Brahmical Dictatorship

The origin of Brahmanism, Caste and Riddles in Hinduism

The Brahmins wrote contradictory statements about the origin of Gods and their supremacy, about the Vedas and its origin, about the creation of Universe etc (Ref: RIDDLE IN HINDUISM – By Dr.B.R.Ambedkar). Why did they do so?

The guardian of Buddhism, the Mauryan Empire was brought down and Buddhism was demolished. There was chaos throughout India. 

It was the beginning of Brahmanism. So each one of the Brahmin philosophers tried to propose his own theory on creation. 

For example during the 19 and 20 century AD, when Physics was born, with the discovery of atoms, electron proton, neutron and sub-atomic particles, there were so many theories that tried to explain atoms and the sub-atomic particles, e.g. the Nucleus theory, Dalton atomic theory, Quantum theory etc. Some of these theories were contradictory to one-another and some aided one-another. This happened with Brahmanism. This was the period, after 185 B.C, when Buddhism collapsed in India by a revolution and Brahmins were trying to introduce a new system with a new Political and religious Philosophy. Hence initially the Brahmins tried to use the Vedas as their basis and started to propose new theories about the creation of Universe and the God who created it. So there were so many conflicting and aiding theories. But this did not give a satisfactory explanation. So then they started writing the Upanishads attacking the Vedas and claiming they are inferior to the Upanishads and proposed new theories. This also did not work out. Then there were new proposals in the name of Smrithis. So in the name of Manu Smrithi, Sumati Bharagava wrote a set of rules (like a constitution) and made that as the final authority (Manu Smriti was written by Sumati Bharagava after 185 B.C. i.e. after the Revolution of Pushyamitra by Killing the Buddhist Mauryan Emperor Brihadratha – Based on Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Ancient India,

Chapter 6: The Literature of Brahminism). 

This one got accepted and implemented by the then rulers of that time (Most probably by the Guptas between 2nd to 4th century AD and started spreading gradually through India over the next 1500 years with resistance and counter-resistance). The outcome of this is the 4 + 1 class system (Note: Earlier the Aryans had only a 3 class system). Brahmins held their position no matter, which Kingdom/dynasty came to power through the immunity given in the Manu Smrithy. The Kings who accepted the system were absorbed as Ksathrias itself as long as they were in power. The rich Businessmen were also absorbed as Vaisyas. All other classes were included in a new class called the Sudras. The ones that did not accept the system plus the Kings and his soldiers that were defeated in war were ex-communicated and ostracized from cities and towns and were gradually made untouchables.

As the system started growing the Brahmins and their supporters wrote more and more stories (e.g. addition of Bhagawat Gita to the Mahabharata, elevation of Rama as an avathar of Lord Vishnu, contradictory and unfitting avathars, of Lord Vishnu, like Balarama and Parasurama during the same time as Krishna) to aid and support their system and added them to the existing pre-Vedic, pre-Brahmanism literature that people knew about like the Bharatha (to be renamed Mahabharata), Ramayana etc. But also to hold their position the Brahmins had to be flexible enough to praise and raise the God of the King that ruled. Hence if the King was a devotee of Lord Vishnu, the Brahmins wrote stories in high praise of Lord Vishnu and degraded the other Gods, similarly if the King was a devotee of Lord Shiva, the Brahmins wrote stories in high praise of Lord Shiva and degraded the other Gods, similarly if the King was a devotee of Goddess Kali, the Brahmins wrote stories in high praise of Goddess Kali and degraded the other Gods. This is the reason there are numerous conflicting ideas about the supremacy of various Gods in Hinduism.

NOTE: According to Tolgapeeam – a Sangam Tamil literature that describes the life and state of affairs in ancient Tamil Country (Like an Encylopedia of that time) the land was classified into four major regions – Marutham – Plain lands and agricultural fields that comprised most of the Urban civilization, Mullai – Forest and settlements surrounding Forests, Kurunchi – Mountains and settlements surrounding Mountaneous region, Neythal – Seashore, Sea and settlements surrounding the seashores. 

The God for Marutham was Indran

The God for Mullai was Thirumal (Lord Vishnu) 

The God for Kurunchi was Murugan (Lord Karthik)

The God for Neythal was Varunan 

The people in the 4 regions were considered as stable settlers.

All four Gods among other Gods were described as Mallas. 

Later one more region was added as Palai – Desert region.

The God for Palai was Kotravai . 

The people who wandered in the deserts were robbers and did not have stable settlement. As the men of these robbery tribes always wandered they did not have families. 

These robbers looted people travelling outside the 4 regions and killed the male travellers most often and sacrificed these travellers to their Godess Kali. These robbers took the female travellers and had sex and left them. The children born to these robbers and raped women were raised by females. So usually a female is the head of a group or tribe. Hence they had female Godess named Kali.

At some point in time one of the robbery tribe should have gained power and established a Kingdom. The Brahamins who served this Kingdom performed pujas for the Godess of this Kingdom - Kali and later equated Kali to the wife of Lord Shiva.

The evolution of the concept: ‘Work by Birth’ in Brahmanism. 

Now a days, we know there are certain inert characteristics of each individual. Say some never seem to get tired and seem to work all the time, some take short breaks between works. Some take long rest and suddenly erupt into massive burst of speed intensive work and then go back to rest for long duration, some have specific talents on specific engineering tasks, some have specific talent as surgeon etc that we call as natural. (This may be attributed to the Sun signs e.g. Aries have certain traits, Taurus have certain traits, Cancer have certain traits etc)

The ancient Indians were aware of this. So at the time of birth astrologers tell the child’s parents of what the newborn will become to be and what special talents it will have so that the parents can nurture those fields that the child is supposed to naturally possess and become an expert in it. (There are numerous examples of these incidents in ancient Indian stories, e.g. Astrologers said Siddhartha would become King of Kings if took interest in warfare or will become a Buddha, a great teacher if he took interest in Philosophy. The Sangam age Tamil Poet Elango (born to Chera King) to become much famous than his elder brother Senguttavan. Thinking that Elanglo may become powerful than his elder brother as a king to become famous and hence to avoid a war within the family, Elango choose to become a Jain Monk and wrote the Tamil poem Silapathigaraam and became very famous). So ancient Indians believed that a person had a natural talent for a specific field and was destined to go to that field. This is what they specified by birth a person was destined to become. In the case of Vashista and Vishwamitra this was the conflict. Vashista was talented to become a sage and became a sage. Vishwamitra was already a King so as a child he was supposed to be destined to be a King. But when Vishwamitra saw the magic / mantric powers of Vashista, Vishwamitra also wanted to learn those magic / mantric powers and approached Vashista to teach him. But as Vashista believed that the natural talents of each individual was pre-destined / determined during the time of birth, Vashista told Vishwamitra that by birth Vishwamitra was destined to be a King and not a sage and hence cannot learn those tricks / mantras and refused to teach Vishwamitra (with the belief of natural talents by birth). Vishwamitra out of great curiosity and will learned the tricks elsewhere and proved to be a great sage with great power. This shattered the belief of Vashista and hence there were numerous stories about the conflict between Vashista and Vishwamitra. 

But the Brahmins during the evolution and rise of Brahmanism were looking into the Vedic stories to get their theories, as mentioned earlier, misinterpreted / misrepresented the concept of by birth (natural) talents and wrote that each person was destined to specific work when they were born (by birth), but instead of taking into account the natural talents took parentage (to whom the child was born) to mean by birth and wrote a child born to a Brahmin should work like a Brahmin (Priest), a child born to a King should become a King, a child born to a Merchant should work as a Merchant and a child born to a worker should work as a worker(Sudra). This concept very well helped the King as well to very easily make his sons as the next King without outside competition, similarly for the aristocrats to hold the position for their sons in the Kings court without difficulty. Hence the concept was well received by the King and rich to spread the concept of Brahmanism. (Note: In ancient India Democracy was well established. E.g. Within Koshlas – clan of Buddha, the King was selected from a round robin among a group of Chiefs for a specific tenure. The Mallas at the time of Buddha had democracy, Perumal was elected as the King for a period of 12 years from the chiefs of group of villages, When a King dies before his tenure, the new King was selected using the Chief King Temple Elephant from public – The Elephant was taken in procession from the King’s Temple with a garland in its trunk. Whom ever the Elephant places the garland on, becomes the next King). With the adoption of Brahmanism, the Kings had a secure way of making his son as the next King and very happily adopted Brahmanism, which gradually led to the strict enforcement of tight caste compartments and prevented anyone from switching profession.

What Brahminism did to India?

  1. Destroyed democracy in India
  2. Removed equality for women
  3. Prevented Philosophy and Science from developing. 
  4. Divided people from socializing.
  5. Made life a misery to most of the population.
Against Brahminical Tradition:

A Philosophical view of Dalit critique of Modernity

Dr.P.Kesava Kumar
The decade of eighties in Andhra Pradesh is known for a radical assertion of Dalits, women, adivasis and the Telangana people. These struggles are not only critical about dominant philosophical thinking, but also put a responsibility to record the past based on these foundations. They made a conscious attempt to interrogate the dominant traditions in order to liberate them. They have raised several questions relating to the nature of State and developmental strategy pursued by it. They created a new universe with alternative value system. Mostly, the knowledge about them could be in their literary and cultural articulation. Their literature is overshadowed by the philosophical inquiry into the conditions of the good society, the good person and, the good life. Literature is a primary means by which a community situates itself in place. The literature in the written form as established ‘the literature’ with the advent of print technology. The print culture not only succeeded in marginalizing the oral forms of larger social groups and also facilitated modern public sphere. For a long time this sphere is mostly dominated by educated brahminical class, though theoretically this space is available to everybody. The recent entry of dalits in to this modern space not only created tension, but also provides alternative philosophical insights through literary and cultural works. This gives the opportunity to read the politics of modernity in Telugu literature. On one hand, Dalit literature blatantly opposed the brahminical tradition, and other hand further radicalized the politics of alternative struggles.

The Karamchedu massacre of 1985 and the Pro-Mandal agitations in 1991 shattered the modern secular pretensions of various social and political institutions. One of the features of contemporary Dalit movement is that engaged with the politics of modern public sphere, which is seen as secular space (in the spheres of literature, cinema, university and political party etc.). It is the Dalit struggles and their assertion that showed the casteist brahminical character of these spheres. From the decade of eighties onwards, a considerable number of Dalit middle class is visible in Indian society. Their presence was felt in the public sphere for the first time. They are resisting the hegemony of the upper castes in these spaces by asserting themselves in all possible ways. For the upper caste people, it was as if the space which was so far reserved for them exclusively, suddenly became uncomfortable and they are becoming irritated with the entry of Dalits into their spaces. One can see the antagonism between these two in Universities, literary and cultural fields. The University, the city, cinema and literature are predominantly urban spaces where the above said encounters are very often witnessed. The upper castes have suddenly picked up a liberal language to corner the Dalits.
With the entry of Dalits into the various public institutions, one common response is that the objectives of these public institutions have been subverted. To put it in other words, the universe of values constituting these public institutions has been thwarted. To make sense of this, one has to find a relevant conceptual framework. Partha Chatterjee offers one. According to him, there are two worlds: a world of middle class constituted by modern norms of freedom of speech, voluntary associations and individual capable of choice; another is a world of subalterns constituted by other concepts which does not come under this modern bourgeoisie rubric. There is a relationship of pedagogy between the former and the latter. The entry of Dalits into modern public institutions, cause a rupture between two universes. The universe of public institutions is underpinned by modern rationality and concomitant values as created by modern-nation-State. The introduction of the universe of Dalits into public institutions results in, broadly, two consequences. It questions the nature of translation and application of modern values of liberty and equality in modern public institutions. Secondly, the visions of public institutions enter into a phase of crises of understanding and coherence. This interpretation helps us to understand the nature of hatred and conflict in public institutions. But, it also sets in other agendas of shedding the potential of modernity to liberate Dalits from the shackles of tradition. Dalits share an ambiguous relationship with modernity.
When modernity entered India, the Indian traditional intellectual community had seen it as a threat to the Indian social structure. To protect the age old brahamnical societal structure, the upholders of the tradition moved to keep the tradition intact. They started the process of monopolization of modernity by embracing the epistemologies of modernity - such as the basic sciences and technical education. Initially, when modernity opened up new opportunities, with its inherent economic viability, the Brahmin intellectuals given up traditional epistemologies and embraced modern epistemology purely for the material prosperity.
The writings reveal that Dalit relation to modernity is complex. It is also, in some sense critical about the general understanding of modernity, i.e., modern development, science and reason. Dalit politics refuses to get incorporated into the binaries of nationalism/colonialism and secularism/communalism. It also resists Universalism, the unmarked and abstract citizen as a centre of the emancipatory discourse of modernity. It is equally critical about the abstract 'working class'. In other words, it constantly speaks with and against both the liberal and the radical conception of man and society.

Indian Renaissance and valorization of Brahmanism
In the nineteenth century and early twentieth century there occurred a renaissance in India, which was significant movement in Europe in fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. With changed socio- political situation, there emerged social elite (liberal brahminical class) and started thinking critical about their religious and cultural traditions. In India, this renaissance movement began with the realization that hindu society was anachronistic, that there was a need for its reform and reorganization to adjust obsolete social relationships. This impulse for reform did not come from the oppressed classes or lower castes, but from persons who belonged to the upper classes, studied western science and literature and understood the needs of their contemporary world. It was soon found that without religious reform there could be no social reconstruction. The essence of the fundamental beliefs which form the core of Hinduism was identified, reexamined and reinterpreted. The social reformers Raja Ramohan Roy, Dayananda Saraswati, Vidya Sagar, and Vivekananda identified as contemporary Indian philosophers in philosophy text books are classic example.
The intellectuals of the Indian renaissance to resist the hegemony of the colonialism interpreted the past for their immediate demands. The rise of national consciousness coincided with the revival of interest in Indian philosophy. The nationalist intellectuals happen to be elites of the Brahminical class and reflected from their own social imagination in constructing the Indian philosophy. 'In their search for internal principle of unity to the past, religion was given a foundational position by both orthodox and reformist Brahmin intellectuals'. This can be seen in torch bearers of modern India like Rajarammohan Roy, Dayananda Saraswati, Sri Aurobindo, Tagore, Vivekananda, Tilak, Gandhi, Radhakrishnan etc. The hindu nationalists started the tradition of dressing up the spirit centred metaphysics of orthodox Hinduism in modern scientific clothes. As Radhakrishnan argues that Indian wisdom is needed today not only to rejuvenate the Indian nation but to reorient the entire human race’. P. T. Raju offered that ‘the East can impart the spiritual basis to the west. The future of mankind depends on conciliation and synthesis.’ There are many writers engaged in this project by saying cultural synthesis of east and west or of dialogue of India with west’. The Oriental Scholars like Max Muller, Duessen, Schopenhauer too fascinated by it. They promoted or over-exaggerated Indian irrationalism and mysticism.
The modern hindu intellectuals are very much aware of the social contradictions of the Indian society, but they never attempted seriously to change the society. They responded to the situation indirectly in such a way that it does not effect their socially privileged position. To conceal the contradictions of the Indian society, the renaissance and nationalist intellectuals were clever enough to invent a new language that works wel. One may find equality in spiritual realm and inequality in material world or social world. It promises equality in other world by negating affairs of this world or by projecting it as māya. The grand philosophies constructed on this line, ultimately helps in maintaining the status quo and hegemony of brahminism.

