party public rally at Hissar and criticizing Punjab chief minister Kairon , whose achievements in the development of the state were eulogized and lauded by all and sundry . Dalbir Singh rightly proclaimed that ‘ yes, Punjab had progressed but only the Punjabi speaking part i.e. Jullundur division and not the backward Ambala division of which Hissar was a part  It remained so till the Sikhs after many agitations and Morchas got their Punjabi Suba and the backward region emerged from the shadow of under development and neglect in 1966 . The new state of Haryana led by some dynamic leaders, taking advantage of many inbuilt and inherent advantages including proximity to Delhi has emerged as a most dynamic and rich state of India. While a minister in Delhi for nearly two decades, Ch. Dalbir Singh assiduously helped out in pursuing the economic development of Haryana by taking up his state’s cause with the centre. I have a feeling that he cherished a deep desire to lead the Haryana government and implement his vision of his home state himself. But his opponents in the party in Haryana ganged up and kept him away from the state.

    Having watched the freedom movement from close quarters under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru and Congress party’s ideology of secularism, equal rights for all religions and special incentives to uplift scheduled caste and tribes, neglected, humiliated and exploited since millennia attracted young and idealistic Dalbir Singh, since he had himself suffered at the hands of upper castes and rich all his life. But he rarely mentioned these hurts to me. He sometimes would relate how petty officials mistreated the public specially the poor and the downtrodden.

    Ch. Dalbir Singh remained steadfast and true in his loyalty to the Congress and its ideals and policies , in a state where many a politicians ideology is fickle and saleable ,which gave the name Gayaram Ayaaram politics i.e. of shifting and changing party affiliations for gain .I remember very vividly one evening in 1967 when I dropped at Ch Dalbir Singh‘s flat on South Avenue .A number of well known Haryana politicians , who did well for themselves had just visited him after having pledged loyalty to Moraji Desai who had challenged PM Indira Gandhi’s leadership.” How dare they even suggest such a thing, he fumed .He remained steadfast to the Congress and its ideology till the very end. He never wavered, never ever.

    Young, enthusiastic, wide eyed and idealistic when the 1952 elections were, he and Godara turned up at the Congress party office in Delhi .By luck Nehru arrived and was very impressed by Dalbir Singh, a young enthusiastic graduate, a rarity among Dalit aspirants .He and Godara, in spite of opposition from older and well established leader’s opposition like Devi Lal, were both allotted Congress party tickets. Dalbir Singh won from Tohana but his election was set aside on the pretext of being under age i.e. less than 25 years .By the time he won the election petition time had arrived for the 1957 elections.

    Kairon had returned to power by then .A down to earth politician and good administrator , he recognized the talented , idealistic Dalbir Singh’s dedication and gave him Congress ticket in 1957 . Not only that after the elections Dalbir Singh was inducted into the council of ministers as deputy minister .He was barely 30 years in age .The rest as they say is history. Chaudhary Saheb was soon a great favorite of Kairon because of his sincerity, hard work, sense of purpose and integrity. 

    First Meeting with Ch. Dalbir Singh and some Memories
    It was 1960, when I taught electrical engineering at Thapar institute, Patiala .I had just finished my written examination for IFS and was waiting for the UPSC personality test.  Around this time my wife’s college friend Basheshar Nath, a political worker of the Congress party from Karnal, turned up along with someone who had some problem to be redressed in the department of Irrigation and Power, then under Ch. Dalbir Singh. The young politician had made news in the Chandigarh's newspaper ‘The Tribune’ for being an unusual politician who attended law classes in the evenings to further educate himself.

    So Basheshar and a few others, we all travelled to Chandigarh. When we reached the Kothi (residence) of Chaudhary Saheb, we were told that he was out and would return soon.  So we sat down in his living room.  It so happened that Basheshar went to the bathroom when somebody looking like a politician, in Dhoti -Kurta and Nehru jacket and Gandhi cap entered the sitting-room, looked at us. Naturally he did not recognize us.  Nor did we. But we naturally stood up somewhat non-pulsed.  With a straight face he said that he was the younger brother of the minister who would be soon returning and climbed up the stairs. We had not seen his photograph or met him, but we were not convinced that he was the minister's younger brother.

    Of course soon Chaudhary Saheb came down by which time Basheshar had come back and we all had a good laugh.  Through out our long friendship we had a very easy and bantering relationship about babus and netas. We were young straight forward and perhaps came closer because of his coming from Sirsa and me from Bhiwani, both then subdivisions in the same Hissar district, a backward region of Punjab.

    Chaudhary Saheb had a tremendous sense of humor. He would relate stories with great aplomb and timing with a straight face He then joined with a hearty laughter which was very infectious.  With a slight crinkliness in his eyes, his smile was dazzling, which could have set many a heart aflutter. 

    Once a man from his constituency came to him, requesting that his transfer be stopped. Chaudhary Saheb knew that the man never voted for him and even worked against him during polls. But instead of ticking him off, Chaudhary Saheb laughed and narrated how he himself was transferred from one ministry to another in Delhi .If he could not stop his own transfer how he could help the constituent. This was his way of telling the constituent off, politely and with humor. He was a storehouse of Haryanvi jokes.

    Chaudhary Saheb was very happy when I qualified for the then coveted IFS in 1961, since none from our region had done so. When I was leaving for Cairo in end 1962, he came over to Delhi to wish me bon voyage and best of luck. We kept on meeting regularly whenever I was posted at the ministry of external affairs in New Delhi , since he had shifted to central politics in 1967 after being elected a member of the Lok Sabha .He was made a member of the council of  ministers soon after.  Some times we would play rummy with some of his political friends .It was perhaps the only way he would sometimes relax. He was totally devoted to political work for the party and for the people.

    He was a man of sterling qualities with a long term vision and devoted to the uplift of the downtrodden. He had unimpeachable honesty and integrity. This was evident from his very simple life style. Knowing his honest nature, he was never asked to collect funds for the party but quite often he headed the Congress party organization in Haryana. He spent all his time to ameliorate the conditions of the masses and for the Congress party.

    When barring two wins in north India , all Congress candidates ,including Indira Gandhi lost the post emergency 1977 elections , being not too well off , some friends suggested that why should he not supervise agriculture of some land he possessed .He replied that he was good only at solving poor peoples’ problems and laughing added ,and also being taken by one ambassador car or another from one public platform to another and do ‘ vichar pragat ‘i.e. express his views on various problems facing the country and the people.

    Quite often I would stay with him when I visited India from abroad for vacations and met with some of the political leaders from Haryana and elsewhere like Devi Lal, Bhajan Lal, Prof Sher Singh and others. Our friendship built on mutual respect and affection since 1960 meeting at Chandigarh never changed. He was very hospitable and would even get non-vegetarian dishes from outside for me, although he himself was a vegetarian.

    In 1985 before I took over as Chairman and Managing Director of Indian Drugs and Pharmaceuticals Ltd, I went over to him for advice since he was once minister of Fertilizers and Chemicals, the controlling ministry. Apart from other advice he told me how some of senior officers in the ministry had shares of Pharma companies which was a clear conflict of interest .His advice was very useful. During my tenure I found that ministry officials would increase drug prices for private sector units (which had perhaps allotted them shares) but dillydallied when I asked for increase for government owned IDPL’s drugs. Some big private Pharma companies had an MP or two almost on a retainer basis to promote their interests.
    Although I was very surprised and distressed when he told me that he had pleurisy, I was stunned when he passed away in 1987. Unfortunately I was not even in Delhi.

    Fortunately for his friends and admirers, his daughter Kumari Selja joined politics, encouraged by Rajiv Gandhi .A capable politician, she has been in the council of ministers when ever Congress has been in power, almost since she was elected to the Parliament in 1992, again at a very young age. She is MA, M. Phil and became a cabinet minister in 2009 .Her elder sister is also MA and a married housewife .Never in our discussions did Chaudhary Saheb ever express any unhappiness or regret at not having a son , a never failing male obsession in India. He gave the best possible education to his daughters.

    I have known Kumari Selja, same age as my daughter since she was a child. Like her father, tall and slim, always elegantly dressed in Salwar Kameez, she is his replica .In 1995 she came to Ankara, where I was then posted to sign Cultural Agreement with Turkey. Turkish ministers and others were very much impressed with her .Such a capable and likeable politician at such a young age, they told me .She has amply delivered on the promise shown then. 

    Dinanath Bhaskar 

    Dinanath Bhaskar (born 10 March 1963) has been a member of the Bahujan Samaj Party and a minister of Uttar Pradesh state in India. He is a and was a close associate of Kanshi Ram. He is currently in the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP). He was the health minister during the Samajwadi Party-BSP coalition government of Uttar Pradesh in 1993 and later quit the BSP to join the Samajwadi Party in 1996.
    In the 2017 state elections, Bhaskar was elected as Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) for Aurai constituency as a BJP candidate. This was his third successful election to the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly.

    Early life

    Dinanath Bhaskar delivering speech
    In Jan Sabha
    Dinanath Bhaskar was born on 10 March 1963 in Khetarpala village, Chandauli district. He began his political career as a member of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). He won the Legislative Assembly elections from the Chandauli constituency in 1993 on a BSP ticket but left the party after Mayawati accused Mulayam Singh Yadav of trying to induce support from Bhaskar. He joined the Samajwadi Party in 1996 and successfully contested the 2002 Bhadohi elections to become a Member of the Legislative Assembly for a second time. He left the party after being denied a Vidhan Sabha ticket in a 2009 by-election. He then re-joined the BSP and was made Coordinator of Allahabad zone, Mirzapur zone and Varanasi Zone respectively.
    Bhaskar resigned from the BSP on 4 April 2015 and joined the BJP one month later. He has been named as a BJP candidatefor the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly elections due to take place in February/March 2017.

    Offices held

    • 1993 to 1995: Member of Legislative Assembly Chandauli
    • 2002 to 2007: Member of Legislative Assembly Bhadohi
    • 1993: Health Minister and Village Development Division (Uttar Pradesh)
    • 2003 to 2004: RES Minister
    • 2004 to 2007: Chairman Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribe (SC/ST) Commission, Uttar Pradesh
    • March 2017- present: BJP MLA for Aura

    D. Raja

    D. Raja is a politician belonging to the Communist Party of India. He is a Rajya Sabha MP from Tamil Nadu. Raja has held the position of CPI National Secretary since 1994. 
    Full NameShri D. Raja
    Elected fromTamil Nadu
    DOBJune 3, 1949
    Place of BirthChithathoor, Distt. Vellore (Tamil Nadu)
    Political PartyCommunist Party of India
    Father's NameShri P. Doraisamy
    Mother's NameShrimati Nayagam
    Delhi Address303, 309 and 310, V.P. House, Rafi Marg, New Delhi - 110001
    Telephone No.23317230, Mobile: 98
    Permanent AddressBalan Illam, 19, Chevalier Sivaji Ganesan Road, South Boag Road, Theagaraya Nagar, Chennai - 600017
    Marital StatusMarried on 7 /01/1990
    SpouseShrimati Aniamma alias Annie Raja
    ChildrenOne daughter
    EducationB.Sc., B.Ed. Educated at G.T.M. College, Gudiyattam, Distt. Vellore, affiliated to University of Madras, Chennai and Government Teachers College, affiliated to University of Madras, Chennai
    Profession before joining politicsPolitical and Social Worker
    Positions HeldJuly 2007 Elected to Rajya Sabha Aug. 2007-May 2009 Member, Committee on Science and Technology, Environment and Forests Member, Consultative Committee for the Ministry of Human Resource Development May 2008 onwards Member, Joint Parliamentary Committee on Security Matters in Parliament House Complex Member, Committee on Rules June 2008 onwards Member, General Purposes Committee July 2008-May 2009 and Jan. 2010 onwards Member, Parliamentary Forum on Global Warming and Climate Change July 2009 - Sept. 2010 Member, Committee on Ethics Aug. 2009 onwards Member, Committee on Home Affairs Member, Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Member, Consultative Committee for the Ministry of External Affairs Permanent Special Invitee, Consultative Committee for the Ministry of Human Resource Development Oct. 2009 onwards Member, Joint Committee on Food Management in Parliament House Complex Dec. 2009- July 2010 Member, Select Committee to examine the Commercial Division of High Courts Bill, 2009 Nov. 2010-Aug. 2012 Member, Committee on Member of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) April 2011 onwards Member, Sub-Committee to examine various provisions of the Enemy Property (Amendment & Validation) Second Bill, 2010 of the Committee on Home Affairs May 2012 onwards Member, Business Advisory Committee Aug. 2012 onwards Member, Committee on Health and Family Welfare July 2013 Re-elected to Rajya Sabha
    Book(s) Published(i) Dalit Question, 2007 and (ii) The Way Forward: Fight Against Unemployment, a booklet on unemployment; has written a number of articles (in Tamil and English) on various political and social issues in various journals
    Term25/07/2013 to 24/07/2019
    Member ofRajya Sabha
    Shri D. Raja

    Raja raised the issue of JNU students' protests in Parliament budget session. He sought immediate release of JNU Students Union president Kanhaiya Kumar. He also came in defence of his daughter, a student in the same university who joined the protests and sloganeering. A BJP leader in Tamil Nadu, H. Raja, proclaimed that D. Raja should shoot his daughter for shouting anti-national slogans to prove his patriotism. The BJP top brass, however, rejected H.Raja's statements. Moreover, a resident of Rai Bareilly petitioned to lodge an FIR against D. Raja and Congress vice-president Rahul Gandhi for supporting anti-national activities at JNU. 

    Damodaram Sanjivayya

    Damodaram Sanjivayya
    Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh
    In office
    11 January 1960 – 12 March 1962
    Preceded byNeelam Sanjiva Reddy
    Succeeded byNeelam Sanjiva Reddy
    Personal details
    Born14 February 1921
    Peddapdu Village, Kurnool District, Madras State, British India
    Political partyIndian National Congress
    CabinetGovernment of India
    PortfolioMinister of Labour and Employment(9 June 1964 – 23 January 1966)
    Damodaram Sanjivayya (Telugu: దామోదరం సంజీవయ్య; 14 February 1921 – 8 May 1972) was the chief minister ofAndhra Pradesh, India from 11 January 1960 to 12 March 1962.

    [edit]Damodaram Sanjivayya was born in a poor dalit family in Peddapadu village in Kurnool district. He was a brilliant student at the Municipal school and he took a bachelor degree in law from Madras Law College. Even as a student, he actively participated in the Indian freedom movement.


    Damodaram Sanjivayya was Minister in the composite Madras State. He was the member of the provisional parliament 1950–52. In 1962, Sanjivayya also became the first dalit leader from Andhra Pradesh to become All India Congress Committee president.
    He was Minister of Labour and Employment under Lal Bahadur Shastry between 9 June 1964 and 23 January 1966.
    He had the distinction of being among the first Harijans to have shouldered such high responsibilities in the cause of service to the Nation. He was known for his administrative ability and for his uprightness of character.
    He wrote a book on Labour problems and industrial development in India, in 1970 published by Oxford and IBH Pub. Co., New Delhi.
    His statue was erected opposite Public Gardens in Nampally, Hyderabad.
    A beautiful park, Sanjeevaiah park along the banks of Hussain Sagar in Hyderabad was named in his honor.
    Damodaram Sanjivayya National Law University, Visakhaptnam one of the premier legal institutions has been named in his honour.
    Gurkamal Singh Kandhola – Fought legal battle against caste discrimination

    Harinder Singh Khalsa – Ex Ambessdor  Norway, Ex M.P Rajya Sabha, Ex Member of SC/ST commission

    Jignesh Mevani

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

    Jignesh Mevani
    Jignesh Mevani Social activist.jpg
    At Gujarati Literature Festival, Ahmedabad on 16 December 2016

    MLA of Gujarat
    Assumed office
    December 2017
    Personal details
    Born 11 December 1982 (age 35)[citation needed]
    Ahmedabad, Gujarat, India
    Political party Independent
    Alma materGujarat University
    Occupation lawyer, social activist, politician
    Jignesh Mevani
    Jignesh Mevani (born 11 December 1982)[1] is a politician from Gujarat, India. He is a member representing Vadgam constituency in Gujarat Legislative Assembly. He has worked as a social activist and lawyer. He had led protests by Dalits, considered 'lower castes' in the Indian caste hierarchy, in Gujarat in 2016.[2]

    Early life

    Mevani was born on 11 December 1982 in Ahmedabad, Gujarat. His family is native of Meu, a village in Mehsana district. He completed his schooling from Swastik Vidyalaya and Vishwa Vidyalay Madhaymik Shala in Ahmedabad. He completed Bachelor of Arts in English literature in 2003 from H.K Arts College, Ahmedabad. In 2004, he received Diploma in Journalism and Mass Communication. From 2004 to 2007, he served as a reporter for Abhiyan, a Gujarati magazine. In 2013, he received Bachelor of Laws from D. T. Law College, Ahmedabad.



    2016 Gujarat Dalit unrest

    After attack on Dalit men in Una village in Saurashtra region of Gujarat by claimed members of cow protection group, protests broke out across Gujarat. Jignesh Mevani led the protest march called Dalit Asmita Yatra from Ahmedabad to Una, which culminated on 15 August 2016 and was attended by some 20,000 Dalits, including dalit women, who took a pledge to give up their traditional jobs of removing cow carcasses. He demanded the land for upliftment of Dalits.


    In Gujarat Legislative Assembly election, 2017, he contested and won the election from Vadgam constituency, running as an independent candidate with support of the Indian National Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party.
    Jignesh Mevani (center) at Youth Hunkar rally, Parliament Street, New Delhi, 9 January 2018.


    Mevani was allegedly photographed receiving a cheque from members of the Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI), the political wing of the Popular Front of India (PFI), under the National Investigation Agency radar after many of its members were allegedly found fighting for the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. In response, speaking to Times Now, senior SDPI official Abrar Ahmed said, "We are extending full support to Mevani. We will support any party which fights communal forces." When the BJP accused Mevani of terrorism links, Mevani denied the charges, and threatened to sue BJP for defamation. However two days after winning the Vadgam seat in the Gujarat Assembly election, speaking to CNN-News18, he admitted that he had taken 51,000 as donation from the PFI for his campaign, and challenged the central government to ban the organisation.

    2018 Bhima Koregaon violence

    Along with Umar Khalid, Jignesh Mevani was booked under an FIR for giving 'provocative' speeches in Pune. The criminal offence against Mevani and Khalid was for promoting enmity between different groups through their speeches. The Elgaar Parishad rally, where this reportedly happened, was held in Pune to mark the 200th year of the Battle of Koregaon, a place in present-day Pune district, which was fought between the then British Indian Army and the Peshwas. Besides Mevani and Khalid, the mother of Rohith Vemula, Radhika Vemula, Dalit leader Prakash Yashwant Ambedkar, Adivasi activist Soni Sori, and Bhim Army’s Vinay Ratan Singh were among others who attended the conference.

    Jagjivan Ram

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
    Jagjivan Ram
    जगजीवन राम
    Deputy Prime Minister of India
    In office
    24 March 1977 – 28 July 1979
    Serving with Charan Singh
    Prime MinisterMorarji Desai
    Preceded byMorarji Desai
    Succeeded byYashwantrao Chavan
    Minister of Defence
    In office
    24 March 1977 – 1 July 1978
    Prime MinisterMorarji Desai
    Preceded bySardar Swaran Singh
    Succeeded bySardar Swaran Singh
    In office
    27 June 1970 – 10 October 1974
    Prime MinisterIndira Gandhi
    Preceded byBansi Lal
    Succeeded byChidambaram Subramaniam

    Personal details
    Born5 April 1908
    ChandwaBritish Raj (now India)
    Died6 July 1986 (aged 78)
    Political partyIndian National Congress-Jagjivan (1981–1986)
    Other political
    Indian National Congress (Before 1977)Congress for Democracy (1977)Janata Party (1977–1981)
    Alma materBanaras Hindu University
    University of Calcutta
    Babu Jagjivan Ram ( जगजीवन राम) (5 April 1908 – 6 July 1986), known popularly as Babuji, was a freedom fighter and a social reformer hailing from the scheduled castes of Bihar in India. He was from the Chamar caste and was a leader for his community.  He was instrumental in foundation of the 'All-India Depressed Classes League', an organization dedicated to attaining equality for untouchables, in 1935 and was elected to Bihar Legislative Assembly in 1937, that is when he organized, rural labour movement.

    In 1946, he became the youngest minister in Jawaharlal Nehru's provisional government, the First Union Cabinet of India as a Labour minister, and also a member of Constituent Assembly of India, where he ensured that social justice was enshrined in the Constitution. He went on serve as a minister in the Indian parliament with various portfolios for more than forty years as a member of Indian National Congress (INC), most importantly he was the Defence Minister of India during the Indo-Pak war of 1971, which resulted in formation of Bangladesh. His contribution to the Green Revolution in India and modernising Indian agriculture, during his two tenures as Union Agriculture Minister are still remembered, especial during 1974 drought when he was asked to hold the additional portfolio to tide over the food crisis. Though he supported Indira Gandhi during the Emergency in India (1975–1977), he left Congress in 1977 and joined Janata Party alliance in 1977, along with his Congress for Democracy, he later served as the Deputy Prime Minister of India (1977–1979), then in 1980, he formed Congress (J). He is also famous for "forgetting to pay his taxes" during his years in power.

    Early life 

    Jagjivan Ram was born at Chandwa near Arrah in Bihar, to a family of five siblings, elder brother Sant Lal, and three sisters. His father Sobhi Ram was with British Indian Army, posted at Peshawar, but later resigned due to some differences and bought some farming land in his native village Chandwa, and settled there. He also became a Mahant of Shiv Narayani sect, skilled in calligraphy he illustrated many book of the sect and distributed locally.

    Young Jagjivan started going a local school in January 1914, but shortly afterward his father died prematurely, leaving him and his mother Vasanti Devi to economic hardships. He joined Aggrawal Middle School in Arrah in 1920, where the medium of instruction was English for the first time, and joined Arrah Town School in 1922, it was here that is faced caste discrimination for the first time, yet remained unfazed. An often cited incident occurred in the school, there was this tradition of having two water pots in the school, one for Hindus and another for Muslims, so when Jagjivan drank water from the Hindu pot, while being from an untouchable class, the matter was reported to the Principal, who placed a third pot for "untouchables" in the school, but this pot was broken by him twice, eventually the Principal decided against placing the third pot. An important turning point in his life came in 1925, when Pt. Madan Mohan Malviya visited his school, and impressed by his welcome address, invited him to join Banaras Hindu University.

    Jagjivan Ram passed his matriculation in the first division and joined the Banaras Hindu University (BHU) in 1927, where he was awarded the Birla scholarship, and passed his Inter Science Examination; while at BHU he organised the scheduled castes to protest against social discrimination. As a Dalit student, he would not be served meals in his hostel, denied haircut by local barbers, a Dalit barber would arrive from Ghazipur from occasionally to trim his hair, eventually he left BHU and pursued graduation from Calcutta University. In 2007, the BHU set up a Babu Jagjivan Ram Chair in its faculty of social sciences to study caste discrimination and economic backwardness.

    He received a B.Sc. degree from the University of Calcutta in 1931, here again he organized conferences to draw the attention towards issues of discrimination, and also participated in the anti-untouchability movement started by Mahatma Gandhi.


    Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose took notice of him at Kolkata, when in 1928 he organized a Mazdoor Rally at Wellington Square, in which approximately 50,000 people participated. When the devastating Bihar earthquake of 1934 occurred he got actively involved in the relief work and his efforts were appreciated his work. When popular rule was introduced under the 1935 Act and the scheduled castes were given representation in the legislatures, both the nationalists and the British loyalists sought him because of his first-hand knowledge of the social and economic situation in Bihar, Jagjivan Ram was nominated to the Bihar Council. He chose to go with the nationalists and joined Congress, which wanted him not only because he was valued as an able spokesperson for the depressed classes, but also that he could counter Ambedkar; he was elected to the Bihar assembly in 1937. However, he resigned his membership on the issue of irrigation .

    In 1935, he contributed to the establishment of the 'All-India Depressed Classes League', an organization dedicated to attaining equality for untouchables. He was also drawn into the Indian National Congress, in the same year he proposed a resolution in the 1935 session of the Hindu Mahasabha demanding that temples and drinking water wells be opened up to Dalits. and in the early 1940s was imprisoned twice for his active participation in the Satyagraha and the Quit India Movements. He was among the principal leaders who publicly denounced India's participation in the World War II between the European nations and for which he was imprisoned in 1940.

    Parliamentary career

    In 1946 he became the youngest minister in Jawaharlal Nehru's provisional government and also the subsequent First Indian Cabinet, as a Labour Minister, where he is credited for laying the foundation for several labour welfare policies in India. He was a part of the prestigious high profile Indian delegation that attended to attend the International Labour Organization (ILO)'s International Labour Conference on 16 August 1947 in Geneva along with the great Gandhian Bihar Bibhuti Dr. Anugrah Narayan Sinha his chief political mentor and also the then head of the delegation, and few days later he was elected President of the ILO.

     He served as Labour minister until 1952, later h

    In Indira Gandhi's government he worked as minister for Labour, employment, and rehabilitation (1966–67), and Union minister for Food and agriculture (1967–70), where he is best remembered for having successfully led the Green Revolution during his tenure. When the Congress Party split in 1969, Jagjivan Ram joined the camp led by Indira Gandhi, and became the president of that faction of Congress.

    He worked as the Minister of Defence (1970–74) making him the virtual No. 2 in the cabinet, minister for Agriculture and irrigation (1974–77).

    It was during his tenure as the minister of Defence that the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 was fought, and Bangladesh achieved independence.

    While loyal to Prime Minister Indira Gandhi for most of the Indian Emergency, in 1977 he along with five other politicians resigned from the Cabinet and formed the Congress for Democracy party, within the Janata coalition.

    A few days before the elections,  Jagjivan Ram addressed an Opposition rally at the famous Ram Lila Grounds in Delhi. The national broadcaster Doordarshan allegedly attempted to stop crowds from participating in the demonstration by telecasting the blockbuster movie Bobby. The rally still drew large crowds, and a newspaper headline the next day ran "Babu beats Bobby" . He was the Deputy Prime Minister of India when Morarji Desai was the Prime Minister, from 1977 to 1979, though initially reluctant to join the cabinet, and was not present at the oath-taking ceremony on 27 March 1977; he eventually did so at the behest of Jai Prakash Narayan, who insisted that his presence for necessary, "not just as an individual but as a political and social force" and took oath later on. However, he was once again given the defence portfolio. Disillusioned with the Janata party he formed his own party, the Congress (J). He remained a member of Parliament till his death in 1986, after over forty years as a parliamentarian. He was elected from Sasaram parliament constituency in Bihar. His uninterrupted representation in the Parliament from 1936 to 1986 was a world record, until Tony Benn overtook him by serving 51 years (1950–2001) in the British parliament. .

    Positions held

    Union Minister of Labour, 1946-1952.
    Union Minister for Communications, 1952-1956.
    Union Minister for Transport and Railways, 1956-1962.
    Union Minister for Transport and Communications, 1962-1963.
    Union Minister for Labour, Employment and Rehabilitation, 1966-1967.
    Union Minister for Food and Agriculture, 1967-1970.
    Union Minister of Defence, 1970–1974, 1977-1979.
    Union Minister of Agriculture and Irrigation, 1974-1977.
    Founding Member, Congress for Democracy party (aligned with Janata Party), 1977.
    Deputy Prime Minister of India, March 23, 1977-August 22, 1979.
    Founder, Congress (J).
    He served as President of the Bharat Scouts and Guides from September 1976 to April 1983.[

    Personal life

    In August 1933 his first wife died after a brief illness, thereafter in June 1935 he married Indrani Devi, a daughter of Dr. Birbal, a well-known social worker of Kanpur, and the couple had two children, Suresh Kumar and Meira Kumar.


    The place he was cremated has been turned into the memorial Samatha Sthal, and his birth anniversary is observed as Samatha Diwas., (Equality Day) in India, his centenary celebrations were held all over the nation in 2008, especially at his statues at the Parliament and at Nizam College; demands for awarding him posthumous Bharat Ratna have being raised from time to time HyderabadAndhra University which had conferred an honorary doctorate on him in 1973, and in 2009 on the occasion of his 102nd birth anniversary, his statue was unveiled on the university premises .

    His daughter, Meira Kumar, is a prominent INC leader, who has won his former seat Sasaram, both 2004 and 2009 and was later the Minister for Social Justice in the Manmohan Singh government (2004 - '09), thereafter she became the Speaker of Lok Sabha in 2009. To propagate his ideologies, the 'Babu Jagjivan Ram National Foundation', has been set up by Ministry of Social JusticeGovt. of India in Delhi.

    • Ram, Jagjivan; Shachi Rani Gurtu (1951). Jagjivan Ram on labour problems. Ram.
    • Ram, Jagjivan (1980). Caste challenge in India. Vision Books.

    Kanshi Ram

    From Wikipedia
    Kanshi Ram

    Founder and National president of the Bahujan Samaj Party
    In office
    14 April 1984 – 18 September 2003
    Succeeded byMayawati
    Member of the Indian Parliament
    for Hoshiarpur
    In office
    Preceded byKamal Chaudhry
    Succeeded byKamal Chaudhry
    Member of the Indian Parliament
    for Etawah
    In office
    Preceded byRam Singh Shakya
    Succeeded byRam Singh Shakya
    Personal details
    Born15 March 1934
    Khawaspur village, Rupnagar districtPunjab, India
    Died9 October 2006 (aged 72)
    New Delhi
    Political partyBahujan Samaj Party
    Kanshi Ram (15 March 1934 – 9 October 2006), also known as Bahujan Nayak or Saheb, was an Indian politician and social reformer who worked for the upliftment and political mobilisation of the Bahujans, the untouchable groups at the bottom of the caste system in India. Towards this end, Kanshi Ram founded Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti (DS-4), the All India Backward and Minority Communities Employees' Federation (BAMCEF) in 1971 and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in 1984. He ceded leadership of the BSP to his protégé Mayawati who has served four terms as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh.

    Early life

    Kanshi Ram was born on 15 March 1934 in Khawaspur village, Ropar district, to a Ramdasia Chamar Sikh family. The Ramdasias are a Dalit sect but in Punjab at that time there was relatively little stigma attached to being an untouchable.


    Kanshi Ram joined the offices of the Explosive Research and Development Laboratory in Pune. In 1964 during his time there, he joined the agitation started by SCEWASTAMB (All India Federation of Scheduled Caste/Tribes Backward Class & Minorities Employees Welfare Associations) of Government of India to prevent the abolition of a holiday commemorating B. R. Ambedkar's birthday.
    In 1978, Ram formed BAMCEF, a non-political, non-religious and non-agitational organisation with wings like BVF, Brotherhood Center and Buddhist Research Center.
    Later, in 1981, Ram formed another social organisation known as Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti (DS4). He started his attempt of consolidating the Dalit vote and in 1984 he founded the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). The BSP found success in Uttar Pradesh, initially struggled to bridge the divide between Dalits and Other Backward Classes but later under leadership of Mayawati bridged this gap.
    In 1982 he wrote his book The Chamcha Age (an Era of the Stooges) and in it he used of the term chamcha (stooge) for Dalit leaders who for their selfish motives work for parties like the Indian National Congress (INC) such as Jagjivan Ram or Ram Vilas Paswan and for Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)[ keeping in ethical context with Ambedkar's book What Gandhi and the Congress Have Done to the Untouchables to the politics of Dalit liberation.
    However, it was in 1986 when he declared his transition from a social worker to a politician by stating that he was not going to work for/with any other organization other than the BSP. During the meetings and seminars of the party, Ram stated to ruling classes that if they promised to do something, it would pay to keep the promise, or else just accept that they were not capable of fulfilling their promises.
    After forming BSP Ram said the party would fight first election to lose, next to get noticed and the third election to win. In 1988 he contested Allahabad seat up against a future Prime Minister V. P. Singh and performed impressively but lost polling close to 70,000 votes.
    He unsuccessfully contested from East Delhi (Lok Sabha constituency) in 1991 and came at fourth position. Then he represented the 11th Lok Sabha from Hoshiarpur,Kanshiram was also elected as member of Lok Sabha from Etawah in Uttar Pradesh. In 2001 he publicly announced Mayawati as his successor.
    In the late 1990s, Ram described the BJP as the most corrupt (mahabrasht) party in India and the INC, Samajwadi Party and Janata Dal as equally corrupt.

    Proposed conversion to Buddhis

    In 2002, Ram announced his intention to convert to Buddhism on 14 October 2006, the 50th anniversary of Ambedkar's conversion. He intended for 20,000,000 of his supporters to convert at the same time. Part of the significance of this plan was that Ram's followers include not only untouchables, but persons from a variety of castes, who could significantly broaden Buddhism's support. However, he died 9 October 2006.
    Mayawati his successor said "Saheb Kanshi Ram and I had decided that we will convert and adopt Buddhism when we will get "absolute majority" at the Centre. We wanted to do this because we can make a difference to the religion by taking along with us millions of people. If we convert without power then only we two will be converting. But when you have power you can really create a stir," she said.


    Ram was a diabetic. He suffered a heart attack in 1994, an arterial clot in his brain in 1995, and a stroke in 2003.
    He died in New Delhi on 9 October 2006 of a severe heart attack. He had been virtually bed-ridden for more than two years.
    According to his wishes, his funeral rites were performed as per Buddhist tradition, with Mayawati lighting the pyre. His ashes were placed in an urn and kept at Prerna Sthal, where many people paid their respects.
    In his condolence message, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh described Ram as "one of the greatest social reformers of our time .. his political ideas and movements had a significant impact on our political evolution ... He had a larger understanding of social change and was able to unite various underprivileged sections of our society and provide a political platform where their voices would be heard." Under Ram's leadership, the BSP won 14 parliamentary seats in the 1999 federal elections.

    Dular Chand Gahmari
     Raj Kumar
    *मां मुझे सेहरा नहीं कफन चाहिऐ*
    पूना से जाने के बाद साहब कांशीराम जी का गांव से संपर्क खत्म हो चुका था लेकिन परिवार के सदस्यों को यह जानकारी रहती थी कि साहब बहुत बड़े-बड़े कार्यक्रम करते हैं तथा समाज को मानसिक रुप से तैयार करके एक निश्चित उदेश्य के लिए अपनी सारी ऊर्जा लगा रहें हैं इसी दौर में रोपड (पंजाब) में एक कार्यक्रम का आयोजन किया गया जिसमें साहब को मुख्य वक्ता के रुप में बुलाया उधर साहब के गांव ख्वासपुर में ये सूचना मिलते ही परिवार के लोगों ने आपस में चर्चा की और साहब की माता बिशन कौर ने साहब के पिता हरि सिंह को साहब से मिलकर घर लेकर आने का आग्रह किया तो पिता हरि सिंह जी ने कार्यक्रम मे जाने से मना कर दिया और कहा कि अगर तुम्हें जाना है तो जाओ मैं नहीं जाना चाहता।
    तब माता बिशन कौर छोटे-छोटे हरबंस को साथ लेकर कार्यक्रम में पहुंच गई वहां बहुत बड़ा कार्यक्रम था और भारी संख्या में भीड़ एकत्र थी साहब अपना लक्ष्य सामने मौजूद भीड़ को अपने भाषण के माध्यम से बता रहे थे इस नेक कार्यक्रम और साहब की इस तरह की विचारधारा को सुनते हुए माता बिशन कौर लगातार रोती रही जैसे ही कार्यक्रम समाप्त हुआ तो माता बिशन कौर साहब को चिपक कर जोर-जोर से रोने लगी इतने साल बाद अपने बेटे के चेहरे को देखने का मौका मिला है तो मां की ममता न रुक सकी और जो उलाहने माता देना चाहती थी वो उलाहने देती रही काफी देर बाद साहब ने मां को शांत किया और घर परिवार की चर्चा होने लगी तब मां ने कहा कि बेटा समाज की रीति रिवाज के अनुसार बड़े बेटे की शादी की जाती है उसके बाद छोटे की शादी की जाती है तेरे कारण हमने छोटे बच्चों की शादी भी नहीं की है इसलिए घर चल मैं मरने से पहले तेरे सिर पर सेहरा देखना चाहती हूं।
    साहब इस बात पर मुस्कुराए और कहने लगे कि मां तुझे अभी भी मेरी शादी कि चिंता है, गंभीर होते हुए साहब ने कहा *मां मुझे सेहरा नहीं कफन दो... क्योंकि मैं मर चुका हूँ ये बात सुनकर मां और जोर से रोने लगी बडी मुश्किल से साहब ने मां को फिर चुप किया और कहा कि मां मेरा व्यक्तिगत घर परिवार नहीं है समस्त बहुजन समाज ही मेरा परिवार है रही बात शादी की मैं पहले ही कह चुका हूँ मैं आजीवन शादी नहीं करुंगा | रही बात घर जाने की अगर आप लोग मेरे से मिलना चाहो तो इसी तरह के कार्यक्रमों में आकर मिल लेना क्योंकि मेरे पास समय बहुत कम है और काम ज्यादा है इस प्रकार लंबी बातचीत करने के बाद साहब अगले कार्यक्रम के लिए आगे बढ गए और मां बिशन कौर रोते-रोते खाली हाथ गांव लौट आई।
    जब एक आदमी के जीवन का निश्चित मकसद बन जाता है तो उस मिशन में जज्बातों और भावनाओं को तवज्जों नहीं दी जाती और जो आदमी भावनाओं में बहकर अपने कदम रोक देता है वह जिंदगी मैं अपना लक्ष्य हासिल नहीं कर सकता।
    5 दिसंबर,1993 को एक पत्रकार वार्ता में साहब से पूछा गया कि आपकी शादी कब हुई? साहब ने जवाब दिया - "मेैैंने शादी नहीं की है। जब मेरी शादी होने की बात चल रही थी तो मैंने फैसला किया कि मुझे सामाजिक और राजनीतिक जीवन में रहना है, तो मुझे शादी नहीं करनी चाहिए मेरा कोई अपना परिवार मोहमाया का जंजाल नहीं है |"

    Krishna Kohli

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    Krishna Kohli

    Member of the Senate of Pakistan
    Assumed office
    12 March 2018
    Personal details
    Born1 February 1979 (age 39)
    Political partyPakistan Peoples Party
    Alma materUniversity of Sindh
    Nickname(s)Kishoo Bai
    Krishna Kumari Kohli (Sindhi: ڪرشن ڪماري ڪوهلي‎ Urdu: کرشنا کماری کوہلی‎; born 1 February 1979), also known by the nickname Kishoo Bai, is a Pakistani politician who has been the member of the Senate of Pakistan since March 2018. She is the first Hindu Dalit woman and the second Hindu woman to hold this position. She is known for her campaigns for women's rights and against bonded labour.

    Early life and education

    Kohli was born on 1 February 1979 to a poor family hailing from a village in Nagarparkar.When she was a child and a student of grade three, she and her family were held captive for three years as bonded labourers in a private jail allegedly owned by a landlord in Umerkot District. They were only released after a police raid on their employer's land. She received her early education initially from Umerkot district and then from Mirpurkhas District.
    She got married at the age of 16 in 1994 while she was studying in grade nine. She continued her education after her marriage and in 2013 earned a master's degree in Sociology from the University of Sindh.
    In 2007, she attended the third Mehergarh Human Rights Youth Leadership Training Camp in Islamabad in which she studied the government of Pakistan, international migration, strategic planning and learned about the tools that could be used to create social change.

    Political career

    Kohli joined the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) as a social activist to campaign for the rights of marginalised communities in the Thar region. She also campaigns for women's rights, against bonded labour, and against sexual harassment in the workplace. In 2018, she was elected to the Senate of Pakistan in the Pakistan Senate elections as a PPP candidate on a reserved seat for women from Sindh. She took oath as Senator on 12 March 2018. She became the first Hindu Dalit woman and the second Hindu woman elected to the Senate after Ratna Bhagwandas Chawla

    K. Pratibha Bharati

    K. Pratibha Bharati
    Speaker of Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly
    In office
    1999 - 2004
    Preceded byYanamala Rama Krishnudu
    Succeeded byK. R. Suresh Reddy
    Personal details
    Born6 February 1956
    Kavali, Srikakulam district
    Political partyTelugu Desam Party
    K. Pratibha Bharati (born 6 February 1956) is a politician from the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh.She is a former speaker of the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly (1999-2004). She was the first woman speaker in Andhra Pradesh's history. She was Minister of Social Welfare 1983, 1985 and 1994 and 1998 of Higher Education. She is a member of India Regional party named Telugu Desam

    Pratibha Bharati was born into a politically active Dalit family in Kavali in the Srikakulam district. Her father (K. Punnaiah) and grandfather (K. Narayana) had previously served as Members of the Legislative Assembly.


    NameKumari Selja
    Constituency from which I am electedAmbala
    Father's NameLate Choudhury Dalbir Singh
    Mother's Name
    Date of Birth9/24/1962
    Birth PlaceChandigarh
    Maritial StatusUnmarried
    Date of Marriage-NA-
    No. of ChildrenNo.of Sons:0   No.of Daughters:0
    State NameHaryana
    Party NameIndian National Congress
    Permanent Address87, Durrand Road,Ambala Cantt. HaryanaTel. (0171) 2631272
    Present Address7, Motilal Nehru Marg,New Delhi - 110 011Tels (011) 23061242, 23061928, 23384173 (O) Telefax: (011) 23018074, 23018269 (R), Fax: (011) 23061780 (O)
    Educational QualificationsM.A., M.Phil. Educated at Convent of Jesus & Mary, New Delhi, Graduation and Post-graduation from Panjab University, Chandigarh
    Positions Held
    1/1/1990Joint Secretary, All India Mahila Congress
    1/1/1991Elected to 10th Lok Sabha
    1/2/1991Member, Executive Commitee, Congress Parliamentary Party
    1/1/1992Union Deputy Minister, Deptt. of Education & Culture, Ministry of Human Resource Development
    1/1/1995Union Minister of State,Department of Education and Culture,Ministry of Human Resource Development
    1/1/1996Re-elected to 11th Lok Sabha (2nd term)
    3/3/1996Member, Executive Committee, Congress Parliamentary Party
    4/1/1996Secretary and Spokesperson, All India Congress Committee
    1/1/2004Re-elected to 14th Lok Sabha (3rd term)
    2/1/2004Union Minister of State (Independent Charge) Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation
    1/1/2005Elected Member of the Governing Board of Commonwealth Local Government Forum
    1/1/2007Elected President of 21st Governing Council of UN Habitat for a two year term
    1/1/2009Re-elected to 15th Lok Sabha (4th term)
    2/1/2009Union Cabinet Minister, Housing and Urban Proverty Alleviation and Tourism
    1/1/2011Union Cabinet Minister, Minister of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation
    1/2/2011Union Cabinet Minister, Culture
    Social and Cultural ActivitiesWorked for empowerment of Women and for upliftment of marginal and disadvantaged groups
    Special InterestsContemporary economic and political issues, inclusive growth and environmental concerns in the developing world and habitat and related issues facing the urban poor
    Sports and ClubsMember, (i) Army Golf Club; (ii) India Habitat Centre; and (iii) India International Centre
    Favourite Pastimes and RecreationReading on socio-economic, environmental and habitat related issues, travelling to untouched destinations, listen to all genres of music
    Countries VisitedWidely travelled
    Other InformationMember, Commonwealth Women Parliamentarian Steering Committee to represent India Region of Commonwealth Parliamentary Association; Elected Chairperson of the Commonwealth Consultative Group on Human Settlements (CCGHS)

    Selja Kumari was born in New Delhi to the Dalit leader Chaudhary Dalbir Singh. She studied at the Convent of Jesus and Mary, New Delhi and has a M.Phil from Punjab University

    Political career

    She began her political career in the Mahila Congress becoming its President in 1990. One of the seniormost dalit leaders within the Congress party, she was elected to the 10th Lok Sabha in 1991 from Sirsa in Haryana. She was Union Minister of State for Education and Culture in the Narasimha Rao-led Congress government. Despite the Congress debacle in Haryana in 1996, she was re-elected to the 11th Lok Sabha.

    In 2004, she was elected to the Lok Sabha representing the Ambala constituency of Haryana. She was Union Minister of State (Independent Charge) Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation in the Manmohan Singh-led UPA government.On 16 May 2009, she was once again re-elected from the same constituency, making this her second consecutive victory from Ambala and was given an elevation to Cabinet rank holding portfolios of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation and Culture.

    Krishna Tirath

    From Wikipedia,

    Krishna Tirath
    Smt. Krishna Tirath
    Constituency North West Delhi
    Personal details
    Born 3 March 1955 (age 57)
    Karol Bagh, New Delhi
    Political party INC
    Spouse(s) Vijay Kumar
    Children 3 daughters
    Residence New Delhi
    As of September 16, 2006

    Krishna Tirath (born 3 March 1955) is a member of the 15th Lok Sabha of India. She represents the North West Delhi constituency of Delhi and is a member of the Indian National Congress (INC) political party.

    She began her political career as a M.L.A in Delhi and was a member of the Delhi Legislative Assembly between 1984-2004. In 1998, she became the Minister for Social Welfare, SC & ST and Labour & Employment in the Sheila Dikshit led Delhi government. The Chief Minister saw her as a part of the dissident group and forced to resign from her post by dissolving her entire Cabinet. On her resignation in 2003, she became Deputy Speaker of the Delhi Assembly.

    In the 2004 elections she trounced Anita Arya of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and was elected to parliament. In 2009 elections, She again elected from North West Delhi by defeating Meera Kanwaria of BJP

    She has been inducted into Manmohan Singh's cabinet as the Minister for Women and Child Development.

     Minister of Women and Child Development

    As Minister for Women and Child Development, Tirath stated that the government's priorities would be to "support holistic empowerment of women, ensure adequate and universal availability of supplementary nutrition for children, adolescent girls and expectant mothers and build a protective environment for children where they can develop and flourish as responsible and happy citizens of the society."

    Tirath has proposed that working Indian husbands pay a portion of their income to their wives. The goal is to calculate the value of housework, and to socially empower women for the work they do at home.

    In a 2012 meeting with United States Secretary of Health and Human Services Kathleen Sebelius, Tirath stated her concern for malnutrition among children in India. She emphasized the importance of agencies like Integrated Child Development Services for implementing improvements in education, immunization and supplementary nutrition, in order to alleviate child mortality

    Lahori RamEconomic Devolpment Commisioner, California

    NameSmt. Meira Kumar
    Constituency from which I am electedSasaram
    Father's NameLate Shri Jagjivan Ram
    Mother's NameSmt. Indrani Devi
    Date of Birth3/31/1945
    Birth PlacePatna (Bihar)
    Maritial StatusMarried
    Date of Marriage11/29/1968
    Spouse NameShri Manjul Kumar
    No. of ChildrenNo.of Sons:1   No.of Daughters:2
    State NameBihar
    Party NameIndian National Congress
    Permanent Address
    Present Address(i) 20, Akbar Road, New Delhi - 110 011 Tels. (011) 23014011, 23014022 Fax. (011) 23016212
    Educational QualificationsM.A., LL.B, Advanced Diploma in Spanish Educated at Indraprastha College and Miranda House, University of Delhi (Delhi) and Madrid (Spain)
    Positions Held
    1/1/1985Elected to 8th Lok Sabha
    1/1/1990General-Secretary, All India Congress Committee (A.I.C.C.)
    1/1/1994Member, Congress Working Committee (C.W.C.)
    1/1/1996Re-elected to 11th Lok Sabha (2nd term)
    1/2/1996Member, Public Accounts Committee
    1/3/1996Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of External Affairs
    1/3/1996Member, Joint committee on the Empowerment of Women and its Sub-Committee on Education and Health Programmes for Women
    1/4/1996Member, Committee on Home Affairs and its Sub-Committee on Personnel policy of Central Para- Military Forces (CPMFs)
    1/1/1998Re-elected to 12th Lok Sabha (3rd term)
    1/1/2004Re-elected to 14th Lok Sabha (4th term)
    1/3/2004Union Cabinet Minister, Social Justice and Empowerment
    1/4/2004Union Cabinet Minister, Water Resources
    1/5/2004Member, Inter-Parliamentary Union
    1/6/2004President, Executive Committee, Indian Parliamentary Group
    1/1/2009Re-elected to 15th Lok Sabha (5th term)
    1/2/2009Speaker, Lok Sabha
    1/3/2009Chairperson, Rules Committee
    1/1/2010Chairperson, Standing Committee, CSPOC
    Social and Cultural ActivitiesPresident (i) All India Samta Movement (also its Founder)1990 ; (ii) RVAKV Society (Institute of Blind Girls),1992-98; (iii) Ravidas Smarak Society, Varanasi, 2000; (iv) Jagjivan Seva Ashram, Sasaram, 2002;Chairperson(i) Meera Kala Mandir, Udaipur, 2000; and (ii) Jagjivan Ram Sanatorium, Dehri-on-Sone,2002; Vice-Chairperson, Rajendra Bhawan Trust, Delhi, 1987; Managing Trustee, Jagjivan Ashram Trust, Delhi, 1985-2004; Member (i) Senate, Bihar University, 1969-71; (ii)Supreme Court Bar Association, 1980; (iii) Senate, Punjab University, 1987-91; (iv) Governing Body, Indian Council of Cultural Relations (I.C.C.R.), 1987-92; (v) Central Advisory Board of Education, 1986-89 and 2004 onwards; (vi) Advisory Council, Delhi Development Authority, 1998-99; (vii) National Commission on Population (current); and (viii) National Integration Council (current)
    Special InterestsVisiting old Monuments, Indian Textiles and Craft
    Sports and ClubsRifle shooting and equestrian; Member (i) India International Centre, New Delhi; (ii) India Habitat Centre, New Delhi; and (iii) National Sports Club of India, New Delhi
    Favourite Pastimes and RecreationReading and Indian classical music
    Countries VisitedWidely travelled
    Other Information
    Leader, Indian Parliamentary Delegation to (i) Nairobi, Kenya, September, 2010; (ii) Berne and Geneva, July, 2010; (iii) Mongolia, June, 2010; (iv) Hungary and Luxembourg, June, 2010; (v) Bhutan, May, 2010; (vi) Swaziland, May, 2010; (vii) Bangkok, March-April, 2010; (viii) Mauritius, January, 2010; (ix) New York, November, 2009; (x) Geneva, October, 2009; (xi) Tanzania, September-October, 2009; (xii) Rome, September, 2009; (xiii) Austria, September 2009; ; and (xiv) Detroit, USA for Conference on Democracy; Head, Congress Party Delegation to (i) inaugurate Indian National Congress of America, San Francisco; (ii) World Conference on Solidarity with Cuba, Havana; (iii) POSSAC Conference, Athens, Greece; and (iv)Indian Non-Government Delegation to UN Preparatory Committee Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, Geneva; Member (i) Congress Party Delegation to Mauritius for MMM Conference; (ii) Indian Delegation to the UN General Assembly; (iii) All Party Delegation of MPs to Conference on Towards Détente in the Sub-Continent, Pakistan; (iv) Official delegation accompanying the President of India on State visit to Mauritius; and (v) Indian Delegation to Peoples Democratic Republic of Yemen and Yemen Arab Republic; accompanied the then President of India, Dr. Abdul Kalam on State visit to Tanzania and South Africa; actively participating in movements pertaining to social reforms, human rights and democracy; as Chairperson, National Drought Relief Committee of the Congress Party during the century`s worst drought in 1967, launched a Family Adoption Scheme under which drought-affected families were adopted by affluent families; joined IFS in 1973 and resigned in 1985; served in Embassy of India, Madrid (Spain), 1976-77; High Commision of India, London, 1977-79 and Ministry of External Affairs, 1980-85; being committted to human rights and abolition of caste system, visited every place where atrocities were committed against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes during the last 20 years; held meetings/ demonstrations, courted arrest and filed Public Interest Litigation cases in Supreme Court to ensure justice to them; Member (i) Court of Jawaharlal Nehru University, 1998-99; (ii) Court of University of Delhi since 1996-98; and (iii) Rajghat Samadhi Committee, 1998-99; (iv) Inter-Parliamentary Group, 1985; (v) Telephone Advisory Committee, 1997-98; and (vi) ZRUCC (Main) Delhi, Ministry of Railways, 1998-99.

    Mayawati Kumari - President of Bahujan Samaj Party 
    .Mayawati Kumari
    • 23rd, 24th, 30th and 32nd
    • Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh
    Assumed office
    13 May 2007
    Preceded byMulayam Singh Yadav
    In office
    3 May 2002 – 29 August 2003
    Preceded byPresident's rule
    Succeeded byMulayam Singh Yadav
    In office
    21 March 1997 – 21 September 1997
    Preceded byPresident's rule
    Succeeded byKalyan Singh
    In office
    3 June 1995 – 18 October 1995
    Preceded byMulayam Singh Yadav
    Succeeded byPresident's rule
    Personal details
    Born15 January 1956 (age 55)
    New Delhi
    Political partyBahujan Samaj Party
    RelationsSix brothers and two sisters
    Alma materUniversity of Delhi
    Meerut University
    Mayawati (Hindi: मायावती) (born 15 January 1956) is the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, India. She heads the Bahujan Samaj Party, which represents the Bahujans or Dalits, the weakest strata of Indian society. This is her fourth term as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. An icon and an inspiration for millions of India's Dalits, who were oppressed by the Hindu upper castes for centuries, she is often referred to as Behen-ji, which means sister.

    Mayawati's rise from humble beginnings has been called a "miracle of democracy" by P. V. Narasimha Rao, former Prime Minister of India. In 1993 she formed a coalition with the Samajwadi Party and emerged, at 39, the youngest chief minister of Uttar Pradesh and the first Dalit woman Chief Minister in India In 1997 and in 2002, she was Chief Minister in coalition with the Bharatiya Janata Party, the second time for a full term. In two of these coalitions, she withdrew her support halfway through the term.

    Mayawati's tenure has attracted considerable controversy. She is now India's richest Chief Minister The rise in her personal wealth and that of her party are described by critics as indicators of corruption. Acts such as pulling down a stadium to build a monument to leaders of her party, including herself, are seen as whimsical and arbitrary, and her style has been compared to "running a fiefdom".

    Personal life

    Personal life

    Mayawati was born in New Delhi at Shrimati Sucheta Kriplani Hospital, to Ram Rati and Prabhu Das. Mayawati's father Prabhu Das was a post office employee at BadalpurGautam Buddha NagarPrabhu Das, retired as section head from Postal department, Government of India. Badalpur, Gautam Buddha Nagar, Uttar Pradesh is her ancestral village.Her family belonged to the scheduled caste Hindu Jatav subcaste of the Chamar community.The "family's small income" was spent on sending the sons to private schools while the daughters went to "low-performing government schools".

    Mayawati was a good student and did two degrees – a Bachelors of Arts and an LL.B. (Law) from Kalindi Women's College under the University of Delhi. Subsequently, she did her B.Ed from VMLG College, GhaziabadShe was working as a teacher in Inderpuri JJ Colony, Delhi, and studying for the Indian Administrative Services exams, when Dalit politician Kanshi Ram came to their house in 1977. According to biographer Ajoy Bose, Kanshi Ram said, "I can make you such a big leader one day that not one but a whole row of IAS officers will line up for your orders." She was part of Kanshi Ram's team when he founded the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in 1984. In 1989 she was elected to the parliament from Bijnor.

    At Kanshi Ram's funeral ceremonies in 2006, Mayawati said they had both been following Buddhist traditions and customs. Her act of performing the last rites of Kanshi Ram (Hindi: दाह-संस्कार, traditionally done by a male heir) was an instance of their views against gender discrimination. She has indicated that she may formally convert to Buddhism at some point.

    She worked as a teacher in Delhi (Inderpuri JJ Colony). In 1977, Dalit politician Kanshi Ram became very influential in her life resulting in her joining his core team when he founded the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in 1984. Shortly after, she changed her career path and entered politics full time.

    At Kanshi Ram's funeral ceremonies in 2006, Mayawati said they had both been following Buddhist traditions and customs. Her act of performing the last rites (Hindi: दाह-संस्कार) of Kanshi Ram has set an example of her and Kanshi Ram's views against gender discrimination. She said that she will convert to Buddhism after getting an absolute majority at the Centre.

    Political career

    In 1984 Kanshi Ram founded the BSP as a party to represent the Dalits and Buddhists. Mayawati was a key member of this organization. BSP fielded Mayawati for its first election campaign from the Kairana Lok Sabha (Lower House) seat in the Muzaffarnagar district in 1984, and then again for the Lok Sabha seats of Bijnor in 1985 and Haridwar in 1987. In 1989 she was elected for Loksabha seat of Bijnor with a total of 1,83,189 votes.

    Although BSP did not win, the electoral experience led to considerable activity for Mayawati over the next five years, as she worked with Mahsood Ahmed and other organizers. In the 1989 election, the party won 9% of the popular vote and 13 seats. It won 11 seats in the 1991 election. Because the Dalits are widely spread over the state, Kanshi Ram and Mayawati then adopted a policy of attracting other groups, which continues today.

    Mayawati won for the first time in the Lok Sabha elections of 1989 from Bijnor. In 1995, while a member of the Rajya Sabha (Upper House), she became a Chief Minister in a short-lived coalition government, and validated her position by winning from two constituencies in 1996. She was again Chief Minister for a short period in 1997, and then for a somewhat longer term in coalition with the Bharatiya Janata Party from 2002 to 2003. Before that in 2001 her mentor, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) president Kanshi Ram named her as his successor. Mayawati has said in an interview that she has no time for family life or romantic relationships because she wants to focus on her political career and this is why she remains unmarried.

    2007 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections

    Contrary to some poll predictions, BSP won a majority in the 2007 elections, the first such majority since 1991. Mayawati managed to attract support from Brahmins, Thakurs, Muslims and members of other backward classes. These people voted for a Dalit party for the first time, partly because BSP had offered seats to people from these communities. The campaign was accompanied by a colorful slogan: Haathi nahin, Ganesh hain, Brahma, Vishnu Mahesh Hain: "The elephant (BSP Logo) is really the Lord Ganesha, the trinity of gods rolled into one". Her new slogan invited everyone, including the higher castes, to "come ride the elephant", her party's election symbol.