Marginalization of Non Brahmin intellectuals
The vast majority of bourgeois scholars (Brahminical scholars) ignore the central place of the question of the relation between existence and thought-between matter and consciousness-among the philosophical problems and decisive significance of its solution for characterizing the nature of every philosophical school. As a result, they are incapable of properly interpreting the history of Indian philosophy as the history of struggle between materialism and idealism, between atheism and religion. Bourgeois scholars either totally deny the conflict of ideas in Indian philosophy or admit such conflict only within the framework of idealism by viewing it as the struggle between the three major religions of India-Hinduism, Budhism and Jainism
The main reason for distorted interpretation of Indian philosophy, the scholars idealistic bias in their outlook, they ignore the social significance of philosophy and do not comprehend the truth that philosophy is the product of concrete social environment. They tried to understand through textual and linguistic analysis of its sources. The contemporary Indian philosophy projected exclusively as idealistic. Almost the entire first generation of philosophers to come out of Indian universities were idealists, influenced by advaita Vedanta and some form of European idealism derived from Kant and Hegel. Consequently, the older Indian academic philosophers were more or less favourable to religion and in the thought of every one of them there was a place either for the Absolute or God.
The dominant idealistic outlook as most prominent philosophical view renders materialistic world as unreal and its metaphysical approach which renders concept of change untenable. As they are blindfolded to look at the antagonistic social relations of contemporary India, it is obvious for non development of moral, social and political philosophy in India. Philosophers have to reflect on the social and cultural practices in which they lived. In India, caste is the fundamental social reality that shapes and influences everyday life. It is determining force in one’s perception of the world. As Pratima Bowes rightly observed, "....The philosophers in India failed in their task in as much as they did nothing towards developing political, social or moral philosophy in India. One reason for this non-development may be that philosophical thought was a monopoly of the Brahmin caste, whose privileges would have been under attack if questions were to be asked about the social system.”

The brahminical philosophy consciously keeps away from the contemporary social situation and cleverly banks on classical past. The brahminical philosophy never internalizes the change. It maximum tried to assimilate it as a part of its own tradition. One may accept it or not, it is the struggles of the people paves the way for new ideas and new thinking. We have seen that brahminical intellectuals succeed in caricaturing Indian philosophy as mainly idealistic, spiritualistic and religious through their writings. It is not surprise that one may not find any thinker in their whole spectrum of contemporary Indian philosophy from outside this tradition. One may argue that it failed to see the differences within this tradition in relation to its social and moral implications. But these intellectual elites never consider the other political currents both in colonial and post independent India. We didn’t find any thinkers of contemporary India from sudra and untouchable communities though the thinkers like Ambedkar, Jyothibha Phule, Narayana Guru and E.V. Ramaswamy Periyar in the books of contemporary Indian philosophers. Hardly we find anybody from the other than hindu religion. Though India is known for diverse social groups, languages and regions, no where we will find these markings in packaging Indian philosophy. This is same with the intellectuals of lower castes responded in literary and cultural fields with an alternative to brahminical knowledge system.

Dalit critique of ModernityWhen modernity entered India, the Indian traditional intellectual community had seen it as a threat to the Indian social structure. To protect the age old brahamnical societal structure, the upholders of the tradition moved to keep the tradition intact. They started the process of monopolization of modernity by embracing the epistemologies of modernity - such as the basic sciences and technical education. Initially, when modernity opened up new opportunities, with its inherent economic viability, the Brahmin intellectuals given up traditional epistemologies and embraced modern epistemology purely for the material prosperity. At this juncture, the whole process of embracing modernity by the intellectual community of the times, raises very interesting questions. For instance, it asks why Brahman community embraced modernity? What were the reasons for the monopolization of modernity? Did they allow modernity to go into corners to transform the basic structure of the society? If it was not the case, was it the fault of ‘other’s, who were not able to absorb modernity?
If we asses the impact of modernity on Indian society, the under-privileged sections of the society hardly benefited from it. If one thinks of possible reasons for this, one can easily come to the conclusion that the modernity project, in the nineteenth century, was monitored by the social elites of the times, and came from the Brahmin community. Apart from monitoring and controlling the whole process of modernization, there were constant conscious interventions by this community to ensure their interests are secure by not allowing the fruits of modernity into other sections of the Indian society. This resulted in the halting or postponing of societal transformations. To reserve the fruits of modernity for them, they constantly realized the price of modernity. Apart from providing new avenues, modernity has implications for social transformation. The elites have to overcome their own traditions and cultural beliefs. To resolve this kind of a situation they had started defending their cultural traditions and simultaneously enjoying the material benefits of the modernity at colonial times.

The relationship of the Dalits to the modern State, both colonial and post colonial, is ambiguous. It is important to re-look at political /cultural practices of Dalits to understand the Dalit response to State and modernity. If one emphasises the discursive aspects of modernity, it offers enormous possibilities to talk about Dalit suffering/ humiliation and oppression. It can also be said that Ambedkar’s argument for creating a moral community is possible only if one emphasizes the discursive aspects of modern experience.
Ambedkar tried to overcome the tradition-modernity dichotomy. The critique of the tradition is accompanied in his refusal to accept ready made alternatives manufactured in the west. His philosophy is essentially ethical and religious and he keeps away from western thought. And at the same time, he attacked Hinduism and its claims as religion .he upholds the moral basis of life while allowing critical reason to operate. He considers Buddhism as the only religion which can respond to the demands of modernity and culture. Buddhist teachings he believes, appeal to reason and experience. in this sense he is critical of modernity and high lightened that priority of social reconstruction can not be achieved without taking into account the legacy of tradition .He further considers that legal and political institutions do not have a capacity to reconstruct social solidarity, and therefore tries to provide a social basis for the liberal and political ethos which does not mean an uncritical acceptance of western modernity or indigenous traditionalism.’

Further, modernity, as imposed on the third world countries has been attacked from many fronts. Modernity is considered as a necessary extension of colonialism. Modernity in India came as a package with colonialism. There is an attack on the general philosophical beliefs of modernity such as notions of Universalism and its truth claims. There is an attack on the very values of post-Enlightenment thought, on its conception of secularism and rights etc. As observed by Javeed Alam, people readily reject terms like secularism on the grounds that they are alien to and lack any affinity with ‘Indian culture or traditions. However, other terms such as democracy or equality are readily acceptable.’ This may give a clue to understand modernity which has taken roots in the Indian context and its complexity.

Modern is historically embodied form of enlightenment. Whatever is entailed under enlightenment as values, beliefs, principles, ethics, morality and so on, has been thought of as universal – not just in an abstract sense but as something universalizable in the thinking and practices of all human beings. Colonialism has a historical connection with capitalism and therefore also what we have referred to as entrenched modernity. The capitalism in the colonies have demonstrative with all the features of distorted consciousness, racial superiority, arrogant cultural exclusiveness, and intellectual condescension over and above political control of those inferiors whom it has subjugated.

The writings reveal that Dalit relation to modernity is complex. It is also, in some sense critical about the general understanding of modernity, that is modern development, science and reason. Dalit politics refuses to get incorporated into the binaries of nationalism/colonialism and secularism/communalism. It also resists Universalism, the unmarked and abstract citizen as a centre of the emancipatory discourse of modernity. It is equally critical about the abstract 'working class'. In other words, it constantly speaks with and against both the liberal and the radical conception of man and society. Ambedkar doesn't believe in mere individualism, whereas the individual is the centre for liberal and modern life. He believes in community life that is rooted in a moral society and is based on the ideals of modernity. He makes differences with other communitarians like conservatives (Hindutva forces) and Marxists.
The trajectory of modernity in post-colonial India is a very complicated one. The Brahminical Hindu elite's engagement with the modernist project is quite interesting. The liberation of the self/nation is imagined in the spiritual and cultural domains. In its initial phase, Hindu nationalism started internal social reforms. The project of modernity pursued by these social elites of post-colonial India has ended up as anti-modern . As Partha Chatterjee notes: “…the search for the post colonial has been tied, from its very birth, with its struggle against modernity'. The modernization process carried the tag of the tradition. This ultimately led to the confrontation of secular state and the Nehruvian ideal of modernity by the Hindutva forces in contemporary times. In Post-independent India, the Nehruvian project of 'modernity', 'development', and ' progress’ through big dams, heavy industries and scientific institutions benefited the upper caste groups more than anybody else. This lead to the generation of capital in India but it did not develop a capitalist culture and its values. The upper caste groups didn't come out of their feudal mindset. On the other hand, Dalits are marginalized and dislocated. This situation often meets with conflicts and tensions in the nation. Any radical assertion of Dalits is suppressed by the State. The political institutions become s oppressive. Secular democracy may become a farce. Further, the governability for ruling class becomes a serious problem until and unless it attends the situation in a real democratic spirit.

On the other hand, the Dalit’s involvement with the colonial-mediated modernity project was too complex. In a feudal set up, where Dalits are degraded and humiliated in the name of caste and social norms, colonial modernity, to a certain extent, facilitated to become conscious of their objective condition. The institutions set by the colonialsts promised political, legal and social equality at least theoretically, if not practically. In this respect, Ambedkar is in favour of the active intervention of the State to bring Dalits into the modern sphere. In early days, Brahminical social elite too felt the need for modernizing Dalits. For this, they prescribed habits of 'purity' and the need for 'education' for Dalits. When more Dalits are entering the public space so far reserved for upper castes, through State-sponsored developmental programmes, it creates antagonism and conflict. With an increased assertion of Dalits and their struggles, and the marked visibility of Dalits in post-independent India has frustrated the upper castes. They pick up a new liberal language to counter the Dalits against the spirit of liberalism. For instance, when Dalits are fighting against the hegemony of caste, the upper castes dismiss this struggle as casteist. Dalits talking about caste is considered as parochial and anti-modern by them. Further, they argue for an economic basis for any emancipatory project of the State. In the anti- Mandal agitation this attitude can be witnessed. Upper castes find various strategies like this to maintain the status quo in society. Casteism of the upper castes took modern incarnation in the public sphere, and started articulating their interests in modernist discourse like, purity and pollution, 'hygiene', 'efficiency' and 'merit'.

One more interesting point is that, the upper castes started discrediting the modern political institutions in the context of the entry of Dalits into it. They go on propagating that these institutions got 'corrupted' by blaming the lower caste people. They even go on opposing the very foundations of the secular democratic State of the nation. They argue that this secular democracy based on the 'rationality' of western colonial model, is not based on indigenous cultural and philosophical traditions. At this point, Dalits came to the rescue of secular democracy. The Upper caste intellectuals, by taking the post- modernist position, that 'science is a social construct', started justifying the philosophies of irrationality and dogmatism as science. It had a negative implication for Dalits. In this context, Ambedkar and Dalits of post-colonial India, are arguing in favour of the 'scientific reason' of modernity that is rooted in indigenous traditions.

Literature as a tool of modernityWith the advent of print culture the literary and cultural forms of oppressive social groups such as Dalits, women, adivasis, Telangana, Muslims got marginalized and literary elite (happened to be brahminical class) managed to establish their social experience and their literary imagination as ‘the Telugu literature’ in whatever the form it may be. With intensified struggles of these submerged groups, there comes a new literary consciousness with the emergence of middle classes from these sections. It will focus on how the struggles of society marked the literature, and especially in contemporary times from the decades of late eighties. On the one hand they are resisting the brahminical hegemony and on the other questioning the existing abstract idea of ‘class’ and ‘progressive’ literature by enriching their literature with the concrete life experiences/struggles.
The struggles in the name of class, caste, gender, region, nation has provided the social context for implicit politics of Telugu literature. Added to this, the policies of liberalization of economy, hindu communalization and globalization further brought about changes in social structure and its value system. Inequalities have become sharpened in these times of globalization. Insecurity prevails among all sections of society. To transform these inequalities into politicization requires a kind of cultural intervention. Literature has played a significant role in this political process by narrating a slice of the larger complex reality.

Literature is a creative rational knowledge generated by an individual/author about collective/society. In the case of Dalits, the problem of caste has influenced them very much. For Dalits, access to natural resources and opportunities for wellbeing were denied naturally or socially, because of their caste. The denial to access, restricts the Dalit individuals to a particular set of social relations for many generations and this forces them to struggle against such restrictions and change the oppressive relations. This is generally identified as a caste contradiction or the problem of caste. The conscious Dalit individuals responded to this kind of social situation and offered a creative solution to the problems. This creative ideal model takes the form of a story, a novel, a poem or a song and is introduced back into the society. Dalit struggles around him/ her influenced the Dalit writers and made them conscious of their subjective positions and in assessing the world around them objectively.

Historically, the social groups, which had acquired political and economic dominance, enjoyed the privilege over cultural production and others got silenced. Western influenced middle class, those who later played a major role in moulding the nationalist struggles, involved in the production of literary writings. It is obviously, the upper caste group’s ideals and aspirations and their worldview reflected in literature too. In the post independent India, modern State was unable to uphold the promised ideals of good life and better society to the vast number of the oppressed of this country. In the political writings of literature of this time, there emerged an upper caste middle-class man as a protagonist. He is sympathetic to the lower classes and he articulates their needs and is seen to be mobilizing the oppressed masses. There are very few writings which talk about Dalits and their life. Those that exist come out as the sympathy of the upper caste writers towards labourers as a part of the class struggles. The protagonists in the literary writing are always from the upper caste groups. They are portrayed as shouldering the responsibility to reform/educate Dalits. This completely lacks knowledge about the authentic Dalit life and their experiences. These upper caste writers have constrains to perceive the lives of other communities. These socially sensitive upper caste writers could not mobilize the support of their communities to their imagined ideals and many of them moved towards spiritualism. Most of the writers came from Brahmin middle class families. In latter days, the intensified struggles aspiring the communist ideals too failed to capture the Dalit imagination and the question of caste remained immune to their discourses. Till the 1980s, the entire literary discourse centred on the concept of the abstract human being, erosive of all cultural markers like caste, colour, religion, region and gender.
However, the modernity in Telugu literature reflected through the reformist agenda of intellectuals of telugu society. Modernity is identified with the spoken language than textual language. The modernity articulated through the genres like drama, novel, short story and free verse than classical poetry. The issues identified are practice of untouchability, problems of women, importance of education. For this, either they negotiated within tradition or to reform the tradition in the backdrop of colonial education. In later days, the progressive agenda of the communist movements are taken up the project of the modernity in the name of class struggle. They are not explicit in their articulation about caste or patriarchy. Special reference to this considered as pre modern and celebrated an identity of the class. The idea of class not only conceals these realistic social identities but also indirectly helps in maintaining the hegemony of caste and patriarchy. The social agency mediated the modernity through their writings is mostly brahminical class or broadly upper caste men. With the emergence of conscious intellectuals from the lower castes and women exposed the shallowness of the above said modernity. They problematized the writings of their predecessors on the issues of ‘authenticity’ and ‘representation’. They evaluated them from the unchanged social life of contemporary times. In other words, the new intellectuals are assessing the literary modernity through its social functioning. In this process, not only questioned the canons of literature but also dismissed the celebrated telugu modernists like Gurujada and Sree Sree. Celebration of Jashua, the dalit writer could be seen as a Mahakavi as against the progressive writer Sree Sree. Normatively the modernity manifested through the dalit literature is different from the earlier telugu literary writings.