    Chief Minister, 2007

    Mayawati was sworn in as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh for the fourth time on 13 May 2007. She announced an agenda that focused on providing social justice to the weaker sections of society and providing employment instead of distributing money to the unemployed. Her slogan is to make "Uttar Pradesh" ("Northern Province") into "Uttam Pradesh" ("Excellent Province").

    In 2007 Mayawati's government began a major crackdown on irregularities in the recruitment process of police officers recruited during the previous Mulayam Singh government. So far 17,868 policemen have lost their jobs for irregularities in the recruitment process and 25 IPS officers were suspended for their involvement in corruption while recruiting the police constables.Mayawati is instituting reforms to introduce transparency into the recruiting process, including posting results of selection exams online.

    As part of her social reform plans she advocates reservation for the poor among upper castes in addition to reservation for weaker sections of society. Reservation in India is a system whereby a percentage of government positions and seats in all universities are reserved for persons in backward classes and scheduled castes and tribes.

    2009 parliamentary elections

    Mayawati's BSP did not meet expectations[by whom?] in the 2009 general elections. The BSP, which was expected to win more than 35 seats[why?] in Lok Sabha from the state of Uttar Pradesh, succeeded in winning only 20 seats. The BSP obtained the highest percentage (27. 42%) of votes in Uttar Pradesh for any one political party. It was in third position in terms of national polling percentage (6.17%).

    Disproportionate assets case

    Mayawati's assets run into millions of dollars with several properties to her name. In 2007-08 assessment year, Mayawati paid an income tax of Rupees 26 crores, ranking among the top 20 taxpayers in the country. Earlier the CBI had filed a case against her for owning assets disproportionate to her known sources of income. Mayawati described the CBI investigation against her as illegal. Her party asserts that her income comes from gifts and small contributions made by party workers and supporters. Some of the assets uncovered by the CBI in 2003 were:

    1. 41 agricultural plots
    2. 16 residential plots
    3. 7 shops
    4. 3 orchards
    5. 2 shops-cum-residences located in and around Delhi
    6. 1 mansion in her ancestral village of Badalpur, built on a 30,000-square-yard (25,000 m2) estate.

    While the source of the funds was given as voluntary donations, CBI found at least 50 sweepers, hawkers, and rickshaw-pullers who had been asked to open bank accounts and sign blank cheques from which these funds eventually originated.

    Wikileaks allegations

    Diplomatic cables published in 2011 through Wikileaks detailing the opinions of American civil servants asserted that Mayawati ran all governmental decisions through her small group of advisors and that she employed food tasters for security.The diplomatic cables also alleged that Mayawati sent a private jet to Mumbai to retrieve some sandals. Mayawati responded to the cables by saying that the statements they presented were baseless.


    In her tenures as a Chief Minister, Mayawati erected number of statues of Buddhist and Dalit icons like Bhimrao Ambedkar, Shahuji Maharaj, Gautam Buddha, BSP founder Kanshi Ram, and of herself. The statues and the memorial parks in which they are erected are said to have cost the state Rs. 2000 crore. The Supreme Court of India admitted a Public Interest Litigation questioning this expenditure. She maintains that the statues are symbols of Dalit assertion and the expenditure was required because the past governments did not show respect towards Dalit icons, in whose memory nothing was ever built. In February 2010, Mayawati's government approved a plan for a special police force to protect the statues. She feared that her political opponents might demolish the statues. There are incidents of vandalis

    Mohinder Singh Kaypee

    From Wikipedia

    Mohinder Singh K.P. -Aug.2009
    Mohinder Singh Kaypee (born 7 November 1956) is an Indian politician and member of Indian National Congress. He was a member of the Indian Parliament during previous Congress Regime at Centre and represented Jalandhar (Lok Sabha constituency). But in 2014 Parliamentary elections he lost to BJP Candidate from Hoshiarpur. He also remained MLA and Minister in Captain Amarinder Singh Govt. During 2002-07. 

    Mayawati Kumari – President of Bahujan Samaj Party and Chief Minister UP
    Phool Chand Mullana – President, Haryana Pradesh Congress Committee. Former Education Minister Haryana, India
    Samsher Singh Dulon – Ex President of the Punjab Congress &Ex M.P

    Mallikarjun Kharge

    Mallikarjun Kharge

    Minister for Labour and Employment
    Assumed office
    29 May 2009
    Prime MinisterManmohan Singh
    Preceded byOscar Fernandes

    Personal details
    Born21 July 1942 (age 70)
    Warwatti, Bidar, India
    Political partyINC
    Spouse(s)Radhabai Kharge
    Mallikarjun Kharge, (born 21 July 1942) is an Indian politician and currently the Union Minister of Labour and Employment of the Republic of India. He is a member of the 15th Lok Sabha of India. He represents the Gulbarga constituency of Karnataka and is a member of the Indian National Congress (INC) political party.
    He is a senior Karnataka politician and was the Leader of the Opposition in the Karnataka Legislative Assembly prior to contesting the 2009 General Elections. Prior to that he was the President of Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee during the 2008 Karnataka State Assembly Elections.
    He has won elections for a record 10 consecutive times having won the Assembly elections for an unprecedented 9 consecutive times (1972, 1979, 1983, 1985, 1989, 1994, 1999, 2004, 2008) and the recent 2009 General Elections from Gulbarga. Kharge is considered a competent leader with a clean public image and well versed in the dynamics of politics, legislation and administration.

    Mallikarjun Kharge was born in Warwatti, Karnataka to Mapanna Kharge and Sabavva. He finished his schooling from Nutan Vidyalaya in Gulbarga and went on to obtain a Bachelor of Arts degree from the Government College, Gulbarga and his Law degree from the Seth Shankarlal Lahoti Law College in Gulbarga. He started his legal practise as a junior in Justice Shivraj Patil's office and fought cases for labour unions early in his legal career.Early life and background

    Early career

    Kharge started his political career as a student union leader while in the Government College, Gulbarga when he was elected as the General Secretary of the students' body. In 1969, he became the legal advisor to the MSK Mills Employees' Union. He was also an influential labour union leader of Samyukta Majdoor Sangha and led many agitations fighting for the rights of labourers. In 1969, he joined the Indian National Congress and became President of the Gulbarga City Congress Committee

    Political career

    He first contested for the Karnataka State Assembly elections in 1972 and won from Gurmitkal constituency.

    In 1973, he was appointed as the Chairman of the Octroi Abolition Committee which went into the question of revitalising the economy of the municipal and civic bodies in the state of Karnataka. Based on its report, the then Devaraj Urs Government abolished the levy of octroi at multiple points.

    In 1974, he was appointed as the Chairman of State owned Leather Development Corporation and worked to improve the living conditions of thousands of cobblers who were indulging in leather tanning industry. Work sheds cum residences were built across the state for their benefit during this time.

    In 1976, he was appointed as the Minister of State for Primary Education, during which time, over 16,000 backlog vacancies of SC/STs teachers were filled up by recruiting them directly into the service. Grants under Grant-in-aid code were given to schools run by SC/ST managements for the first time.

    In 1978, he was elected for the second time as MLA from Gurmitkal constituency and was appointed as Minister of State for Rural Development and Panchayat Raj in the Devaraj Urs ministry.

    In 1980, he became the Minister for Revenue in the Gundu Rao Cabinet. During this time, the focus was on effective Land Reforms resulting in giving occupancy rights to millions of land-less tillers and labourers. More than 400 land tribunals were constituted to expedite the transfer of land rights to the tillers.

    In 1983, he was elected for the third time to the Karnataka Assembly from Gurmitkal.

    In 1985, he was elected for the fourth time to the Karnataka Assembly from Gurmitkal and was appointed as the Deputy Leader of the Opposition in the Karnataka Assembly.

    In 1989, he was elected for the fifth time to the Karnataka Assembly from Gurmitkal.

    In 1990, he joined Bangarappa’s Cabinet as the Minister for Revenue, Rural Development and Panchayat Raj, portfolios he had held earlier and brought about significant change. Restarting the Land Reforms process that had stopped in the interim, resulted in hundreds of thousands of acres of land being registered in the name of the landless tillers.

    Between, 1992 and 1994, he was the Minister for Co-operation, Medium and Large Industries in the Veerappa Moily Cabinet.

    In 1994, he was elected for the sixth time to the Karnataka Assembly from Gurmitkal and became the Leader of the Opposition in the Assembly.

    In 1999, he was elected for the seventh time to the Karnataka Assembly and was a front runner to the post of Chief Minister of Karnataka. He became Minister for Home in the S. M. Krishna Cabinet during a particularly trying time for Karnataka especially the Rajkumar kidnap by the notorious poacher Veerappan and the Cauvery Riots.

    In 2004, he was elected for the eighth consecutive time to the Karnataka Assembly and was once again considered a front runner to the post of the Chief Minister of Karnataka. He became the Minister for Transport and Water Resources in the Dharam Singh led coalition government.

    In 2005, he was appointed as the President of the Karnataka Pradesh Congress Committee. In the Panchayat elections held soon after, Congress won the largest number of seats compared to BJP and JD(S) indicating a revival of the Congress fortunes in the rural areas of Karnataka. .

    In 2008, he was elected for the record ninth consecutive time to the Assembly from Chitapur. Though the Congress party put up a better show when compared to the 2004 elections, the Congress lost the elections with a majority of the senior leaders losing. He was appointed as the Leader of the Opposition for the second time in 2008. In 2009, Kharge contested the General Elections from Gulbarga Parliamentary constituency and won his tenth consecutive election.

     Union Minister

    In May, 2009, Kharge was appointed as the Minister for Labour and Employment in Manmohan Singh Cabinet.

     Philanthropic and Social Activities

    He is the Founder-Chairman of Siddharth Vihar Trust that has built the inspiring Buddha Vihar in Gulbarga, India. The Buddhist Temple was inaugurated by the President of India on January 7, 2009.

    The idol of Buddha was consecrated by The Dalai Lama on January 19, 2009 along with several religious leaders including the Sri Sri Ravi Shankar, Murugha Rajendra Sharanaru of Chitradurga, Chennamalla Swamiji of Manavdharma Peeta Nidumamidi, Robert Michel Miranda, the Bishop of Gulbarga, Sharanabasappa Appa of Sharanabasaveshwara Samsthana.

    He is the Patron of Chowdiah Memorial Hall which is one of the premier concert and theater venues in Bangalore and helped the centre get over its debts and aided the centre’s plans for renovation.

    Personal life

    Mallikarjun Kharge is married to Radhabai and has 5 children - 2 daughters and 3 sons.

    Giani Ditt Singh
     download“A scholar, poet,editor of Khalsa Akhbar and an eminent Singh Sabha reformer.”
    Singh was born as ‘Ditta Ram’ on 21,April 1850 in village Kalaur,Fatehgarh Sahib to Divan Singh.He studied Gurmukhi,Prosody,Vedanta & Urdu in Tior at Ropar.At 16,he went Gulabdasi centre at Chhathianvala(Kasur).Formally initiated into the sect of Sant Desa Singh,he became a Gulabdasi preacher.Singh was drawn into the Sikh fold through Bhai Gurmukh Singh,was active figure of Singh Sabha movement.He was married to Bishan Kaur in a Sikh rite at Lahore in 1880 & had 2 children Baldev Singh & Vidyavant Kaur. In 1886,he became a principal contributor to and subsequently the second editor of the weekly Khalsa Akhbar Lahore,founded by Bhai Gurmukh Singh.He had passed the Gyani examination the same year and was appointed a teacher at the Oriental College.He used the Khalsa Akhbar as a vehicle for the spread of Singh Sabha ideology.
    When the Amritsar Khalsa Diwan excommunicated Bhai Gurmukh Singh, Ditt Singh responded by publishing excerpts from his book Svapan Natak, a thinly veiled satire ridiculing the Amritsar leaders, in the Khalsa Akhbar. This resulted in a lawsuit filed by one of the targets of the satire, which, although eventually dismissed, cost the Khalsa Akhbar dearly in time and money to defend. The paper shut down in 1889. With support from the Maharaja of Nahba, the paper resumed publication in 1893, again under Ditt Singh as editor. This led to the eventual launch of an English-language weekly, titled simply Khalsa.Through all of his Sikh Sabha activities,Singh had maintained his ties to the Arya Samaj,but in 1888, the increasing discord between the Arya Samaj and Sikh gurus led to Singh’s ultimate departure from the movement. After this,he threw himself entirely into the work of the Singh Sabha movement.As an educator, Singh helped in the setting up of Khalsa College, Amritsar, and wrote textbooks for the students of the college.During a religious gathering in 1877 at Lahore, Singh visited Dayanand Saraswatito know his mind and to know his ideals“.Singh published these dialogues in his book Sadhu Daya Nand Naal Mera Sambad which is considered major texts of Sikh philosophy along with Durga Parbodh.Well-known among his works are- (Guru Nanak Prabodh,GuruArjan Chariltar,Dambh Bidaran,Durga Prabodh,Panth Prabodh,Raj Prabodh,Mera ate Sadhu Dayanand da Sambad,Naqh Siah Prabodh,Panth Sudhar Binai Pattar,Abla Naari.)He also published accounts of the martyrdoms of Tara Singh of Van, Subeg Singh, Matab Singh Mirankotia, Taru Singh and Bota Singh.The death of Singh’s daughter was a great blow to Singh,who was already suffering exhaustion from his workload as leader of the Singh Sabha movement.He continued to work, but his health deteriorated rapidly and he fell seriously ill. Singh died at Lahore on 6 September 1901.
    After Singh’s death, Bhai Vir Singh wrote a poem in his honor that was published in the Khalsa Akhbar. In addition, the Giani Ditt Singh Memorial International Society regularly organizes functions to keep Singh’s memory alive.His son Baldev Singh was first Dalit to graduate in Licenciate in Medical Practitioner from Glasgow University.

    Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia
     Babu“An Indian freedom fighter,politician,one of the founder members of the Ghadar Party & Founder of AdDharam Movement”
    Also known as Mangu Ram Chaudhry,born in Jan. 14th,1886 at Muggowal,Hoshiarpur,Punjab to Harman Dass and Atri.. Harman Dass faced discrimination at every step of his life thus did not want his son to face the same problems and enrolled him in school for early education.He got educated by a village saint till the age of 7 & then attended schools in Mugowal area and Dehradun.In most of the schools Mangu Ram was the only Dalit Student.He was forced to sit in back of the classroom or even in separate room and had to listen through the open door.When he attended high school in Bajwara, he was forced to stay outside the building and had to listen to the classes through the windows.But he had to leave school and help his father in his leatherwork.In 1909,many of upper caste farmers from Doab of Punjab had gone to the United States and Mangoo Ram also decided to go.He persuaded his father that it would be good for the business he would send money back from U.S.Amid assurances from some of the local landowners and two fellow caste friends he went to abroad for work.The friends turned back but Mangoo Ram persevered and arrived in California late in 1909.For 4 years he picked fruit for the former Zamindars of his village who had settled in the San Joaquin valley of California . He was also employed in a sugar mill.Mangoo Ram lived first in Fresno & did indeed make money and set his savings home.

    .In 1913 some of the Punjabi settlers in California were forming a militant nationalist organisation. Mangoo joined this group,the Ghadar movement in San Francisco.He was struck by the fact that,as he was later to say, “it was a new society; we were treated as equal”.Initially Mangoo Ram played only a minor role in the organisation but in 1915 he volunteered to be one of five Ghadrites to participate in a dangerous mission involving smuggled weapons shipped from California to the Punjab.He was chosen by then Ghadar Party chief- Sohan Singh Bakhna.The secretary of the Los Angeles where they boarded an intermediary boat after collecting all their personal identification. According to Mangoo Ram, the intermediary boat took them to the Socorro islands to rendezvous with the weapons boat, but after thirteen days military shop from Sydney, the “Man of War”,discovered the timely intervention of an American warship were they spared. They went to Vera Cruz, Mexico,to receive rations.There they finally connected with their weapons boat,the Maverick they joined group, took on giant turtles for food, and headed for India.They were halted again in Hawaii,where Mangoo Ram witnessed the eruption of volcanoes. Free again, they advanced a bit further, perhaps to Java or New Caledonia.There the Japanese,on behalf of the British, imprisoned them for one year. Eventually, the British decided to hang them, but at midnight the night before they were to be hanged at dawn, fate intervened. The Germans spirited them away in the dark, and the five went their separate directions-Harmans Dass and Charan Dass to Bangkok,the others, including Mangoo Ram, to Manila.Then,Mangoo Ram was sequestered in the Philippines in a series of hideouts on various islands Members of the Ghadar party were his benefactors during this period and Mangoo Ram remembers fondly their hospitality and friendship.The war ended in 1918, the Ghadar party was no longer quite the threat its was earlier when it enraged the British by compounding separatism with sedition through its liaison with the Germans. But Mangoo Ram decided to stay in Manila nonetheless. He met an American, a Mr Johnson of Marshall Field and Company who hired him to work in an tea garden.

    In 1925,when was returning India,he saw the original condition of Dalits & pledged to work for their social change & wrote to Ghadar Party headquarters in San Francisco about the difficult conditions of the Dalits in India announcing that their freedom was more important to him than that of the nation itself. Babu Mangoo Ram started teaching in a primary school in his home village which he named Ad Dharm School.He founded Ad Dharm movement for the emancipation and empowerment of his people. He organized all the ex-untouchable castes falling under the then category of the Depressed Classes in Punjab and reminded them of their rich heritage when they used to be the masters of this land. He told them how they were reduced into worse than slaves in their own land by the alien Aryans who brought with them their sick social system called caste and started them oppressing with the whip of untouchability.He got special rights from the Britishers by adding Ad Dharm to the Census list as a separate religion of the Depressed Classes in Punjab in 1931.In 1937, his Ad Dharm won 7 out of all the 8 reserved seats in Punjab. During Dr. Ambedkar’s fight with Mr. MK Gandhi at the Roundtable Conferences in London (1930-32) Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia Ji sent telegrams in support of the former as the leader of the untouchables in India against the latter (MK Gandhi). In 1946, Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia joined Unionist Party and elected to the Punjab Legislative Assembly and remained in legislature till 1952.In 1972 he received recognition in the form of a pension and an award from Indira Gandhi for his work towards Indian independence.In 1977, after the Ad Dharm movement had been re-established, and Mangoo Ram had been again elevated to leadership of the movement, his supporter sent him on a triumphant tour of communities of expatriate lower caste Punjabis in Great Britain.The establishment of movement was the voice against the brahminical society which put Dalits at bottom of the social structure.He was one of the very few visionaries who correctly realized that the real salvation of the downtrodden lies in their total social and cultural transformation.Mangu Ram died in 22,April 1980.


    Manda Krishna Madiga

    • Manda Krishna Madiga (birthname Daruvu Yellaiah; born 7 July 1965) is an Indian politician and activist fighting for the rights of the Madigas through the Madiga Reservation Porata Samiti.
      He added the Madiga surname in 1994.
      Manda Krishna Madiga is an Indian politician and activist fighting for the rights of the madigas. He heads the movement fighting for the rights of the madigas called MRPS. Manda Krishna Madiga leader of the oppressed was born on 7 July 1965 in Madiga family to Komramma and Komraiah in Shayampeta village of Warangal district. The daily experience of caste discrimination, feudal oppression and exploitation of the village life made him to associate with radical movements of the region. His active involvement as a gross root worker and fighter in the movement helped him to learn the role that he can play in the transformation the unequal society. Later his realization of the limitations of the radical movements which are dominated by upper caste pushed him to search for the new path of revolutionary agenda and practice. the post Karamchedu struggles made him to become an active full-time worker and leader in the "Ambedkar Yuvajana Sangam" and "Samatha Sainik Dal" activities across the state against caste atrocities, discrimination and humiliation on Dalits at gross root level

    Nandi Yellaiah

    From Wikipedia
    Nandi Yellaiah

    In office
    2014 - present
    Preceded byManda Jagannatham
    ConstituencyNagar Kurnool
    Personal details
    Born1 July 1942 (age 74)
    Hyderabad, Hyderabad State
    Political partyIndian National Congress
    Children2 sons, 2 daughters
    Nandi Yellaiah (born 1 July 1942) a politician from Indian National Congress party is a Member of the Parliament of Indiarepresenting Nagarkurnool constituency of telangana state in the lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian Parliament.

    Early life

    He was born in Tajir nagar, Bholakpur, Musheerabad, Dist Hyderabad in Hyderabad State to Nandi Nagaiah. He finished his matriculation.


    He is a 6 term Member of lok sabha. he was elected to 6th,7th,9th,10th,11th lok sabha from siddipet(s.c) parliamentary constituency.He was elected to the 16th Lok Sabha from Nagar Kurnool defeating Manda Jagannatham. he also represented rajya sabha until 2014

    Phool Chand Mullana

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
    Phool Chand Mullana
    BornPhool Chand Mullana
    6 April 1941
    Milak Khas, Yamunanagar district, Haryana
    EducationB.A., LL.B.
    OccupationLawyer & politician
    Political partyCongress
    Spouse(s)Pushpa Devi (deceased)
    ChildrenOne son, one daughter
    Parent(s)Shanker Lal (father)
    Phool Chand Mullana (born 6 April 1941 in Milak Khas village of Yamunanagar district of Haryana) is an Indian lawyer and politician. He is a B.A., LL.B. by education. He was elected four times as MLA (in 1972, 1982, 1991 and 2005) from Ambala District to Mullana Assembly constituency. He was a cabinet minister in the Haryana government, handling the portfolios of Revenue, PWD, Education, Forest and Technical Education. He was president of the Haryana Pradesh Congress Committee from 2007 to 2014. He is chairman of the Haryana State Scheduled Caste Commission.
    He was awarded Haryana Ratan in 2005 for his contribution in the politics and social welfare of Haryana.

    · Prithivi Singh Azad

    From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
    Prithvi Singh Azad
    Born15 September 1892
    Raipurrani, Patiala district, Punjab, India
    Died5 March 1989 (aged 96)
    OccupationIndian independence activist
    Years active1907–1989
    Known forIndian independence movement
    Lahore Conspiracy Trial
    Partner(s)Late Prabhavati Prithvi Singh Azad
    ChildrenAjit Singh Bhati, Pragya Kumar
    AwardsPadma Bhushan
    Prithvi Singh Azad (1892–1989) was an Indian independence activist, revolutionary and one of the founder members of Ghadar Party. He came from a Rajput family and suffered incter the Indian independence, he served as the minister of labor and local self-government in the Bhim Sen Sachar ministry in the state of Punjab. He was also a member of the first Constituent Assembly of India.The Government of India awarded him the third highest civilian honour of the Padma Bhushan, in 1977, for his contributions to society.arceration several times during the pre-independence period, including a term in the Cellular Jail. Af


    Prithvi Singh Azad was born in a Bhati Rajput family on 15 September 1892 at Lalru, a small hamlet in Patiala district of the north Indian state of Punjab. He was attracted to the nationalist movement while he was still in his teens and was reported to have been influenced by the arrest of Lokmanya Tilak and Khudi Ram Bose by the British government in 1907–08. He visited the US in 1912 and it was during this time he met Lala Har Dayal, one of the founders of later-day Ghadar Party, a militant organization formed by Indians in North America for the liberation of India. He also assisted in the establishment of Hindustan Ghadar, the mouth piece of the party. Returning to India along with around 150 freedom fighters, he was captured by the British on 7 December 1914, tried, sentenced for 10 years' imprisonment and spent time in various jails, including Calcutta, Madras and the Cellular Jail. After the initial futile attempt, he escaped by jumping out of a running train while he was being transferred from one jail to another. Later, he became an associate of Chandra Shekhar Azad and reportedly received a Mauser pistol from him. It was reported that Azad was with Chandra Shekhar Azad just before the British forces surrounded him at Alfred Park on 27 February 1931, but the latter asked Prithvi Singh to escape while deciding to continue his battle with the forces; alternatively another contention was that the two Azads met at Alfred Park a few days before the death of Chandra Shekhar.
    Azad died on 5 March 1989, at the age of 96. The story of his life has been documented in two autobiographies; Kranti Path ka Pathik (A Traveler in the Revolutionary Path), was published in 1990 by Haryana Sahitya Akademi while Baba Prithvi Singh Azad, the Legendary Crusader was published by Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan three years earlier in 1987.[ A set of documents related his life has been preserved in Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi as Baba Prithvi Singh Azad Papers. A local Hospital in Lalru, his native place, is being considered for renaming as Baba Prithvi Singh Azad Memorial Hospital. His daughter, Pragya Kumar, is a medical doctor and the chief medical officer at Panjab University, ChandigarhIt was Chandra Shekhar who advised Azad to visit Russia for further training; it was reported that the idea to send Azad to Russia in fact came from Bhagat Singh, another martyred revolutionary and Chandra Sekhar was conveying Bhagat Singh's request. He visited Russia to spend a few months there and his experiences in Russia were later published as a book, Lenin ke Desham Me, which was subsequently translated into English by Vijay Chauhan under the title, Prithvi Singh Azad In Lenin's land.On his return to India, he met several mainstream freedom fighters, including Mohandas Gandhi and joined the nationalist movement led by Gandhi. Between 1933 and the Indian independence in 1947, he was arrested several times which included the Lahore Conspiracy Case in which he was sentenced to death; the sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment in the Cellular Jail.After the Indian independence, he successfully contested the elections to the first Constituent Assembly of India from Punjab and was its member since the assembly met for the first time at Constitution Club Hall, New Delhi on 9 December 1946 After the Indian independence, he was selected as the Minister for Labor and Local Self-government, the only harijan member of the ministry, when Bhim Sen Sachar took over as the second Chief Minister of Punjab in 1949. The Government of India honored him with the civilian honor of Padma Bhushan in 1977.

    Father's Name Shri Raman Elumalai Date of Birth 24 June 1945 Place of Birth Chengai, Distt. Chingelput (Tamil Nadu) Marital Status Married on 9 August 1967 Spouse's Name Smt. Munirdhinam Children Three daughters and one son Profession Political and Social Worker, Civil Servant Permanent Address 67, Devaraj Nagar P.O. Selaiyur Chennai-600073 (Tamil Nadu) Tels. 2375755(R), 451115(O) Present Address 4, Lodhi Estate, New Delhi-110003 Tels. (011) 4649299, 4649866
    Positions Held  
    1989          Founder, General-Secretary, Pattali Makkal 
  • Katchi        (P.M.K.)
    1998          Elected to 12th Lok Sabha
    1998          Union Minister of State, Health and Family
    onwards       Welfare (Independent Charge)
    Social and Cultural Activities  
    General-Secretary, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
    Employees Association, Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry, 1974;
    Convenor, Dalit People's Front, 1974
    Special Interests  
    Social service
    Countries Visited  
    Japan and Libya; visited Japan to study the problems of the
    Burakumins, counterparts of Indian Dalits, 1985; and visited
    Libya to participate in Social Justice Conference, Tripoli,
    Other Information  
    Served in (i) Postal and Telegraph Department (P&T), 1963-
    87; and (ii) on deputation to Indian Army, 1969-74; awarded
    Sainik Sewa Medal with a Citation by the President of India
    for meritorious service; Secretary, Tamil Nadu Circle Union,
    National Federation of P&T Employees, 1974; participated and
    led various agitations launched by P.M.K., 1989; beaten up
    brutally by Tamil Nadu Police in a P.M.K. rally at Valluvar
    kottam, Chennai, 1995

Shri D. Raja

Name Shri D. Raja
Father's Name Shri P. Doraisamy
Mother's Name Shrimati Nayagam
Date of Birth 03/06/1949
Birth Place Chithathoor, Distt. Vellore (Tamil Nadu)
Maritial Status Married On 7 January 1990
Spouse Name Shrimati Aniamma alias Annie Raja
No. of Children One Daughter
State Name Tamil Nadu
Party Name Communist Party of India
Permanent Address Balan Illam, 19, Chevaliae Sivaji Ganesan Road, South Boag Road, Theagaraya Nagar, Chennai - 600017
Telephone : {044} 24851616
Present Address 303, 309 and 310, V.P. House, Rafi Marg, New Delhi - 110001
Telephone : 23317230, 23752350, Mobile: 9868181991
Email id
Educational Qualifications B.Sc., B.Ed. Educated at G.T.M. College, Gudiyattam, Distt. Vellore, affiliated to University of Madras, Chennai and Government Teachers College, affiliated to University of Madras, Chennai

Profession Political and Social Worker
Positions Held July 2007 Elected to Rajya Sabha Aug. 2007-May 2009 Member, Committee on Science and Technology, Environment and Forests Member, Consultative Committee for the Ministry of Human Resource Development May 2008 onwards Member, Joint Parliamentary Committee on Security Matters in Parliament House Complex Member, Committee on Rules June 2008 onwards Member, General Purposes Committee July 2008-May 2009 and Jan. 2010 onwards Member, Parliamentary Forum on Global Warming and Climate Change July 2009 onwards Member, Committee on Ethics Aug. 2009 onwards Member, Committee on Home Affairs Member, Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Member, Consultative Committee for the Ministry of External Affairs Permanent Special Invitee, Consultative Committee for the Ministry of Human Resource Development Oct. 2009 onwards Member, Joint Committee on Food Management in Parliament House Complex Dec. 2009 onwards Member, Select Committee to examine the Commercial Division of High Courts Bill, 2009 Nov. 2010 onwards Member, Committee on Member of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme (MPLADS) April 2011 onwards Member, Sub-Committee to examine various provisions of the Enemy Property (Amendment & Validation) Second Bill, 2010 of the Committee on Home Affairs May 2011 onwards Member, Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Aug. 2012 onwards Member, Committee on Health and Family Welfare

Freedom Fighter No
Books Published (i) Dalit Question, 2007 and (ii) The Way Forward: Fight Against Unemployment, a booklet on unemployment; has written a number of articles (in Tamil and English) on various political and social issues in various journals

Social and Cultural Activities, Literary, Artistic and Scientific Accomplishments and other Special Interests
Sports, Clubs, Favourite Pastimes and Recreation Reading books
Countries Visited Erstwhile Soviet Union, U.S.A., France, Portugal, Belgium, U.K., East Germany, Holland, erstwhile Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Poland, Mongolia, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Nepal, Vietnam, Cuba, China, Democratic Peoples’ Republic of Korea (North Korea), Algeria, Greece, Cyprus, U.A.E., Kuwait and Syria

Other Information National Secretary, Communist Party of India (CPI) since 1994; General Secretary, All India Youth Federation, 1985-90; was State Secretary (Tamil Nadu), All India Youth Federation, 1975-80; his parents were landless agricultural workers; he was the first graduate in his village

Shibu Soren

Chief Minister of Jharkhand
In office
30th December 2009 - 20th May 2010
Preceded by President's Rule
Constituency Dumka
Personal details
Born (1944-01-11) 11 January 1944 (age 68)
Ramgarh, Jharkhand
Political party JMM
Spouse(s) Roopi Soren
Children 3 sons and 1 daughter
Residence Bokaro
As of 25 September, 2006

Shibu Soren (born 11 January 1944,in Nemra village of Ramgarh district ) is an Indian politician is a former Chief Minister of Jharkhand state in India. He was sworn in as the 7th Chief Minister of Jharkhand on December 30, 2009 after winning the Jharkhand Assembly elections.He resigned on May 30, 2010 after failing to obtain coalition support from the Bharatiya Janata Party, his national party partner. He previously represented the Dumka constituency of Jharkhand in the 14th Lok Sabha, and is the President of the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) political party, a constituent of the UPA.

On January 9, 2009, Soren was defeated in the by-election to the Tamar assembly constituency to political novice Gopal Krishan Patar alias Raja Peter of the Jharkhand Party by a margin of over 9,000 votes. Soren was earlier reappointed as Chief Minister of Jharkhand on August 27, 2008 after his life term in the Shashinath Jha murder case was set aside by the Delhi High Court in August, 2007 citing the CBI as "miserably failing" in proving Soren's involvement in the crime. After the Assembly elections Soren once again formed the Government along with the BJP, and was sworn in as chief minister of Jharkhand on 30 December 2009.

He was the Minister for Coal in the Union Cabinet in November 2006, when a Delhi district court found him guilty in the murder of his private secretary Shashi Nath Jha in 1994. He has also been indicted in the past on other criminal charges.


Soren was born in Nemra village of Ramgarh district, in what was, at the time, Bihar state, India. He completed his schooling in the same district.During his schooling his father, a school headmaster, was murdered causing him to leave school to support his family.He started selling wood as a small business.He got married to Roopi Kisku. He has three sons Durga, Hemant, and Basant and a daughter, Anjali.

Mr. Soren began his political career in the early 1970s and quickly became known as a tribal leader. On 23 January 1975, he allegedly incited a campaign to drive away "outsiders", a term used to describe 'non-tribal'. At least eleven people were killed. However no one was found guilty. Mr. Soren and numerous others were charged with various crimes related to this incident. After extended legal proceedings, Soren was acquitted on March 6, 2008 However, possibly related incitement charges—dating from two yet earlier (1974) deaths—remain pending.

He lost his first Lok Sabha election in 1977. He was first elected to the Lok Sabha in 1980. In 1986, an arrest warrant was issued against him. He was subsequently elected to the Lok Sabha in 1989, 1991 and 1996 as well. In 2002, he was elected to the Rajya Sabha with the help of the Bharatiya Janata Party. He won the Dumka Lok Sabha seat in a by-election the same year and resigned his Rajya Sabha seat. He was re-elected in 2004.

He became the Union Coal Minister in the Manmohan Singh government, but was asked to resign following an arrest warrant in his name in the thirty-year old Chirudih case. After the warrant was issued, he initially went underground. He resigned on 24 July 2004. He was able to secure bail after spending over a month in judicial custody; released on bail on September 8, he was re-inducted into the Union Cabinet and given back the coal ministry on 27 November 2004, as part of a deal for a Congress-JMM alliance before assembly elections in Jharkhand in February/March 2005 .

On 2 March 2005, after much political bargaining and quid pro quo he was invited to form the government in Jharkhand by the Governor of Jharkhand, Syed Sibtey Razi. He resigned as Chief Minister nine days later, on 11 March, following his failure to obtain a vote of confidence in the assembly.

Life imprisonment and acquittal

On 28 November 2006, Soren was found guilty in a twelve year old case involving the kidnapping and murder of his former personal secretary Shashinath Jha. It was claimed that Jha was abducted from the Dhaula Kuan area in Delhi on May 22, 1994 and taken to Piska Nagari village near Ranchi where he was killed. The CBI chargesheet stated that Jha's knowledge of the reported deal between the Congress and the JMM to save the then Narasimha Rao government during the July 1993 no-confidence motion and an act of sodomy was the motive behind the murder. The charge-sheet asserted that: "Jha was aware of the illegal transactions and also expected and demanded a substantial share out of this amount from Soren." 
Soren has resigned from his post of Union Minister for Coal after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh demanded that he do so in the wake of the verdict. This is the first case of a Union Minister of the Government of India being found guilty of involvement in a murder. On 5 December 2006, Shibu Soren was sentenced to life imprisonment. A Delhi court rejected his bail plea, stating: 'We cannot overlook the fact that the appellant (Soren) has been convicted after a detailed and elaborate trial only in November 2006 and sentenced in December 2006.
The bench also noted that he was also being tried in a number of other cases, including the case of mass murder in Jharkhand. 
On June 25, 2007, Shibu Soren was being escorted to his jail in Dumka, Jharkhand when his convoy was attacked by bombs, but no one was hurt.
Subsequently however, the court pulled up the prosecuting attorney, R M Tiwari of the (Central Bureau of Investigation), for "not doing its homework" and presenting weak evidence.
The Delhi High Court on 23 Aug 2007 overruled the District Court and acquitted Soren, . stating that "the prosecution has miserably failed in bringing home the charge against the accused persons. The trial court's analysis is far from convincing and not sustainable."
The five men convicted by the Tis Hazari court were held guilty of criminal conspiracy, abduction and murder primarily on the basis of forensic evidence provided by a post-mortem report of a body discovered in Jharkhand, namely a skull superimposition test and skull injury report. This was in addition to eyewitness accounts and some circumstantial evidence. But the DNA that had been extracted from the skeleton did not match Jha's immediate family: in its judgement overruling the district court, the High Court bench wondered how the trial judge could have "ignored the well-established fact that a DNA test is considered conclusive evidence while skull superimposition tests only allude to a probability", concluding that the skeleton was not Jha and that the case reduced to merely circumstantial evidence.

Lahori Ram Bali – Republican Party Of India, Publisher of B. R. Ambedkar’s Books and Editor In Chief Bheem Patrika, Jalandhar
R.Chennigaramaiah, Freedom Fighter, First Cabinet Minister in K.C.Reddy Cabinet in 1947(Mysore State)Karnataka
Ram Lakha- Ex Lord Mayor of Coventry UK
Late Ram Kishan Perdesi -Councillor southall

Ram Vilas Paswan

MP Rajya sabha
In office
Succeeded byRam Sundar Das
Personal details
Born5 July 1946 (age 66)
Khagaria, Bihar
Political partyLJP
Spouse(s)Reena Paswan, Raj Kumari
ChildrenChirag Paswan (son) and 3 daughters
As of September 14, 2009
Ram Vilas Paswan (born 5 July 1946) is the president of the Lok Janshakti Party and a Rajya Sabha MP.

Early life and education

Paswan was born to a Hindu Dusadh familyHe holds a Bachelor of Laws and a Master of Arts degrees from Kosi College, Khagaria and Patna University

Political career

Paswan was elected to the Bihar state legislative assembly in 1969 as a member of the Samyukta Socialist Party ("United Socialist Party") from a reserved constituency. In 1974, as an ardent follower of Raj Narayan and Jayaprakash Narayan Paswan became the general secretary of the Lok Dal. He was personally close to the prominent leaders of anti-emergency like Raj Narayan, Karpoori Thakur and Satyendra Narayan Sinha.
In 1975, when emergency was proclaimed in India, he was arrested and spent the entire period in jail. On being released in 1977, he became a member of the Janata Party and won election to Parliament for the first time on its ticket, and he held the world record for winning election by highest margin. He was re-elected to the 7th Lok Sabha in 1980 and 1984 from Hajipur constituency. In 1983, he established the Dalit Sena, an organization for Dalit emancipation and welfare.
Paswan was re-elected to the 9th Lok Sabha in 1989 and was appointed Union Minister of Labour and Welfare in the Vishwanath Pratap Singh government. In 1996 he even led the ruling alliance or Proposition in the Lok Sabha as the Prime Minister was a member of the Rajya Sabha. This was also the year when he first became the Union Railway Minister. He continued to hold that post till 1998. Thereafter, he was the Union Communications Minister from October 1999 to September 2001 when he was shifted to the Coal Ministry, the portfolio he held till April 2002.

In 2000 Paswan broke from the Janata Dal (United), to form the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP). Following the 2004 Lok Sabha elections, Paswan joined the United Progressive Alliancegovernment and was made the Union Minister in Ministry of Chemicals and Fertilizers and Ministry of Steel.

In the February 2005 Bihar State elections, Paswan's party LJP along with the Indian National Congress contested the election. The result was that no particular party or alliance could form a government by itself. However, Paswan consistently refused to support either Laloo Yadav, whom he accused of being extremely corrupt, or the right-wing National Democratic Alliance thereby creating a stalemate. This stalemate was broken when Nitish Kumar succeeded in persuading 12 members of Paswan's party to defect; to prevent the formation of a right-wing government supported by LJP defectors, the Governor of Bihar, Buta Singh dissolved the state legislature and called for fresh elections, keeping Bihar under President's Rule. In the November 2005 Bihar state elections, Paswan's third-alliance was utterly devastated; the Laloo Yadav-Congress alliance reduced to a minority and the NDA formed the new government.
Paswan together with Lalu Prasad Yadav (center) and Amar Singh (left) at a party rally in Mumbai during the 2009 general elections.
Paswan has declared that the Bihar state elections have no influence on the Central Government, which will continue with both him and Laloo Yadav as ministers. Paswan has served as a Union Minster under five different Prime Ministers and holds the distinction of continuously holding on to a cabinet berth in all the Council of Ministers formed since 1996 (as of 2009). He also holds the distinction of being part of all the national coalitions (the United Front, the National Democratic Alliance and the United Progressive Alliance), which have formed the Indian Government from 1996 to 2009.

For the Indian general election, 2009 Paswan forged an alliance with Lalu Prasad Yadav and his Rashtriya Janata Dal, while dumping their erstwhile coalition partner and leader of the United Progressive Alliance, the Indian National Congress from the new alliance. The duo was later joined by Mulayam Singh's Samajwadi Party and were declared the Fourth Front. He lost the elections from Hajipur to the Janata Dal (United)'s Ram Sundar Das, a former Chief Minister of Bihar for the first time in 33 years. His party the Lok Janshakti Party was not able to win any seats in the 15th Lok Sabha, while his coalition partner Yadav and his party too failed to perform well and were reduced to 4 seats.

Personal life

Paswan spent his early years in Shaharbanni village in Khagaria district of Bihar. He was born to a scheduled-caste Dusadh, Dalit family.
He is married to Reena Sharma-Paswan, an upper-caste Punjabi Brahmin from Amritsar, and they have a son and a daughter. He has two daughters from his first wife Raj Kumari. His son, Chirag Paswan is going to make his Bollywood film debut very soon. In an interview with NDTV, Paswan displayed confidence in the success of his son, he stated "Everybody wants to be the greatest man, but everybody also want that his son should be go on the higher place, and I have full confidence in Chirag that he will do whatever he will do he will be one of the best place"


While campaigning for Bihar elections in 2005, both Ram Vilas Paswan and Lalu Prasad Yadav used a look-alike of Osama bin Laden to woo Muslim voters. The lookalike would dress like bin Laden, accompany them in their helicopter to various election meetings, share the stage with them and make speeches that attacked the United States for its alleged anti-Muslim activities. Pramod Mahajan, senior leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party, had criticized both leaders for this by saying that they were "glorifying the name of a man who is recognised as the most wanted terrorist in the world

Ram Sundar Das

Ram Sundar Das
18th Chief Minister of Bihar
In office
21 April 1979 – 17 February 1980
Preceded byKarpuri Thakur
Succeeded byJagannath Mishra
Personal details
Born9 January 1921 (age 91)
Gangajal, Saran district
Political partyJanata Dal (United)
Spouse(s)Savita Devi
As of 18 May, 2010
Ram Sundar Das (Hindi: राम सुंदर दास) (born 1921) is an Indian politician and a former Chief Minister of Bihar state. He is a leader of the Janata Dal (United) political party. He was the Chief Minister of Bihar from 21 April, 1979 to 17 February, 1980. In 1991, he was elected to the 10th Lok Sabha from Hajipur constituency in Bihar. In 2009, he was re-elected to the 15th Lok Sabha from the same constituency.As the Chief Minister of Bihar he enjoyed the trust and support of top Janata party leaders like Chandra Shekhar Singh and then Bihar Janata Party chief Satyendra Narain Sinha

Satnam Singh Kainth-Ex M.P.

Shri Sushil Kumar Sambhajirao Shinde

Image result for Sushil Kumar Sambhajirao Shinde image

Shri Sushil Kumar Sambhajirao Shinde
Constituency from which I am elected
Father's Name
Shri Sambhaji Rao Shinde
Mother's Name
Smt. Sakhubai
Date of Birth
Birth Place
Solapur (Maharashtra)
Maritial Status
Date of Marriage
Spouse Name
Smt. Ujwala Shinde
No. of Children
No.of Sons:0   No.of Daughters:3
State Name
Party Name
Indian National Congress
Permanent Address
19, Ashok Nagar, Vijapur Road,Solapur, Maharashtra
Present Address
2, Krishna Menon Marg,New Delhi - 110 003Tels.(011) 23017957, 23017962 (R), 23710411, 23717474, 23719205 (O), 09810113777 (M) Fax. (011) 23710065 (O), 23017965 (R)
Email id
Educational Qualifications
B.A. (Hons.), LL.B. Educated at Sangameshwar and Dayanand College, Solapur, Shivaji University, Kolhapur and New Law College, Mumbai University , Maharashtra

Positions Held

Member, Congress Working Committee
Member, Maharashtra Legislative Assembly (five terms)
Cabinet Minister, held important portfolios—Finance, Planning, Industry, Urban Development, Youth and Social Welfare, Sports, Transport, Health and Labour, Govt. of Maharashtra
President, Pradesh Congress Committee (P.C.C.), Maharashtra
General-Secretary, All India Congress Committee (Indira) [A.I.C.C. (I)]
Member, Rajya Sabha
Member, Committee of Privileges Member, Committee on Rules Member, Committee on Defence Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Defence
President, P.C.C., Maharashtra
Elected to 12th Lok Sabha
Member, Committee on External Affairs Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Defence
Re-elected to 13th Lok Sabha (2nd term)
Member, Committee on External Affairs
General-Secretary, A.I.C.C
Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Information Technology
Member, Maharashtra Legislative Assembly (6th term)
1/18/2003Chief Minister, Govt. of Maharashtra
1/1/2004Member, Maharashtra Legislative Assembly (seventh term)
1/2/2004Governor, Andhra Pradesh
1/2/2004Governor, Govt. of Andhra Pradesh
1/1/2006Member, Rajya Sabha
1/2/2006Union Cabinet Minister, Power
1/1/2009Re-elected to 15th Lok Sabha (3rd term)
2/1/2009Union Cabinet Minister, Power
Social and Cultural ActivitiesConvenor, Congress Forum for Socialist Action
Special InterestsReading, Writing and Poetry
Favourite Pastimes and RecreationReading
Countries VisitedWidely travelled (over 30 countries); Member,(i) Indian Delegation led by the then Prime Minister of India to the UNO, New York (U.S.A.), on the occasion of its 40th anniversary; (ii) Indian Parliamentary Delegation led by the then President of India to Romania and Bulgaria; (iii) Indian Parliamentary Delegation led by the then Speaker, Lok Sabha, to Israel; (iv) Indian Delegation to the Conference of International Labour Organisation, Geneva, (Switzerland), 1979; and (v) Indian Delegation to UNO, New York (U.S.A.), 1997; Attended and addressed (i) the Indo-American Unity Convention, California (U.S.A.), 1992; and (ii) the Annual Conference of the Labour Party of England, Brighton (U.K.), 1993; (iii) Led Indian delegation to Tajakistan for SCO Meet (India is a observer country), and Led the Indian Power Ministry official delegation to Australia, New Zealand, Canada, Brazil, Japan, North Korea, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Germany and Italy

Recipient of National Citizens Award 1993 and 1994 for his Contribution in the field of Parliamentary Procedure and putting up maximum number of questions; as Finance Minister of Maharashtra, presented nine successive budgets; though belongs to reserved category, contested and won from General seat during the 12th, 13th & 15th Lok Sabha Elections with a margin of over one Lakh four thousand, seventy seven thousand and around one lakh votes respectively.

Late S. Basant Singh Khalsa-Ex M.P. Ex Minister
Smt. Santosh Chaudhari- M.P in Rajya Sabha
Satnam Singh Kainth-Ex M.P.

Samsher Singh Dulon - Ex President of the Punjab Congress &Ex M.P

Seelam , Shri Jesudasu 

Tej Ram Bagha- Councillor Southall

Thawar Chand Gehlot

Thawar Chand Gehlot.jpg

NameShri Thaawar Chand Gehlot
Father's NameShri Ramlalji Gehlot
Mother's NameShrimati Suman Bai
Date of Birth18/05/1948
Birth PlaceVillage Rupeta (Nagda), Distt. Ujjain (Madhya Pradesh)
Maritial StatusMarried On 1 May 1965
Spouse NameShrimati Anita Gehlot
No. of Childrenone Daughter Three Sons
State NameMadhya Pradesh
Party NameBharatiya Janata Party
Permanent Address46/56 Block, Maharana Pratap Nagar, Nagda Junction, District Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh. 456335
Telephone : {07366} 246635, Mobile : 09425091516
Present Address11, Ashoka Road, New Delhi 110001
Email idtc[dot]gehlot[at]sansad[dot]nic[dot]in
Educational QualificationsB.A. Educated at Vikram University, Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh
ProfessionAgriculturist and Business
Positions Held1980-84, 1990-92 and 1993-96 Member, Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly (three terms) 1980-84 and 1990-92 Member, Committee on Estimates Member, Labour Advisory Committee 1990-92 Minister of State, Water Resources, Narmada Valley Development, Panchayat and Rural Development, Antyodaya Programme and Implementation of 20-Point Programme, Government of Madhya Pradesh 1996-97 Member, Eleventh Lok Sabha Member, Committee on Agriculture Member, Consultative Committee for the Ministry of Labour 1996-97, 1998-99, 1999-2000 and 2000-2001 Member, Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes 1998-99 Member, Twelfth Lok Sabha (second term) Member, Committee on Labour and Welfare Member, Consultative Committee for the Ministry of Industry 1999 Whip, B.J.P. Parliamentary Party in Lok Sabha 1999-2004 Member, Thirteenth Lok Sabha (third term) 1999-2000 Member, Committee on Agriculture 2000-2001 Member, Committee on the Empowerment of Women 2000-2004 Member, Consultative Committee for the Ministry of External Affairs Member, Business Advisory Committee 2004-2009 Member, Fourteenth Lok Sabha (fourth term) Member, Committee on Official Language Member, Committee on Labour April 2012 Elected to Rajya Sabha May 2012 onwards Member, Committee on Labour Member, Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
Freedom FighterNo
Books Published
Social and Cultural Activities, Literary, Artistic and Scientific Accomplishments and other Special Interests
Sports, Clubs, Favourite Pastimes and RecreationSwimming, kabaddi, volleyball and gymnastics; Office bearer, (i) Kabaddi Association and (ii) Shivaji Kreeda Mandal, Nagda, Ujjain; cultural plays, songs and sports
Countries VisitedU.S.A.; visited as a member of Indian Delegation to United Nations, 1998 and 2007 and Durban, South Africa, 2001
Other InformationDetained several times in connection with workers' movement during 1968-71 and also remained in judicial custody for about ten months in Bhairavgarh, Distt. Ujjain; detained under the Maintenance of Internal Security Act (M.I.S.A.) in Bhairavgarh, district jail, Ujjain during Emergency, 1975-76; detained in connection with political agitations in Ujjain, Bhopal and Delhi; Conferred, Best Legislator Award by the Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly, 19 March 1996; Treasurer, Grasim Engineering Shramik Sangh affiliated to Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, 1967-75; Secretary, (i) Chemical Shramik Sangh affiliated to Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, 1967-75, (ii) R.S.S. Shakha, Nagda Junction, Distt. Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh and (iii) Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha, Madhya Pradesh, 1984-86; represented, Madhya Pradesh Legislative Assembly in Bureau of Parliamentary Studies and Training (B.P.S.T.), 1982; Chief Organiser, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (R.S.S.) Shakha, Nagda Junctions, Distt. Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh, 1972-77; Nagar Karyavahak, R.S.S. Shakha, Nagda Junction, Distt. Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh; General Secretary and Vice-President, Janata Party (J.P.), Distt. Ujjain (Rural), Madhya Pradesh, 1977-80; Vice-President and State Secretary, Bharatiya Janata Yuva Morcha, Madhya Pradesh, 1983-84 and 1985-86; President, Bharatiya Janata Party, Distt. Ratlam, Madhya Pradesh, 1986-87; National Secretary, B.J.P., 2002-May 2004; Vice-President, B.J.P. and in-charge of North East (excluding Assam); National General Secretary, B.J.P. since 2006 (in-charge of Karanataka and Delhi States) and National In-charge of B.J.P. SC Morcha; Member, (i) R.S.S. Shakha, Nagda Junction, Distt. Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh, 1962-77, (ii) Bharatiya Jana Sangh, 1962-77; (iii) Madhya Pradesh Sansadiya Sangh, 1996, (iv) Board of Patrons, Nagda Balai Samaj Sangathan Samiti, (v) Central Election Committee, B.J.P., since 2010 and (vi) Central Parliamentary Board, B.J.P., since 2010 (in-charge of Uttarakhand); also held various posts in several organisations of Madhya Pradesh Balai Samaj

Source: Rajya Sabha

Udit Raj

Udit Raj (born Ram Raj on 1 January 1958) was born in Ramnagar, Uttar Pradesh into a low caste Khatik Hindu family, and studied for BA at Allahabad University. He was selected for the Indian Revenue Service in 1988 and served as the Dy, Commissioner, Joint Commissioner and Addl. Commissioner of Income Tax at New Delhi. On 24 November 2003 he declared his resignation from the Indian government service and formed a political party namely Indian Justice Party. He is a prominent activist working on behalf of India's Dalits, also known as untouchables. After his conversion to Buddhism on November 4, 2001, he changed his name from Ram Raj to Udit Raj.


He formed Indian Justice Party, The All India Confederation of SC/ST Organisations on 2 October 1997 and in 1996 founded the Lord Buddha Club.

He is a strong advocate of increased Reservation in India for the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes. Raj has formed partnerships with Christian organizations including the Indian Social Institute and the All India Christian Council. Raj has worked with prominent Christian leaders such as John Dayal and Ambrose Pinto and with Muslim leaders such as Maulana Mahmood Madani, general secretary of the Jamiat-e-Ulama-e-Hind. His Personal Secretary is C. L. Maurya.Besides,He is also a member of National Integretion Council (of the Indian Government).


 Mass Conversions

On October 27, 2002 Udit Raj organized a controversial conversion ceremony in which thousands of Dalits 'converted' to Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity. He has organized other conversion events including one at Chennai on December 6, 2002. These conversion activities have been criticized by some journalists as "deceptive", "violent" and a "exercise in self-promotion" on the part of Udit Raj, Giriraj Kishore, senior vice president of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, has been quoted as saying:
The only purpose of the rally is to establish Ram Raj politically, but he will not be able to gain political mileage. The BJP vote bank is not threatened by this political drama.

In particular, when he mocked Hindu deities during his conversion speech, as a gesture of how he did not appreciate the religion, his audience was not amused and reacted with hostility. Raj has worked with Christian groups to proselytize Christianity and convert away from Hinduism. Sometimes these prosetylizations are considered illegitimate. Critics have also pointed out that he is usually not coherent in his response to questions as to how conversion will help alleviate the status of the converted.He has organized other conversion events including one at Chennai on December 6, 2002. These conversion ceremonies aroused the ire of Hindu nationalist groups like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad Raj has replied, accusing of Togadia and other Hindu Nationalists fomenting violence against Dalits He reiterated:
The Jhajjar conversions were a direct reaction to the lynching of Dalits in the region and the confederation will wage a concerted battle against the forces of communalism, especially the VHP.
Reformist Hindu groups led by Swami Agnivesh, have expressed approval of the mass conversions, claiming that they are "an urgent and necessary cry for social justice".

Look back in hatred

  • Sagarika Ghose

It’s all one skin and bone,

one piss and shit,

one blood, one meat.

From one drop, a universe.

Who’s a Brahmin? Who’s a shudra?

So sang Kabir, the Bhakti saint in the 15th century. But Mayawati is not singing any songs. Instead, she’s angry again, raging again, on the warpath again. She has brought a fearsome Jat patriarch to his knees. Perhaps for the first time in the history of caste relations in Uttar Pradesh, an upper-caste senior man has had to fold his hands and apologise to a younger dalit woman. The sheer power of the Dalit political machine was in evidence when Mahendra Singh Tikait, chief of the rowdy Bharatiya Kisan Union, was arrested by Mayawati for daring to make a ‘casteist’ remark. Mayawati is the Dalit ‘virangana’, who swept to power last year, in the 100th year of the 1857 outbreak, as if to say, remember the Dalit warrior heroines or viranganas who fought in that ‘war of independence’ but were never recognised by Manuvadi historians.
Now the Dalit virangana has another new target. Rahul Gandhi is nothing but an elite prince who has a bath in special soap and cleanse himself by lighting special incense after meeting a dalit, she shouted at a rally on Monday evening. “All he wants is the dalit vote.” Kabir sang songs of love, but is Mayawati becoming imprisoned in songs of hate and fighting a narrow-minded war?
It is precisely these nasty diatribes that are contributing to the political isolation of a virangana with prime ministerial ambitions. Sonia Gandhi recently declared that Congress workers would all go to jail if need be, under the leadership of Rahul Gandhi, only to save UP from Mayawati. During the Tikait episode, both the Congress and the BJP lined up against Mayawati. Her actions have almost achieved the unthinkable: the Congress and the Samajwadi Party (SP) inching closer together in an attempt to dislodge a ‘common enemy’. The Congress knows that it can’t resurrect itself in UP without rediscovering the Dalit vote. The SP knows that Mayawati remains its nemesis. So, while an Amar Singh may still not be invited to Sonia Gandhi’s high table, the fear of Mayawati is enough to send them scurrying for options.
But while her antagonists look to stitch up alliances, the fact remains that Mayawati is perhaps the only leader in the country today with a genuine political constituency. The Congress may question Mayawati’s arrest of Tikait, but the Congress forgets the social terror that used to hide in the green fields of UP for centuries. How on election day, Dalits, young and old, as recently as the 90s, would hide in the shadows of their huts in mortal fear of upper castes, and be prevented from voting. No law touched the UP Dalits in those days, no policeman would register an FIR if it was filed by a Dalit. It is this terrible age-old injustice that gives Mayawati her permanent unquestioned political constituency, a constituency which will die for Behenji, a constituency of which every other party is jealous.
Yet in her fourth term as Chief Minister, as head of a majority BSP government, Mayawati seems in danger of squandering the gains of the last decade of mobilisation, which that great organiser Kanshi Ram, had so painstakingly achieved. The BSP cadres is a wonder to behold. Silent, committed and invisible, the BSP worker is an unseen engine, slipping between villages, cycling down dusty streets, staging little nukkad plays, mobilising every day, every night, talking softly to those considered ‘polluted’ that they are as clean and as dignified as any light-skinned Brahmin. This cadre has been unhappy over Mayawati’s social alliance forged before the assembly elections. The sarvajan samaj, the Brahmin jodo campaign, or samta mulak samaj or Brahmin-dalit alliance brought Mayawati her majority mandate in last year’s assembly elections, but disappointed the cadre. Perhaps it is to win back that wondrous cadre that Mayawati has once again embarked on the politics of rage.