An overview of Dalit Literature
The radical contribution the entry of the Dalit literary movement was to bring is to foreground the Dalit cultural experiences characterized by humiliation, insult and suffering based on caste. By the 1980s, there emerged a considerable Dalit middle class which consists of small jobholders like teachers, clerks, constables, nurses, gang men, hamalies and attenders. Their exposure to education and economic security opened up new possibilities in politics and literature. In the Andhra politics, Dalit movement is known for the innovation of a new category called Dalit, making discrimination on the basis of caste explicit. In the left parlance, the amorphous landless masses, an agricultural coolie is being replaced by category Dalit. In Gandhian terms, the word harijan has been pushed aside. The conceptual innovation has opened up the new ways of articulating the Dalit cause. This is clearly visible in the field of activity from theory to art.

In India, Dalit people’s condition is the same cutting across the regions. There is not much difference in their social suffering and economic status. At the ground level, the forms of untouchability practiced by the upper castes are same. They have to face humiliations, insults and discrimination in everyday life. In case of the Dalits, intervention by the State is minimal, weather it is police or judiciary, in protecting the rights of the Dalits. They have to struggle even for constitutionally guaranteed rights. There is no option left for them other than fighting against caste hegemony. From their struggles, a literature came into existence. In late eighties, the issue of caste came to the forefront in Andhra Pradesh. This can be seen symbolically in the massacre at Karamchedu. As a consequence of the conscious mobilization of Dalits, the issue related to caste got articulated in literature in late nineties. Many anthologies of poetry in the form of poetry came into the limelight. The quest for the search of their own Dalit identity makes them broaden the literary horizons. Dalit writers questioned not only the basic premises of literature but also the epistemological positions of the existing writers. They supplied a new prism to perceive the crude reality of casteist society. With the well-debated question of representation and subjectivity, the upper caste writers were either silenced or sidelined.

Dalit literature is very much enriched in oral forms and transmitted from one generation to other. It is in the form of social memory and collective memories. The written culture or literature of Dalits may owe its existence to recent times. The pre-requisite for written culture is education. Most of the Dalits are illiterate even today. This is not their fault. They are not allowed to learn for generations. However, with limited opportunities, they have managed to enter educational institutions and have managed to get at least some small jobs. In post-independent India, a considerable Dalit middle class has emerged, though the number is small but it is significant in Indian history. This has paved the way for Dalit literature in the print word. Dalit writers have jolted the literary world. They raised many questions about the basic assumptions of literature on the question of authenticity and representation. Their entry, dismantled all the literary canons. They declared that we will write about ourselves. Telugu literary society has witnessed the silence of the existing upper caste writer, weather it is Brahminical or progressive writer. Any new struggle or literature, brings new symbols and new language. It is same with the Dalit movement and Dalit literature. It is in Andhra that Dalit writers are confronted with the ideologies of alternative struggles in the issue of caste. Here serious debates, confrontations and negotiations in civil society are taking place among different literary and political camps.

Mostly, the questions centred on who are Dalits? What is Dalit literature? What is the ideology of the Dalit movement and Dalit literature? One Dalit anthology of poetry named Chikkanavutunna Pata(1995) came with a proposition that SC, ST, BC and Minorities are also called Dalits. At the same time, another anthology named Dalit Manifesto (1995) proposed that, the labourers who are suppressed culturally, politically and economically are called Dalits. They didn't include Muslim writers in their anthology by justifying that though Muslims are victims of Hindu religion as Dalits, they cannot be considered under the category of Dalits. Secondly, whatever is written by the Dalits are considered as Dalit literature. Dalit Manifesto argued that, whatever was written with Dalit consciousness could only be considered as Dalit literature, but not the other way. The Dalit Manifesto become controversial by considering the latter and for inclusion of progressive upper caste writers who are conscious of Dalit problems. In course of time, this controversy resolved itself by considering whatever is written by the Dalits with their social experience is only qualified to be Dalit literature. The non-Dalits writings about Dalits may be treated as sympathetic for the cause of Dalits, but not considered as Dalit literature. For the liberation of Dalits, Dalits will have to achieve political power only through the struggle but not by appealing to the State. Some others consider that it is not necessarily through the means adopted by radical left parties but also through various other means like capturing power through parliamentary means. On the question of ideology, there are different opinions. Desiya Marxism is one such dominant opinion, the Marxist philosophy that is internalised thinking of Ambedkar and Phule.

Later came the Padunekkina Pata(1996) an anthology of poetry. It declared that Ambedkarism is the only ideology for the liberation of Dalits. In all these controversies, one can see the confrontation or negotiation with the then existing alternative political struggles. One of the responses was that Dalit literature was saying that it is a part of revolutionary literature. Some of the scholars of the Marxist camp considered the problem of caste as a class problem. There is another argument that both are different literary movements. “Dalit writers consider the caste as an economical, social and political system. Where as revolutionary writers consider caste as a social problem.” Dalit literary movement is autonomous and is no way related to Marxism. “The aim of revolutionary literature is economic equality and it is a casteless society for Dalit literature. For the emergence of Dalit literature, revolutionary literature may have facilitated; but it is improper to say that both are the same.”There emerged another opinion that though both of them are not related, there is a need to struggle in a united way against oppression.

The literary expression of Dalit writers started with poetry, which has enjoyed power over other forms. To suit the authentic expression of their lives they also selected the other forms like ‘short story’ and ‘novel’. The inner urge or struggle within them has propelled them to write short stories and novels. This is a significant transformation of Dalit writers. At least, it creates confusion in locating history. Novel and short story not only broadened the canvas of the writers and made them accountable to history. The Dalit writers probed the history and brought into the literary world many things, which were not touched earlier by other the upper caste writers. In fact, Dalit writers narrated the submerged culture, philosophy and histories of the Dalits. The political discourses of Marxian revolutionary and feminist movements also influenced the Dalit novelists. It made them sensitive to other struggles, while writing about Dalits. Wherever it is necessary, they differed with Marxian revolutionary politics and its practices. The rise of sub caste consciousness among the Dalits helped the writers to speak about the concrete lifestyles of Dalit’s sub-castes rather than political rhetoric and language of the given time. Dalit novel may be said to be the culminating point of all the political movements since Dalit novelist has internalised the essence of all these struggles.

However, in the decade of the nineties, a good number of Dalit writers have come to the forefront. Most of them are of the age group of 25-35 years. They have touched all the spheres of life from a caste point of view. For example, early writings in Telugu consider the life of riksha pullers and prostitutes and treated them sympathetically for their low economic status. Dalit literature depicted the same from a Dalit point of view. Through literature, Dalit writers gave attention to concrete life experiences of Dalit lives that had so far not been touched by any one in Telugu literature. Some of the newspapers have encouraged Dalit literature. Where the Dalit movement is at a low profile, there the Dalit writers kept the Dalit issue alive. Dalit literature introduced fresh tones to Telugu literature. The idiom and expression is new to Telugu literature. They brought the respect to native Dalit dialect. The Dalit writers shattered the constructed myths in literature both in form and content. Literature came close to their life. It occupied the political space and even tried to articulate all the problems.

The Madiga Dandora movement for the categorization of SC reservation proportionate to the population of sub caste triggered a new kind of articulation in the Dalit movement as well as in Dalit literature. The logic of representing one’s own self led tofragmentation in Dalit literature. It is understood that writing about one’s caste experience is the only authentic representation. Dalit writers were forced to write/represent their own caste. In one way, this atmosphere enriched Dalit literature by representing themselves. On the other, it weakened the force of Dalit writings. Most of the Dalit writers of Mala community become silent within no time. Some time, the madiga writers were on the centre-stage when they wrote about their life struggles. Chandala Chatimpu, Madigodu (The Stories of Madiga’s life) of Nagappagari Sundar Raju and Mallemoggala Godugu (The Umbrella of Jasmines) of Yendluri Sudhakar are worth mentioning. Writers, who belong to backward castes too got separated from the earlier Dalit identity and became confined to their own community life. They brought an anthology of poems with a name of Ventade Kalalu (Haunting Pens). Muslim writers also made a conscious attempt to assert their own identity. They came with a poetry collection named Jaljala. Dalit women too started questioning the oppression of caste and patriarchy of Dalit males and this got articulated in literature. Nallapoddu (The Black Dawn) is an exclusive collection of Dalit women’s writings.

At end of the decade of nineties, Dalit writers who are active in writing poetry are slowly disappearing from Telugu literary scene. There are other reasons for the silence of Dalit literature. One is that, there is no significant Dalit movement and political leadership. The Dalit writers, who mostly came from the middle class, are limited to their urban life and somewhere lost their roots. There is competition among Dalit writers and their career orientation is also responsible in diluting Dalit literarure. There is no political or public check on Dalit writers since there is no political struggle. Thirdly, Dalit writers, are mostly confined to poetry and they didn’t take effort in other forms like story, novel, song and autobiography forms. They succeeded in tapping their rich literature from oral traditions. Finally, the upper caste media was not showing interest like earlier days in encouraging Dalit literature.

At this historical juncture, some of Dalit writers shifted to the other genres like story, song and novel to construct their cultural past and struggles of the community. They too realized that nothing is available about them in government documents and literary, cultural works. To win the political struggles Dalits need to be armed culturally. Kalyana Rao’s novel Antarani Vasantham(2000) is a landmark in Dalit literary and cultural history from the Dalit point of view. The novel recorded the collective social experiences and struggles of Dalit community. The social memory of a community, transmitted over generations, has been put in a written form. The novel is a written social document of Dalit culture, which is predominantly in oral tradition. This novel is an attempt to search a collective identity of the Dalit community. It is the chronicle of life of six generations of Dalits. This records a hundred years’ struggle of the Dalit communities. In the context where the elite scholars do not consider lower caste peoples’ struggles, culture, philosophy, life styles and history, this novel becomes the source book for culture, history, politics and philosophy of Dalits. Kalyana Rao explained how the Dalit culture is born from the lower caste peoples’ involvement in labor. They spontaneously and naturally composed the songs from their life. Apart from the value of entertainment, the Dalits used cultural performance symbolically as a social protest against the dominance of hegemony of upper caste social groups. It explains Dalit struggles in various forms in a given social conditions. The novel depicts not only the sufferings of Dalits but also joyful moments in their life. This novel is an attempt towards writing history, philosophy, politics and culture of Dalits in a comprehensive form. In Antarani Vasantham, constraints to freedom of Dalits, comes from an enemy who is an upper caste. The idea of freedom itself indicates for Kalyana Rao, a perpetual flow of resistance by Dalit community to an upper caste community. Dalit community has been described as a focal point of creativity, resistance to oppression and a character of purity.

Yendluri Sudhakar’s Malle Moggala Godugu is a collection of autobiographical stories from the Dalit community. It is the Dalit poet Sudhakar’s search for his community roots where a rich cultural tradition and indigenous knowledge systems were enlivened. To write these stories he went to his native village and recorded the social and cultural experiences of older generations. Vemula Yellaih’s novel Kakka is a Dalit boy’s struggle for madigization. He learns to play Dappu from the community’s head as a symbol of pride of the community. This novel, not only discuss the Dalit struggle against the upper caste hegemony but also finds the problems within Dalit community. In the Telugu literary world, the Dalit novel is the culmination point of all the alternative struggles. It internalized the struggles of Dalit sub castes, women and Naxalite movements.

The questions raised through literature are fresh and haunts the political movements of our contemporary times in all possible ways. All the upper caste writers ranging from Brahminical to progressive writers has compelled to take note of it.

Manifested modernity in Dalit Literature

‘I don’t know when I was born/but I was killed on this very soil thousand years ago/ ‘dying again and again to be born again’/ I don’t know the karma theory/I am being born again and again where I was dead.’ 
History!/ all these years how could you hide/ the fire in our mouth…./how could you tolerate/inequality and inhumanity
An ideal society should be mobile and it should be full of channels for conveying a change taking place in one part to other parts. In an ideal society there should be many interests consciously communicated and shared. There should be varied and fee points of contact with other modes of association. In simple terms, Ambedkar viewed that an ideal society would be based on liberty, equality and fraternity.’Ambedkar favors for a democratic tradition that stand for reason rather negating it. He felt for hindu religious tradition need to undergo a radical reform. Caste is a natural outcome of certain religious beliefs which have the sanction of shastras. To abolish the sanctity and sacredness of caste, one has to destroy the authority of the shastras and Vedas. For this, one has to destroy the religion of both sruti and smriti. Ambedkar not only proposing the indigenous tradition that stand for reason, but also tries to link up that tradition with the governing principle of politics. As Ambedkar is the source of inspiration for Dalit movement and so reflected his thought in dalit literature.
Dalit intellectuals negotiated their philosophical views to the larger society through the medium of literature than any other form. They are organic intellectuals in strict sense of Gramsci, having the elements of thinking and organizing the community as against the traditional brahminical intellectuals. In this sense Dalit literature has to be seen as the process in creation of counter hegemony against brahminical hegemony. Dalit literature has significant in many ways-culturally, historically and ideologically. Dalit literature enriched with content and description of dalit struggles for human dignity. There has been constant effort from dalit writers in translating the condemned life styles and practices of marginalised people into symbols of protest and pride. Dalit writers gave rich meaning to dalit life that brought respect for them. In the process of writing their own history, they thoroughly interrogated the existing histories of dominant caste/class groups in their literary writings. As Dalit writer, Sivasagar marking the assertion of dalits in writing their own history against the brahminical history centred around advaita of Sankara. With a smile on his face/Shambhuka is slaying rama/ with his axe/Ekalavya is cutting drona’s thumb away/with his small feet/ Bali is sending Vamana down to pathala/ With needles in his eyes/ and lead in is ears/Manu, having cut his tongue is seen rolling on the graveyard/standing on the merciless sword of time/and roaring with rage/The chandala is seen hissing four houndson sankaracharya/ Oh..!/ The history that is occurring today/Is the most chandala history
In the process of writing their history, are collecting the memoirs of the collective suffering. Dalit writer through his writings interrogates the brahminical past, which has the character of humiliation, atrocious for dalits. Yendluri Sudhakar in his poem : ‘I am still a prohibited human being/Mine is an expelled breath/ Trying a barb tree leaf to my aist/And a tiny spittoon to my mouth/Manu made me a wretched human animal among others/The moment he left a mark of prohibition on my face/My race/Was gradually murdered… history pinched my thumb/Present history is asking all the fingers/Now we want a voice of our own/We want a voice that can choose what can do good to ourselves’.
The suffering of the dalits for generations is identified with the very nature of brahminical society. ‘For me the Wound is not new/Only the way I got wounded is new/The experience is as past as yesterday/Only the way I got experienced is new’. The struggle for the human dignity and self respect could be seen as in all the writings of dalit literature. Human dignity and self respect are the primary source of modernity. As the young dalit writer, Kalekuri Prassad asserts : ‘Twenty years ago my name was kanchikacherla kotesu/My birth place Keelavenmani, Karamchedu, Neerukonda/Now the hardened cruelty of the landlords/Tattooed on my chest with a plough’s point-Chunduru/Hence forth Chunduru is not a noun nut a pronoun/Now every heart is a Chunduru, a burning/ …Don’t shed tears for me/If you can/Bury me in the heart of the city/Rendering the tune of life, I will bloom like a bamboo garden/Print my corpse on the page of this country/I will diffuse into the pages of history a beautiful feature/If you can/Invoke me to your hearts/Again and again I shall take birth in this very country/By becoming a struggle of wild flames.’
The Human dignity could be attained only through fulfilment of social and economic equality. In democracy, citizenship is prerequisite for its functioning. In case of dalits, it is negated due to its casteist nature. The craving for the citizenship could be seen : In this Country we want a piece of land/These clouds has to be vanished/These walls must be collapsed/This silence/ must be bursted / this gum/ must be dried up/ O man/ I want real citizenship /Could you give me! ..what do I want/I want you/ I want a place/ In your heart/ I must wash my hands/ at your home/you must come to my hut/ and ask our girl for marriage/we must become /relatives/friend! This country/must become ours/as we walk hand in hand/this uneven earth/must become smooth/will you come? What we want now is not bloody cash/ A fearless voice that discerns what we want/ A new constitution, a new state/A new earth and a new sky.