All her public utterances are now Dalit war cries. The film, Aaja Nach Le, was banned in some parts of UP because it has a song with the word mochi. Tikait was arrested for being ‘anti-dalit,’ Rahul Gandhi is ‘anti-Dalit’, Union minister Sriprakash Jaiswal is anti-Dalit, the Congress’s stand on Tikait shows that it too is anti-Dalit, the tag ‘anti-Dalit’ is almost like the paranoid Macarthy-era slogan of 1950s America, ‘anti-american’. By Mayawati’s decree, UP’s policemen will now have blue uniforms rather than white. It’s no coincidence that blue is the colour of the BSP and the Bahujan Volunteer Force or the private police of the BSP also wears blue. She reportedly plans to construct a 47-m-high statue of B.R. Ambedkar in Lucknow, higher even than the Statue of Liberty. She is about 

to inaugurate the gigantic ‘Bheem Nagri’ festival in Agra to celebrate the birth centenary of Ambedkar to establish Agra as the Dalit capital of UP. The only forward-looking administrative measure seems to be the UPCOCA or the law on organised crime that has seen her government crack down on dons such as the recent arrest of Atiq Ahmad, MP from Phulpur.

Yet, aside from the festivals, statues and war cries, Mayawati’s administration still lacks a transformative vision for UP’s Dalits. Under BSP rule, white-collar workers among SCs and STs increased from 6 per cent to only 8 per cent. The share of SC workers in administrative and executive jobs remain unchanged.
The BSP’s impact on marginalised poor Dalits has been minimal. The Ambedkar Village Programme (AVP) started in Mayawati’s last government failed to uplift poor dalits as its benefits have been cornered by a small entrepreneurial section within the SC community and the schemes were badly implemented. As economist Ravi Srivastava writes, “During the periods that the BSP has been in power in UP, it has not put forward a transformative vision of UP’s development.”
Identity politics in the 21st century, in times defined by economic change, mobility and the free flow of ideas and information, is a supreme condescension to the voter. Vote for me simply because I am a Dalit or a Hindu or a Muslim may work in the first election, to secure an initial mandate. But the mandate fritters away if the demagogue fails to grow up and become a bridge-builder between communities.
Mayawati’s core vote-bank may be intact for the moment. But the miraculous promise of the last election when it looked as if she could transform the BSP from a party of the Dalits to a party of the poor from all castes, is suddenly looking as if it will not be fulfilled after all. Every upper-caste, however progressive and liberal, must never be allowed to forget his civilisational guilt.

From Delhi, to Haryana to Maharashtra, her rallies outside UP are impressive. The blue elephant of the BSP is painted on walls across India as that indefatigable cadre mobilises voters every day and every night, constantly defining ‘the political’ not as drawing room power play like the Congress and the BJP but as a ceaseless process of mass contact.

Yet her message is the same as it was a decade ago, her sarvajan samaj interregnum a mere interlude now because hatred has once again become her central theme. Last year Mayawati was the social reconciler, this year she is back to being the upper-caste hater, hater of everyone from Tikait to Rahul Gandhi. Alas, the dalit virangana has failed to learn the language of love from the Bhakti saint.
Sagarika Ghose is Senior Editor, CNN-IBN

Corruption And Dalit Politics

By BR Haran from Chennai

"Is there one justice for Sudras, and another one for Brahmins, who develop their belly without performing any work? In Tamil Nadu, there is no rebirth for 'Manu Dharma' which advocates one justice for self and another one for Sudras". These were the golden words uttered by Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi in defence of spectrum killer Raja, in the aftermath of CAG reports, which confirmed the killing.

On November 14, after the resignation of Raja, Karunanidhi, exhibiting his ‘passion’ for Democracy said, <"We have asked Raja to resign only to allow the functioning of parliament which we consider as the mother of democracy in India". He didn't stop with that! Showing his ‘concern and love’ for Dalit community, he said, "The stalling of parliamentary proceedings during the last one year was part of a pre-planned effort to get the ouster of Raja, a Dalit who had totally dedicated himself to the cause espoused by leaders like Dr BR Ambedkar. Raja is my affectionate brother."

Earlier in May 2010 too, Karunanidhi played his usual "Dalit Card" to defend Raja. He said, "Raja is a Dalit. That is why dominant forces are levelling malicious charges against him."

To remind the readers, way back in November 2008 too, Karunanidhi said, "Raja is being attacked for he is a Dalit!"

This is the emblematic 'Dravidian' politics, which has been going on for more than six decades in Tamil Nadu. And Karunanidhi is adept in playing it!

The Dravidian Racist leaders always have three "Aces" up their sleeves! (i)Aryan-Invasion Theory (ii) distorted Manu Dharma and (iii) Brahminical Oppression of Dalits, that is, Dravidian Card, Sudra Card and Dalit Card! The "Fourth Ace", which invariably turns out to be their "Trump Card" is Social Justice Card! They always claim that their actions have the sole objective of "Social Justice" and consistently their actions are of dubious nature. It is law of nature that dubious actions have devious objectives. 

For the Dravidian leaders, self-interest is the sole objective. Holding the "Four Aces" they always win, for they play in the name of social justice. In due course of the game, while they emerge as winners, the Tamil people end up as "Jokers in the Pack"! The tragedy is Dalits are played as "Discards" in this game of cards.

The Dravidian Movement was built on the foundation of "Anti-Brahminism", which was a mixture of Aryan-Invasion Theory, distortion of Manu Dharma and the myth of Dalit oppression by Brahmins. But in the history of Tamil Nadu, the Dalits have never had issues with Brahmins and it was always the BCs and OBCs, who indulged in unbridled oppression against Dalits. Many instances of caste wars between OBCs/BCs/MBCs and Dalits, violence committed by OBCs/BCs against Dalits are recorded in history.

The Dravidian Parties have never promoted Dalit leadership and the Justice Party, which spearheaded the Dravidian Movement, was full of OBC leadership, who were rajas, zamindars, landlords, businessmen and financiers. They had hatred towards the oppressed classes and discriminated against them.

Writer Subbu in his hot selling Tamil Book "Dravidian Maya" (Trisakthi Publications, Chennai) writes, "Sir PT Thiyagarayar, President of Justice Party, which was pioneer for the Dravidian organizations, requested the government to settle the oppressed classes outside the Madras city limits. MC Raja, who was the leader of the oppressed classes then, had protested against Sir PT Thiyagarayar."

Subbu quotes another incident - Smt Sathyavanimuthu, a Scheduled Caste leader and politician, while speaking at the 'Untouchability Eradication Conference' at the 'Periyar Thidal' (Periyar grounds), told EV Ramasamy, "Your speech has empowered only those reformed cadres, who are sitting in front of you wearing black shirts. Brahmins never give any trouble to the oppressed classes. Information is that only the non-Brahmins cause sufferings to the oppressed classes."

As Mr Karunanidhi has played the Dalit Card to defend spectrum killer Raja and attempted to project him as a Dalit icon ala Dr Ambedkar, it is imperative to know how Dalits are treated in Karunanidhi's administration. Here is an apt example:

Mr Janarthanan now serves as a special sub collector of Kanyakumari district. He belongs to a scheduled caste listed in the constitutional order. On March 18, 2008, the ruling DMK organised a function to mark the distribution of free colour television sets in Nagercoil. DMK minister Suresh Rajaninsulted him by calling his caste name. Mr Sheik Dawood, who was the personal assistant to the minister, assaulted the sub collector.
This incident happened right in front of the general public. (Page-19, Dravidian Maya, Author Subbu, Trisakthi Publications).

In May 2002, two dalits were forced to eat human excreta by DMK functionaries in Thinniyam village in Tiruchi district. In September 2002, in Kaundampatti village in Dindukkal district, a dalit agricultural worker was forced to drink urine for having lodged a complaint of trespass with the police against a person from a dominant caste.

Karunanidhi had said that Raja had totally dedicated himself to the cause espoused by leaders like Dr BR Ambedkar. While his contribution to the society in general and Dalit community in particular was absolutely nothing, his contribution to the party was immense, especially during the 2009 parliament elections, thanks to the Spectrum loot, which had allegedly played a vital role in "taking care" of the electorate resulting in DMK-Congress combine's victory. That was the main reason why DMK exerted pressure on the Congress to continue with Raja as the Telecom Minister in UPA's second term also. The Nira Radia Tapes have exposed the DMK shenanigans and the Dalit icon Raja's Machiavellian agenda.

The readers should not jump to conclusion that the nation's wealth would not have been looted had the ministry gone to Dayanidhi Maran. Otherwise, why should Dayanidhi Maran lobby himself for the Telecom portfolio, or, why should he force the Prime Minister to remove the particular clause regarding "Pricing" from the Terms of Reference of the EGOM in 2006? What explanation does he have for the Rs 600 crore he allegedly gave to Karunanidhi's wife Dayalu Ammal, as exposed by Nira Radia Tapes?

The events, which have unfolded and are still unfolding give a clear picture that the Dalit icon Raja had totally dedicated himself, not for the cause espoused by Dr Ambedkar, but only for the cause espoused by Karunanidhi and his third family, as exposed again by Nira Radia Tapes.

By his statement on Raja, Karunanidhi has insulted Dr Ambedkar and the entire Dalit community. For Dravidian Leaders, politics is a game of cards, where Dalits are used as "Jokers" and "Discards", and Social Justice is a game of Chess, where Dalits are used as "Pawns". When compared with the magnificent contribution of Dr Ambedkar to Mother India, the contribution of Dravidian icons like Annadurai and EV Ramasami are not even peanuts. While Karunanidhi, Jayalalitha and their ilk use Annadurai and EVR as "Aces", they use Ambedkar as "Joker" to declare themselves as winners in the political game of cards. After causing a permanent injury to Dr Ambedkar by reducing him to the level of EVR and Annadurai, an insult is added to the injury now by equating him with the Spectrum Killer.

A Raja is the latest addition to the list of Dalit politicians, who served the cause espoused by the OBC Dravidian leaders. A Dalit politician need not join any Dravidian party, either to indulge in corruption or to serve the cause espoused by Dravidian leaders like Karunanidhi or Jayalalitha. He can accomplish both even by staying out. The best and apt example is Thirumavalavan, President of VCK (Viduthalai Chriuththaigal Katchi). His party's Motto is "refuse (to submit), transgress; rise (from shackles), return (the blow)" (Adanga Maru; Aththu Meeru; Thimiri Ezhu, Thiruppi Adi), which is nothing but a straight call for violence. As implied by their motto, the party cadres quite often indulge in violence and hooliganism.

Thirumavalavan, a self-styled Dalit leader, was brought into the limelight in the nineties by the Late Congressman GK Moopanar, who revolted against former prime minister Narasimha Rao's alliance with Jayalalitha and started his own Tamil Manila Congress. Since then, Thiruma has been having alliance either with Karuna or Jaya and in the bargain his fortunes have been on the rise and now his party functionaries are roaming around the state in Tatas and Toyotas, while their followers are still struggling to make ends meet. Following the footsteps of his Dravidian Masters, <b>Thirumavalavan also distorts Dr Ambedkar's writings, speeches and opinions and deliberately misleads his followers, thereby helping the Dravidian parties. For example, it is a well-known fact that Dr Ambedkar never supported the Aryan Invasion Theory, but Thiruma keeps peddling it along with his Dravidian racist counterparts to cheat the masses.

Thiruma is not only skilful in cajoling the Dravidian leaders, but he also has a unique knack of flirting around with the leaders of minority (Muslim and Christian) communities. Though Dr Ambedkar's advocacy for Buddhism is well known, Thiruma on the one hand rejects it and on the other hand tacitly encourages his party cadres to convert to Christianity and Islam. He has a penchant for fighting for the causes of Muslims and Christians even at the cost of Dalit causes. At a time when Hindu Dalits were being persecuted by Christian Vanniyars in the district of Dindukkal, he was fighting for Muslims in Vellore district.

In January 2010, a Hindu Dalit by name Andi was murdered by Christian Vanniyars while he was celebrating Pongal in an Amman Temple in Perumalkovilpatti village, in Dindukkal. At about the same time in January 2010, another Hindu Dalit Sadaiyandi was attacked and human excreta were thrust inside his mouth by Christian Vanniars in Meikovilpatti village near Dindukkal. Thirumavalavan didn't even bother to visit the villages, but went to Vellore on January 20, 2010 and fought for Muslims' entry into an unused mosque inside the fort, which is under the control of ASI.

In another place called Eraiyur in Villupuram district, Christian Vanniars were discriminating against Dalit converts for years. Here again Thirumavalavan didn't act in support of his community, though he maintains a good relationship with Christian Clergy and Church leaders. In Kanthampatty village near Omalur, Salem district, Hindu Vanniars have been refusing entry for Hindu dalits inside the Draupathi Amman Temple for years. Thirumavalavan despite being closely acquainted with Vanniar leader and PMK (Pattali Makkal Katchi) Founder Dr Ramadoss, didn't bother to solve the problem there.

Though he claims to work for Dalit causes, in reality he has done literally nothing for the community, which he represents. His party is allegedly funded by minority organisations, which throws light on his proximity with those leaders, his fighting for their causes and his tacit help for conversions. The sudden rise of Thirumavalavan in just over a decade shows, a politician need not be in power to get his fortunes increased and necessarily need not work for the causes espoused by Dr Ambedkar to attain the "status" of Dalit icon.

Karunanidhi, a great stalwart and experienced politician, cleverly uses Thiruma as a "pawn" in his cold war against Congress. Recently, when some of the local Congress leaders went hammer and tongs against DMK regime, Karuna induced Thiruma to talk against Congress and Thiruma not only obeyed it by giving an interview to a weekly magazine, but also went to the extent of inducing his cadres to desecrate Rajiv Gandhi's statue. But when matters turned for the worse, he brazenly wrote an apologetic letter to Sonia confirming his "respect and admiration" for Nehru family, though he had spared nothing to take on Congress at every meet in support of LTTE earlier. And Thiruma doesn't feel shy of being used by Karuna as long as his personal interests are served.

Tamil Nadu has another self styled Dalit leader Dr Krishnasamy, president of Puthiya Thamizhagam, who does nothing for the community. Though he doesn't have as much a following as Thirumavalavan, he too functions in a similar way, hobnobbing with Dravidian parties and flirting with minority leaders.

Tamil Nadu has witnessed truly great Dalit leaders genuinely working for the poor and the downtrodden. True nationalists silently remembered the great Congressman, freedom fighter and Dalit leader Kakkan, who served as a member of the constituent assembly of India, member of parliament, president of the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee and in various ministerial posts in Congress governments in the erstwhile Madras State between 1957 and 1967. Immediately after retirement, Kakkanji traveled by bus and during his final years, he was seen lying on the floor of a hospital in Madurai like an orphan with no one nearby to attend to him. When he died, he had zero assets! When he was alive, he had worked for the education of untouchables and fought for the entry of Dalits in temples. He was encouraged, motivated and supported by Vaidyanatha Iyer, who led the Dalits into the Madurai Meenakshi Amman Temple and Rajaji passed an ordinance for the temple entry of Dalits, when he was the chief minister of the erstwhile Madras province.

The Congress party, even while celebrating his birth centenary in June (delayed by a year), exposed only the factionalism within, and the sycophancy on Nehru family, but not an iota of respect to Kakkanji. Neither Thiruma nor Krishnasamy, nor any of the Dravidian leaders remembered him. The Dravidian government, which spent huge amount of taxpayers' money for the celebration of centenaries of Dravidian racist icons such as EVR and Annadurai, didn't spend even a fraction of it to observe the centenary of this great Dalit icon, who genuinely toiled for their upliftment.

Apart from Kakkanji (1908- 1981), the state had witnessed an array of dalit leaders such as Pandit Ayothidasar (1845-1914), Rettaimalai Srinivasan (1860-1945), MC Raja (1883-1945) and N Sivaraj (1892-1964) and many others, who truly fought for the empowerment of oppressed classes and did yeomen service for dalit causes.

After Independence both the Indian National Congress and the Dravidian Parties, have forgotten all these icons even while they were using Dr Ambedkar's name only to dupe the gullible masses. The dalit politicians, who associated themselves with these political parties, were all self-centered and they took care of only their personal and family interests. None of them bothered to espouse the dalit causes.

Tamil Nadu has been under the clutches of the two major Dravidian parties alternatively since 1967. The state still has hundreds of worshipping places refusing entry to dalits, hundreds of manual scavengers, scores of caste walls separating dalits and OBCs/BCs/MBCs, two-tumbler system in hundreds of tea shops, separate burial grounds for dalits and refusal of entry even in saloons!

In certain villages, the dalits are not allowed to walk on the public road, wear chappals, ride bicycles, wear dhotis folded, wear towels on shoulders, use common wells and get clothes washed or ironed. Laundaries have separate almirahs for dalits! But the Chief Minister is talking of the disgraced Raja dedicating himself for espousing the cause of dalit prajas.

Karunanidhi has only used Raja as a pawn in typical Dravidian style. While the Dynasties have been hugely benefitted, the dalit king is likely to end up as a scapegoat. The dalits of this country must realise that they need only Ambedkars and Kakkans and not Rajas and Thirumas. Will they?

Sanjay Raut

From Wikipedia
Sanjay Raut
संजय राऊत
Bappa Lahiri, Bappi Lahiri, Swapna Patker, Sanjay Raut (cropped).jpg

MP of Rajya Sabha for Maharashtra
Assumed office
5th July 2010
Personal details
BornNovember 15, 1961 (age 55)
Alibag, Dist.Raigad(Maharashtra)
Nationality Indian
Political partyShiv Sena
Spouse(s)Varsha Raut
RelationsSunil Raut
ResidenceBhandup, Mumbai
Sanjay Raut (Marathi: संजय राऊत) is a politician from Shiv Sena party who is a Member of the Parliament of India representing Maharashtra in the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Indian Parliament. He is also the Executive Editor of Marathi newspaper Samana (Marathi: सामना) which is published by Uddhav Thackeray, the Shivsena party leader.


After the arrest of the two girls who posted and liked a comment on Facebook, he justified saying "We support the police's action, the Facebook comments could have led to a law and order situation."
In April 2015, he made controversy by saying the voting rights of Muslims should be revoked for some years to ensure the community is not used for vote bank politics. In Shiv Sena mouthpiece Saamna he wrote in a column "Till Muslims are used as vote-banks, they have no future. This is why Bal Thackeray had demanded that Muslims' voting rights be taken away. This was right. The day voting rights of Muslims are taken away, the facade of people who claim to be 'secular' will be exposed".

Positions held

  • 2004: Elected to Rajya Sabha
  • 2005: Leader, Shiv Sena[7]
  • Oct. 2005-May 2009: Member, Committee on Home Affairs Member, Consultative Committee for the Ministry of Civil Aviation
  • 2010: Re-elected to Rajya Sabha
  • 2010: Member, Committee on Food, Consumer Affairs and Public Distribution Member, Consultative Committee for the Ministry of Power

जानें कैसे पेरियार और करूणानिधि ने तोड़ा तमिलनाडु में ब्राह्मणों का वर्चस्व?

पेरियार के द्रविड़ आंदोलन ने आधुनिक तामिलनाडु की बुनियाद रखी तो करूणानिधि ने इस बुनियाद के आधार पर एक ऐसे तामिलनाडु का निर्माण किया जहां ब्राह्मणों का वर्चस्व तो खत्म हुआ ही, बहुजनों को  न केवल सत्ता पर कब्जा मिला बल्कि सांस्कृतिक और सामाजिक स्तर पर भी ब्राह्मणों को कड़ी चुनौती दी है। सिद्धार्थ का विश्लेषण :

 द्रविड़ आंदोलन, पेरियार और करूणानिधि                             

तमिलनाडु में द्रविड़ आंदोलन की औपचारिक शुूरूआत 1916 में तब हुई, जब जस्टिस पार्टी ने गैर-ब्राह्मण घोषणा-पत्र जारी किया। ब्राह्मणवाद बनाम गैर-ब्राह्मणवाद का संघर्ष ही इस घोषणा-पत्र का मूल स्वर था। तमिलनाडु (तब मद्रास प्रेसीडेंसी)  में ब्राह्मणों का वर्चस्व किस कदर था, इसका अंदाजा इस तथ्य से लगाया जा सकता है कि 1912 में वहां ब्राह्मणों की आबादी सिर्फ 3.2 प्रतिशत थी, जबकि 55 प्रतिशत जिला अधिकारी और 72.2 प्रतिशत जिला जज ब्राह्मण थे। मंदिरों और मठों पर ब्राह्मणों का कब्जा तो था ही जमीन की मिल्कियत भी उन्हीं लोगों के पास थी। इस प्रकार तमिल समाज के जीवन के सभी क्षेत्रों में ब्राह्मणों का वर्चस्व था।

ब्राह्मणों के वर्चस्व को तोड़ने के लिए शुरु हुआ ब्राह्मण विरोधी आंदोलन

इस वर्चस्व को तोड़ने के लिेए ब्राह्मण विरोधी आंदोलन शुरू हुआ। 1915-1916 के आसपास मंझोली जातियों की ओर से सी.एन. मुलियार, टी. एन. नायर और पी. त्यागराज चेट्टी ने जस्टिस आंदोलन की स्थापना की थी। इन मंझोली जातियों में तमिल वल्लाल, मुदलियाल और चेट्टियार प्रमुख थे। इनके साथ ही इसमें तेलुगु रेड्डी, कम्मा, बलीचा नायडू और मलयाली नायर भी शामिल थे। 1920 में मोंटेग-चेम्सफोर्ड सुधारों के अनुसार मद्रास प्रेसीडेंसी में एक द्विशासन प्रणाली बनायी गयी जिसमें प्रेसीडेंसी में चुनाव कराने के प्रावधान किये गए। इस चुनाव में जस्टिस पार्टी ने भाग लिया और एक गैर-ब्राह्मणों के नेतृत्व और प्रभुत्व वाली जस्टिस पार्टी सत्ता में आई। इस पार्टी के नेतृत्व में पहली बार तमिलनाडु में  1921 में सरकारी नौकरियों में गैर ब्राह्मणों के लिए आरक्षण लागू हुआ।

करूणानिधि और पेरियार

प्रभावकारी साबित हुआ पेरियार का आत्मसम्मान आंदोलन

1925 में पेरियार ने कांग्रेस पार्टी छोड़कर आत्मसम्मान आंदोलन की शुरूआत की। इसके तहत आत्मसम्मान विवाह पद्धति आरंभ की गयी, जिसमें लड़के-लड़की दोनों को समान दर्जा दिया गया। इस विवाह पद्धति में हिंदू धर्म और ब्राह्मणों को पूरी तरह से बाहर कर दिया गया। अंतर जातीय विवाह व विधवा विवाह को प्रोत्साहित किया गया। किशोर करूणानिधि की भी शादी इसी पद्धति हुई थी। जब करूणानिधि तमिलानाडु के मुख्यमंत्री बने तब उन्होंने डॉ. आंबेडकर के कोड़ बिल की तरह का एक बिल प्रस्तुत किया। जिसके तहत पारिवारिक संपत्ति में महिलाओं को बराबरी का हक दिया गया। शिक्षा, सरकारी नौकरी और स्थानीय चुनावों महिलाओं को लिए आरक्षण लागू किया गया। सरकारी और सार्वजनिक क्षेत्र की नौकरियों में महिलाओं को 30 प्रतिशत आरक्षण दिया गया। उन्होंने महिलाओं के हित के लिए अनेक कल्याणकारी योजनाओं की शुरूआत की। गरीब लड़कियों की शादी के लिए 5 हजार रूपए का अनुदान शुरू किया गया। कम और मध्यम आय की लड़कियों के लिए स्नातक तक की शिक्षा मुफ्त कर दी। विधवाओं की शादी को प्रोत्साहित करने के उनकी शादी के लिए विशेष वित्तीय सहायता उपलब्ध कराने का प्रावधान किया गया। 

हिंदी गाय पट्टी के ब्राह्मणवाद विरोधी आंदोलन जहां राजनीतिक दायरे तक ही कमोबेश सीमित रहे, उसके उलट द्रविड़ आंदोलन ने ब्राह्मणवादी संस्कृति को कड़ी चुनौती दी। वहां 1916 से लेकर करूणानिधि के जीवित रहने तक तमिलनाडु  में राजनीतिक संघर्ष अपने में सामाजिक और सांस्कृतिक संघर्षों को किसी न किसी रूप में समाए रखा, भले ही उसका ताप-तेवर और वैचारिकी कमजोर पड़ी हो।

संस्कृत और हिंदी को मिली चुनौती

अकारण नहीं है कि तमिलनाड़ु में ब्राह्मण विरोधी आंदोलन के घोषणा-पत्र ( 1916) के साथ ही उत्तर भारतीय आर्य-ब्राह्मणों के ब्राह्मणों के भाषायी वर्चस्व के खिलाफ भी संघर्ष शुरू हो गया था। 1916 में ही मद्रास प्रेसीडेंसी ( आज के तमिलनाडु) में संस्कृत भाषा वर्चस्व के खिलाफ संघर्ष भी शुरू हुआ। यह आंदोलन 1937 में हिंदी विरोधी आंदोलन के रूप में तब तब्दील हो गया, जब 1937 में मद्रास प्रेसीडेंसी के सी. राजगोपालाचारी मुख्यमंत्री बने और उन्होंने हिंदी को एक अनिवार्य भाषा के रूप में थोपने का प्रयास किया। 27 फरवरी 1938 को राज्य स्तर पर पेरियार के नेतृत्व में हिंदी विरोधी सम्मेलन हुआ। 13 वर्षीय करूणानिधि ने भी हिंदी विरोधी इस आंदोलन में सक्रिय हिस्सेदारी की थी। अपनी आत्मकथा में उन्होंने लिखा है कि हम यह नारा लगता  थे कि ‘हिंदी मुर्दाबाद, तमिल जिंदाबाद’। वे लिखते है कि यह नारा लगाते हुए और सुनते हुए हमारी नसें फड़फड़ा उठती थीं। हम रोमांच से भर जाते थे। हाल में ही जब संघ लोक सेवा आयोग की परीक्षाओं में हिंदी को थोपने की कोशिश मोदी-भाजपा ने की तो, करूणानिधि और उनकी पार्टी ने कड़ा विरोध किया और सरकार को अपना फरमान वापस लेना पड़ा

डॉ. आंबेडकर के साथ पेरियार

किसी अन्य भाषा-भाषी समाज पर कोई दूसरी भाषा थोपना क्या होता है, शायद यह समझना आज भी किसी हिंदी भाषा-भाषी के लिए मुश्किल हो, खास करके उन लोगों के लिए जो अंग्रेजी के सामने नतमस्तक हुए बैठे हैं। भाषा थोपने वाला देश या समाज अपनी भाषा के माध्यम से अपनी संस्कृति, मूल्य व्यवस्था, वैचारिकी, सोचने का तरीका और अपनी जीवन-पद्धति भी थोपता है। न्यूगोवाथूंगी ने ठीक लिखा है कि किसी समाज को अपने अधीन बनाना हो तो उस पर अपनी भाषा थोप दो। इसके उलट बात यह है कि वर्चस्व और दासता से मुक्ति का रास्ता वर्चस्वशाली भाषा से मुक्ति से खुलता है। द्रविड़ आंदोलन ने द्रविड़ समाज की सांस्कृतिक मुक्ति के लिए पहले चरण में संस्कृत और हिंदी भाषा के वर्चस्व के खिलाफ संघर्ष किया। करूणानिधि आजीवन भाषायी वर्चस्व की मुखालफत करते रहे।

खुद को हिंदू नहीं मानते थे करूणानिधि

मुथुवेल करूणानिधि ब्राह्मणवाद विरोधी द्रविड़ आंदोलन की पैदाईश थे। आधुनिक युग में तमिलनाडु में इस आंदोलन को व्यापक जन का आंदोलन बनाने वाले ई.वी. रामास्वामी यानि पेरियार ( जन्म 17 सिंतंबर 1879-निधन 24 दिसंबर 1973)  थे। उन्होंने ताजिंदगी हिंदू धर्म और ब्राह्मणवाद का जमकर विरोध किया। वर्ण-जाति व्यवस्था और जातिवादी पितृसत्ता खिलाफ निरंतर संघर्ष करते रहे। उन्हें धर्म और ईश्वर किसी रूप में स्वीकार नहीं थे। इसके साथ ही उन्होंने उत्तर भारतीय आर्य श्रेष्ठता के राष्ट्रवादी वर्चस्व को भी चुनौती दिया। पेरियार ने हिदूं धर्म और द्रविड़ परंपरा के बीच अंतर करते हुए लिखा, “हम लम्बे समय से कहते रहे हैं कि हिन्दू धर्म का अर्थ है आर्य धर्म और हिन्दू आर्य हैं। इसलिए हम यह कहते रहे हैं कि हम द्रविड़ों को खुद को हिन्दू नहीं कहना चाहिए न ही खुद को हिंदुत्व को मानने वाला कहना चाहिए। इसी के अनुरूप सन् 1940 में जस्टिस पार्टी के प्रांतीय सम्मलेन में मेरी अध्यक्षता में एक प्रस्ताव पारित हुआ। फैसला किया गया कि हम द्रविड़ खुद को हिन्दू नहीं कहेंगे और न ही यह कहेंगे कि हम हिन्दू धर्म से ताल्लुक रखते हैं।”  

अपनी दूसरी पत्नी दयालू के साथ करूणानिधि (साभार : इंडियन एक्सप्रेस)