Against the monopoly of knowledge by the brahminical class, dalits argues that ‘Knowledge is nobody’s property; It is the wealth of all jatis’. In fact, Dalits are productive class. The real knowledge produced out of their collective labour. ‘When hands/ From over the ‘Mala’ hamlets/ and ‘Madiga’ huts / Throw themselves on the fields/Banks of the fields blossomed/Trees flowered/And fields fragrant with crops’

The idea of freedom described in the novels Antarani Vasantham and Kakka is significant. In Antarani vasantham, constraint to freedom of dalits comes from an enemy who is upper caste. The idea of dalit itself indicates for Kalyana Rao a perpetual flow of resistance by dalit community to an upper caste community. Dalit community has been described as a focal point of creativity, resistance to oppression and a character of purity. This is effectively indicated through central character Yellanna who eloquently represents a creative, upright and assertive individual. This is one way of expressing dalit freedom or a mode of being dalit. One of the characters, in difficult times of community life says, we have born just not to be killed but to live too. Kakka identifies that constraint to freedom to dalits is not just from an outsider but also from the very community. The central character Kakka faces too many hardships from within community as well as outsiders. For instance, the mother of kakka was accused of an illicit relation and was subjected to social boycott by the community. Kakka was denied an opportunity to take up the duty to perform madigarikam that is considered a honouring the community. This reflects the constraint within community that projects a different community and a different kind of self-awareness. And of course, he has to fight valiant battle against the other communities, which has traditionally been dominant in the village. It is also shown that in times of struggle against upper castes, dalits come together and fought valiantly.
Further, dalit women writings’ reveals the problems within by problematizing the patriarchy of dalit men. ‘When has my life been truly mine/in the home male arrogance/sets my cheek stinging/while in the street caste arrogance/splits the other cheek open.’

Dalit song is mostly available in oral form. There is no recorded evidence for their songs. But one can listen their songs by invoking the social memory. Though there are countless composers and singers, but no name got institutionalized. Written culture had succeeded in marginalizing the singers of lower caste groups since these groups are illiterate. Even after technological innovation, no voice of these singers got recorded. On the other hand the singers of brahminical culture like Kshetrayya, Tyagaraja, Annamaya, Ramadas are not only institutionalized and revered as legendary figures in the musical tradition. By overcoming the limitations imposed on the Dalit artists/writers, in telugu history one may find some songs of the life of dalits.
In continuation with this, Gaddar composed many songs on the lives of dalits. He translated the condemned life styles as symbols of protest: How beautiful/ my dustbin.. He composed songs on miserable lives of dalits, and their role in knowledge production, and against the atrocities committed on dalits. The songs of Dalit singers invokes the feeling of revolt of dalits against the upper caste hegemony. The strength of Dalit song lies in countering the brahminical culture and in celebration of Dalit culture in public. Dalit song is a turning point in articulating the life of dalits in a concrete form than the earlier as it was in the name of ‘class’, ‘labourers’.
Guda Anjaiah’s song of Oorumanadira fills the confidence of dalits by declaring this village is ours by questioning the Dora of villages: This village is ours/This hamlet is ours/We are for every work/Then Who is this Dora /Why this hegemony.There is an attempt by the Dalit writers to establish the historical fact that they were the sons of the soil and once even ruled the nation by pointing out the foreign origin of Aryans/ Brahmins/ Manuvadis. In a song Ee Desavasulam, tries to establish the fact that dalits are the sons of the soil: We are natives of this country-sons of this soil/we are of adi jatis-the real inhibitors/you fellows came for livelihood- in the name of upper caste brahminism/by saying the natives of Bharat as slaves.

The throat that’s uniting all/will pluck a new tune for a new song/ the society/ that made their life a death/should be carried as coffin/this time/ much before the cock crows/the limbs/turn into rays that rise with liberty

To cut my thumb and give/do you think I am a gullible ekalavya/do you think I am shambuka/ to bend my head and do penance/do you think I am vali/ to be knocked down with a foul arrow/ I am the one who breaks the sinews of manu/ I hang colours/ I peel the skin of gods who made me lame. Now/ I am writing this history/With Ekalavya’s sliced thumb/The reasons you give may be right to you/ But to me/ They are lies higher than Himalayas/The poet is determined to fight the literary hegemony/Hereafter/ The black slogan begins to dawn upon this land.

ConclusionModernity has connoted with many meanings such as ‘value’, ‘rationality’, ‘western’, ‘colonialism’, ‘development’, ‘capitalism’, ‘secularism’ ‘humanism’ and so on. Dalit relation to modernity is complex and even ambiguous. Dalit modernity has to be understood in the context of Dalit liberation from humiliating, exploitative, oppressive brahminical tradition. Dalit modernity centred on the value of human dignity and self respect. In persuasion of this, it interrogates the irrational, unjust and dogmatic practices of hindu social order on the basis of scientific reason. And at the same time tried to assert its own self, upholds its indigenous tradition by claiming the elements of humane democratic practices. Dalit modernity overcomes the tradition –modernity dichotomy that has been set in the interests of the Western. In India, the fruits of modernity is enjoyed and monopolized by the brahminical class in the material level, and at the same time maintained intact with their traditions in spiritual / religious level. This has been continued from colonial to post colonial times. Dalits are systematically excluded in this project. Dalits as the victims of the project of ‘development/ progress’, of post independent India, are negotiating with larger nation from its fringes. The modernity appropriated by dalits is ‘rights’ centred and argued in favor of democratization of indigenous tradition. They are negotiating with the ideals of modernity to overcome the social exclusion, exploitation, suffering and humiliation imposed by hindu tradition.

[1] Murthy, Sachidananda , Modern India and philosophy, In K. Sachidananda Murthy and K. Ramakrishna Rao (ed.) Current trends in Indian philosophy, Waltair: Andhra University Press, 1972
[2] Raja Ram Mohan Roy (1772-1833) considered father of modern Indian philosophy, at first concluded that Upanishadic teachings, rightly interpreted, contains eternal truth relevant to all ages. (xxix). Roy for the first time tried to show that only a correct interpretation of Upanishads could be true hindu religion, and that only such religion could reconciled with modern world and science.`

[3] Khilnani, Sunil. Idea of India. London: Penguin, 1999, p.154.
[4] Rajaram mohan Roy's Brahmasamaj (reformed Hinduism, and seeks reinterpretation of Upanishads) Dayanada Saraswati's 'going back to vedas' Gandhi's religion as a source for interconnectivity and for community life.
[5] Aurobindo's theory of evolution of spirit, Vivekananda- ‘Hinduism not just as fulfillment of all other religions, but also as a fulfillment of all sciences'.
[6] P.A. Shilipp.(Ed.) “Fragments of confession” In The Philosophy of Radhakrishnan, New york, 1952, p.11
[7] P.T.Raju Radhakrishnan’s influence on Indian thought in Philosophy of Radhakrishnan, p.518.
[8] ‘Fusion between modern and tradition’, ‘Meeting East and West’, ‘Truth is one, the wise call it by different names’, ‘Truth is God’ (Gandhi) ‘Integral Consciousness’ (Aurobindo) ‘Holistic approach’ and ‘Religious revolution’ (J.Krishnamurti) ‘Unity in diversity’ (Radhakrishnan) ‘Inner and outer’ ‘tolerance’, ‘scientific spirit' etc. – the language used by the contemporary modern philosophers.
[9] Ibid.P.43
[10] Ibid. p.51
[11] Murthy, Sachidananda , Modern India and philosophy, In K.sachidananda Murthy and K. Ramakrishna Rao (ed.) Current trends in Indian philosophy, Waltair: Andhra University Press, 1972 p. xxxviii-xxxix
[12] Bowes, Pratima. "What is Indian about Indian Philosophy?" S.S.Ramarao Pappu and R.Puligandla (Eds.) Indian Philosophy: Past and Future, New Delhi: Mothilal Banarsidas, 1982. Pp.8-9
[13] Kesava Kumar .P., Jiddu Krishna murti’s Conception of Tradition and Revolution : A Critical Study. Ph.D dissertation submitted to University of Hyderabad, 1997. p.232
[14] Alam, Javeed. India: Living with Modernity, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1999. p.4
[15] Laxmi Narasaiah, G. and Tripuraneni Sreenivas (Eds.) Chikkanavutunna Pata(Thickening Song), Vijayawada: Kavitvam ,1995.
[16] Kesava Kumar and K.Satyanarayana (Eds.) Dalit Manifesto, Hyderabad: Vishpotana, 1995.
[17] Laxminarasaih, G. (Ed.) Padunekkina Pata(Sharpened Song), Vijayawada: Dalita Sana, 1996.
[18] Satyanarayana ,K. Eee Potee Venaka Vunnadi Kutra ,Andhrajothy Daily, Sunday, January 28, 1996.
[19] Laxminarasaiah, G. Dalita Sahityanikee Viplava Sahityanikee Ddrukpadhallo Tedavundi, Andhrajyothy Sunday, December 17, 1995.
[20] Je.Sree. Potee Anadam Vidduram – Kutra Anadam Kruram, Andhrajyothy Daily, Sunday, February 18, 1996.
[21] Danee, Usha S. Mudu Sangha Samskaranalu- Aru Dalita Srenulu, Andhrajothy Daily, Sunday, August 13, 1995.
[22] Kalyana Rao, G. Antarani Vasantham(Untouchable Spring), Hyderabad: Virasam, 2000.
[23] Prasad, Kalekuri, ‘Pidekedu Atmagouravam Kosam Talettinavadni’ Am Raised for a Fistful of Self-respect) In Kesava Kumar & K. Satyanarayana (Eds.) Dalit Manifesto. Hyderabad: Vishphotana, 1995. (Translation Lakshminarasiah) p.20
[24] Gowrisankar, Padasmudra , Tenali: Poetry circle, 1994
[25] Moon, Vasant. (Comp.).‘Dr. Baba Saheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches’ Vol.1 p.57
[26] Sivasagar. Nadustunna Charitra (Tr. Laxminasaiah) G.Laxminarasaiah, The Essence of Dalit poetry ; A socio- philosophic study of telugu Dalit poetry, Hyderabad: Dalitsana publications, p.34
[27] Sudhakar, Yendluri .Nettutiprasna (the Bloody question) (tr. Laxminasaiah)p.14
[28] Ramulu, P.C. “Gayam Kotthakadu.” (The Wound is not New) In Kesava Kumar & K. Satyanarayana (Eds.) Dalit Manifesto. Hyderabad: Vishphotana, 1995.
[29] Prasad, Kalekuri. ”Pidikedu Atmagauravam Kosam Talettina Vadini.” (Am Raised for a Fistful of Self-respect) In Kesava Kumar & K. Satyanarayana (Eds.) Dalit Manifesto. Hyderabad: Vishphotana, 1995. (Translation Lakshminarasiah)
[30] Nagesh Babu, Madduri. Yem kavali, Meerevultu (tr.Laxminarasaiah) p.74
[31] Sudhakar.Yendluri. Nettuti prasna p.75
[32] Gowri Shankar, Juluri. Padamudralu, p.35-36 (Tr. Laxminarasaiah) In ‘Dalit Manifesto’, Hyderabad: Vishphotana, 1995
[33]Challapalli swaruparani, Mankenapuvu In ‘ Dalit Women’s Writings in Telugu’ , Economic and Political weekly April 25,1998, p.WS-22
[34] Gaddar, Gaddar Galam Audio CD
[35] Anjaiah, G., Ooru Manadira, Ooru Manadira (patalu) , Hema Sahiti publications: Hyderabad,1999 p.1
[36] Mastejee Ee desavasulam , Dalit Manifesto p.32
[37] Gowrisankar. (Tr. Laxminarasaiah) quoted in ‘The Essence of Dalit poetry ; A Socio- Philosophic Study of Telugu Dalit Poetry’, Hyderabad: Dalitsana publications P.69
[38] Varadayya (Tr.Laxminarasaiah) quoted in ‘The Essence of Dalit poetry ; A Socio- Philosophic Study of Telugu Dalit Poetry’, Hyderabad: Dalitsana publications p.40
[39] Afsar, quoted in G.Laxminarasiah , ‘The Essence of Dalit poetry ; A Socio- Philosophic Study of Telugu Dalit Poetry’, Hyderabad: Dalitsana publications p.50


All human rights were denied to them. The ‘high’ people used the ‘low’ people as slave labour; yet they considered the very sight of a ‘low’ as bad omen.

There was a fixed distance, "theendappadu", to be kept between the "low" and "high". Theeya/Ezhava and Pulaya kept 16 feet and 64 feet respectively from a High caste. Any "low’" who went closer than the prescribed "theendappadu" towards High caste will be chopped down" was the old Chaturvarna rule.In those days Dalits were not allowed to walk along public roads. The Dalit women were not allowed to cover their breasts in public places.The ‘low’ were recognised by the black colour of their skin. New cloth was permitted after being blackened with coal dust or ash. Slippers (wooden), umbrella (of palm leaf), clean cloth, expensive jewellery was not permitted for the ‘lows’.
Only a Namboothiri (Kerala Brahmin) used umbrella in rain (in a place where it rains six months a year). The ‘upper’ said ‘hoy‘ as he walked along streets and pathways. The oncoming ‘low’ replied ‘njaavo‘ to give the former warning and for the latter time to hide behind bushes or thickets.


Although slavery as it existed in Greece and Rome never made its appearance in India; from the references in literature it would appear that some sort of slave relations did exist in ancient India.

For instance, the Mahabharata mentions that there are seven types of domestic animals viz.
1) Cow, 2) Goat, 3) Sheep, 4) Man, 5) Horse, 6) Mule and 7) Ass.

Two raths from the Temples at Kanchipuram . Kanchipuram boasts the earliest temples in South India. Divided into Shiva-Kanchi and Vishnu-Kanchi, Kanchipuram was built upon by many dynasties like the Pallavas (7th century), Cholas (9th century), Pandyas (12th century) and Vijaynagar (16th century). All Indian dynasties used the morality of free labour service and religious and social obligations in the construction of temples (as also of palaces and public utilities).

King Harishchandra also supports the fact the slavery

The following episode of King Harishchandra also supports the fact the slavery existed in ancient India. Once King Harishchandra of Ayodhya was going for a hunt in a forest near his capital. While moving in search of prey he heard a sharp cry for help and ran in that direction. To his dismay he found that he had rushed into the ashram of Sage Vishwamitra. At that time the Sage was in deep meditation and Harishchandra’s ill-timed appearance had disturbed Vishwamitra’ s meditation.

Opening his eyes he glared at Harishchandra and demanded the reason for his unwarranted incursion. On being told the reason, Vishwamitra ridiculed Harishchandra and said that the scream was the work of the spirits trying to disturb his meditation and Harishchandra had fallen a prey to the spirit and became its medium for disturbing Viswamitra’s meditation (Tapasya). Angry that he was, Viswamitra was about to curse Harishchandra, but the king begged for mercy and said that he was ready to give anything Viswamitra asked for. This appeased the angry Sage who said that at the moment he had nothing to ask for but would approach Harishchandra at the right moment. On hearing this Harishchandra took his leave .

A Yagna being performed. The officiating clergymen were paid handsomely for this service by kings and the nobility. This payment was called Dakshina. This apart Dana was the customary charity made mainly to the Brahmins. Dana and Dakshina were modes of transferring wealth voluntarily (but enforced by religious and social sanction) from the nobility (kshatriyas) and to the clergy. The Kshatriyas appropriated their part of the social surplus through taxes, tithes, obligatory services from the Vaishyas and Shudras.A few days passed and the episode was forgotten by Harishchandra, but Vishwamitra was not one to forget so easily. One day unexpectedly he turned up at Harishchandra’ s Court and demanded fulfi11ment of the promise Harishchandra had given him. On being asked what he wanted, Vishwimitra coolly demanded that Harishchandra give up his Kingdom immediately. The King was stupefied; but as per his promise, he abdicated and alongwith his family he left the city.

But he had not gone for when Vishwamitra overtook the royal refugees and said that Harishchandra’s word was not yet fulfilled as the dakshina had not yet been given. (the dakshina was a voluntary, but customary, payment made to Brahmins for religious services rendered). Now Harishchandra had nothing with him except his clothes, his wife Saivya and his son Rohitashwa, all their jewels also had been left back at their palace.  Harishchandra pleaded with Vishwamitra to give him a grace period of a month to collect the dakshina which Vishwamitra reluctantly granted. But at end of the said month, Harishchandra had not yet arranged for the dakshina, as no one was ready to offer him work due to his being of noble birth.

On the morning of the last day of the said month, Vishwamitra duly appeared and demanded his dakshina. Harishchandra said that he be allowed time till sunset by when he would some way arrange for the dakshina.
The morality in ancient India was such that lay people voluntarily rendered free service in the construction of temple panels such as this one from Ajanta which dates back to 5th century. In many such panels the craftsmen have depicted happenings from real life. This panel shows an army marching to war.

With only a few hours at his disposal, Harishchandra grew desperate and the only way he could think of raising money was by selling himself in the market. He made his way to the public square in the market where slaves were bought and sold and announced that he was for sale. But looking at his lean body, no one was ready to buy him.

Dejected that he was, he asked his wife Saivya if she was ready to get herself sold. The devoted queen agreed to that shameful proposal and she was put up for sale. She was bought by a Brahmin for 500 coins. But when she was being taken away, her son prince Rohitashwa ran after her and said that he too would go with her. Seeing this the Brahmin who had purchased Saivya, said that for an additional 250 gold coins he would purchase the prince as well. Thus with 750 gold coins with him, Harishchandra approached Sage Vishwamitra, but the remorseless sage demanded 250 gold coins more for the dakshina to be respectable.

With no other option before him, Harishchandra put himself up for sale. He was brought by a Chandala (crematorium keeper) for the paltry sum of 250 gold coins. Thus Vishwamitra’s dakshina was redeemed. Harishchandra began working as the Chandala’s servant. His job was to collect the fee from the relatives of the dead and then arrange for cremation of the dead-bodies.

Brahminical Policy

The brahmins came to India first, in search of food and fodder for their cattle.  Hearing from the traders and travelers, many tales of prosperity, fertility, riches and wealth of the Indus Valley, they were initially interested in making their lives, acquire wealth and riches in the New Land.  But seeing the real fertility, wealth and prosperity of the Indus Valley Civilisation, they became very jealous and highly greedy.  They cunningly developed many sinister methods of cheating and subverting the Indus Valley People.  They readily joined hands with subsequent waves of invaders to loot swindle and destroy the Indus Valley People and Civilisation completely from the face of the earth.  In course of time, they emerged to be the biggest cheats and silent criminals on the earth.  They always come as beggars and ultimately swindle to appropriate everything.  They are therefore big frauds thieves looters and merciless destroyers.  They are crude heartless sly operators.  Acting as priests, or claiming to be scholars or teachers is a big ruse to cheat and swindle the people.  It came in very handy to fool the kings and queens and the masses.  It helped them to become advisers and ministers.  They collected as expiratory offerings to pacify the angry gods and goddesses, overcome the annoyance of the heavenly authorities, or just as penalties to make amends or atone what all were considered as mistakes and or personal sins.  They collected as offerings and or as gifts only valuable things from food to fruits, cloth to wealth, gold to gems, women to wine and land, under the cover of soothing the displeasures of the forces that be on earth or in the heavens.  They ate everything, except – for reasons not known, the camels.  May be because they still want to be thankful and grateful to those, for having been very useful to them during their old difficult days in the Central Asian Deserts.  Manu also had a great value for the Camel, but not the Cow.  He and other brahmins of his time ate all animals, other than the very valuable Camel.  They did not at times spare even the dog-meat.  Even today, brahmins cook feed and eat the meat of animals including buffaloes forced to be sacrificed to the goddess Kamakhya in Assam. 

Kings used to specially slaughter cows to feed the brahmins.  King Ratideva butchered for the brahmins 2000 cows every day.  That is why the brahmins came to be known as the Bhojana Piriyars, which literally meant ‘Food Lovers’ and the saying – Padhi Rotikaga Artha Rathiriyile Kadha Dhooram Pogubhavan Parpan, which sticks to them always.  That means that – The brahmin is one who will walk many kilometers even in the middle of the night for just half a slice of bread.  The brahmins made such free feeding of the brahmins the principle duty of the kings and big authorities, and slowly turned the kings, other rulers, officials and other authorities away from Statecraft and the people.   The brahmins greed and lust were limitless.  They took from the people what all they needed, wanted more than their needs, met their eyes, and more to satisfy their unquenchable thirst and endless greed.  Even beyond they desired to take away whatever the people had.  That is both as a result of their greed and habit, as also their sadistic desires to keep the people deprived and leave them as much as possible poor helpless without any material possessions.  Whatever they took from the poor but could not consume, they hoarded, or silently and stealthily sold away with the help of the baniyas.  Further surpluses and those they could not preserve and store, and other perishable items, the evil brahmins wasted by throwing them in the fire of their yagnas, as offerings to Agni; or pouring them on the stone clay and wooden heads of their stupid gods and goddesses, or even on the Lingas.  

Over a period of time the brahmins became a curse on the State.  That is how the Indian States and their rulers repeatedly failed miserably, and the Country slid down to become and remain as one of the most backward and poor Nations of the World.  Since the brahmins took the space of being scholars and priests in the society, and became advisers to the kings rulers and the powerful, they could only prove to be shallow scholars, hollow priests and false advisers.  That is why there never was any worthwhile, useful or practical intellectual input in this Country after the destruction of the Indus Valley Civilisation by the Aryan brahmins.  They only busied themselves in forcing the foolish kings, rulers, officials, authorities and the rich in building small temples everywhere.  They were to prove to be places of living for the brahmins, sources of plentiful rich nutrient food easy earnings unlimited wealth.  The temples in course of time became centers of exploitation, influence, fraud and debauchery.  And the People Society States Govts and the Nation as a whole suffered and made no progress.  So there were no developments, no achievements.  And the Country had to gulp repeated humiliations, suffer many a defeats, and face a number of losses.

The brahmins were only interested in food and eating.  Being very big voracious eaters, they are symbolised by their potbellies.  Being the most lazy parasites they are known for their dirty habits and unclean unshaven appearances.  One could hardly keep their company, because they used to stink horribly, due to improperly washed clothes, ritualistic bath of taking an hurried dip in cold water in early morning hours, or pouring a pot of water over their heads pretending to have taken a bath.  They did those mostly with their clothes on, and never used soap either to take bath or wash themselves and their clothes.  After such bath, they would either leave their clothes as a lump or heap to dry, or just rinse in the water and leave them in a clump to dry; or go about their business in the wet clothes till they dry or they choose to change.  As a result, their clothes were never white, became grey and yellowish, and soon turned in colour to almost saffron – the colour of their fundamentalists even today. 

The brahmins never used to brush their teeth, or used any paste to clean their teeth, claiming that the brush and paste would spoil their teeth.  They only used to gargle and spit out the water, or at the most used their fingers and their holy Thulsi Leaves known otherwise for medicinal and therapeutic values.  Because of not brushing of their teeth, they had all gone yellowish and black with tartar and rubbish, adding to their stink.  Their girls and women also suffer from these drawbacks.  They also stink of cow dung and urine.  Yet the brahmins were mortally scared and extremely scared. 

Normally as a rule, the brahmins never allowed their females to go anywhere out of their houses unescorted, except to the palaces and the residences of the rulers etc, for obvious reasons, generally not discussed, studied or recorded.  Many of the brahmin girls excelled in the art of being affectedly coy, excessively talkative, extraordinarily expressive, trained singers, and professionally exclusive private dancers dancing in palaces of the kings and rulers in privy, for the exclusive eyes of the ruler or the king. Not used to hard or outdoor work, they remained slim or attractive when young or out of poverty since their men generally did never worked to have a regular and reliable income.  Yet no one other than the kings and rulers aspired for them.  That is because of their dirty habits, unwashed clothes, unbrushed teeth, stinking mouth, smelly personality, and unreliable untrustworthy unfaithful unfidel characters.   Perhaps because they don’t brush their teeth and stink horribly in the mouth, they consider mouth as the dirtiest part of all animals.  Hence the mouth of their holy cows, whose urine is very sacred and purifying for the stupid orthodox brahmins even today, are considered to be very polluting. 

Many Stories like the epics were conceived by the brahmins to fool cheat and swindle the people, and also propagate all the meaningless and stupid vedic beliefs and practices; and to strengthen the hold of the brahmins on the stupid kings, foolish queens, helpless States, simple people and nameless masses.   They preached violence on all the thinking wise and independent people.   Those who were concerned at the dubious and destructive nature of the cunning brahmins were very worried.  It is because of them, that the Upanishads were written as anti-thesis’s of the exploitative vedas, and enunciated non-violence.  These were not only anti-vedic, and also against all beliefs and practices of vedic-rites, but were against all forms of manipulations and oppressions of the poor and the helpless, by the brahmins.  Following these noble traditions of the wise and the thinkers, came many sincere honest and great personalities.  Gautama Buddha and Mahavira were natural products of that milieu.  These two Great Noble Wise Men preached the Doctrine of non-Violence to even the Kings the Queens and the common People.  Ashoka the Great Warrior and King Emperor was the Noblest amongst them all who accepted Buddha, Buddhism and non-Violence.  He made non-Violence and meaningless killings of the helpless and the animals a crime.  Even Ashoka did not include Cow in the list of animals prohibited from slaughter.  For beef and pork were the poor common man’s food.  They were also cheap easy and plentiful sources of rich nutrient food. 

Gautama Buddha also ate beef and pork.  Buddha, yes, was against all forms of Animal Sacrifices by the brahmins to all those endless lists of brahmin’s own and adopted gods and goddesses.  Gautam Buddha considered all sacrifices, either to the Kings or Queens, or to the Gods and Goddesses, and on the top of it burning them alive or dead in fire, as sacrifices to Agni during the yagnas or any other special occasions, as nothing but wasteful, meaningless and barbaric and cruel.  Sita had vowed to sacrifice thousand Cows and hundred jars of wine to Yamuna.  It is such meaningless sacrifices and show of power and wealth that Gautam Buddha resented.  Buddha was also against violences by the kings and queens against the people of their own States or against the People of other Nations due to clashes of egos and games of war.  But at the same time, Gautam Buddha did never believe in coming in the way of the food of either the brahmins or the common people.  For, beef and the meat of other animals were very important part of the food of people, Medicare, and other offerings to guests etc. 

References of cow slaughter could be found as recently as in the eighteenth century India.  Sami Vivekanand in the eighteenth century not only ate beef while in USA, but had also vehemently defended his action.  In the first half of this century, brewing of beef-tea was developed to help patients recuperate from sicknesses.   Even today, hundreds of communities in different parts of the Country, including Buddhists, Christians, Muslims, SC Dalits and many ST Dalits, as well as many so-called hindus take Beef as a regular part of their food.  And to top them all, many millions of brahmins, and their kshatriya and baniya partners, in the loot of this poor Country and the People living here-in take beef while visiting or living in the middle-east, south-east, Russia, Europe, Africa, USA, Australia, New-Zealand etc.  Often they prefer beef for its taste, nutrient value, or because it is cheaper than other food items, or other meat, or their popular chicken.

The brahmins like the urchins on the street, can not give up cow!  From its sacrifice to worship, and stealthily eating it, they have a very long way – almost a complete-big-circle.  Perhaps, only perhaps they have madly taken this full circle, to counter the influences of Buddhism, Jainism and to escape from the criticisms of the people for their cruel practices of senseless sacrifices and wasteful butchering of useful domestic animals of the common people.  They have now taken to the base practices like consuming as elixir, the repulsive mixture of cow-dung and urine along with its milk, curd and butter as Panchagam – their purifactor.  Only missing items are the cows’ saliva, blood and meat. 

The real truth of brahmin double-dealing is visible when we realise that in the while of sub-Continental India, there does not exist one Temple for their Holy-Cow.  Nor is there any cow god or cow-headed goddess, amongst the thousands and thousands of gods and goddesses!

Dalits suffer under Brahminical dictatorship in IIT - Madras

Under the Institute of Technology Act 1961 ("Act 59 of 1961") passed by Parliament, six institutes were declared as "Institutes of National Importance". One such institute is the IIT Madras. Every year these institutes receive Rs. 1,000 crore from the Govt. of India (HRD).
The IIT Madras is situated on a 300-acre campus in the heart of Madras for which the credit goes to Chief Minister Kamaraj. Despite the IIT being located in Tamil Nadu, the representation of Tamils here is minimum.