पेरियार के कथन की पुष्टि डॉ. आंबेडकर भी करते हैं। उन्होंने द्रविड़ संस्कृति को आर्य-ब्राह्मणवादी संस्कृति से अलगाते हुए लिखा है, “अनार्य, असुर, नाग और द्रविड़ एक ही हैं। जिनका निरंतर संघर्ष आर्य संस्कृति और सभ्यता से होता रहा है।”  पेरियार ने ही द्रविड़ कडगम आंदोलन शूुरू किया। इस आंदोलन के उद्देश्य के बारे में उन्होंने लिखा, “‘द्रविड़ कड़गम आंदोलन’ का एक ही उद्देश्य और केवल एक ही निशाना है और वह है आर्य ब्राह्मणवादी वर्ण व्यवस्था का अंत कर देना, जिसके कारण समाज ऊंच और नीच जातियों में बांटा गया है। द्रविड़ कड़गम आंदोलन उन सभी शास्त्रों, पुराणों और देवी-देवताओं में आस्था नहीं रखता, जो वर्ण तथा जाति व्यवस्था को जस का तस बनाए रखे हैं”।
 पेरियार भारत की उस नास्तिक परंपरा के व्यक्तित्व थे, जो न तो वेदों में विश्वास करता था, न ही ईश्वर में। उन्होंने साफ शब्दों में घोषणा की थी कि ईश्वर की रचना धूर्तों ने की है। उन्होंने लिखा, “ईश्वर की सत्ता स्वीकारने में किसी बुद्धिमत्ता की आवश्यकता नहीं पड़ती, लेकिन नास्तिकता के लिए बड़े साहस और दृढ विश्वास की जरुरत पड़ती है। ये स्थिति उन्हीं के लिए संभव है जिनके पास तर्क तथा बुद्धि की शक्ति हो”। उनके लिए धर्मग्रंथ और मंदिर बहुसंख्यक समाज को गुलाम बनाने के उपकरण थे। वे लिखते हैं, ““ब्राह्मणों ने हमें शास्त्रों ओर पुराणों की सहायता से गुलाम बनाया है। अपनी स्थिति मजबूत करने के लिए मंदिर, ईश्वर और देवी-देवताओं की रचना की”।
करूणानिधि ब्राह्मणवाद,  आर्य संस्कृति और उच्च जातीय उत्तर भारतीय राष्ट्रवाद  को चुनौती देने वाली दक्षिण की पेरियार की इसी द्रविड़ परंपरा की अंतिम कड़ी थे। पेरियार के शिष्य परंपरा के एक वारिस के रूप में करूणानिधि ने तमिलनाडु में ब्राह्मणवादी वर्चस्व को तोड़ने में अहम भूमिका निभाई थी। हालांकि यह भी सच है कि पेरियार को अपना गुरू मानने वाला यह व्यक्तित्व धीरे-धीरे अपना ताप, तेवर, मूल्य और वैचारिकता खोता गया और भारतीय राजनीति और राजनीतिज्ञों के करीब सभी पतनशील तत्वों से यह व्यक्ति भी आच्छादित हो गया। जिसका एक घृणित रूप वंशवाद भी था। कभी द्रविड़ संस्कृति और तमिल पहचान की राजनीति करने वाली करूणानिधि की पार्टी उनके बेटे-बेटियों की जागीर बन गई। द्रविड़ मुनेत्र कड़गम भी अन्य दलों के जैसे व्यक्तिगत स्वार्थो और महत्वाकांक्षा का अखाड़ा बन गई।

करूणानिधि ने तामिलनाडु को बनाया कल्याणकारी राज्य

लेकिन मैं इस आलेख में उस करूणानिधि को याद करना चाहता हूं, जिन्होंने न केवल तमिलनाडु की राजनीति में ब्राह्मणवादी वर्चस्व को तोड़ने की प्रक्रिया को तेज किया,  साथ ही समाज और संस्कृति पर उनके वर्चस्व को काफी हद तक तोड़ भी दिया। हम सभी जानते हैं कि तमिलनाडु के आर्थिक संसाधनों पर भी ब्राह्मणों का ही नियंत्रण था। इस वर्चस्व को तोड़ने में उनकी अहम भूमिका रही है। तमिलनाडु को मानवीय विकास के पैमाने पर देश के चंद राज्यों के बरक्स खड़ा करने में उनकी भूमिका को कम करके नहीं आंका जा सकता है। उन्होंने इस राज्य को एक कल्याणकारी राज्य में बदल दिया।

संगीत सीखने गये स्कूल, मिला अपमान

करूणानिधि का जन्म तमिलना़डु के तंंजौर जिले के एक गांव थिरूकुवलाई में 3 जून 1924 को हुआ था। अपने जाति के बारे में वे बताते हैं कि मेरी जाति एसाई वेलालार थी। इस जाति के लोग शादी-विवाह  और अन्य मांगलिक अवसरों पर वाद्य यंत्र बजाते थे। उनके पिता बल्लादीर मुथुवेलार प्रसिद्ध लोकगायक थे। अन्य समाजों की तरह तमिल समाज में भी बेटा हो इसके लिए मां-बाप तरह-तरह के जतन करते थे। उनकी मां ने बेटे की चाहत में सभी देवी-देवताओं और मंदिरों के चक्कर लगाए। आखिर बेटा पैदा हुआ। मां ने स्थानीय देवता के नाम उस बेटे का नाम करूणानिधि रखा। यह दीगर बात है कि होश संभालते ही यह बेटा पेरियार के प्रभाव में नास्तिक बन बैठा और आजीवन नास्तिक बना रहा। ब्राह्मणवादी वर्चस्व वाले समाज में पैदा होने वाले हर गैर-द्विज बालक को किसी न किसी रूप में अपनी जाति के चलते अपमान सहना ही होता है। वह करूणानिधि के साथ भी हुआ। लोकगायक पिता ने बेटे को संगीत की शिक्षा के लिए संगीत के स्कूल में भेजा, लेकिन वहां उसे अपमान का सामना करना पड़ा। उसके बैठने की जगह उच्च जातियों से अलग थी और उसे उन गीतों को गाने से रोका जाता था, जिन्हें गाने का अधिकार केवल ब्राह्मणों को था। करूणानिधि लिखते हैं, “वास्तव में मेरी संगीत की कक्षा पहली राजनीतिक कक्षा थी। वहां मैंने यह जाना कि कैसै जाति के आधार पर किसी इंसान को अपमानित किया जाता है। वहां मैंने यह जाना कि कैसे खुद को सही मानते हुए कुछ लोग संस्कारों और परंपराओं से बहुसंख्यक लोगों को अपमानित करते हैं।” करूणानिधि ने उस संगीत स्कूल में शिक्षा लेने से इंकार कर दिया और कहा कि मैं वहां नहीं शिक्षा ग्रहण कर सकता, जहां इंसान की गरिमा का ख्याल न रखा जाता हो।

फिल्मों को बनाया बदलाव का हथियार

यहां यह याद करना जरूरी है कि यह पेरियार के आत्मसम्मान आंदोलन का समय था। करीब 13 वर्ष की उम्र में करूणानिधि ने 1938 हिंदी विरोधी आंदोलन में सक्रिय हिस्सेदारी की। इसी उम्र में उन्होंने लिखना भी शुरू कर दिया। उन्होंने मन्नावानेसन (छात्रों का साथी) नामक खुद का प्रकाशन भी शुरू कर दिया।  लेखन के सिलसिले में ही उनकी पहली मुलाकात अन्नादुरई से हुई जो उनके राजनीतिक गुरू बने। अन्नादुरई ने उन्हें अध्ययन पर ध्यान और कैरियर बनाने की सलाह दी और साथ ही यह भी कहा कि कैसे पैसा कमा सकते हो, इस पर ध्यान दो। करूणानिधि से इस सलाह को अनसुना कर दिया। वे लेखन, सामाजिक-सांस्कृतिक संघर्षों और राजनीति में सक्रिय बन रहे।

पहली बार सीएम बनने के बाद करुणानिधि
1916 से 1944 तक जस्टिस पार्टी द्रविड़ आंदोलन की राजनीतिक अगुवाई करती रही। 1940 में पेेरियार इस पार्टी के संरक्षक बन गए। 1944 में अन्नादुरई के प्रस्ताव पर जस्टिस पार्टी की जगह एक नई पार्टी द्रविड़ कड़गम बनी। इस पार्टी ब्रिटिश औपनिवेशिक शासन और जातिवादी आधिपत्य के खिलाफ एक साथ संघर्ष करने का निर्णय लिया। इस पार्टी का मानना था कि कांग्रेस ब्रिटिश औपनिवेशिक शासन की समाप्ति तो चाहती है, लेकिन तमिलना़डु में उच्च जातियों का वर्चस्व कायम रखना चाहती है। यहां यह ध्यान रखना जरूरी है कि तमिलनाड़ु में उच्च जाति के रूप में ब्राह्मण ही थे। करूणानिधि इस पार्टी के सक्रिय नेता के रूप में उभरे। वे पेरियार और अन्नादुरई दोनों को काफी पसंद थे। पेरियार उन्हें उनके विचारों और लेखन के लिए मुख्यत: पसंद करते थे, तो अन्नादुरई उनके राजनीतिक नेतृत्व की क्षमता के लिए। करूणानिधि जितने अच्छे चिंतक, विचारक और लेखक थे, उतने ही कुशल राजनेता भी थे, साथ ही वे अच्छे वक्ता और संगठनकर्ता भी थे। आजीवन उन्होंने इन संतुलनों को बनाए रखा। तमिल सिनेमा के चरित्र को उन्होंने अपने पटकथा लेखन से बदल दिया। उनके लिए फिल्में भी सामाजिक, राजनीतिक और सांस्कृतिक बदलाव की माध्यम थीं।

मद्रास में डीएमके के सम्मेलन में एम जी रामचंद्रन और पेरियार के साथ करूणानिधि (साभार : द हिन्दू आर्काइव)
उन्होंने पेरियार के विचारों को फिल्मी पटकथाओं में रूपान्तरित किया। उनकी फिल्में ब्राह्मणवाद को चुनौती देती थीं, जाति व्यवस्था पर प्रहार करती थीं। मनु की संहिता पर चोट करती थीं। उनकी फिल्में किस कदर क्रांतिकारी चरित्र की थी, इसका अंदाजा इस बात से लगाया जा सकता है कि आजाद भारत में ‘पराशक्ति’ (1952) पर प्रतिबंध लगा दिया गया था। ‘पराशक्ति’ में द्रविड़ आंदोलन की विचारधाराओं का समर्थन और ब्राह्मणवाद के मनुष्य विरोधी चरित्र को सामने लाया गया था। उनके फिल्मी कैरियर की शुूरूआत में फिल्म राजकुमारी से हुई थी।
कभी नहीं हारे करूणानिधि
इससे पहले 1949 में द्रविड कड़गम से अलग होकर अन्नादुरई ने द्रविड़ मुनेत्र कड़गम ( डीएमके)  पार्टी बनायी। करूणानिधि इसके प्रमुख नेताओं में से एक थे। इस दौरान वे तमिलनाड़ु के समाज और राजनीति में एक बड़ी शख्सियत के रूप में उभर चुके थे। 1957 में डीएमके पार्टी तमिलनाडु के विधानसभा और लोकसभा चुनावों में हिस्सेदारी की। 1957 में करूणानिधि पहली बार विधायक चुने गए। इसके बाद चुनावी राजनीति के सफर में उन्हेंं कभी हार का मुंह नहीं देखना पड़ा, भले ही उनकी पार्टी चुनावों में हार गई हो। 1967 के चुनाव में डीएमके पहली बार सत्ता में आई और अन्नादुरई मुख्यमंत्री बने। इस चुनावी जीत का श्रेय अन्नादुरई ने करूणानिधि को देिया। 3 फरवरी 1969 को अन्नादुरई का निधन हो गया और उनके उत्तराधिकारी के रूप में 10 फरवरी 1969 को करूणानिधि पहली बार तमिलनाडु के मुख्यमंत्री बने। वे पांच बार (1969–71, 1971–76, 1989–91, 1996–2001 और 2006–2011) मुख्यमंत्री रहे। उन्होंने अपने 60 साल के राजनीतिक करियर में अपनी भागीदारी वाले हर चुनाव में अपनी सीट जीतने का रिकॉर्ड बनाया। इन 60 वर्षों के राजनीतिक कैरियर में उन्होंने अनेक उदार-चढ़ाव देखे। हार-जीत का सामना किया। एक बड़ी उपलब्धि आज के दौर में उनके हिस्से यह भी है कि उनके निजी स्तर पर भ्रष्टाचार का कोई गंभीर आरोप नहीं लगा। इस संदर्भ में वे बेदाग रहे।

एक जनसभा को संबोधित करते करूणानिधि
व्यक्तिगत स्तर पर वे आजीवन नास्तिक बने रहे और तर्क और बौद्धिकता को जीवन-जगत का केंद्र मानते रहे किसी पराशक्ति को नहीं। उनकी अंतिम इच्छा यह थी कि वे उनकी समाधि उनके राजनीतिक शिक्षक अन्नादुरई की समाधि के पास बने। रूकावटों-अवरोधों के बावजूद तमिलनाडु हाईकोर्ट के निर्णय के बाद  उनकी यह आखिरी इच्छा भी पूरी हुई। किसी न सच ही कहा कि मौत के बाद भी वे विजयी हुए।

सीएम बनते ही दलितों और ओबीसी के हक में लिया फैसला

भले ही डीएमके पेरियार की पार्टी द्रविड़ कड़गम से अलग होकर बनी थी, लेकिन सत्ता में आने बाद अन्नादुरई और बाद में करूणानिधि दोनों ने मुख्यमंत्री के रूप में उनके विचारों व्यवहार में उतारने की कोशिश की। पहले कदम के तौर पर अन्नादुरई ने तमिलनाडु में शादी की पद्धति को बदल दिया और आत्मसम्मान विवाह पद्धति को लागू किया। मद्रास का नाम बदल कर तमिलनाडु कर दिया और तमिलनाडु में दो भाषा आधारित शिक्षा नीति को लागू किया। पहली भाषा तमिल और दूसरी अंग्रेजी। अन्नादुरई के मुख्यमंत्री रहते ही पिछड़े वर्गों के उत्थान के लिेए आयोग के गठन की प्रक्रिया शुरू हुई। इन सभी निर्णयों में करूमानिधि की भूमिका अहम थी। अन्नादुरई के निधन के बाद मुख्यमंत्री बनने के बाद 1971 में करूणानिधि ने ओबीसी आयोग की रिपोर्ट को लागू किया। उन्होंने पिछड़े वर्गों के आरक्षण को 25 प्रतिशत से बढ़ाकर 31 प्रतिशत कर दिया और एससी/एसटी के आरक्षण 16 प्रतिशत से बढ़ाकर 18 प्रतिशत कर दिया। 1989-1991 में मुख्यमंत्री बनने के दौरान उन्होंने आरक्षण में उपवर्गीकरण करके उपेक्षित जातियों को प्रतिनिधित्व दिया। जैसा कि जिक्र किया जा चुका है कि इसी कार्यकाल के दौरान उन्होंने महिलाओं को सरकारी नौकरियों में  30 प्रतिशत आरक्षण लागू कर दिया।
भूमि संबंधों में परिवर्तन और इसके मालिकाना की स्थिति में बदलाव के लिए भी करूणानिधि ने कई कदम उठाए। भूमि सुधार अधिनियम 1970 के माध्यम से उन्होंने सीलिंग की सीमा मानक 30 एकड़ से घटाकर 15 एकड़ कर दिया। इस अधिनियम के माध्यम से उन्होंने वासस्थान की जमीन पर सबको मालिकाना हक प्रदान कर दिया। ध्यान रहे पहले वासस्थान की भूमि के मालिक भी जमींदार ही होते थे,भले ही वहां अन्य लोग घर बनाकर रहते हों।  वेे पहले मुख्यमंत्री थे जिन्होंने हाथों से खींचे जाने वाले रिक्शे को खत्म कर दिया। हाथों से रिक्शा खींचने वालों को साइकिल रिक्शा उपलब्ध कराने के लिए उन्होंने कई कदम उठाए और इसका परिणाम यह हुआ कि हाथ से खींचने वाले रिक्शे तमिलनाडु से गायब हो गए। उन्होंने सभी जातियों के लोग मदिंरो में पुजारी बन सके इसके लिए निरंतर प्रयास किया। तमाम कानूनी अड़चनों के बाद भले ही उनकी यह इच्छा बहुत बाद में पूरी हुई।

करूणानिधि आजीवन खुद को पेरियार का वैचारिक शिष्य और अन्नादुरई का राजनीतिक शिष्य मानते रहे। 1969 में तमिलनाडु का मुख्यमंत्री बनने का बाद उन्होंने पेरियार के 91वें जन्मदिन पर कहा, “ पेरियार तमिलनाडु के सरकार हैं।” भले ही यह टिप्पणी अपने शिक्षक के प्रति एक तात्कालिक भावात्मक प्रतिक्रिया हो, लेकिन यह सच है कि करूणानिधि पेरियार के विचारों को अमली जामा पहनाने की कोशिश करते रहे और द्रविड़ आंदोलन को किसी न किसी रूप में जिंदा रखे। 

ऐसे दौर में जबकि विश्व स्तर पर दक्षिणपंथी हवा बह रही है और भारत में यह हवा कुछ ज्यादा ही तेज है, ऐसे में द्रविड़ आंदोलन और पेरियार के नास्तिक शिष्य का जाना, तमिलनाडु और देश की राजनीति के पतनशील चरित्र को और पतित बनाएगा।
(कॉपी संपादन : एफपी डेस्क)

पूना पैक्ट : दलित राजनीति में चमचा युग की शुरूआत

कांशीराम का मानना था कि 24 सितंबर 1932 को गांधी ने आंबेडकर को पूना पैक्ट के लिए बाध्य करके अनुसूचित जातियों की राजनीति को चमचा युग में ढकेल दिया। कांशीराम की एकमात्र किताब चमचा युग पूना पैक्ट के बाद की दलित राजनीति के चरित्र को सामने लाती है। इस किताब की महत्ता पर रोशनी डाल रहे हैं, अलख निरंजन :

पूना पैक्ट 24 सितंबर 1932 : विश्वासघात दिवस

अम्बेडकरवादी राजनीति का घोषणापत्र : कांशीराम की पुस्तक ‘चमचा युग’

आधुनिक भारत के इतिहास में 16 अगस्त 1932 की तिथि का विशेष महत्व है। इसी दिन ब्रिटिश सरकार ने ‘सामुदायिक पंचाट’ की घोषणा की थी। ब्रिटिश सरकार का यह निर्णय भारत के संवैधानिक इतिहास की एक महत्वपूर्ण कड़ी है। इस निर्णय में भारतीयों को सार्वभौम वयस्क मताधिकार एवं सामुदायिक प्रतिनिधित्व को सैद्धान्तिक मंजूरी मिली। मुसलमानों, सिक्खों आदि की तरह अछूत वर्ग को भी हिंदुओं से अलग समुदाय माना गया। सामाजिक, सांस्कृतिक एवं धार्मिक रूप से अलग अछूत वर्ग को ब्रिटिश सरकार ने राजनीतिक रूप से भी अलग समुदाय की मान्यता प्रदान किया। हालांकि गांधी और कांग्रेस ने अछूतों को हिंदुओं से पृथक समुदाय की मान्यता का कड़ा विरोध किया था लेकिन ब्रिटिश प्रधानमंत्री रेमसे मैकडोनल्ड ने गोलमेज सम्मेलन में डॉ. अांबेडकर द्वारा प्रस्तुत किये गये तथ्यों व तर्कों को उचित मानते हुए अछूतों को पृथक निर्वाचक मण्डल सहित दो मतों का अधिकार प्रदान किया।

गांधी ने ब्रिटिश सरकार के इस निर्णय का कड़ा विरोध किया। गांधी और ब्रिटिश सरकार के बीच लगभग एक महीने तक चले पत्र-व्यवहार में गांधी ब्रिटिश सरकार को अपने विचारों से सहमत नहीं करा पाये। अंत में उन्होंने 20 सितम्बर 1932 को पूना की यरवदा जेल में अछूतों को मिले ‘पृथक निर्वाचन मण्डल’ तथा दो मतों के अधिकार के विरोध में आमरण  अनशन प्रारम्भ कर दिया। भारी दबाव के कारण डॉ. आंबेडकर और हिंदू प्रतिनिधियों के बीच 24 सितंबर 1932 को पूना समझौता हुआ जिसमें अछूतों को ‘पृथक निर्वाचक मण्डल’ एंव ‘दो मतों के अधिकार’ को त्यागना पड़ा। इस प्रकार 16 अगस्त 1932 को मिले अधिकार 24 सितंबर 1932 को छिन गये लेकिन दलितों को हिंदुओं से पृथक समुदाय की मान्यता बरकरार रहीं। दलित अपने बीच से स्वतंत्र प्रतिनिधियों के स्थान पर हिंदुओं द्वारा नामित प्रतिनिधियों को चुनने के लिए मजबूर हो गये।

मान्यवर कांशीराम

डॉ. अांबेडकर के पश्चात भारतीय इतिहास में कांशीराम एक ऐसे राजनेता हुए हैं जिन्होंने भारत की संसदीय राजनीति में एक नई धारा का सूत्रपात किया। इनके द्वारा स्थापित दल ‘बहुजन समाज पार्टी’ की अपने स्थापना से महज़ 11 वर्षों में ही उत्तर प्रदेश जैसे राजनैतिक दृष्टि से महत्वपूर्ण प्रदेश में अपनी सरकार बन गयी। यह  केवल सदिच्छा से नहीं हुआ। इसमें कांशीराम की सूझबूझ, रणनीति, रणकौशल के साथ-साथ उनकी उच्च तार्किक-बोधगम्यता भी थी। अर्थात् कांशीराम एक चिंतक भी थे। उन्होंने ‘बहुजन समाज पार्टी’ स्थापित करने से पहले या सामाजिक राजनैतिक हस्तक्षेप करने से पहले भारत की राजनैतिक, सामाजिक और आर्थिक परिस्थितियों का गहरा अध्ययन किया। इस क्रम में उन्होंने  जोतीराव फुले, पेरियार रामास्वामी नायकर के साथ-साथ डॉ. अांबेडकर के विपुल साहित्य का भी गंभीर अध्ययन किया। बामसेफ, डी.एस. फोर जैसे सामाजिक संगठनों के क्रियाकलापों ने उनके सैद्धांतिक दृष्टि को व्यवहारिक आधार प्रदान किया। बहुजन समाज पार्टी बनाने के पूर्व 1982 में उन्होंने अपना दृष्टिकोण स्पष्ट करने के लिए एक पुस्तक प्रकाशित किया, जिसका शीर्षक था-’ एन एरा ऑफ स्टूजेज’ या ‘चमचा युग’। इस पुस्तक में कांशीराम ने भविष्य की राजनीति की रूपरेखा प्रस्तुत किया जिसके आधार पर दो वर्ष बाद ‘बहुजन समाज पार्टी’ की स्थापना हुई।

कांशीराम की किताब चमचा युग

‘चमचा युग’ पुस्तक का प्रकाशन कांशीराम ने 24 सितंबर 1982 को  किया। पचास वर्ष पूर्व 24 सितंबर 1932 को पूना पैक्ट हुआ था। दलित समुदाय को इसी दिन अपने वास्तविक प्रतिनिधि चुनने के अधिकार से वंचित किया गया तथा हिंदुओं द्वारा नामित प्रतिनिधियाों को दलितों पर थोपा गया। ये थोपे गए प्रतिनिधि हिंदुओं के औजार या चमचे के रूप में कार्य करने के लिए मजबूर हैं। कांशीराम का मानना था कि 24 सितंबर 1932 सेे दलितों को चमचा युग में ढकेल दिया गया। चमचा युग के पचास वर्ष पूरे होने पर ‘पूना पैक्ट’ की निन्दा करने एवं इसके दुष्प्रभावों से दलित शोषित समाज को जागरूक करने के उद्देश्य से सम्पूर्ण देश में कार्यक्रम आयोजित किया गया तथा इस पुस्तक को प्रकाशित किया गया।

मान्यवर कांशीराम के प्रेरणास्रोत फुले, पेरियार और आंबेडकर

मान्यवर कांशीराम ने अपनी पुस्तक ‘चमचा युग’ को महामना जोतिराव फुले, रामास्वामी पेरियार एवं डॉ. अांबेडकर को समर्पित किया है। यह पुस्तक 4 भागों और 17 अध्यायों में विभाजित है। भाग-1 और 2 में महामना फुले से लेकर आंबेडकर एवं पेरियार जैसे महापुरुषों के संघर्षों का ब्यौरा दिया गया है। भाग-3 में वर्तमान सामाजिक तथा राजनीतिक परिस्थितियों का विश्लेषण प्रस्तुत किया है। भाग-4 में भावी संघर्षों के तरीके एवं साधन सुझाये गये हैं। इस प्रकार चार भागों और सत्रह अध्यायों में भूत व वर्तमान का विश्लेषण तथा भविष्य की रूपरेखा प्रस्तुत की गयी है।

इस पुस्तक का भाग-एक ‘पूना पैक्ट की भूमिका’ पांच अध्यायों में विभाजित है। इस भाग में बीसवीं सदी के प्रारम्भ से लेकर 24 सितंबर 1932 अर्थात् पूना पैक्ट होने की तिथि तक की ऐतिहासिक घटनाओं का सिलसिलेवार ब्योरे सहित विश्लेषण किया गया है। अंग्रेजों के आगमन से राजसत्ता के चरित्र में आये परिवर्तन एवं महामना जोतिराव फुले के प्रयासों के कारण स्वेच्छा से गुलामी का जीवन व्यतीत करने वाले अछूतों के मन में मानवीय आकांक्षाओं को जागृत होने का अवसर मिला। 1885 में कांग्रेस की स्थापना से भारत के लोकतांत्रिकरण की प्रक्रिया को बल मिला। प्रारम्भ में कांग्रेस का एक धड़ा सामाजिक सुधारों के पक्ष में था लेकिन 1895 में बाल गंगाधर तिलक के उग्र विरोध के कारण  कांग्रेस सामाजिक सुधारों से पीछे हट गयी। कांग्रेस के इस निर्णय के विरुद्ध अछूतों ने प्रदर्शन किया। 1917 में अछूतों की दो बड़ी सभायें सम्पन्न हुईं जिसमें अछूतों ने विधायी परिषदों में जनसंख्या के अनुपात में प्रतिनिधित्व एवं अन्य सुविधाओं की मांग किया। 1920 में अछूतों को डॉ. अांबेडकर जैसा समर्थ एवं दूरदर्शी नेतृत्व मिला। 1931-1932 में गोलमेज सम्मेलन में डॉ. अांबेडकर की नेतृत्व-क्षमता के कारण ही अछूतों को ‘पृथक निर्वाचन मंडल’ एवं दो मतों का अधिकार प्राप्त हुआ जिसे गांधी द्वारा छीन लिया गया। पुस्तक के इस भाग में पूना पैक्ट पर विस्तृत सामग्री दी गयी है। गांधी और ब्रिटिश सरकार के बीच पत्र-व्यवहार का विवरण विषय को समझने बहुत उपयोगी है।

मान्यवर कांशीराम और उनकी किताब चमचा युग

इस पुस्तक के दूसरे भाग ‘पूना पैक्ट पर अम्बेडकर के विचार’ में डॉ. अांबेडकर के विचारों का उल्लेख किया गया है। प्रारम्भ में डॉ. अांबेडकर पूना पैक्ट पर सहमत नहीं थे। भारी दबाव में, भारी मन से उन्होंने पूना पैक्ट पर हस्ताक्षर किया था। लेकिन 1937 के चुनाव में कांग्रेस ने जिस प्रकार से डॉ. अांबेडकर के विरुद्ध दुष्प्रचार एवं साजिश किया उससे डॉ. आंबेडकर बहुत दुःखी हो गये। वे 1956 तक पूना पैक्ट की निन्दा करते रहे। कांशीराम ने पुस्तक के इस भाग में डॉ. अांबेडकर की दो पुस्तकों ‘कांग्रेस और गांधी ने अछूतों के लिए क्या किया’ तथा ‘राज्य और अल्पसंख्यक’ के माध्यम से पूना पैक्ट पर डॉ. अांबेडकर के विचारों का विस्तृत उद्धरण दिया है। जो पूना पैक्ट को समझने के लिए बहुत ही महत्वपूर्ण सामग्री है।

इस पुस्तक का भाग तीन ‘चमचा युग’ अत्यन्त महत्वपूर्ण है। इस भाग के प्रारम्भ में डॉ. आंबेडकर का एक उद्धरण दिया गया है, जिसे यहां पर उल्लिखित करना उचित होगा ‘‘एक जाने-पहचाने मुहावरे का प्रयोग करें तो हिंदुओं के नजरिये से संयुक्त निर्वाचक मण्डल एक ‘राटन बरो’ (जीर्ण-शीर्ण उपनगर) है जिसमें हिंदुओं को एक अछूत के नामांकन का अधिकार मिलता है जो नाममात्र को अछूतों का प्रतिनिधि होता है किन्तु वास्तव में वह हिंदुओं का औजार होता है।’’ डॉ. अांबेडकर के इसी विश्लेषण को आधार बनाकर कांशीराम ने कहा कि अनुसूचित जातियों को संयुक्त निर्वाचन के माध्यम से हिंदुओं द्वारा चमचा युग में ढकेल दिया गया है। अनुसूचित जातियों का राजनैतिक नेतृत्व हिंदुओं के औजार के अतिरिक्त कुछ भी नहीं है। स्वतंत्रता के पश्चात हिंदुओं में यह प्रवृत्ति इतनी ज्यादा बढ़ी की उन्होंने पिछड़ी जातियों तथा अल्पसंख्यकों में भी चमचे पैदा कर दिये। कांशीराम ने पुस्तक के इस भाग में राजसत्ता पर हिंदुओं की पकड़ का गहरा विश्लेषण किया है।