It has become one of the foremost Brahmin bastions all over the world in the field of academics. In the past four decades of its existence the Brahmins who occupy all the decision-making positions have dominated it. In all these years of existence, the Institute has not had a single Dalit or Backward Caste director.
In the past decade, large-scale financial irregularities and mishandling of public funds have attracted the adverse notice of the public and the media. The arbitrary selections and appointments made to the post of faculty members have been challenged under several writ petitions. In fact, within this short period of 10 years over 200 cases have been filed against it.

Human rights violation:
Though the Constitution guarantees reservation (human rights) for the OBCs and Dalits in matters of education and employment, this policy is not followed here either at the level of student admission or faculty selection.
Faculty appointments:Out of the total faculty strength of 450, only two are Dalits despite the constitutional mandate that 22.5% of all positions must be reserved for the Dalits. Hardly 50 faculty members are BCs.
The rest of the faculty are upper castes, most of them Brahmins.
Writ petitions on reservation in faculty pending before the court are:

(1) W.P.No. 5415/95 filed by IIT BC Employees Welfare Association; (2) W.P.No.16528/95 filed by the Vanniar Mahasangam; (3) W.P. No. 16863/95; (4) W.P.No. 17403/95; (5) W.P. No. 4242/97 filed by Dr. Muthuveerappan; (6) W.P. No. 4256/97 filed by Dr. W.B. Vasantha Kandasamy; (7) W.P. No. 4257/97 filed by Dr. W.B. Vasantha Kandasamy and (8) W.P.37020/2003.
To escape the constitutional mandate, it has cunningly followed the "contract" system hiring faculty members on "ad hoc" basis. Faculty members from the upper castes are eventually made permanent.
To escape legal problem advertisement is published. All the advertisements will not stand up to review. Because all material particulars will be clearly absent: number of vacancies, number of positions reserved etc.
Student admissions:As in faculty positions reservation policy is not followed in student admissions. It was only in 1978 it first thought of reservation to Dalit students. But this 22.5% quota is not completely filled up. Instead the eye-wash of using lower cut-off marks is said to be followed. Besides, in a gross violation of the fundamental right to equality, Dalit students who gain admission to B.Tech are made to undergo a one-year preparatory course before being admitted to B.Tech.
No reservation exists in the IITs for Backward students. There is also no relaxation of criteria. In the name of merit, the legitimate rights of the deprived castes are denied. In September 2005, a writ petition was filed in the Madras high Court seeking 27% reservation in IITs for OBC students.


Occupying office illegally:


1996 faculty recruitment drive:


Arbitrary selection of 130 new faculties:
I have hired 130 faculty members in the last three years, of who 36 have B.Techs from various IITs who’ve done Ph.D. abroad and come back. But I have lost 90 by retirement and so I am running very fast to stay where I am.
This large-scale appointments reveals the undue haste, lowering of eligibility criteria, favouritism of recruiting alumni and absolute lack of transparency. Moreover, with a callous disregard to social justice and the constitutional mandate of reservation, not even half a dozen Dalits have been selected as a faculty member.
Shameful role:To facilitate this hasty, biased selection process, the advt. on the Institute’s website (http://www.iitm. Openings) says:

This is a standing advertisement. There is no specific requirement on when a candidate can submit an application. Applications will be accepted throughout the year. Candidates who meet the prescribed qualifications need not wait for any formal announcement of recruitment to submit an application.
The ambiguity is apparent because even the number of vacancies is not announced. To broad-base this arbitrary activity, applications to the entry-level position of Asst. Prof. is invited for all the 15 departments in the institute.
Norms and guidelines for selection are wilfully abandoned and unbridled power to select less meritorious candidates is given to the respective departments. The standing advertisement states, "the departments have the right to set different as well as higher norms, while shortlisting, taking into account the requirements of the departments". This paves way for a pathetic dilution of standards.
Today, even the universities stipulate five yeas of research and teaching experience after receiving the doctoral degree as the basic eligibility criteria for the entry-level lecturer positions. Yet, in a shameful role-reversal, IIT Madras stands stripped of its halo of high quality, the standing advt. relaxes the eligibility criteria and invites applications for the Asst. Prof. position from "candidates who expect to receive their Ph.D. within the next six months" adding that "their appointment to the post, if found suitable, will be subject to their receiving the degree".
Hush hush appointments: Worse in the interview, M.S. Ananth accepted that the IIT Madras has "adjunct faculty who don’t even need a master’s degree".
Faculty appointments have been bestowed with an infamous history, having been consistently challenged in judicial avenues for the past decade. Since then, it has shied away from open advertisements and opted for using the internet-based standing advt. which makes the entire exercise shrouded in secrecy. The regular selection process has been subverted by resorting to the tested technique of bulk back-door entries.
This is taking place because the Brahmins here are extremely averse to recruiting people from Dalits and BCs. By using "standing advertisements" they can overlook reservation and deny equal opportunity.
Now a fresh advt. has been issued in the press on Sept.26, 2005. It calls for applications to the posts of Professor and Associate Professor. No mention is made of the number of vacancies. Like all the previous times, only Brahmins and upper castes will be selected. No reservation policy will be followed.
Unless this is prevented all the vacancies shall be filled up and for decades no non-Brahmin can enter the institute.
Immediately after M.S. Ananth took over office in 2002 he issued an advt. calling for applications to the post of Asst. Prof. Those selected were Brahmins. However, he soon changed his tactics.
In a stealthy yet massive recruitment drive over 130 faculty members have been hastily appointed since 2003 without open advertisement or a regular selection process.
In a recent interview to (, Dr. Ananth said:
As soon as Dr. R. Natarajan took over, he too issued an advt. for faculty positions. In these selections, those who were the favourites of the ex-Director, and those who protested in a signature campaign against the Faculty Association for filing a case were given promotions as if it was a reward.
The appointments and the advt. were unnecessary because only a year ago there had been an enormous selection process at the faculty level. This selection was also filled with all kinds of irregularities. No reservation was followed at all for the OBC/SC/ST.

Caste, not merit:For the post of Professor, 98 were selected but some of them did not even have a single Ph.D. guidance, no PG project guidance and hardly half-a-dozen research papers. Merit and excellence were not taken into consideration, only caste played a prominent role. This selection was also challenged (W.P.No. 4257/97) by Dr. W.B. Vasantha Kandasamy as there was no reservation for BCs and it did not follow the Supreme Court order in the Indira Sawhney case (AIR 1993 SCC 477).

Dr. Muthuveerappan, an OBC faculty member of the Mechanical Engg. Dept., also challenged the faculty selection done in 1996 before the High Court (WP No. 4242/97).

Even in the list of those selected faculty, there was not a single Dalit. There would have been hardly half a dozen non-Brahmins.

Backdoor entry:Ad hoc appointments are resorted to effectively deny entry of weaker sections into faculty positions. These ad hoc appointments are effected in the nature of selective reservation for persons who are connected to a coterie which is at the helm of affairs at the Institute.

During 1986-1997 it made over 180 ad hoc appointments to the faculty positions under 17 job titles. Nearly 80 of them have been made permanent subsequently.

After R. Natarajan took charge, between Nov.1995 till 1998, about 37 appointments had been made without recourse to the regular selection process. These appointments were made through the backdoor thereby shutting out open competition and genuine merit. The IIT Act does not allow such contract appointments.

In 1998, the Backward Class Employees Welfare Association represented by its Secretary, Prof. N.R. Neelakantan, filed a writ (W.P. No.3570 of 1998) challenging these ad hoc appointments.

Faculty recruitment drive: In 1998, it issued an advt. (IITM/R/3/98 in the Hindu April 25, 1998) for the post of Asst. Prof. in the various departments flouting the constitutional provision of reservation for SC/ST/OBC.
This advt. was basically aimed at regularizing and making permanent those appointed illegally on the ad hoc basis. The BC Employees Welfare Assn. headed by Prof. N.R. Neelakantan filed a writ (W.P. No. 6313/98) before the High Court challenging this advt.
Dismissal of Natarajan demand:Ex-MP, Era Anbarasu filed a quo warranto writ (W.P. No. 12128/98) before the High Court seeking the dismissal of Director, R. Natarajan.
Natarajan had fabricated his date of birth. According to the record, he joined first standard at the age of 3. Besides, instead of a proper meeting of the IIT council comprising 33 members, only three people had met and selected him. He was also accused of having plagiarized research matter which is pending before the High Court of Madras (W.P. No. 7775/97).
Employees Union strike:Employees of the IIT staged a series of protests against Natarajan in 1999. The strike lasted for 120 days and T.R. Balu, Union Minister for Shipping, had addressed the employees.
The Director was furious that T.R. Balu asked him to come down from the fifth floor to meet the employees. The IIT comes under the parliamentary constituency of Balu.
Natarajan later took revenge by sacking the office-bearers, dismissing them from service, conducting inquiries and serving them show-cause notices. All this resulted in a series of writ petitions being filed in the High Court and several of them are pending even today causing extreme distress to the employees.
1999-2000 faculty recruitment drive:Towards the end of his tenure in a hurry he wanted to promote all his favourites and henchmen. Hence an advt. (No. IITM/R/5/999) was issued on Nov.3, 1999 inviting applications to the posts of Asst. Prof, Associate Prof. and Professor. The selection was kept in abeyance for around a year.
The interviews were hastily held from Sept.11 to Sept.25, 2000 and the results were announced at 8 p.m. on Sept.25. The selected candidates joined the very next day. He arbitrarily recruited over 99 people, a great majority of them from the upper castes to fill up these positions. Not even a single Dalit was selected. Against this a writ (No. 17835/2000) was filed.The Director of the Institute during the year 1995 was Dr. N.V.C. Swamy. He retired in April 1995 but continued in the post till June 30, 1996 under the pretext that his appointment had been extended. He had by then attained superannuation and was well over 60 years. The appointment of the Director of the IIT requires the prior approval of the President of India who is the Visitor of all IITs. Without the presidential approval, the then Education Secretary of the HRD Ministry, S.V. Giri, sent a DO Letter No.12-17/95 TSI (Oct.31, 1995) giving an extension to N.V.C. Swamy for three months. The Faculty Association of the IIT filed a writ before the Madras High Court (W.P. No. 15486 of 1995). This writ petition was admitted and subsequently Swamy resigned.

Recruiting 80 faculties:During his illegal term as the Director, Dr.N.V.C. Swamy hurriedly advertised and filled up faculty positions. Within three months he appointed over 80 upper castes to faculty positions. Reservation policy was thrown to basket.
NVC Swamy went to the extent of reissuing advertisements to ensure that his favourite candidates were selected. For instance, the advt. (No. IITM/R/8/94) for the post of Associate Professor, Maths Dept., was clearly given "the candidate should have a basic degree in Maths". If this criteria had been strictly followed an upper caste man would not have been selected.
So to select their favourite, Dr. S.G. Kamath, who had a B.Sc. degree in physics, to the post of Associate Professor, they changed the very selection criteria. For this, they issued a re-advertisement No. IITM/R/1/95 relaxing some of the previous criteria and taking out this necessity for basic degree in maths itself. Though the advt. invites applications only from those who hold first class degrees, a second-class degree holder, Dr. A. Rangan, was selected to the post of Associate Professor in Maths Dept. At the same time, though Dr. W.B. Vasantha was extremely meritorious she was not selected because she belonged to the OBC community.

Reservation policy not implemented:

According to the Board resolution no.11 of 1994 in the 145th meeting of the Board of Governors, it was resolved to implement the reservation policy as per the Ministry of Human Resources Letter (1/11/1993). Also, the Office Memorandum of the Dept. of Personnel & Training (13.01.1995) extends the reservation to BCs in civil posts and services to be filled by direct recruitment to bodies like the IIT.
In the faculty selections that were carried out during the five-year tenure of Dr. NVC Swamy the constitutional mandate of reservation was clearly missing because it was blatantly breached.
The IIT BC Employees Welfare Association headed by K.N. Jothi filed a writ (WP No. 5415/95) before the Madras High Court challenging the non-implementation of reservation. After the filing this writ petition, in all the appointment orders given to the posts of Assistant Professor, 

Associate Professor and Professor, it was mentioned:

Please note that the High Court of Madras by its order dated 17.4.1995 in W.M.P. No. 8893 in W.P.No. 5415 of 1995 has made the following order: the offer of appointment is subject to the result of the writ petition.
The Vanniyar Sangam filed a writ (16528 of 1995) challenging the non-implementation of the reservation policy for the OBCs. Similarly W.P. No. 17403 of 1995 was also filed for a similar purpose.

FERA violations: He undertook frequent foreign trips in the name of signing Memorandums of Understanding (MOU) with universities abroad. During these trips, he never took clearance from the Ministry and the Reserve Bank. He also collected donations in dollars for corpus fund from the alumni of IIT who were living abroad. But he never deposited the amount in the IIT account. IIT sources said the amount collected ran into a few crores of rupees.

Illegal lease of institute property:Dr. Swamy leased the Institute’s sports stadium to a private company, Chemplast Sanmar, violating the IIT Act that says: that no part of the Institute premises can be leased or rented to anybody. The premises of the Institute can be used solely for the purpose of research and student activities. (Act, Chapter II 6(j) and 7(2).

Creating 197 categories of posts:As the Director, he had created over 197 categories of workers which does not exist anywhere in the Act and statutes. The same sources said he gave illegal promotions to his favourite cadre.

नियोग के नाम पर नारी का शोषण 

नियोग विधि अर्थात औरत को दूसरे मर्द को दे कर बच्चे पैदा करवाने की विधि को कहते है.. या विधवा से सम्बन्ध स्थापित कर के बच्चे पैदा करने को भी नियोग कहते है... हिंदू धर्म के वेद, पुराण और सभी ग्रन्थ इस विधि को बढ़ावा देते है.. उदाहरण के लिए:

इमां त्वमिन्द्र मीढ्वः सुपुत्रां सुभगां कृणु।

दशास्यां पुत्राना धेहि पतिमेकादशं कृधि।

(ऋग्वेद 10-85-45)

भावार्थ ः ‘‘हे वीर्य सेचन हार ‘शक्तिशाली वर! तू इस विवाहित स्त्री या विधवा स्त्रियों को श्रेष्ठ पुत्र और सौभाग्य युक्त कर। इस विवाहित स्त्री से दस पुत्र उत्पन्न कर और ग्यारहवीं स्त्री को मान। हे स्त्री! तू भी विवाहित पुरुष या नियुक्त पुरुषों से दस संतान उत्पन्न कर और ग्यारहवें पति को समझ।’’ (4-125)
आ घा ता गच्छानुत्तरा युगानि यत्र जामयः कृराावन्नजामि।
उप बर्बृहि वृषभाय बाहुमन्यमिच्छस्व सुभगे पति मत्।
(ऋग्वेद 10-10-10)
भावार्थ ः ‘‘नपुंसक पति कहता है कि हे देवि! तू मुझ से संतानोत्पत्ति की आशा मत कर। हे सौभाग्यशालिनी! तू किसी वीर्यवान पुरुष के बाहु का सहारा ले। तू मुझ को छोड़कर अन्य पति की इच्छा कर।’’

क्या ऐसा नियोग औरतों के शोषण के लिए और समाज में व्यभिचार को बदावा देने के लिए नहीं बनाया गया होगा... ??? ऐसे धर्म को मानना कहा तक उचित है?