इस पुस्तक के भाग-चार ‘समाधान’ में भूतकाल  के विश्लेषण के आधार पर भविष्य के निर्माण की रूपरेखा प्रस्तुत की गयी है। इस भाग में डॉ. अाबेडकर के प्रयासों का विस्तृत एवं सारगर्भित विवरण दिया गया है। अपने चिंतन को आधार प्रदान करने के लिए कांशीराम ने भविष्य में समतामूलक समाज निर्माण हेतु डॉ. अांबेडकर की तीन पुस्तकों का उल्लेख पथप्रदर्शक के रूप में करते हैं। (1) गांधी और अछूतों का उद्धार (2) कांग्रेस और गांधी ने अछूतों के लिए क्या किया (3) राज्य और अल्पसंख्यक। इसी अध्याय में बामसेफ की अवधारणा और ‘समाज को  वापस करो’ का सिद्धांत प्रस्तुत किया गया है। चमचा युग से मुक्ति के लिए कांशीराम ने अल्पकालिक, दीर्घकालिक एवं स्थायी समाधान की रूपरेखा प्रस्तुत किया है।

जयंतीभाई मनानी : ब्राह्मणवाद विरोधी पूर्णकालिक प्रचारक  

फुले-आंबेडकर के विचारों से लैस जयंतीभाई मनानी ने पूरा जीवन ओबीसी, दलितों, आदिवासियों और अल्पसंख्यकों के लिए समर्पित कर दिया था। वे आजीवन ब्राह्मणवाद के खिलाफ संघर्ष करते रहे। उनका जीवन बहुजन समाज के लिए प्रेरणादायक है। उनके व्यक्तित्व, विचारों और कार्यों पर रोशनी डाल रहे हैं, उनके मित्र और सहयोगी अर्जुन पटेल :
जयंतीभाई मनानी के अचानक निधन की सूचना पाकर मैं आवाक रह गया था। देवेंद्र भाई पटेल और मैं घंटों अपने केबिन में उनके महान गुणों को याद करते रहे। उनके चुनौती  भरे कार्यभारों को याद करते रहे, जो वे छोड़े गए हैं और जिन्हें हमें पूरा करना है। हमने उनके चाहने वालों को उनके निधन की सूचना दिया।

राष्ट्रीय पिछड़ा शोषित संगठन की बैठक को संबोधित करते जयंतीभाई

भुलाए न जा सकने वाले संबंधों की शुरूआत

व्यक्तिगत तौर पर मैंने अपना सबसे करीबी दोस्त और वैचारिक मार्गदर्शक खो दिया। 1990 के दशक में मैं पहली बार उनसे गुजरात में बामसेफ की एक मीटिंग में मिला था। उस समय  बामसेफ अनुसूचित जातियों, जनजातियों, ओबीसी और अल्पसंख्यकों के बीच सक्रिय हो चुका था। उन दिनों मंडल कमीशन की रिपोर्ट सबसे ज्वलंत मुद्दा था। 

गुजरात में 1981, 1985 और 1990 में पहले ही आरक्षण विरोधी तीन बड़े आंदोलन हो चुके थे। मैं  1994 में बामसेफ में शामिल हुआ। ओबसी समुदाय के हम पांच लोग इस संगठन के अगुवा थे। इन पांच लोगों में करनाभाई मालधारी, वरसीभाई गाधवी, जयंतीभाई मनानी, विपुल जादव और मैं शामिल था। हम लोगों ने फुले, शाहू जी और आंबेडकर से दर्शन और विचारधारा ग्रहण किया था।

हम लोग बामसेफ की करीब सभी बैठकों में शामिल होते थे। इस तरह के कार्यक्रमों में एक या दो वक्ता भाषण देने के लिए बुलाए जाते थे। हम लोग फुले-आंबेडकर के विचारों के आधार पर समकालीन समस्याओं का समाधान प्रस्तुत करने की कोशिश करते थे। हमने इन गतिविधियों से बहुत कुछ सीखा और इसे अपने जीवन का मिशन बनाने का फैसला लिया।

रोहित बेमुला की आत्महत्या के बाद भड़क उठे आंदोलन में जयंती भाई की हिस्सेदारी
रोहित बेमुला की आत्महत्या से शुरू हुआ आंदोलन लंबा चला। हम लोग अपने लक्ष्य के प्रतिबद्ध बने रहे, हालांकि हम लोगों ने अन्य सामाजिक और राजनीतिक संगठनों से हाथ मिलाने का प्रयोग किया था। मनुवादी विचाधारा के खिलाफ कार्य करने वाले सभी संगठनों से हम लोगों के अच्छे रिश्ते थे। हम इस बात का दावा कर सकते हैं कि गुजरात में ओबीसी समाज के बीच फुले-आंबेडकर की विचाधारा के हम लोग मुख्य आधार स्तम्भ थे और एससी, एसटी, ओबीसी और अल्पसंख्यक समुदायों के लोगों को एकजुट करने की अपनी ओर से पूरी कोशिश किया। इसके आलावा हमने गुजरात में वर्ग-आधारित चेतना  को विकसित करने की कोशिश किया। यह काम हम लोग लेखन करके, भाषणों का आयोजन करके करते थे। हम लोग सामाजिक एकजुटता के नेक कार्य को आगे बढ़ाने में सक्षम हो गए थे। लोगों के बीच काम करने वाले जिन पांच कार्यकर्ताओं की पहले चर्चा की गई है, यदि उनकी कोई श्रेणी बनाई जाए, तो मैं उनमें पहला स्थान जयंतीभाई को दूंगा।

सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता जयंतीभाई के भीतर का इंसान

जयंतीभाई ने बहुत ही कम उम्र में  लोगों को जागरूक करने, एकजुट और प्रेरित करने लिए एक स्थान से दूसरे स्थान की यात्रा करना शुरू कर दिया। इसके लिए उन्होंने अपना परिवार और व्यापार छोड़ दिया।  विद्यार्थी जीवन से ही उन्होंने सामाजिक कार्य करना शुरू कर दिया था। शुरूआत में वे राजनीतिक गतिविधियों की ओर आकर्षित हुए, लेकिन जल्दी उनको इस बात का एहसास हो गया कि सामाजिक कार्य ज्यादा जरूरी हैं। इस तरह से उ्न्होंने सामाजिक कार्यो में समय लगाना शुरू किया, लेकिन चुनाव के समय राजनीतिक गतिविधियों में सक्रिय हो जाते थे।  वे ग्राम पंचायत के चुनावों से लेकर संसदीय चुनावों तक गहरी नजर रखते थे।

अप्रैल 2014 में जयंतीभाई ने ओबीसी संवैधानिक अधिकार- यात्र में हिस्सेदारी किया
जयंतीभाई ने परास्नातक राजनीति विज्ञान में किया था। उसके बाद उन्होंने बीएड़ डिग्री हासिल किया। वे अपनी यात्राओं में अपनी पाठ्य सामग्री साथ रखते थे। वे वरसीभाई गाधवी की साप्ताहिक पत्रिका  ‘कहानी’ में लिखना भी पसंद करते थे। शायद ही किसी में लिखने का वैसा कौशल था, जो उनके लेखन से मेल खाता हो। प्राय: अक्सर ‘कहानी’ के चारो टेबलॉयड साइज के पृष्ठ सिर्फ जयंतीभाई के लेखन से भरे होते थे। उनकी वैचारिक व्याख्याएं और आकंड़े आधारित लेख चीजों को समग्रता और गहराई में पूरी तरह प्रस्तुत कर देते थे। वे प्राय : मुझसे कहते थे कि अर्जुन बीच-बीच में तुम लिखा करो, ताकि मैं कुछ फुरसत पा सकूं।  ‘कहानी’ को चलाते रहने के लिए वे बहुत सारा समय और उर्जा लगाते थे, लेकिन यह व्यर्थ नही जाता था। बहुत सारे कार्यकर्ता ‘कहानी’ में उनके लेख पढ़कर प्रेरित हुए। 20 वर्षों तक प्रकाशित होने के बाद ‘कहानी’ पत्रिका बंद हो गई। उसके बाद जयंतीभाई ने फेसबुक पर लिखना शुरू किया। वे जहां भी जाते थे, अपना लैपटाप साथ लेकर जाते थे। उनकी बेटी हिंदी में फेसबुक पोस्ट लिखने में उनकी मदद् करती थी। वे सभी संदेश पढ़ते थे और जो लोग भी उनका पोस्ट पढ़ते उनका जबाब देते थे। वे कमेंट करने वाले लोगों को व्यक्तिगत तौर पर जवाब देते थे और जरूरत पड़ने पर जोरदार तरीके से जवाब देते थे। 

सोशल मीडिया के माध्यम से वे पूरे भारत के बहुत सारे मूल निवासियों के संपर्क में आए। वे पूरे देश के कार्यकर्ताओं को एक साथ लाए। वे फेसबुक पर प्रतिदिन लिखते थे। उन्हें इस माध्यम की ताकत का अहसास था। हालांकि वे फेसबुक वाली पीढ़ी के व्यक्ति नहीं थे, फिर भी  तकनीकी प्रगति से अपने को अवगत रखा और अपने चिंतन प्रक्रिया में खुद को प्रगतिशील तरीके से आधुनिक बनाए रखा।

जयंतीभाई ने मध्यप्रदेश में  आदिवासी संगठन जयस की एक बैठक में पांचवी अनुसूची पर विमर्श के लिए एक किताब लोकार्पित किया
वे एक पूर्णकालिक कार्यकर्ता थे। वे हमेंशा सक्रिय रहते थे और सभी पार्टियों  लोगों की बैठक करते थे। इनमें भाजपा,आरएसएस, कांग्रेस,बसपा आदि शामिल थे। वे भाजपा के नेताओं से संवाद कायम करने से हिचकते नहीं थे। वे जब भी मेरे पास आते, हमेशा स्वामीनारायण पंथ से जुड़े खीमाभाई जी से मिलते थे। खीमाभाई जी की पत्नी सूरत नगरपालिका की पार्षद थीं। वे सहज तरीके से एक दूसरे से संवाद करते थे। वे उदार और लोकतांत्रिक मानस के व्यक्ति थे, जब वे अपने विचारों को लोगों के सामने प्रस्तुत करते थे, तो दूसरे लोगों के नजरिए को भी समझने की कोशिश करते थे। वे दूसरों की बातों को बहुत ही ध्यान से सुनते थे। जो उनके नजरिए का विरोध करता था, उसके उसके विचारों को सुनने का उनके भीतर धैर्य था। वे खुद को बहुत सामान्य तरीके से प्रस्तुत करते थे।  यह कहा जा सकता है कि वे ब्राह्मणवाद का विरोध करने वाले पूर्णकालिक कार्यकर्ता थे। वे वास्तव में दबे-कुचले लोगों के एक सच्चे साथी थे।

उन्होंने मुख्यत: ओबीसी और आदिवासियों के लिए काम किया। बामसेफ बहुत सारे कारणों से इन समुदायों से दूर रहता है। लेकिन जयंतीभाई एक सामाजिक परिवर्तन की प्रक्रिया उत्प्रेरित करने की कोशिश कर रहे थे, जो बिना इन समुदायों की हिस्सेदारी के अधूरा रहता। ओबीसी समुदायों के बीच काम करना ज्यादा कठिन था, क्योंकि यह समुदाय ब्राह्मणवादी विचारधारा के बहुत ज्यादा प्रभाव में था।

एक मित्र और मार्गदर्शक

वे जब भी सूरत आते तो मुझसे मिलने सेंटर फॉर सोशल स्टडीज जरूरत आते, जहां मैं शिक्षक हूं। हम लोगों घंटो तत्कालिन परिस्थितियों पर बात करते और एक दूसरे के ज्ञान में इजाफा करते। जमीनी हकीकत और सिद्धांत दोनों मामलों में मैंने उनसे बहुत कुछ सीखा।

मैं अक्सर कहा करता था कि वे दर्शन को बहुत अच्छी समझ रखते हैं। उन्होंने एससी, एसटी, ओबीसी और अल्पसंख्यक वर्गों के साथ काम करने की अपनी पद्धति विकसित किया। वे उतनी ही आसानी से एक आम आदमी से बात कर लेते थे, जितने आसानी से उच्च शिक्षित व्यक्ति से बात करते थे। बहुत सारे लोग ऐसा नहीं कर पाते हैं, लेकिन जयंतीभाई के लिए एक स्वाभाविक सी चीज थी। जब में किसी चैनल की बहस में शामिल होता था या कोई किताब लिखता था या किसी पत्रिका के लिए लेख लिखता था, तो उनसे उस विषय पर फोन पर बात करता था। वे हमेशा मेरी मदद के लिए तैयार रहते थे, भले ही असमय भी मैंने फोन क्यों न किया हो। बात-चीत करने लिए हमेशा वे समय निकाल लेते थे। 

जब भी वे मरे घर आते मेरे परिवार से ऐसे घुल-मिल जाते जैसे यह उनका अपना परिवार हो। उनकी कोई खास चाहत नही होती थी। वे बहुत सादा खाना खाते थे, जैसे कि सब्जी, रोटी, छाछ, खिचड़ी, गुड, इत्यादि। उन्हें पान मशाला और सूर्ती उसी तरह पसंद थी, जैसे गुजरात की सड़को पर एक आदमी खाते मिल जाता है। 

मैंने एक सच्चा दोस्त खो दिया। एक नेक काम के लिए उन्होंने बेहतरीन जीवन जीया। मनुवादी व्यवस्था के शिकार समाज के एक बड़े हिस्से के जीवन को बेहतर बनाने के लिए अपना सब कुछ झोंक दिया। अब उनकी विरासत को आगे ले जाने, क्रांति की मशाल को जिंदा रखने और संवैधानिक आदर्शों पर आधारित नए भारत का निर्माण करने की जिम्मेदारी हम लोगों की है। हमें लोगों को उन्होंने शिक्षित-दीक्षित किया था। 