ब्राह्मण सूरा-पान और मांसाहार के बड़े शौकीन थे

ब्राह्मणों के वेद -शस्त्रों मे मांस -भक्षण के विधान वैदिक साहित्य से पता चलता है की प्राचीन आर्य -ऋषि और याज्ञिक ब्राह्मण सूरा-पान और मांसाहार के बड़े शौकीन थे । यज्ञों मे पशु बाली अनिवार्य था बली किए पशु मांस पर पुरोहित का अधिकार होता था ,और वही उसका बटवारा भी करता था । बली पशुओ मे प्राय; घोडा ,गौ ,बैल अज अधिक होते थे.

******ऋग्वेद मे बली के समय पड़े जाने वाले मंत्रो के नमूने पढ़िए;-

1- जिन घोड़ो को अग्नि मे बली दी जाती है ,जो जल पिता है जिसके ऊपर सोमरस रहता है ,जो यज्ञ का अनुष्ठाता है ,उसकी एवम उस अग्नि को मै प्रणाम करता हूँ। ( ऋग्वेद 10,91,14)

2- इंद्रा कहते है ,इंद्राणी के द्वारा प्रेरित किए गए यौगिक लोग 15-20 सांड काटते और पकाते है और उन्हे खाते है तो मोटा होता हूँ । -ऋग्वेद 10,83,14

3- जो गाय अपने शरीर को देवों के लिए बलि दिया करती है ,जिन गायों की आहुतियाँ सोम जानते है , हे इंद्रा! उन गायों को दूध से परिपूर्ण और बच्छेवाली करके हमारे लिए गोष्ठ मे भेज दे । – ऋग्वेद 10,16,92

4- हे दिव्य बधिको! अपना कार्य आरंभ करो और तुम जो मानवीय बधिक हो ,वह भी पशु के चरो और आग घूमा चुकाने के बाद पशु पुरोहित को सौप दो। (एतरे ब्राह्मण )

5*-*****एतद उह व परम अन्नधम यात मांसम। ( सत्पथ ब्राह्मण11,4,1,3)

अर्थ ;- सटपथ ब्राह्मण कहता है, की जीतने भी प्रकार के खाद्द अन्न है ,उन सब मे मांस सर्वोतम है

महर्षि याज्यावल्क्या ने षत्पथ ब्राह्मण (3/1/2/21) में कहा हैं कि: -”मैं गोमांस ख़ाता हू, क्योंकि यह बहुत नरम और स्वादिष्ट है.”
आपास्तंब गृहसूत्रां (1/3/10) मे कहा गया हैं,”गाय एक अतिथि के आगमन पर, पूर्वजों की’श्रद्धा’के अवसर पर और शादी के अवसर पर बलि किया जाना चाहिए.” ऋग्वेद (10/85/13) मे घोषित किया गया है,”एक लड़की की शादी के अवसर पर बैलों और गायों की बलि की जाती हैं.”
पिबा सोममभि यमुग्र तर्द ऊर्वं गव्यं महि गर्णानैन्द्र
वि यो धर्ष्णो वधिषो वज्रहस्त विश्वा वर्त्रममित्रिया शवोभिः ||
वशिष्ठ धर्मसुत्रा (11/34) लिखा हैं,”अगर एक ब्राह्मण’श्रद्धा’या पूजा के अवसर पर उसे प्रस्तुत किया गया मांस खाने से मना कर देता है, तो वह नरक में जाता है.”
हिंदू धर्म के सबसे बड़े प्रचारक स्वामी विवेकानंद ने इस प्रकार कहा:”तुम्हें जान कर आश्चर्या होगा है कि प्राचीन हिंदू संस्कार और अनुष्ठानों के अनुसार, एक आदमी एक अच्छा हिंदू नही हो सकता जो गोमांस नहीं खाए. (The Complete Works of Swami Vivekanand, volume.3, page no. 536)
 — with Kamal Ahirwar


Neech Brahman

कौन कहता है कि ब्राह्मण उच्च कोटि के होते है? आज हर जगह बताया जाता है कि ब्राह्मण, राजपूत और वैश्य ऊँची जात के प्राणी होते है। लेकिन कैसे? ये किसी को पता नहीं है। हर तरफ ब्राह्मणों, राजपूतों और वैश्यों को उच्च कुल की संताने कहा जाता है। अगर इतिहास देखा जाये तो सच्चाई कुछ और ही ब्यान करती नज़र आती है। ब्राह्मण, राजपूत और वैश्य जो की असल में मोगल जाति के लोग है और यूरेशिया से भारत में आये है। आज ब्राह्मणों, राजपूतों और वैश्यों को यूरेशियन भी कहा जाता है, वास्तव में एक क्रूर और अत्याचारी मानव जाति है। यूरेशिया के लोगों ने भी मोगलों से तंग आ कर पूरी मोगल जाति को मरने के लिए समुद्र में छोड़ दिया था। ये भारत देश का दुर्भाग्य था कि मोगल जाति के लोग समुद्र में भटकते हुए भारत पहुंचे। हजारों मूल निवासी राजाओं को मार कर मोगलों ने भारत की सत्ता हासिल की। आज भी मोगल भारत के उन महान राजाओं को मारने की ख़ुशी में सेकड़ों त्यौहार बनाते है। मूल निवासी भी अपने पूर्वजों के मृत्यु दिवस पुरे हर्षो उल्लास से मानते है। दशहरा, दिवाली, होली आदि ऐसे त्यौहार है जिनको ब्राह्मण, राजपूत और वैश्य मूल निवासियों के ऊपर जीत हासिल करने ख़ुशी में बनाते है। मुझे तो हंसी आती है भारत के मूल निवासियों और उनकी सोच पर, सिर्फ दूसरों की नक़ल करने की आदत पड़ गई है सभी मूल निवासियों को। कोई भी मूल निवासी अपना दिमाग प्रयोग नहीं करता, सब के सब ब्राह्मणों की वाणी के जाल में फंसे हुए है और हजारों बर्षों से मोगलों अर्थात युरेशियनों अर्थात आर्यों अर्थात ब्राह्मणों, राजपूतों और वैश्यों की गुलामी करने में लगे हुए है।
neech-brahmnअब बात करते है ब्राह्मणों की उच्च जाति की। कौन कहता है कि ब्राह्मण उच्च जाति के लोग है? ब्राह्मण यूरेशिया से देश निकला दिए हुए लोग है। अगर ब्राह्मण उच्च जाति के होते तो यूरेशिया से इन को देश निकला क्यों दिया जाता? यूरेशिया के शासक ब्राह्मणों को समुद्र में मरने के लिए क्यों छोड़ जाते? असल में ब्राह्मण एक नीच और निकृष्ट जाति है। ब्राह्मणों ने भी गौ मांस खाया है। ऋग्वेद में इस बात के प्रमाण है। जिस में कहा गया है कि पूजा के बाद गाये, बैल या सांड की बलि दी जानी जरुरी है और ब्राह्मण द्वारा बलि दिए गए जानवर का मांस खाना जरुरी है। अगर कोई ब्राह्मण बलि के लिए काटे जानवरों अर्थात गाये, बैल या सांड का मांस खाने से माना कर देता ई तो उसकी 20 पीढियां नरक में जाती है। ऋग्वेद में इंद्र जो की एक आर्य था और बाद में ब्राह्मणों ने जिसको अपना भगवान् बना दिया कहता है “हे इन्द्राणी! जब बधिक लोग यज्ञ और पूजा के बाद गाये, बैल और सांडों को काटकर उनकी बलि देते है, और ब्राह्मण उस मांस को खाता है तो उस मांस से मैं मोटा होता हूँ। महाभारत का अध्ययन किया जाये तो महाभारत के युद्ध के विवरण वाले अध्याय में लिखा हुआ है कि महाभारत के युद्ध के दौरान ब्राह्मणों की प्रसन्नता के लिए हर रोज 2000 गाये कटी और ब्राह्मणों को खिलाई जाती थी। अब आप पाठकगण खुद सोचो इतना घटिया काम करने वाले ब्राह्मण उच्च कोटि के कैसे हो सकते है?
मनु स्मृति की बात करते है जिसको एक ब्राह्मण मनु ने लिखा था। मनु जितना नीच इंसान भी इस दुनिया में दूसरा कोई नहीं हुआ। जिसने उसे पैदा करने वाली नारी को ही नीच लिख दिया। मनु के अनुसार नारी स्वतंत्रता की अधिकारी है है(अध्याय-९ श्लोक-४५), नारी पत्नी, पुत्री, माता सभी रूपों में सिर्फ एक दासी है(अध्याय-९ श्लोक-४१६), नारी हर रूप में अपवित्र है, उसको पढने, लिखने या ज्ञान प्राप्त करने का कोई अधिकार नहीं है(अध्याय-२ श्लोक-६६ और अध्याय-९ श्लोक-१८), नारी नरक का द्वार है(अध्याय-११ श्लोक-३६ और ३७), पढने लिखने वाली नारी अपवित्र है, पढ़ी लिखी नारी के हाथ का भोजन नहीं करना चाहिए(अध्याय-४ श्लोक-२०५ और २०६), नारी निष्ठा रहित, चंचल, पथभ्रष्ट करने वाली, वासनायुक्त, बेईमान इर्षाखोर, दुराचारी है और पता नहीं क्या क्या है। क्या ये विचार किसी उच्च कोटि के विद्वान या उच्च कोटि के जाति के पुरुष के हो सकते है? जो अपनी जननी को ही नरक का द्वार कहता हो, वो पुरुष उच्च कोटि का कैसे हो सकता है? फिर कहते है ब्राह्मण की हम उच्च कोटि के है, बाकि सभी नीच है।
तुलसीदास नाम के एक ब्राह्मण के विचार भी देखे:
ढोल, शुद्र, पशु, नारी सर्व ताडन के अधिकारी।।
ये ब्राह्मणों की सोच है, क्या ऐसे ब्राह्मण उच्च कोटि के होते है? अगर ऐसे ब्राह्मण उच्च कोटि के होते है तो ये भारत जैसे महान देश के लिए इ बहुत बड़ा अभिशाप है, एक कलंक है। जिसको समय रहते मिटाना जरुरी है। असल में कोई भी भारतीय नारी यूरेशियन नहीं है। भारत की सभी नारियों का DNA भारत के मूल निवासियों से मिलाता है और सभी जाति की औरते और लड़कियाँ भारत की मूल निवासी है। अगर ब्राह्मणों, राजपूतों और वैश्यों की औरते भी यूरेशियन होती तो ब्राह्मण नारियों के बारे ऐसा कभी नहीं लिखते। DNA रिपोर्ट 2001 जो माइकल बामसाद नाम एक अमेरिकी नागरिक ने भारत सरकार मानववंश संस्थान के साथ मिल कर और सभी जातियों के DNA परिक्षण के बाद बनाई थी को सुप्रीम कोर्ट ऑफ़ इंडिया ने भी मान्यता दी थी के आधार पर यह साबित हो चूका है कि भारत की सभी नारियों का DNA शूद्रों अर्थात मूल निवासियों से 100% मिलाता है।
अब ब्राह्मणों के कुल के बारे बात हो जाये। आज भारत के ब्राह्मणों को यह भी नहीं पता कि वो कौन से वंश की संताने है। क्योकि प्राचीन भारत में “नियोग” नाम की एक विधि युरेशियनों अर्थात ब्राह्मणों, राजपूतों और वैश्यों में प्रचलित थी। जिस में अगर कोई ब्राह्मण, राजपूत या वैश्य बच्चे पैदा करने में असमर्थ होता था तो वो अपनी पत्नी किसी दुसरे ब्राह्मण को कुछ दिनों के लिए दे देता था। पत्नी दुसरे ब्राह्मण के साथ शारीरिक सम्बन्ध बना कर बच्चे पैदा करती थी। राम और पांच पांडव इसी विधि से पैदा किये गए थे। जब दशरथ के बच्चे पैदा नहीं हुए तो उसने पुत्र-प्राप्ति यज्ञ नाम से एक समारोह आयोजित किया। जिस में बहुत से ब्राह्मणों को बुलाया गया और बाद में तीन ब्राह्मण चुन कर दशरथ ने अपनी तीनों रानियाँ उन ब्राह्मणों को दे दी। रानियों ने तीनों ब्राह्मणों के साथ शारीरिक सम्बन्ध बनाये और राम, लक्ष्मण, भरत और शत्रुघ्न नाम के बच्चे पैदा किये। महाभारत में भी कुंती ने “नियोग विधि” से ही कर्ण और बाकि तीन पांड्वो को पैदा किया। खुद तो कुंती एक चरित्रहीन स्त्री थी, लेकिन कल को उसकी सौतन माद्री कल को उसको कुलटा या चरित्रहीन ना बोले इस लिए कुंती ने माद्री को भी चरित्रहीन बनाने के लिए दुसरे मर्दों के साथ बच्चे पैदा करने की सलाह दी और माद्री की पूरी मदद भी की।
ब्राह्मणों, राजपूतों और वैश्यों के बारे और पुराणों का अध्ययन किया जाये तो पता चलता है कि ब्राह्मणों के वैदिक काल मैं पिता-पुत्री और माँ-पुत्र के सम्बन्ध भी उचित माने जाते थे। वशिष्ठ नाम के आर्य ने अपनी पुत्री शतरूपा से विवाह किया था, मनु ने अपनी पुत्री इला से विवाह किया था, जहानु ने अपनी बेटी जाहनवी से विवाह किया था, सूर्य ने अपनी बेटी उषा से विवाह किया था, ध्ह्प्रचेतनी और उसके पुत्र सोम ने सोम की पुत्री मारिषा से सम्भोग किया था, दक्ष ने अपनी बेटी अपने पिता ब्रह्मा को दी थी और दोहित्र ने अपनी 27 पुत्रियाँ अपने पिता सोम को संतान उत्पति के लिए दी थी। आर्य खुले में सारे आम मैथुन करते थे। “वामदेव-विरत” प्रथा के नाम पर सभी ऋषि यज्ञ भूमि में सब के सामने कई कई स्त्रियों के साथ सरे-आम सम्भोग करते थे। उदाहरण के लिए; पराशर ऋषि ने सत्यवती और धिर्धत्मा के साथ यज्ञ भूमि में सब के सामने संभोग किया था। प्राचीन काल में योनी का अर्थ घर और अयोनि का अर्थ घर से बाहर होता था। जो गर्भ घर में ठहरता था उसे योनी बोला जाता था, और जो गर्भ घर से बाहर ठहरता था उसे अयोनि कहा जाता था। सीता और द्रोपती का जन्म इसी “योनी–अयोनि” प्रथा से हुआ था। पुराने समय में नारी को किराये पर देने की प्रथा भी ब्राह्मणों में प्रचलित थी। उदाहरण के लिए; राजा ययाति ने अपनी बेटी माधवी को अपने पुत्र गालब को दिया, गालब ने माधवी को किराये पर तीन राजाओं को दिया, उसके बाद गालब ने माधवी अर्थात अपनी बहन का विवाह विश्वामित्र के कर दिया, विश्वामित्र के साथ माधवी ने एक पुत्र को जन्म दिया, उसके बाद गालव अपनी बहन माधवी को वापिस अपने पिता ययाति को दे देता है।
कन्या शब्द का वैदिक अर्थ भी वह नहीं होता जो आज प्रचलित है। कन्या शब्द का वैदिक अर्थ एक ऐसी स्त्री से है जो सम्भोग के लिए स्वतंत्र हो। कुंती और मत्स्यगंधा इस के प्रमाण है। कुंती पांडू से विवाह करने से पहले ही बहुत से बच्चे पैदा कर चुकी थी। मत्स्यगंधा ने भीष्म के पिता शांतनु से विवाह करने से पूर्व पराशर ऋषि के साथ सम्भोग किया था। यूरेशियन आर्य बढ़िया संतान प्राप्त करने के लिए अपनी औरतों को देव नामक आर्य वर्ग के लोगों को दे देते थे। यूरेशियन अर्थात आर्य जानवरों से भी सम्भोग करते थे। दाम नामक आर्य ने हिरनी के साथ और सूर्य नामक आर्य ने घोड़ी के साथ सम्भोग किया था। अश्वमेघ यज्ञ में मनोरंजन के लिए औरतों से जबरदस्ती घोड़ों से सम्भोग करवाया जाता था। इस के प्रमाण यजुर्वेद और अन्य पुराणों में भी मिलते है: अश्विम्याँ छागेन सरस्वत्यै मेशेगेन्द्रय ऋषमें (यजुर्वेद २१/६०) अर्थात: प्राण और अपान के लिए दु:ख विनाश करने वाले छेरी आदि पशु से, वाणी के लिए मेढ़ा से, परम ऐश्वर्य के लिए बैल से-भोग करें. ऋग्वेद से प्रमाण; इन्द्राणी कहती है: न सेशे ……………..उत्तर: (ऋगवेद १०.८६.१६) अर्थ :- हे इन्द्र, वह मनुष्य सम्भोग करने में समर्थ नहीं हो सकता, जिसका पुरुषांग (लिंग) दोनों जंघाओं के बीच लम्बायमान है, वही समर्थ हो सकता है, जिस के बैठने पर रोमयुक्त पुरुषांग बल का प्रकाश करता है अर्थात इन्द्र सब से श्रेष्ठ है। इस पर इन्द्र कहता है: न सेशे………..उत्तर. (ऋग्वेद १०-८६-१७)अर्थ :- वह मनुष्य सम्भोग करने में समर्थ नहीं हो सकता, जिसके बैठने पर रोम-युक्त पुरुषांग बल का प्रकाश करता है. वही समर्थ हो सकता है, जिसका पुरुषांग दोनों जंघाओं के बीच लंबायमान है। फिर इन्द्राणी कहती है: न मत्स्त्री………………………..उत्तर:(ऋग्वेद १०-८६-६)अर्थ :- मुझ से बढ़कर कोई स्त्री सौभाग्यवती नहीं है. मुझ से बढ़कर कोई भी स्त्री पुरुष के पास शरीर को प्रफुल्लित नहीं कर सकती और न मेरे समान कोई दूसरी स्त्री सम्भोग के दौरान दोनों जाँघों को उठा सकती है. ताम…………………….शेमम. (ऋग्वेद १०-८५-३७) अर्थ :- हे पूषा देवता, जिस नारी के गर्भ में पुरुष बीज बोता है, उसे तुम कल्याणी बनाकर भेजो, काम के वश में होकर वह अपनी दोनों जंघाओं को फैलाएगी और हम कामवश उसमें अपने लिंग से प्रहार करेंगे.
इन सभी विधियों से ब्राह्मणों, राजपूतों और वैश्यों के घरों में हजारों सालों से बच्चे पैदा होते रहे। और ब्राह्मण, राजपूत और वैश्यों के खानदान चलते रहे। अब कोई बताएगा की ब्राह्मण उच्च कोटि के कैसे हुए? जिनको अपने खानदान का ही पता नहीं है। जिनको ये नहीं पता की वो पैदा किसने किये, वो उच्च कोटि के कैसे हो गए? अब यहाँ कई ब्राह्मण, राजपूत और वैश्य गालियाँ देंगे। लेकिन सच को कोई नहीं मानेगा। ब्राह्मणों, राजपूतों और वैश्यों ये सच है। इसको मानो, तुम लोग उच्च कोटि के नहीं हो। तुम लोग दुनिया की सबसे निकृष्ट जाति के लोग हो।  (

Sai Ka Sach

पिछले दिनों मेरे एक मित्र ने शिर्डी साईं के बारे में बहुत सी जानकारी इकठ्ठा की और मुझे बताया की साईं असल में क्या है कहा से आया, जन्म मरण और फिर इतना लम्बे समय बाद उसका अचानक भगवान बन कर निकलना,
ये सब कोई संयोग नहीं सोचा समझा षड्यंत्र है,
ब्रिटेन की ख़ुफ़िया एजेंसी MI5 जी हाँ मित्रो, एक ब्रिटिश एजंसी ने श्री राम मंदिर आन्दोलन के बाद अचानक साईं की भक्ति में तेजी देखि, वैसे ब्रिटेन और शिर्डी के साईं का रिश्ता बहुत ही गहरा है क्युकी ये साईं वही है जो 1857 की क्रांति में कुछ लूटेरो के साथ पकड़ा गया था, और वह अहमदनगर में पहली बार साईं की फोटो ली गयी थी, जिसे मैं जल्दी ही आप सभी के सामने पेश करूँगा
sai1वैसे MI5 का गठन १९९० में हुआ था, पहले विश्व युद्ध के समय, पर साईं का पूरा इतिहास खोज निकलने में इस एजंसी का महत्वपूर्ण योगदान है, साईं का जन्म १९३८ में हुआ था, पर कैसे हुआ और उसके बाद की पूरी कथा बहुत ही रोचक है,
साईं के पिता का असली नाम था बहरुद्दीन, जो की अफगानिस्तान का एक पिंडारी था, वैसे इस पर एक फिल्म भी आई थी जिसमे पिंडारियो को देशभक्त बताया गया है, ठीक वैसे ही जैसे गाँधी ने मोपला और नोआखली में हिन्दुओ के हत्यारों को स्वतंत्रसेनानी कहा था,
औरंगजेब की मौत के बाद मुग़ल साम्राज्य ख़तम सा हो गया था केवल दिल्ली उनके आधीन थी, मराठा के वीर सपूतो ने एक तरह से हिन्दू साम्राज्य की नीव रख ही दी थी, ऐसे समय में मराठाओ को बदनाम करके उनके इलाको में लूटपाट करने का काम ये पिंडारी करते थे, इनका एक ही काम था लूत्पार करके जो औरत मिलती उसका बलात्कार करना, आज एक का बलात्कार कल दूसरी का, इस तरह से ये मराठाओ को तंग किया करते थे, पर समय के साथ साथ देश में अंग्रेज आये और उन्होंने इन पिंडारियो को मार मार कर ख़तम करना शुरू किया,
साईं का बाप जो एक पिंडारी ही था, उसका मुख्य काम था अफगानिस्तान से भारत के राज्यों में लूटपाट करना, एक बार लूटपाट करते करते वह महाराष्ट्र के अहमदनगर पहुचा जहा वह एक वेश्या के घर रुक गया, उम्र भी जवाब दे रही थी, सो वो उसी के पास रहने लग गया, कुछ समय बाद उस वेश्या से उसे एक लड़का और एक लड़की पैदा हुआ, लड़के का नाम उसने चाँद मियां रखा और उसे लेकर लूट पात करना सिखाने के लिए उसे अफगानिस्तान ले गया,
उस समय अंग्रेज पिंडारियो की ज़बरदस्त धर पकड़ कर रहे थे इसलिए बहरुद्दीन भेस बदल कर लूटपाट करता था उसने अपने सन्देश वाहक के लिए चाँद मिया को रख लिया,
चाँद मिया आज कल के उन मुसलमान भिखारियों की तरह था जो चादर फैला कर भीख मांगते थे, जिन्हें अँगरेज़ blanket bagger कहते थे, चाँद मिया का काम था लूट के लिए सही वक़्त देखना और सन्देश अपने बाप को देना, वह उस सन्देश को लिख कर उसे चादर के निचे सिल कर हैदराबाद से अफगानिस्तान तक ले जाता था, पर एक दिन ये चाँद मियां अग्रेजो के हत्थे लग गया और उसे पकडवाने में झाँसी के लोगो ने अंग्रेजो की मदद की जो अपने इलाके में हो रही लूटपाट से तंग थे
उसी समय देश में पहली आजादी की क्रांति हुई और पूरा देश क्रांति से गूंज उठा, अंग्रेजो के लिए विकत समय था और इसके लिए उन्हें खूंखार लोगो की जरुरत थी, बहर्दुद्दीन तो था ही धारण का लालची, सो उसने अंग्रेजो से हाथ मिला लिया और झाँसी चला गया, वह उसने लोगो से घुलमिल कर झाँसी के किले में प्रवेश किया और समय आने पर पीछे से दरवाजा खोल कर रानी लक्ष्मी बाई को हारने में अहम् भूमिका अदा की,
यही चाँद मिया आठ साल बाल जेल से छुटकर कुछ दिन बाद शिर्डी पंहुचा और वह के सुलेमानी लोगो से मिला जिनका असली काम था गैर मुसलमानों के बिच रह कर चुपचाप इस्लाम को बढ़ाना| चाँद मियां ने वही से अल तकिया का ज्ञान लिया और हिन्दुओ को फ़साने के लिए साईं नाम रख कर शिर्डी में आसन जमा कर बैठ गया, मस्जिद को जानबूझ कर एक हिन्दू नाम दिया और उसके वहा ठहराने का पूरा प्रबंध सुलेमानी मुसलमानों ने किया, एक षड्यंत्र के तहत साईं को भगवान का रूप दिखाया गया और पीछे से ही हिन्दू मुस्लिम एकता की बाते करके स्वाभिमानी मराठाओ को मुर्दा बनाने के लिए उन्हें उनके ही असली दुश्मनों से एकता निभाने का पाठ पढाया गया
पर पीछे ही पीछे साईं का असली मकसद था लोगो में इस्लाम को बढ़ाना, इसका एक उदाहरण साईं सत्चरित्र में है की साईं के पास एक पोलिस वाला आता है जिसे साईं मार मार भगाने की बात कहता है,
अब असल में हुआ ये की एक पंडित जी ने अपने पुत्र को शिक्षा दिलवाने के लिए साईं को सोंप दिया पर साईं ने उसका खतना कर दिया जब पंडित जी को पता चला तो उन्होंने कोतवाली में रिपोर्ट कर दी, साईं को पकड़ने के लिए एक पुलिस वाला भी आया जिसे साईं ने मार कर भगाने की बात कही थी, ये फोटो वही है जो मैं आपको दिखा रहा हु, जिसमे साईं एक बुरका पहन कर भागने की कोशिश करता है पर पुलिस वाला उसकी फोटो ले लेता है!

ब्राह्मणवाद का सच:

ऐतरेय ब्राह्मण(3/24/27) के अनुसार वही नारी उत्तम है, जो पुत्र को जन्म दे। (35/5/2/४7) के अनुसार पत्नी एक से अधिक पति ग्रहण नहीं कर सकती, लेकिन पति चाहे कितनी भी पत्नियां रखे। आपस्तब (1/10/51/ 52) बोधयान धर्मसूत्र (2/4/6) शतपथ ब्राह्मण (5/2/3/14) के अनुसार जो स्त्री अपुत्रा है, उसे त्याग देना चाहिए। तैत्तिरीय संहिता(6/6/4/3) के अनुसार पत्नी आजादी की हकदार नहीं है। शतपथ ब्राह्मण (9/6) के अनुसार केवल सुंदर पत्नी ही अपने पति का प्रेम पाने की अधिकारी है। बृहदारण्यक उपनिषद् (6/4/7) के अनुसार अगर पत्नी संभोग करने के लिए तैयार न हो तो उसे खुश करने का प्रयास करो। यदि फिर भी न माने तो उसे पीट-पीटकर वश में करो। मैत्रायणी संहिता(3/8/3) के अनुसार नारी अशुभ है। यज्ञ के समय नारी, कुत्ते व शूद्र को नहीं देखना चाहिए अर्थात नारी व शूद्र कुत्ते के समान हैं। (1/10/11) के अनुसार नारी तो एक पात्र(बर्तन) के समान है। महाभारत(12/40/1) के अनुसार नारी से बढक़र अशुभ कुछ भी नहीं है। इनके प्रति मन में कोई ममता नहीं होनी चाहिए। (6/33/32) के अनुसार पिछले जन्म के पाप से नारी का जन्म होता है। मनुस्मृति(100) के अनुसार पृथ्वी पर जो कुछ भी है, वह ब्राह्मणों का है। मनुस्मृति(101) के अनुसार दूसरे लोग ब्राह्मणों की दया के कारण सब पदार्थों का भोग करते हैं। मनुस्मृति (11-11-127) के अनुसार मनु ने ब्राह्मणों को संपत्ति प्राप्त करने के लिए विशेष अधिकार दिया है। वह तीनों वर्णों से बलपूर्वक धन छीन सकता है अर्थात चोरी कर सकता है। मनुस्मृति (4/165-4/१६६) के अनुसार जान-बूझकर क्रोध से जो ब्राह्मण को तिनके से भी मारता है, वह 21 जन्मों तक बिल्ली की योनी में पैदा होता है। मनुस्मृति (5/35) के अनुसार जो मांस नहीं खाएगा, वह 21 बार पशु योनी में पैदा होगा। मनुस्मृति (64 श£ोक) अछूत जातियों के छूने पर स्नान करना चाहिए। गौतम धर्म सूत्र(2-3-4) के अनुसार यदि शूद्र किसी वेद को पढ़ते सुन लें तो उनके कान में पिघला हुआ सीसा या लाख डाल देनी चाहिए। मनुस्मृति (8/21-22) के अनुसार ब्राह्मण चाहे अयोग्य हो, उसे न्यायाधीश बनाया जाए वर्ना राज्य मुसीबत में फंस जाएगा। इसका अर्थ है कि वर्तमान में भारत के उच्चत्तम न्यायालय के मुख्य न्यायाधीश श्री कबीर साहब को तो हटा ही देना चाहिए। मनुस्मृति (8/267) के अनुसार यदि कोई ब्राह्मण को दुर्वचन कहेगा तो वह मृत्युदंड का अधिकारी है। मनुस्मृति (8/270) के अनुसार यदि कोई ब्राह्मण पर आक्षेप करे तो उसकी जीभ काटकर दंड दें। मनुस्मृति (5/157) के अनुसार विधवा का विवाह करना घोर पाप है।


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