कॉपी संपादन-सिद्धार्थ, अंग्रेजी से हिंदी अनुवाद-अलख निरंजन

Great Political Leaders of Chamar Community

Chamars are Dalit caste or former untouchable community of Indian subcontinent.Their main profession was of cobbling,skinning of animals,leatherwork & agriculture.Chamar leaders inspired many Chamars to fight against Brahminic dominance & discrimination.They are main drivers of Bahujan Movement in India along with Mahars,Mala,Pulaya,Pallar,Namashudras,Paraiyar,Kori & Pasis,all are dominant & empowered castes among Dalit community.They took education as a mean to social reform of the community & raised their political representation not only in India but in abroad also.Following are the most prominent Chamar leaders of all time-
Babu Jagjivan Ram – Babu-Jagjivan-Ram“Indian independence activist,Former Union Minister & Deputy Prime Minister of India”
Born on 5 April,1908 at Chandwa,Bhojpur(Bihar) to Sobhi Ram & Vasanti Devi.His father was in service to British Indian Army, posted at Peshawar,but later resigned due to some differences, bought farming land in his native village & settled there but died premature leaving family in economic distress.He joined Aggrawal Middle School(Arrah) in 1920, where the medium of instruction was English for the first time and joined Arrah Town School in 1922. It was here that he faced caste discrimination for the first time, yet remained unfazed.A turning point in his life came in 1925, when Pt. Madan Mohan Malviya visited his school, and impressed by his welcome address, invited him to join the Banaras Hindu University.Jagjivan Ram passed his matriculation with first division and joined the Banaras Hindu University (BHU) in 1927,where he was awarded the Birla scholarship, and passed his I.Sc Examination; while at BHU, he organised the scheduled castes to protest against social discrimination.As a Dalit student,he was denied basic services like meals in his hostel and haircuts by local barbers.A Dalit barber would arrive from Ghazipur occasionally to trim his hair. Eventually, Jagjivan left BHU and continued his education at Calcutta University & received  B.SC from there in 1931, where again participated in the anti-untouchability movement started by Mahatma Gandhi.He also became a Mahant of the Shiv Narayani sect, and being skilled in calligraphy, illustrated many books for the sect that were distributed locally.After death of his first wife he married to Indrani Devi who was herself an Indian independence activist & daughter of Dr. Birbal,a Doctor in Indian Army & social worker from Kanpur. The couple had two children, Suresh Kr Ram who was infamously reported in Menaka Gandhi’s Surya newspaper, having marital relationship with a 21-year-old woman and Meira Kumar,5 time M.P,who won from his former seat Sasaram in both 2004-2009,became the first woman Speaker of Lok Sabha in 2009 & is Presidential Candidate of India in 2017.
Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose took notice of him at Kolkata,when in 1928 he organised a Mazdoor Rally at Wellington Square.When the devastating 1934 Nepal–Bihar earthquake occurred he got actively involved in the relief work and his efforts were appreciated.When popular rule was introduced under the 1935 Act and the scheduled castes were given representation in the legislatures, both the nationalists and the British loyalists sought him because of his first-hand knowledge of the social and economic situation in Bihar, Jagjivan Ram was nominated to the Bihar Council. He chose to go with the nationalists and joined Congress,which wanted him not only because he was valued as an able spokesperson for the depressed classes, but also that he could counter Dr.B.R. Ambedkar,was elected  in 1937. However, he resigned his membership on the issue of irrigation cess.In 1935,he contributed to the establishment of the All-India Depressed Classes League.He was also drawn into the Indian National Congress, in the same year he proposed a resolution in the 1935 session of the Hindu Mahasabha demanding that temples and drinking water wells be opened up to Dalits and in the early 1940s was imprisoned twice for his active participation in the Satyagraha and the Quit India Movements. He was among the principal leaders who publicly denounced India’s participation in the World War II between the European nations and for which he was imprisoned in 1940.In 1946, he became the youngest minister in Nehru’s provisional government and also the subsequent ‘First Labour Minister of India’ where he is credited for laying the foundation for several labour welfare policies in India. He was a part of the prestigious high-profile Indian delegation of International Labour Organization (ILO) in 1947 at Geneva & later he was elected President of the ILO.Later, he held several ministerial posts in Nehru’s Cabinet – Communications (1952–56), Transport and Railways (1956–62), Transport and Communications (1962–63),Minister for Labour, Employment and Rehabilitation(1966–1967),Minister for Food & Agriculture(1967–1970),Minister of Defence(1970-1979) and Minister of Agriculture & Irrigation(1974–1977).He is best remembered for having successfully led the Green Revolution during his tenure & it was during his tenure as the Minister of Defence that the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 was fought, and Bangladesh gained independence.While loyal to prime minister Indira Gandhi for most of the Indian Emergency, in 1977 he along with five other politicians resigned from the Cabinet and formed the ‘Congress for Democracy’ party, within the Janata coalition.He became ‘Deputy Prime Minister of India’ when Morarji Desai was the prime minister from 1977-1979.Disillusioned with the Janata party he formed his own party,Congress (J). He remained a member of Parliament till his death after over forty years as a parliamentarian.He was elected from Sasaram parliament constituency in Bihar. His uninterrupted representation in the Parliament from 1936-1986 is a world record.He served as President of the Bharat Scouts and Guides from 1976-1986.
He died in July 1986 .The place of his cremation has been turned into a memorial, Samata Sthal, and his birth anniversary is observed as Samata Diwas in India.To propagate his ideologies,the ‘Babu Jagjivan Ram National Foundation‘, has been set up by Ministry of Social Justice.The training academy for Railway Protection Force officers is named after Jagjivan Ram.The first indigenously built electric locomotive, a WAM-1 model, was named after him and was recently restored by the Eastern Railway.In 2007, the BHU set up a Babu Jagjivan Ram Chair in its faculty of social sciences to study caste discrimination and economic backwardness.‘Babuji is considered as the tallest Dalit leader of Congress in India’.
Saheb Kanshi Ram –kanshi_ram__20061023“Founder of Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti (DS4),BAMCEF & Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP)”
Also known as ‘Bahujan Nayak or Saheb‘ .He was born on 15 March,1934 at Khawaspur,Ropar to Bishan Kaur and Hari Singh in a Ramdasia(Chamar) Sikh family.He did B.Sc from the Government College,Ropar and joined the offices of High Energy Materials Research Laboratory(Previously, ERDL) of DRDO in Pashan,Pune. In 1964,he joined the agitation started by SCEWASTAMB (All India Federation of Scheduled Caste/Tribes Backward Class & Minorities Employees Welfare Associations) of Government of India to prevent the abolition of a holiday commemorating B. R. Ambedkar‘s birthday.Over this period he started learning the conditions of Dalits & other backwards in India & studied about Dr.Ambedkar.In 1978, Ram formed BAMCEF, a non-political,religious & agitational organisation.The concept of BAMCEF association was conceived in 1972 & he collaborated with his colleagues Mr.D.K.Khaparde,Deena Bhana,Ram Khobragade & others to build the initiative.After 6 years of rigorous fieldwork all over India,“The Birth of BAMCEF Convention” was held in Delhi in 1978 and organization was then officially launched as a “Federation” on 6 December 1978 on the Parinirvan Divas of Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar.Later,in 1981 Ram formed another social organisation known as Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti (DS4) to spread awareness on the caste system among Dalits and other Oppressed Classes in India.A 1983-84 all-India cycle rally by some 3 lakh DS4 activists was Kanshiram’s first show of strength.He started his attempt of consolidating the Dalit vote and in 1984 it seceded into to form the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). The BSP found success in Uttar Pradesh, initially struggled to bridge the divide between Dalits and OBCs.BSP aimed to focus on improving the situation of SC,ST,OBC and other disadvantaged groups through police reform, affirmative action on hiring of members of scheduled castes for government posts, and providing rural development programmes.Kanshiram utilized the caste divisions to his advantage,building a broad platform of lower castes to derail traditional parties and sought to take control of governments.He was the political mentor of former Uttar Pradesh C.M Kumari Maywati and publicly announced Mayawati as his successor in 2001.In 1982 he wrote his book ‘The Chamcha Age’ and in it he used of the term chamcha (stooge) for Dalit leaders who for their selfish motives work for parties like the Indian National Congress (INC) such as Jagjivan Ram or Ram Vilas Paswan and for Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) keeping in ethical context with Ambedkar’s book What Gandhi and the Congress Have Done to the Untouchables to the politics of Dalit liberation.In1984 he also formed Bahujan Volunteer Force then later founded Brotherhood Center and Buddhist Research Center.
In 1986 when he declared his transition from a social worker to a politician by stating that he was not going to work with any other organization other than the BSP. During the meetings and seminars of the party,he attacked ferociously on other parties for neglecting Dalits but luring during elections.After forming BSP Ram said the party would fight first election to lose, next to get noticed and the third election to win.In 1988 he first contested from Allahabad Constituency against former Prime Minister V. P. Singh and performed impressively but lost polling close to 70,000 votes.He then unsuccessfully contested from East Delhi Constituency in 1989 General Elections.Then again elected in 11th Lok Sabha from Hoshiarpur Constituency and won his first general election.Kanshiram also represented as member of Lok Sabha from Etawah(U.P) in 1991.In 1996,Ram successfully elected from Shahabad Constituency in U.P By Polls & in 1998 elected in Lok Sabha from Saharanpur Constituency but stood as runner up.Under Ram’s leadership, the BSP won 14 parliamentary seats in the 1999 federal elections.Kanshiram tried to expand BSP in other parts of India also but it remained in Uttar Pradesh only because of the new assertiveness among Dalits & EBCs here which helped these communities to empower themselves politcally.Though coming from Punjab himself BSP lost it’s magic there due to political division among Dalits the same happened in other states due to huge backing from Chamar community,the Kanshiram & Mayawati’s own caste,other parties tried to label it as ‘Chamar Party‘ to polarise Dalit votes.Kanshi Ram given voice to underpriviledges after a long gap from Ambedkar and became their ‘messiah’.
In 2002, Ram announced his intention to convert to Buddhism on 14 October 2006,the 50th anniversary of Ambedkar’s conversion. He intended for 20,000,000 of his supporters to convert at the same time.Part of the significance of this plan was that Ram’s followers include not only untouchables, but persons from a variety of castes, who could significantly broaden Buddhism’s support.Ram was a diabetic. He suffered a heart attack in 1994, an arterial clot in his brain in 1995, and a stroke in 2003.However,he died on 9 October 2006 of a severe heart attack,5 days before his convertion but his last rites were done in Buddhist tradition.
Kumari Mayawati – mayawati-bsp759“Former Chief Minister of U.P & National President of the Bahujan Samaj Party”
Also known as ‘Behenji’ or ‘Iron Lady’.Born on 15 January,1956 at New Delhi to Prabhu Das,who was a post office employee at Badalpur,Gautam Buddha Nagar.Her family then moved to J.J.Colony,Inderpuri,New Delhi.Mayawati did B.A. in 1975 from Kalindi College(New Delhi) and then LLB from the Campus Law Centre,University of Delhi.She completed a B.Ed. from VMLG College,Ghaziabad in 1976.She started working as a teacher from home and preparing for the Civil Services Exams.Kanshi Ram first met Mayawati in 1977,when he heard of the how the 21 year old Dalit schoolteacher publicly protested against Janta Party leader Raj Narain using the Gandhian term ‘Harijan’ to describe Dalits and impressed Ram drawn her into BAMCEF.Later they became one of the most significant political partnerships of contemporary Indian politics and founded Bahujan Samaj Party(BSP).Mayawati is widely regarded as a self-made woman politician that began a political career at the cost of her own struggle for power with Kanshiram and chose to remain unmarried.
In its first election campaign in 1984,BSP fielded Mayawati for the Lok Sabha (Lower House) seat of Kairana Constituency(U.P) but stood last,then fielded from Bijnor Constituency in 1985 By Polls & stood third and from Haridwar Constituency in 1987 By Elections,lost there too.In 1989 she re-elected from Bijnor and won first time with 183,189 votes,winning by 8,879 votes.Although BSP did not win control of the house,the electoral experience led to considerable activity for Mayawati over the next five years, as she worked with Mahsood Ahmed and other organisers. The party won three seats in the 1989 national election and two seats 1991.Mayawati was first elected to the Rajya Sabha (Upper House) of Uttar Pradesh in 1994.In no time the BSP outpaced both the Congress and the BJP in Uttar Pradesh.In 1993,making use of opportunistic alliances with Samajwadi Party,Kanshi Ram installed Mayawati as the the youngest & ‘first Dalit chief minister of Uttar Pradesh’ in 1995.In 1996,she won election to the Vidhan Sabha in two constituencies of Harora & Bilsi and chose to serve for Harora.She was elected National President of the BSP for her first term in 2003,then again elected unopposed for a second consecutive term in 2006 and for a third term in 2014.
During her first term as C.M,the new districts of Ambedkar Nagar and Udham Singh Nagar(Now,in Uttarakhand) were created.(In 1995 Mayawati took back support from Mulayam Singh making his party a minority,angry S.P MLAs & supporters tried to enclose the Guest House at MiraBai Marg,Lucknow to attack on Mayawati and shouted Anti-Mayawati Slurs.City Superintendent of Police,O.P Singh was also present on the spot & other officials but nobody tried to save her while attackers tore her clothes & spill petrols to torch her.But she was saved by Brahmdutt Dwivedi,a RSS man & BJP worker who entered there with lathis along with his men and fought with the goons.Later,he was shot dead by S.P goons.That attack is still known as ‘Guest House Kand’).Again she served as Chief Minister for second time in 1997 only for 7 months.During this term she took her first pariseworthy decision of a drive under her govt which allotted gram sabha lands on lease to thousands of landless residents and carried out review meetings with bureaucrats and suspended 127 corrupt officers.She also carved & renamed many districts.She became third time C.M in 2002-03 for 1 year & 4 months with an alliance with BJP.More than 900 officers of IAS, IPS, and PCS cadres were shifted when Mayawati and suspended many IAS & IPS officers for laxity in carrying out development projects in their regions and for failing to maintain law & order.She renamed Kanpur University to CSJM UniversityKing George Medical College to Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj Medical University but it become a political issue between BSP and Samajwadi Party,with both of them changing the name when they are voted to power.Mayawati established the dream Project of her the Gautam Buddha University at Noida.She laid the foundation of ‘Yamuna Expressway‘ in 2003 but due to financial viability & sudden breaking alliance of BJP with BSP the project was stopped.Later it reactivated in 2007 when Mayawati regained power,it got completed in 2012 & inaugrated by Akhilesh Yadav,the then C.M and tested by landing Indian Air Force fighter jet Dassault Mirage 2000.
In 2007,it was turning point in Mayawati’s carrier & BSP won 206 seats scoring first absolute majority in Uttar Pradesh’s political history.It obtained 27.42% votes highest for any political party and took chair of C.M for fourth time.Her government began a major crackdown on irregularities in the recruitment process of police officers recruited during the previous Mulayam Singh govt.Over 18,000 policemen lost their jobs for irregularities in their hiring, and 25 Indian Police Service officers were suspended for their involvement in corruption while recruiting the constables.Mayawati instituted reforms to introduce transparency into the recruiting process, including posting the results of selection exams online.She started ‘Bhimrao Ambedkar Rural Integrated Development Programme’ for the integrated development of gram sabhas.Launched the ‘Dr Ambedkar Gram Vikas Yojana’ for provisioning of essential services in Dalit-dominated villages.Her govt. reserved 21% quota for S.Cs and 2 % for S.Ts in contracts for construction work worth up to ₹5 lakh each of various authorities and corporations in the state.Launched ‘Manyawar Shri Kanshiram Ji Shahri Garib Awas Yojna’,a scheme for building low-cost housing colonies for urban poor in different cities across the state but govt. ended it in 2012 when Akhilesh Yadav came in power and cutted down electricity of these colonies.Mayawati in her five years added about 4,000 MW of generation capacity to the state’s power sector.’She set up grid-based solar power plants with private hands and first 5 MW solar power plant in Naini,Allahabad and built thermal power plant of 1320 M.W with J.V of NTPC & UPRVUN at Meja,Allahabad and a 210MW Unit No.4 of Parichha Thermal Power Station,Jhansi.She established 12 transmission sub-stations in various parts of U.P.In 2008,Unit-5 of 60MW capacity in Harduaganj plant,lying defunct since 1999 and renovated at a cost of 33 crore started generating power once again under her govt.The Ganga Expressway’ project was launched by Mayawati in 2007.The project aims to construct a 1047 km access controlled eight-lane expressway running along the Ganga River from Greater Noida to Ballia district of U.P.(Ganga Expressway is envisioned to be built on top of a bund which the government claims will help control floods.However, a series of land acquisition issues, legal challenges and judicial motions have prevented construction work on the Ganga Expressway.) Mayawati govt. under PPP model with Jaypee Group constructed the  Buddh International Circuit,Greater Noida.’ then successfully executed First F1 Indian Grand Prix,an international event.Mayawati has seen through to completion of several memorials dedicated to icons of Bahujan Samaj build first time in India, including the Manyawar Shri Kanshiram Ji Green Eco Garden’ and ‘Dr.Bhimrao Ambedkar Samajik Parivartan Prateek Sthal’ both in Lucknow,‘Rashtriya Dalit Prerna Sthal and Green Garden’ at Noida and ‘Sant Ravidas Park along with Sant Ravidas Ghat’ at Varanasi(The Largest Ghat of Varanasi).She also took steps to ensure possession of land to the genuine people taking strong view on encroachment of land allotted to members of SC & ST.Started ‘Sugar Information Service’ a model website supported by SMS and IVRS facility was developed and adopted by all 116 operational sugar mills was started by the govt. as the largest rural information technology platform in the country providing a password protected webpage for each of the 30 lakh odd farmers.Mayawati as her dream project constructed four ‘affordable’ institutions Mahamaya Balika Inter College, Panchsheel Balak Inter College,Savitri Bai Phule Balika Inter College and Gautam Budh Balak Inter College,all in Noida with world class high-tech facilities and fees less than Rs.500.Her government established ‘Dr. Shakuntala Misra National Rehabilitation University’ for the Physically challenged students.She built ‘Manyawar Kanshiram Multi-speciality Hospital’ butnext U.P govt. had decided to convert the hospital into a medical institute by later govt.The academic session was planned to start from 2016 with its campus in GBU,Noida but did not start because lack of Medical Council of India(MCI) approval but she sucessfully established the ‘Dr.B.R.Ambedkar Multispeciality Hospital’ at Noida.Her government also instituted ‘Sant Ravidas Kala Samman Award’ in an effort to promote cultural activities in the field of art with a cash prize of ₹1.25 lakh.UnderSavitri Bai Phule Balika Shiksha Madad Yojna’, she distributed over 10 lakh bicycles among Muslim and poor school girls from 2008-2011.Mayawati govt. started food tracking system to track mid-day meal scheme to cross-check if children get their hot meal in schools.This system inspired UPA led center govt for starting it nationwide.State’s per capita income went up by 136 % from about Rs 11,000 in 2007 to Rs 26,000 in 2011. UP continued to be one of the few states with a revenue surplus and Mayawati has used this surplus to reduce the state’s fiscal deficit from 4 %of state GDP in 2007-08 to a budgeted figure of 2.97 per cent for the financial year 2011.In 2011,Mayawati’s cabinet advocated for partitioning Uttar Pradesh into four different states (Pashchim Pradesh, Awadh Pradesh, Bundelkhand and Purvanchal) for better administration and governance. Mayawati gained a reputation for efficient governance and promoting law and order,winning praise even from opposition parties and other rivals.Several high-profile criminals and mafia dons were jailed during her terms in office.She called for strong anti-rape laws.Fewer riots,lowest rapes and least corruption occurred during her tenure as compared to previous or successive governments.She is also known for no compromise with alliance parties”
In 2012 the BSP lost its majority to the Samajwadi Party and Mayawati tendered her resignation to the governor of U.P the next day,thereby becoming the first CM to complete full five years in office.In 2009,her birtday was marked by the announcement of welfare schemes targeted towards poor and downtrodden people of the state and called as ‘Jan Kalyankari Diwas’ by her supporters.Mayawati was garlanded with currency notes on the occasion of the party’s silver jubilee celebrations in 2010,Indian news channels and newspapers reported the this as flaunting of money from corruption.She has been praised for her fundraising efforts on behalf of her party and her birthdays were major media events as well as a symbol for her supporters. The increase in her personal wealth and that of her party have been viewed by critics as signs of corruption.n 2002, the U.P govt. began improvements of the infrastructure in the Taj Heritage Corridor,the important tourist area in Agra that includes the Taj Mahal. The project was soon riddled with problems, including funds being released for the project without the submission of the required detailed project reports to the environmental authorities.Suspecting there were financial irregularities as well, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) raided twelve residences, including Mayawati’s.The Supreme Court rejected the plea of the CBI and refused to direct the governor to prosecute her. The Taj corridor case was effectively ended before going to trial.Mayawati’s assets run into millions of dollars,with several properties to her name.In the 2007–08 assessment year, Mayawati paid an income tax, ranking among the top 20 taxpayers in the country. Earlier the CBI filed a case against her for owning assets disproportionate to her known sources of income. Mayawati described the CBI investigation against her as illegal.Delhi High court dismissed the central government’s appeal against Mayawati, stating that “she has fully discharged her obligations by disclosing the identities of all of her donors, the gifts had been donated by her supporters”.The central government decided not to file an appeal in the Supreme Court.As Chief Minister, Mayawati commissioned the production and public display of several statues representing Buddhist, Hindu, and Dalit icons.She claims that the expenditure was required because the past governments did not show respect towards Dalit leaders, in whose memory nothing had ever been built.She spent somewhere between ₹ 25 and 60 billion rupees on projects in five parks and at memorials.In 2009 the Supreme Court issued a stay against further building on the projects, until the Public Interest Litigation (PLI) questioning these expenditures was settled.[163] The Comptroller and Auditor General of India reported that ₹ 66 crore in excessive costs had been incurred on the construction of the memorials.In 2012, the Election Commission ordered that all of the statues of Mayawati as well as recent statues of elephants (the symbol of BSP) should be covered up until after February’s Uttar Pradesh election.In 2012 the statue in Lucknow was damaged by members of a group calling themselves “Uttar Pradesh Naunirman Sena“.A replacement statue was re-installed overnight by the Lucknow city administration.In 2015, the Supreme Court continued hearings on the PLI case about the statues.The World Bank loaned India funds for development, and Mayawati was to manage projects with this money in UP. The projects were preplanned and on schedule, but the Mayawati govt. made changes which put the projects behind schedule, including rapidly transferring high-caste managers in and out of rural posts.Many books are also written on her,Mohammad Jamil Akhter’s, Iron Lady Kumari Mayawati.Her autobiographies, ‘Mere Sangarshmai Jeevan Evam Bahujan Movement Ka Safarnama’ (A Travelogue of My Struggle-ridden Life and of Bahujan Samaj,in English).Also,’Behenji : A Political Biography of Mayawati’ is a biography by veteran journalist, Ajoy Bose.
Sushil Kumar Sambhajirao Shinde –sushil-kumar-shinde-b4“Former Chief Minister of Maharashtra & Home Minister of India”
Born on 4 Sept. ,1941 at Solapur to Sambhajirao Shinde & Shakhubai,later his father married to Krishnabai after his mother’s death.He worked as child labourer in a factory for a monthly wage of Rs 10 in his early days due to economic hardship.Shinde then worked as a ward boy at a maternity home.Having dropped out of primary school,he joined a night school and cleared matriculation. He changed his name when he was 24 from ‘Dagdu Sambhajirao Shinde’ to ‘Sushil Kumar Sambhajirao Shinde’.The idea of changing his name occurred while Dagdu was acting as hero ‘Sushil Kumar’ in the drama,Prema Tujha Rang Kasa at Solapur’s Sangameshwar College that virtually everyone,from teachers to his classmates,started calling him ‘Sushil Kumar’.Shinde completed his education with B.A Honours from Dayanand College,Solapur and later in L.L.B from Shivaji University.Shinde started his career as a bailiff in Solapur Sessions Court,where he served from 1957-65.Later, he joined the Maharashtra State Police as a constable and served as Sub-Inspector of Police,Maharashtra state CID for 6 years under his C.I.D mentor Amukuraj Patil.He is married to Ujwala Shinde & have 3 daughters,his younger daughter Praniti Shinde is MLA of Solapur City Central,she is also a social worker.
In 1971,an encounter with Sharad Pawar who saw him and helped to enter in politics and joined Congress. Shinde fought his first two elections from the reserved, Karmala Constituency(Solapur) and won the Maharashtra state assembly elections in 1978, 1980, 1985 and 1990.He was inducted in the state cabinet as Minister of State the very first year after being elected to Assembly in 1974 & continued till 1992. During his long spell as Cabinet Minister in Maharashtra, he served the people through various important portfolios like Minister of Finance, Planning, Industry, Urban Development, Youth and Social Welfare, Sports, Transport, Health and Labour. He presented nine successive Budgets in Maharashtra Assembly as Finance Minister.He was appointed as ‘President of Maharashtra Pradesh Congress Committee’ for two terms in 1990-1991 and 1995-1996. On being appointed as General Secretary of AICC (I), he resigned from Maharashtra Cabinet in 1992. He was elected to Rajya Sabha in 1992-98 and as a parliamentarian in Rajya Sabha, he was among the top questioners.Rev. Mother Teresa presented National Citizen Award to him for his outstanding performance in Rajya Sabha.In 2002, Shinde lost the election for the post of ‘Vice-President of India’ contesting against the National Democratic Alliance candidate Bhairon Singh Shekhawat. In 2003,he became the first Dalit ‘Chief Minister of Maharashtra’ preceding Vilas Rao Deshmukh and served till 2004.He got appointed as the Governor of Andhra Pradesh in 2004 replacing Surjit Singh Barnala and left the office in 2006.Consequently, he contested again in 2006 from South Solapur a General Constituency and result was with a large victory.Since 1998, he is being elected three times from an unreserved seat,a testimony that enjoys the confidence and respect of all the sections of the society.Shinde was elected unopposed to the Rajya Sabha for second time from Maharashtra in 2006.Shinde became the leader of the ruling party in Lok Sabha after his predecessor Pranab Mukherjee was elected President of India.Then served as Power Minister of India from 2006–12.Later, he was appointed Home Minister of India in 2012.During the 2012 Northern India Power Grid failure,Shinde deflected criticism by observing that India was not alone in suffering major power outages,as the United States and Brazil had both experienced similar blackouts within the previous few years.Officials in Uttar Pradesh,where the problem was believed to have begun, said the grid could not keep up with the huge demand for power in the hot summer.U.P Power Corporation Chief,Avnish Awasthi stated that the grid collapse was due to the states drawing more than their allotted power to meet the summer demand.During a speech made in Congress’s Chintan Shivir in Jaipur,Shinde had claimed that the Home Ministry had received a report that the RSS and BJP were promoting Hindu terrorism through their training camps. He also accused the RSS and BJP of being behind the Samjhauta Express bombings, Mecca Masjid and Malegaon blasts. His statements were condemned by the BJP for claiming something without giving credible proof. The BJP demanded his immediate resignation, which at his failure to do so they would begin nationwide agitation.Sushil Shinde came under intense criticism by the Indian media for addressing Jamaat-ud-Dawa chief and an alleged conspirator for Mumbai Terror Attacks Hafiz Muhammad Saeed using honorifics like Mr and Shri.Shinde, held the Urban Development Department portfolio when the Adarsh Housing Society got the largest number of clearances. Shinde,as C.M of Maharashtra, had allegedly accepted the proposal sent by Chavan as revenue minister, recommending that 40% of flats in the proposed society be allotted to non-army members. The society was originally meant for the kin of Kargil war martyrs.
In different responsibilities, he represented India in United Nations and at other International fronts. As Minister of Labour in Maharashtra Cabinet,he led the Indian delegation to ILO in 1979 at Geneva.On the 40th Anniversary of United Nations in 1985, he represented India along with Former Prime Minister, Shri Rajiv Gandhi. In 1997, he was a delegate to the United Nations General Assembly and again in 2000.He is an ardent lover of literature and authored three books,one in Hindi and two in Marathi.An endearing personality with a pleasant disposition,Shinde is fond of stage dramas with keen interest in farming and concerned for public issues pertaining to vulnerable social groups.A Marathi film,Dusari Goshta (2014) was loosely based on his life from childhood to becoming a popular politician.In 2014 Lok Sabha elections, Shinde got defeated by BJP Candidate,Sharad Bansode. His life passed through many mainy praisals and criticism but still he is a symbol of rising of a low caste man from a labourer to a C.M of State it shows the actual empowerment of the backward community.
Ram Sundar Das –11bhrramsundardas“A Socialist leader,Independence Activist & Former Chief Minister of Bihar”
He was born on 9 Jan. ,1921 at Gangajal,Saran(Bihar) to Theni Das.He did schooling from S.P.S.,Sonpur,Bihar and graduated from Vidyasagar College,Calcutta,W.B but left college to join Indian Independence Movement.In 1945 he got associated with Congress Socialist Party and became it’s Secretary of Sonepur Unit.When Kisan Mazdoor Praja Party merged with Socialist Party to form Praja Socialist Party he joined as it’s member in 1952.Became Member of District Executive Council holded till 1968 and then chosen as member of Provincial Executive Council from 1952-67 of Praja Socialist Party.In 1968 he became Member of Bihar Legislative Council and served till 1977 then posted as Chairman of Committee for the Welfare of SC & ST in Bihar Legislative Assembly.He successfully elected as Member of Legislative Assembly from Sonepur Constituency(1977-80),an unreserved seat on PSP’s Ticket.
He was believed to be moderate among the socialists.Against Karpoori Thakur, who through his fierce championing of the backward classes and Dalit movement emerged the “hero” of downtrodden sections,Das was an acceptable and accommodative face among Karpoori’s rivals in the socialist stream.In 1979 Ram Sundar Das became second ‘Dalit Chief Minister of Bihar’ ,and served till 1980.As the Chief Minister of Bihar he enjoyed the trust and support of top Janata Party leaders of Emergency like Chandra Shekhar Singh and then Bihar Janata Party chief Satyendra Narayan Sinha.In 1980 he again elected as Member of Legislative Assembly and holded post of Chairman of Committee for the Welfare of SC & ST and Convener of Privileges Committee.Later he became the Secretary and Bihar Member of National Executive Council of Praja Socialist Party.After the Emergency, the Socialist Party joined with a number of other groups to form the Bharatiya Lok Dal which fused in 1977 into Janata Party as an omnibus opposition to Congress Party rule.Then Das became member of Executive Council and Parliamentary Board from Janata Party and later a Member of Executive Committee and Political Affairs Committee.After socialists got united under VP Singh-led Janata Dal in 1989-90,Das emerged as a favourite of Singh.He was again projected the chief ministerial candidate during the 1990 poll campaigns.But Lalu Prasad Yadav backed by Nitish Kumar and other OBC leaders enjoying bonhomie on account of their emergence from the J.P-led ‘Sampoorna Kranti movement’ defeated Das in the Janata Dal legislature party polls in 1990 and became the chief minister.In 1991,Das successfully elected to 10th Lok Sabha Election from Hajipur Constituency.Then in,2008 he was chosen as Member of Committee on Installation of Potraits/Statues of National Leaders and Parliamentarians in Parliament House Complex.Ram Sundar Das joined the Janata Dal (United) faction in 2009 and Re-elected to 15th Lok Sabha (2nd term) from Hajipur Constituency against Ram Vilas Paswan,another political Dalit stalwart.He was selected as the Leader of  Janata Dal (United) Parliamentary Party in Lok Sabha.In 2009,he became Member of Business Advisory Committee,General Purposes Committee and Committee on Energy.He contested from Hajipur again in 2014 general election when in his 90s, but Ram Vilas Paswan won the seat taking advantage of the Narendra Modi -BJP wave.
He was the Founder of Harijan Gandhi Gramin School and Railway College,Sonepur (Saran),Bihar.Ram Sundar Das Mahila Mahavidhyalya,Sonepur(Saran),Ram Sunder Das High School,Kharika(Saran) and two colleges in Dighwara,Saran(Bihar) was named in his honour.He served as the President of Bihar Banihar Sangh and was the member of Hind Mazdoor Sabha(Bihar) and member of Board of Directors in Bihar Small Scale Industries Association(Patna). Ram Sundar Das died on 6 March,2015.

Rao Sahib Manik Chand Jatav vir – 757“A Jagirdar,Dalit activist and Indian Poltician”
Born in March,1897 at Raja ki Mandi,Agra,North-Western Provinces(now Uttar Pradesh) to Sri.Babasaheb Bhola Nath Jatav and Vishastra Devi.He was from a family of agriculturists and his father was also an educated man who created awareness among the Depressed Classes.He did his schooling in Agra & graduated from St. John’s College,Agra.During 1912 when he was in his youth he got attracted to Arya Samaj Movement in Agra which carried out educational work amongst the untouchable castes and became member of Arya Kumar Sabha and member of AryaMitra Sabha from 1915-18.He also worked as a school teacher in a school run by Arya Samaj.Later he invested and owned a business of manufacturing of footwears.Manik Chand Jatav realised the upward mobility to erase caste oppression will only happen through ‘Sanskritization’  along with political participation, which was a shift on ‘kshatriya‘ indentity of Jatavs to hold a pure and upper hierarchy in caste dynamics.In 1917,Manik Chand Jatav launched the Jatav Movement in Agra(mentioned in the book-‘Politics of Untouchability’ by Oven M Lynch) under the banner of Jatav Mahasabha with Khemchand Bohare and organised his peoples to take pure social customs.Jatav worked for poor & downtrodden people of Braj region and became member of Sewa Samiti(Agra) in 1918 which was founded by Pt.Rajnath(a social worker,entrepreneur & grand son of Pt.Kirparam) who became his fast friend.He was appointed as Incharge of Municipal Hospital in Agra in 1918 and holded the position till 1928.In 1923 Manik founded the Jatav Vir Dal ,an youth organisation and in 1934 worked for the publication of his magazines called,“Jeevan Jyoti” and “Jatav Granthmala”(monthly magazines) to spread awareness and empower Dalit community.Later in 1935 he was appointed as a President of U.P. Depressed Classes League which was founded by Babu Jagjivan Ram.
In 1937 Jatav joined National Agriculturist Party of Agra(Known as the party of Zamindars) and elected successfully from Agra North East Constituency which was a Rural General seat.The Nawab of Chhatari(Bulandshahr),was the leader of the National Agriculturist Parties and was invited to form a minority provisional government.Jatav as a Member of the Provincial Assembly demanded maximum representation of depressed classes to uplift them and he retained as member of assembly till 1939.During this period he founded the Jatav-Vir Institute(Agra) in 1937 for the skill & personal development of Jatav youths.During his tenure as a Member of Provincial Govt. he holded posts like ,Chairman of District Scheduled Caste Education Board(Agra) from 1938-45,Member of U.P. Provincial War Board from 1940-44,Member of Provincial Civil Defence Committee in 1941,Member of Provincial Reclamation Board(U.P) and Provincial Scheduled Castes Education Board(U.P) from 1943-45.Scheduled Castes Federation was an organisation formed by Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar in 1942 and Jatav joined it around late 1945 after knowing his efforts for Dalit community.During the elections of 1945-46 Jatav headed an agitation against legislative assembly by organising people of Depressed classes in Ferozabad to prevent them from joining Congress along with others in United Province.Then second round agitation was also headed by him along with Gopi Chand Pippal(U.P SCF Head of Agra) and Hindi leaflets written, ‘Alarm Bell Arthath Khatre Ki Ghanti’ was distributed among Dalits.The agitation was emphasised to importance of Dr.Ambedkar as the leader of SCs in 1940s as against Nehru,Gandhi & Jagjivan Ram whom they considered as traitors of backward community.The agaitation spread like fire in other areas of U.P and the members demanded a reservation of 17% in govt. jobs which was alloted for them and a new Dept. of Harijan Sahayak Dept. was established in Provincial govt.Manik Chand got arrested along with other agitators during second agitation at Council Chamber.With support of UPSCF he voiced against free labour and criticized the tyranny of Zamindars.

In 1943, Viceroy of India awarded him a medal prize for services to Depressed Classes and great service in visionary leadership to the nation.He was honoured by British as the title of ‘Rao Sahib’ .In 1945 British also awarded him with a small Jagir(land grant for revenue collection) around Agra and promoted him with title of a ‘Jagirdar‘ but after the abolition of Jagirdari System in 1952 the land rights was taken by Govt. of India.In his last days he joined Krishikar Lok Party which was formed when Acharya N.G.Ranga broke away from the Hyderabad State Praja Party and the party given ticket to Jatav in the first Lok Sabha, 1951 General Elections in India.Jatav successfully been the only Krishikar Lok Party’s Member of Parliament from Sawai Madhopur Constituency(Reserved) of Rajasthan.Manik Chand died in 1956 at Agra.
Master Gurbanta Singh  & Chaudhary Clan- master ji
“Dalit Icon of Punjab,Educationist,Politician and Social Reformer”
Born on 4 Aug.,1904 in Dhaliwal Kadian,Jalandhar to a poor family of Ramdasia(Chamar) Sikh and was married to Sampuran Kaur.When he was of 20, joined the ‘Ad Dharm Movement‘ of Babu Mangu Ram Mugowalia as an active reformist.He was a teacher in Sain Dass A.S Sr.Secondary School(Jalandhar) and worked there for 13 years that made him earn the honour of ‘Master’ ,which he used as a prefix..He started his political carrier in 1928 when he become the member of Distt. Education Board,Jalandhar and later,as the Sarpanch of his own village.He joined Unionist Party & unsuccessfully elected his first provincial election in 1936, then emerged as the backbone of Ad Dharm Movement and served as its Secretary, with Mangu Ram at the helm of affairs.Again in 1946 he successfully elected as Member of Legislative Asembly of Punjab.He was then appointed as Parliamentary Secretary in the Ministry of Khijar Hayat Khan(Ex.P.M of Punjab) before partition.

Post partition Gurbanta joined Indian National Congress.He elected in first election of independent India in 1952 but lost.In 1957 he re-elected contested and won the elections,then again in 1962.He served as cabinet minister in the Ministry of S.Partap Singh Kairon from 1956-1964. In 1967 he was defeated by Piara Ram of Republic Party of India(RPI) from Kartarpur Constituency. As the Agriculture Minister,he was instrumental in the establishment of Punjab Agriculture University,Ludhiana which was inaugurated by former P.M of India,Pt.JawaharLal Nehru and the university paved the way for double production as envy and also helped for Green Revolution in India.Gurbanta again elected unopposed in 1972 Elections and joined the Ministry of Giani Zail Singh(Ex Chief Minister) and holded Cabinet Ministry from 1972-1977 and in 1977 elections he served in Legislative Assembly against uncontested body.Gurbanta, who held all-important portfolios during various Congress regimes in the state,had Babu Jagjivan Ram as mentor at the Centre and was close confident of  Jawaharlal Nehru and later Indira Gandhi. He was such a towering personality among Dalits of Punjab that even upon facing opposition from the Scheduled Caste Federation(SCF) of Dr.Bhimrao Ambedkar and thereafter its new version Republican Party, he managed to maintain his winning spree.He was also a great educationist who was instrumental in the establishment of many schools and colleges in Punjab,e.g- Janta College of Kartarpur(Later renamed on Gurbant’s name) and worked in establishment of Janta SchoolShri Guru Ravidas High School,(Jalandhar) which proved useful for the student of weaker section of the society.He published the newspaper,Ravidas “Jai Kara” to promote teachings & philosophy of Guru Ravidas.He was also a great social reformer who always worked for the welfare of SCs,Backward Classes and Economically poor people in society.Master Gurbanta Singh died on 5 Feb. ,1980 and passed his political baton to his elder son.
Chaudhary Jagjit Singh was the elder son of Master Gurbanta and was married to Gurbachan Kaur.In early days he looked out the educational projects of his family.His political carrier started as a Sarpanch of their ancestral village Dhariwal Kadian and then appointed as Chairman of Jalandhar Zila Parshad.He also holded posts of Chairman of Block Samiti,M.D of Cooperative Bank and Chairman of Market Committee.He first elected from Kartarpur Constituency in 1977 state elections but lost due to ‘Janata Party wave’ in Punjab.In 1980 he re-elected from same seat and won for the first time and then sucessfully elected the following elections of 1985,1992,1997 & 2002.Holded ministeries in the Beant Singh govt. with portfolios of Urban Development & Housing and then Social Welfare and Cooperative Minister in 1996 of Rajinder Kaur Bhattal’s govt. and then became the Leader of Opposition in 1997.In 2002 he served as Minister of Local Bodies in Cap.Amarinder Singh’s govt. till 2007.He was a master political tactician and was considered the “Man Friday” of Cap. Amrinder Singh.He also served as the Vice President of Punjab Congress Committee.In 2007 he lost elections to Avinash Chander & in 2012 to Sarwan Singh both of Akali Dal.Jagjit Singh was also faced trial under a high profile Ludhiana city centre scam in Cap.Amarinder Singh’s govt. He passed away in Aug.,2015 and all offices of the state govt.,board & corporations remained closed for the second-half today as a tribute to Ch.Jagjit Singh.His son Chaudhary Surinder Singh was Chairman of Zila Parishad(Jalandhar) in 2006 and elected sucessfully in 2017 elections as MLA of Kartarpur.

Chaudhary Santokh Singh is youngest son of Master Gurbanta Singh,born on 18 June,1946.He got married to Karamjeet Kaur,his political backbone and who is a Former Director Of Public Instructions(Colleges),Punjab.He did schooling from D.A.V. Hr. Sec. School(Chandigarh) in 1964, B.A. from D.A.V.College(Jalandhar) in 1968,  and LLB from Punjab University in 1972 and is professionally a lawyer.Santokh got huge success in politics without being this father’s official successor.He started his carrier in politics as Member of Youth Congress and later became President of Jalandhar Distt. Youth Congress during militancy.He served as President of Dist. Congress Committee(Jalandhar Rural) from 1987-95.In 1992 he sucessfully elected from Phillaur Constituency.From 1992-95 he served as General Secretary of Punjab Congress Legislature Party,Chairman of Committee on Welfare of SC & ST and Committee on Subordinate Legislation of Punjab Vidhan Sabha,Chief Parliamentary Secretary (Incharge of Rural Development & Panchayats,Parliamentary Affairs and Power Departments) and Minister of State for Health & Family Welfare and Minister for Food and Civil Supplies.From 1992-94 he was Member of Senate in Guru Nanak Dev University,Amritsar.In 1997 elections he re-elected but lost ispite of this he became Minister of Rural Development in 1999.In 1997 he was appointed as General Secretary of Punjab Pradesh Congress Committee.In 2002 he again elected from Phillaur & won the elections and chosen as Cabinet Minister for Social Security,Women & Child Development,Social Welfare,Medical Education and Research Department.In 2004 he elected as Vice President of Punjab Pradesh Congress Committee.He was also a Member of Central Board of Film Certification from 2012-2014.

In 2014 Lok Sabha elections he became Member of Parliament from Jalandhar Constituency and Member of Standing Committee on Social Justice & Empowerment,Member of Committee on Welfare of SC and ST,Member,Member of Consultative Committee on Ministry of Urban Development,Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation.Other than politics he serves as President of Shri Guru Ravidass Educational Institutions(Jalandhar) and is the owner of Vikram Resorts(Kapurthala Rd.,Jalandhar).

Chaudhary Vikramjeet Singh is son of Ch.Santokh Singh.Following his father’s footstep he also joined Youth Congress and became President of Punjab Youth Congress.Later,in 2017 he successfully elected from Phillaur Constituency.Doaba witnessed the rise of other Dalit leaders within the Congress but the Chaudhary family continued to remain at the helm of affairs in the region.The Chaudhary family dominated the political scene in the region for four decades and are the only Political family of Punjab who always got ministry in every Punjab govt. since Gurbanta Singh without any opposition.Even within Punjab Congress no one earned this much power.
Babu Parmanand –4_Governors_dismissed_4-8ade8“Former Governor of Haryana & Dalit Icon of Jammu & Kashmir”